For Latin, a total of 508 epidemic events are known so far. It is a language.
Table
| Page | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1151-00-00-Erfurt | 1151 JL | Famine and pestilence in Erfurt | Fames valida et pestilencia hominum. | A strong famine and an epidemic among humans. | Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 177 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1167-08-15-Rome | 14 August 1167 JL | The army of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa suffers from an epidemic while being near Rome, interpreted as divine punishment for treatment of the Pope. | Sed Deus ab alto cuncta prospectans iniuriam summi regis genitrici eiusque vicario beato Petro illatam nequaquam tulit impune. Extimplo siquidem nebula quedam pestilens ac fetida totum pene exercitum attaminavit, primoque Coloniensem archiepiscopum compluresque episcoporum, duces ac quosque in exercitu prepotentes inficiens sine mora extinxit; eademque mortifera lues regem quasi vitabundum cum reliquiis recedentem prosecuta, nunc hos, nunc illos et illos diversis in locis miro divine ulcionis iudicio, cuique nigro quodam caractere inter scapulas apparente, exanimavit. | But God, looking down from on high, by no means allowed the injustice inflicted upon the blessed mother of the supreme king and his vicar, blessed Peter, to go unpunished. Immediately, indeed, a certain pestilent and foul mist contaminated almost the entire army, and it swiftly extinguished the Archbishop of Cologne and several bishops, leaders, and those powerful in the army, infecting them without delay; and this deadly plague, pursuing the king as if fleeing, relentlessly struck him with remnants, now here, now there, and those in various places, with a wondrous judgment of divine vengeance, with a certain black mark appearing between their shoulders, causing them to expire. | Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 184 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1189-06-00-Cologne | 1189 JL | A mortality among men and cattle breaks out during a warm summer. | Estas ferventissima usque ad augustum mensem fuit, in quo etiam mortalitas hominum et pecudum immensa contigit. | The summer (1189) has been very hot until August, and a mortality among men and cattle occured meanwhile. | Chronica regia Coloniensis, p. 143 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1192-08-00-Cologne | August 1192 JL | While the temperature decrease in August, people get sick with fever. | Estas ferventissima in augusto mense subito tempore refriguit; unde febres acutae et quartanae passim in hominibus dominantur. | The weather which was hot abruptly changed in August. Then, people were affected by fever. | Chronica regia Coloniensis, p. 155. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1197-08-00-Acco | 1197 JL | A mortality, attributed to summer's heat, decimates crusaders under the leadership of the archbishop of Mainz in Acre | Cunradus Mogontinus archiepiscopus in mense Ianuario iter dominice crucis arripiens, multis sibi signatis sociatis, valedicens imperatori in Apulia, inde navigavit Accaron. Cetera autem multitudo innumerabilium signatorum induciaverunt expedicionem ad festum sancte Walpurgis. Omnibus autem ad littus maris pervenientibus, inparatis navibus, propter fervorem mensis Augusti tanta mortalitas exorta est, ut vix decimus de tanta multitudine mortis imperium effugeret. | Conrad, the Archbishop of Mainz, undertaking a crusade in the month of January, accompanied by many associates bearing signs, bid farewell to the emperor in Apulia, and from there sailed to Acre. However, the rest of the countless multitude, who had enlisted for the expedition to the feast of Saint Walpurgis, arrived at the shore unprepared, with insufficient ships. Due to the heat of the month of August, such a deadly disease broke out among all those reaching the seaside that barely a tenth of the immense multitude escaped the grip of death. | Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 198 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1200-00-00-Holy Empire | 1200 JL | A cattle mortality breaks out in the Holy Roman Empire. | Inaudita mortalitas boum per totum imperium. | Unheard mortality of the cattle all across the Empire. | Template:Reineri Annales, p. 655 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1204-00-00-Europa | 1204 JL | High mortality and disease among cattles and pigs | Et fuit maxima mortalitas et pestilentia bovum et porcorum | And there was the greatest mortality and plague among cattle and pigs | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 35 | Translation needed |
| 1205-00-00-Holy Empire | 1205 JL | A mortality among sheeps breaks out in the Holy Roman Empire. | Mortalitas ovium per totum imperium. | Mortality of sheeps all across the Empire. | Reineri Annales, p. 657 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1225-00-00-Bologna-002 | 1225 JL | Disease in animals and humans in Bologna | Tanta eodem tempore et in agro Bononiensi et urbe contagio pestilentiae fuit ut vix credibilia memoratu videantur quae de hominum pecorumque internectorum numero scriptores providere | Achille Bocchi, XIII, p. 2 | Translation needed | |
| 1225-00-00-Europa | 1225 JL | Great mortality of cattle. | Fuit maxima mortalitas in bobus et talis quod, ubi fuit, modici boves ibi remanserunt | There was a great mortality among cattle, such that where it occurred, only a few cattle remained. | Griffoni 1902, p. 8. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1227-00-00-Bologna | 1227 JL | Famine, price increase and high mortality in Bologna | Magna fames fuit in civitate Bononiae et per diversas partes et valuit corba frumenti tres libras et fabarum xlviij soldos, speltae soldos xxxiiij et melegae xxviij soldos [...] Fuit magna mortalitas tam in divitibus, quam in pauperibus personis | There was a great famine in the city of Bologna and in different areas and wheat was 3 pound and fabarum 48 Solidi, speltae 34 Solidi and melegae 33 Solidi. [...] Because of a great mortality a lot of poor people died. | Template:Griffoni 1902, p. 9 | Translation needed |
| 1230-00-00-Denmark | 1230 JL | Severe plague and epizootic. The epidemics are announced by a solar eclipse | Eclipsis solis et pestilentia hominum et iumentorum magna fuit. | Solar eclipse and a great pestilence among men and animals. | Annales Ryenses In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 171 | None |
| 1233-01-00-Piacenza | January 1233 JL | Extreme cold, which is why the river Po froze over from Piacenza to Venice- trade shipments on the ice; wine freezes in vessels, wines, fruit and nut trees die; people freeze to death in their beds; famine, price increase and epidemic | Eodem anno tantum frigus & gelu fuit, quod flumen Padi de mense Januarii taliter glaciatum est, quod omnes gentes utriusque sexus, & aetatis ipsum quasi terram aridam transibant. Et etiam a Venetiis usque Cremonam super faciem Padi mercationes deducebantur. Vinum inter vegetes congelabatur. Caristia subsequitur, & mortalitas oritur: guerrae & perturbationes incipiunt: ficulneae, & oliveta, nucleares arbores, & vineae aruerunt, & homines in lectis congelabantur | In the same year, there was such severe cold and frost that the Po River was so frozen in the month of January that all people of both sexes and all ages could cross it as if it were dry land. Also, from Venice to Cremona, goods were transported over the surface of the Po. Wine froze inside barrels. Scarcity followed, and mortality arose; wars and disturbances began; fig trees, olive groves, nut trees, and vineyards withered, and people froze in their beds | Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 462 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1235-00-00-Limoges | 1235 JL | Outbreak of an epidemic in connection with ergotism in Limoges with mass graves. | Sequitur tanta mortalitas quod tam igne sacro quam a pestilentia multa milia hominum moriuntur. Ego una die semel in cimiterio Sancti Geraldi Lemovicensis vidi centum pauperes sepeliri; frequentius autem xxx. et l. | A mortality followed so that many thousands of people died, both from the sacred fire [ergotism] and from the pestilence. On one day, I myself saw a hundred poor people buried in the cemetery of Saint Gerald of Limoges; more frequently, however, thirty and fifty. | Chronicon Girardi de Fracheto 1855, p. 4. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1235-05-17-Limoges | 17 May 1235 JL | Outbreak of an epidemic in Limoges after a year of dearth. Precise numbers for the mortality of monks and indicators of mass graves. | AM°.CC°.XXXV°. fuit tanta caritas blade quod ante messes anni sequentis vendebatur sextarium siliginis xvj. solidis et amplius; sextarium albi vini, si inveniri posset, iiij. Solidis; unum pomum, vj. Denariis, et plus et minus, secundum quod erat magnum; urinale, ix. denariis; gallina, xviij. Denariis; malum punicum, xj. solidis et plus; ij pruna, uno denario vel duobus. Et erat tanta in illo anno mortalitas et fuit in Lemovicensi diecesi et circa, quod vix inveniebatur qui ad foveam deferret. Audivi quod Capellanus et sacristia deferebant quandoque in cimiterio Sancti Geraldi, quotidie triginta, xl. velita sepeliebantur; et etiam legi ibi fuisse centum pauperes sepultos una die. Multa (p. 156) millia tunc temporis perierunt tam fame quam peste. In abbatia Sancti Martialis obierunt illo anno, a festo Ascensionis usque ad festum Sancti Michaelis, xx. Duo monachi, exceptis illis qui obidierunt in obedientia. | In the year of the Lord 1235, there was such a dearth of grain that before the harvests of the following year a sextarius of wheat was sold for sixteen solidi or more; a sextarius of white wine, if it could be found, for four solidi; an apple, for six denarii or more, according to its size; a urinal, for nine denarii; a hen, for eighteen denarii; a pomegranate, for eleven solidi or more; two prunes, for one or two denarii. And there was such mortality in that year, and it was in the diocese of Limoges and around, that scarcely anyone could be found to carry the dead to the ditch. I heard that the chaplain and the sacristan sometimes carried [the dead] into the cemetery of Saint Gerald, where thirty, forty, or even a hundred were buried daily; and also I read that there were buried there a hundred poor people in one day. Many thousands perished at that time from both hunger and disease. In the Abbey of Saint Martial, in that year, from the Feast of the Ascension until the Feast of Saint Michael, twenty-two monks died, apart from those who died in obedience (?). | Anonymum S. Martialis chronicon 1874, pp. 157-158. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1237-00-00-Saint-Denis | 1237 JL | A mortality breaks out in the monastery of Saint-Denis, killing 44 monks. | Hoc anno fuit maxima mortalitas fratrum monachorum in ecclesia Beati Dionysii fere usque ad XLIV. | In this year (1237) was a great mortality among brothers of the church of Saint-Denis affecting 44 monks. | Ex brevi chronico ecclesiae S. Dionysii 1876, p. 143. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1238-00-00-London | 1238 JL | A flood and a unnatural air which led to diseases in London. | Eodem quoque anno, rivi insoliti et innaturales plurimis agris, stratis, et locis aridis et inaquosis, impetuose proruperunt ; et in rapidos torrentes ac repentinos excreverunt, ita ut pisces educarent. Aeris quoque intemperies et squalor innaturalis morbos diversos generavit, ut aeris inclementia pesti congrueret saeculari, et tam populares et agricolcae, quam milites et magnates, necnon et praelati, sentirent flagellum Domini generale. | In the same year, unusual and unnatural streams burst forth violently in many fields, streets, and dry and waterless places; and they rapidly grew into sudden torrents, even producing fish. The unseasonable and unnatural conditions of the air also generated various diseases, so that the harshness of the air corresponded with a widespread plague, and both common people and farmers, as well as soldiers, nobles, and even prelates, felt the general scourge of the Lord. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 3, p. 519. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1241-00-00-France | 1241 JL | In France a lot of people get an ophthalmic disease. | Et multi in illo anno patiebantur malum maximum in occulis eorum. | In this year, lot of people suffered of the eyes. | Ex brevi chronico ecclesiae S. Dionysii 1876, p. 144 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1247-00-00-Parma | 1247 JL | Epidemic with many deaths in Parma. | Item eodem tempore magna mortalitas fuit in civitate Parme, ita quod sepe et sepius quatuor et plures sepeliebantur ad unam ecclesiam. | Also, at the same time (1247), there was a great mortality in the city of Parma, so that often and repeatedly four or more were buried at one church. | Bonazzi 1902, p. 17. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1248-00-00-France | 1248 JL | Illness of Hugo von Digne, probably part of an epidemic in Provence | De mora quam cum fratre Hugone contraxi. Ego vero et socius meus remansimus Areis cum fratre Hugone, a festo beati Francisci usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum. Et gaudebam quia habebam occasionem standi cum fratre Hugone, [p. 456] cum quo tota die de doctrina abbatis Ioachym erat sermocinatio mea. Habebat enim omnes libros abbatis Ioachym et erat maximus Ioachita et unus de maioribus clericis de mundo, sanctitate et scientia incomparabilis. Dolebam vero quod sotius meus graviter infirmabatur quasi ad mortem, et nolebat sibi cavere, et tempus navigandi propter hyemem in deterius mutabatur. Et contrata illa illo anno valde infirma erat propter ventum marinum, et vix poteram respirare de nocte, etiam morando sub divo; et audiebam lupos clamantes et ululantes de nocte in maxima quantitate, non semel neque bis. Et dixi socio meo, qui erat iuvenis valde protervus: «Tu non vis tibi cavere a contrariis et semper recidivas, ego vero cognosco contratam istam valde infirmam, et nollem adhuc mori, quia vellem videre illa que predicat frater Hugo. Quapropter noveris quod, si occurrerit de fratribus nostris societas congrua, ibo cum illis». Et dixit: «Placet quod dicis, veniam et ego tecum». Sperabat enim quod nullus veniret, qui frater esset. Et ecce, Domino faciente, statim venit frater Pontius quidam, sanctus homo, qui nobiscum steterat in conventu Aquensi et ibat Niciam, unde factus fuerat guardianus. Et gavisus est, quando vidit nos. Et dixi sibi: «Volumus venire vobiscum, quia Ianuam ire debemus ad habitandum». Et respondit et dixit: Multum placet michi. Vado ergo ad procurandum ut habeamus navem». In crastino autem post prandium ivimus ad navem, que distabat a loco fratrum per unum miliare. Socius autem meus nolebat venire, sed videns quod penitus recedebam, assumpto guardiano loci, venit post nos. Cumque porigerem sibi manum, ut elevarem eum ad navem intrandam, aborruit et ait: «Absit quod tu tangas me, quia non conservasti michi fidem et bonam societatem». Cui dixi: «Miser, cognosce bonitatem Dei erga te, oquia revelatum est michi a Domino quod, si stetisses ibi, absque dubio mortuus fuisses; et Sapiens in Eccle. VII dicit: Noli esse stultus, ne moriaris in tempore non tuo. Et de quibusdam dicitur in Iob XXII: Sublati sunt ante tempus suum, et fluvius(scilicet mortalitatis humane) subvertit fundamentum eorum». Quid plura? Non credebat iste michi quousque vexatiodedit auditui intellectum. Nam per totam hyemem in conventu Ianuensi ab illa [p. 457] infirmitate quam in Provincia contraxerat non potuit liberari; et in festo beati Mathie intravi mare et a Ianua usque ad locum fratris Hugonis in IIII diebus perveni; et sex fratres de illo loco inveni mortuos et sepultos; quorum primus fuit guardianus loci illius, qui socium meum ad navem associaverat; alter fuit frater Guillielmus de Pertuso, bonus predicator, qui in conventu Parmensi habitavit aliquando; et IIII alii quos nominare necesse non est. Cum autem in reversione mea ad Ianuensem conventum retulissem socio meo de morte istorum fratrum supradictorum, gratias referebat michi, quod eruissem eum de faucibus mortis. Convaluit tandem, et post multos annos ivit ad provinciam ultramarinam, eo anno quo rex Francie transfretavit secundo et Tunicium ivit; et fuit ibi custos et pro custode ad generale capitulum venit quod fuit Assisii celebratum, in quo frater Bonagratia factus fuit generalis minister, et declaratio regule ratribus data. | About the delay that I contracted with Brother Hugh. Indeed, my companion and I remained in Aries with Brother Hugh, from the feast of St. Francis until the feast of All Saints. And I was glad because I had the opportunity to stay with Brother Hugh," [p. 456] "with whom my entire day was spent discussing the teachings of Abbot Joachim. For he had all the books of Abbot Joachim and was a great Joachite and one of the most senior clerics in the world, incomparable in sanctity and knowledge. However, I was saddened because my companion fell gravely ill, almost to death, and he did not want to take care of himself, and the time for sailing worsened due to the winter. And the sea that year was very rough because of the marine wind, and I could barely breathe at night, even staying outdoors; and I heard wolves crying and howling at night in great numbers, not just once or twice. And I said to my companion, who was a very impetuous young man: 'You do not want to take care of yourself against the adversities, and you always relapse, but I know that the sea is very treacherous this year, and I do not wish to die yet, because I want to see what Brother Hugh preaches. Therefore, you should know that if a suitable opportunity arises among our brothers, I will go with them.' And he said, 'What you say pleases me, I will come with you.' For he hoped that no brother would come. And behold, by the grace of the Lord, Brother Pontius immediately arrived, a holy man, who had stayed with us in the convent of Aix and was going to Nice, where he had been appointed guardian. And he rejoiced when he saw us. And I said to him, 'We want to come with you, because we must go to Genoa to live there.' And he replied and said: 'I am very pleased. I will go then to arrange for us to have a ship.' On the next day after lunch, we went to the ship, which was one mile away from the place of the brothers. However, my companion did not want to come, but seeing that I was determined, he came after us, taking the guardian of the place with him. And when I reached out my hand to lift him onto the ship, he recoiled and said, 'God forbid that you touch me, for you did not keep faith with me and maintain a good companionship.' To which I said, 'Unfortunate one, recognize the goodness of God towards you, for it has been revealed to me by the Lord that if you had stayed there, undoubtedly you would have died; and the Wise One in Ecclesiastes 7 says: Do not be foolish, lest you die in your time. And it is said of some in Job 22: They were taken away before their time, and the river (namely, the river of human mortality) subverted their foundation.' Why more? This person did not believe me until vexation gave understanding to his hearing. For throughout the entire winter in the convent of Genoa, he could not be freed from the illness he had contracted in Provence; and on the feast of St. Matthias, I entered the sea, and from Genoa, I arrived at Brother Hugh's place in four days; and I found six brothers from that place dead and buried; the first of whom was the guardian of that place, who had accompanied my companion to the ship; the second was Brother William of Pertuso, a good preacher, who had once lived in the convent of Parma; and the other four need not be named. However, when I returned to the convent of Genoa and recounted to my companion the deaths of those aforementioned brothers, he thanked me for rescuing him from the jaws of death. He eventually recovered, and after many years, he went to the overseas province, in the year when the King of France crossed over for the second time and went to Tunis; and there he became the guardian and came as a guardian to the general chapter held at Assisi, where Brother Bonagratia was elected as the general minister, and the declaration of the rule was given to the brothers | Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 456–457 | None |
| 1248-00-00-Parma | 1248 JL | There was a great mortality in Parma. | Et mortalitas valida fuit | And there was a strong mortality | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 464 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1248-00-00-Reggio | 1248 JL | High mortality in Reggio | Et mortalitas magna hoc anno fuit; et mortuus est abbas Sancti Prosperii [Gerardus]. | Template:TN | Template:Albertus Miliolus 1903, p. 520 | None |
| 1250-00-00-Egypt | 1250 JL | Deaths among the French army in Egypt due to plague and famine | 1250 - Sed et prius pestilentia et inedia multi periere. Habuerunt enim caristiam et penuriam comestibilium rerum et victualium, nec talem dispositionem aeris habebant qualem in terra sua. | Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 486 | Translation needed | |
| 1250-02-00-Damiette | February 1250 JL | The army of the Sixth Crusade under the leaderhsip of the French King suffers from an epidemic and dearth around Damiette. | Anno Domini MCCL captus est Lodoycus rex Francie, et maior pars exercitus Gallici qui cum rege transfretaverat a Saracenis est interfecta. Sed et prius pestilentia et inedia multi periere. Habuerunt enim caristiam et penuriam comestibilium rerum et victualium, nec talem dispositionem aeris habebant qualem in terra sua | In the year of our Lord 1250, King Louis of France was captured, and the majority of the French army that had crossed over with the king was killed by the Saracens. But even before that, many perished due to pestilence and famine. They experienced a scarcity and shortage of foodstuffs and provisions, and they did not have the favorable climate conditions they were accustomed to in their own land | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 486 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1255-00-00-Foggia | 1255 JL | Many deaths in the army of the Pope in Foggia, but only few in the besieging army. | Talis autem tempore illo fortuna Principis fuit, quod licet de Papali exercitu in Fogia multi quotidie morerentur, multique infirmi jacerent; in Principis tamen exercitu, qui ante Civitatem erat, paucissimi infirmi, duoque tantum ibi defuncti fuerunt. | Such, however, was the fortune of the Prince at that time, that although many from the Papal army in Foggia died daily, and many lay sick, in the Prince's army, which was before the city, very few were sick, and only two died there. | Nicolaus de Jamsilla Historia, p. 576. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1257-00-00-England | 1257 JL | Starvation und plague during summer. | Jacuerunt terrae incultae, et mortua est prae inedia populi multitude numerosa. […] Annus insuper pestifer letales febres suscitavit, ita ut, si de aliis sileam, apud Sanctum Edmundum in aestate, diebus praecipue canicularibus ingruentibus, plus quam duo milia mortuorum cimiteria spatiosa occuparent. | The lands lay uncultivated, and a great multitude of people died from starvation. […] Additionally, that pestilent year brought about deadly fevers, such that, to mention only one example, at Saint Edmund's in the summer, especially during the dog days, more than two thousand dead occupied the spacious cemeteries. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 660. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1257-00-00-Horning | 1257 JL | Plague and mortality due to intemperate weather. | Aeris igitur intemperies, hominum pestem et mortalitatem suscitavit | The intemperate weather caused a plague and mortality among the people. | Chronica Johannis de Oxenedes, p. 215. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-00-00 Italy | 1258 JL | In summer high mortality in Italy. | Eo anno aestate fuit hominum magna mortalitas. | In this year was a high mortality among humans. | Riccobaldo da Ferrara 1726b, Sp. 133 | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1258-00-00-Bohemia | 19 May 1258 JL | Great mortality in Bohemia. | Anno domini 1258 XIV kalendas Junii eclipsis lune fuit et mortalitas maxima hominum fuit. | In the year of the Lord 1258 on the 14th calendes of June there was an eclipse of the moon and there was the greatest mortality of humans. | Johannis Neplachonis, Chronicon, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. III, Praha 1882, p. 445-484, 474. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1258-00-00-Modena | 1258 JL | Disease and mortality in Modena. | Eodem anno fuit infirmitas et mortalitas ferre per totum orbem | In the same year (1258), there was widespread illness and mortality throughout the entire world. | Chronache Modenesi 1888, here: Cronca Tassoni, p. 58. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-00-00-Prague | 1258 JL | In Prague frost and mortality among sheeps. | Hoc anno gelu laesit fructus arboreos et vineas, et mortalitas ovium fuit | This year, frost damaged the fruit trees and vineyards, and there was a mortality among the sheep. | Canonicorum Pragensium Contin. Cosmae, p. 176. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-00-00-Senones | 1258 JL | A plague of livestock in Senones (Vosges). | Sed tamen pestilentia pecorum ipso anno finiente non finivit, sed per totum sequentem annum regiones plurimas bobus et vaccis [p. 334] penitus vacuavit. | However, the pestilence of livestock did not end with the close of that year, but continued throughout the following year, utterly emptying many regions of oxen and cows. | Richeri Gesta Senoniensis ecclesiae 1880, pp. 333-334. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-00-00-St. Albans | 1258 JL | Plague among sheeps in St. Albans. | et pecudes necuit pubescentes, ita ut ovium et agnorum pestis fieret generalis | and killed the young livestock, resulting in a widespread pestilence among sheep and lambs. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 674. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-04-00-St. Albans | April 1258 JL | Strong famine and disease in St. Albans. | Defi[ci]ente insuper annona, pauperum multitude innumerabilis mortua est. Et inventa sunt passim eorum corpora tumida prae fame et liventia, quina vel sena in porcariis, sterquiliniis, et lutosis plateis, in semetipsis morticina miserabiliter tabefacta. Nec ausi sunt, qui domos habebant, perituros, propter tabem et contagia infirmorum in suam propriam inediam hospitari. Et cum plura corpora mortua invenirentur, factae sunt in cimiteriis amplae fossae et capaces, in quibus reponebantur corpora plurimorum | Additionally, with the failing grain supply, an innumerable multitude of the poor died. Their bloated and discolored bodies, swollen from hunger, were found everywhere, five or six at a time, in pigsties, dung heaps, and muddy streets, miserably decayed into corpses. Those who had homes did not dare to take in the dying, fearing infection and contagion, even at the cost of their own starvation. And since many dead bodies were found, large and spacious pits were dug in the cemeteries, in which the bodies of many were placed. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 690. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-05-00-London | May 1258 JL | Great famine and mortality in London. | Circa idem tempus, tanta fames et mortalitas ingruebat in terra, ut, ascendente summa blade usque ad pretium quindecim solidorum et ultra, et terra nummis esset vacuata, et per plateas innumerorum jacerent morticinia […] Jacuerunt insuper mortui super sterquilinia et in luto, et per plateas marcentes et tumescentes, ita ut vix erat qui mortuos sepeliret, nec audebant aut volebant cives vix aliqui mortuos propter tabem hospitari. | Around the same time, such great famine and mortality struck the land that, with the price of grain rising to fifteen solidi and beyond, and the land being emptied of money, countless corpses lay in the streets. [...] The dead also lay on dung heaps and in the mud, decaying and swelling in the streets, so that there were scarcely any who could bury the dead, nor did the citizens dare or wish to take in the dead due to the contagion. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 701-702. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-05-19-London | 19 May 1258 JL | Immense disease in London. | Anno eodem, circa festum Trinitatis, immanis pestis et intolerabilis populum praecipue invasit et afflictum miserabiliter peremit. | In the same year (1258), around the feast of the Trinity, an immense and intolerable disease especially struck the people, miserably afflicting and killing them. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 693. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-Alessandria | 1259 JL | A plague disturbed a peace and raged also north of the alps. | Ceterum hanc ipsorum quietem aliquamdiu perturbavit vis pestilentiae, quae, tota fere Cisalpina Gallia debacchata, illos itidem vellicavit | Moreover, their peace was disturbed for some time by the force of a pestilence, which, having ravaged almost all of Cisalpine Gaul, also afflicted them. | Annales Alexandrini 1857, col. 233. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-Borgo San Donino | 1259 JL | The greatest mortality in Borgo San Donino. | Dominus Rubinus senex erat et plenus dierum et misit pro me, eo anno quo fuit mortalitas maxima et quo Icilinus de Romano captus fuit in bello, scilicet MCCLIX; et confessus est mecum et bene ordinavit de anima sua et mortuus est in senectute bona, transiens de hoc mundo ad Patrem. | Lord Rubino was old and full of days. He sent for me in that year (1259) when there was the greatest mortality and when Ezzelino da Romano was captured in war, namely, in the year 1259. He confessed with me and arranged well for his soul, and he died in good old age, passing from this world to the Father. | Template:Salimbene De Adam 1998/99, Vol. 2, pp. 548. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-Dijon | 6 April 1259 JL | Strong mortality around Dijon. | 1259. Hoc anno fuit infirmitas et mortalitas hominum in toto mundo, ita ut pauce domus essent in quibus aliquis sanus inveniretur; cepitque inicium hec mortalitas in magna ebdomada ante pascha, duravitque circiter unum mensem | In the year 1259, there was an illness and mortality of people throughout the whole world, such that there were few houses in which a healthy person could be found. This mortality began in Holy Week before Easter and lasted for about one month. | Template:Annales S. Benigni Divionensis 1844, p. 50 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-Italy 002 | 1259 JL | High mortality in Italy and death of an elder Italian Lord | 1259 - [...] quo anno fuit in Ytalia hominum et mulierum mortalitas maxima, […] (p. 548) Dominus Rubinus senex erat et plenus dierum et misit pro me, eo anno quo fuit mortalitas maxima et quo Icilinus de Romano captus fuit in bello, scilicet MCCLIX; et confessus est mecum et bene ordinavit de anima sua et mortuus est in senectute bona, transiens de hoc mundo ad Patrem. | In the year 1259, which was the year of the greatest mortality of men and women in Italy, [...] (p. 548) Lord Rubino was old and full of days. He sent for me in that year when there was the greatest mortality and when Icilinus from Rome was captured in war, namely, in the year 1259. He confessed with me and arranged well for his soul, and he died in good old age, passing from this world to the Father | Salimbene De Adam 1966, pp. 539–540, 548 | None |
| 1259-00-00-London | 1259 JL | Severe plague raged in Paris and London. | Eodem tempore, ascendente sole cancrum, facta est hominum pestilentia et mortalitas inopinata; ita quod [S. 747] ubique morientibus quamplurimis locis aliis omissis tantummodo Parisius plus quam milia hominum sepulcris commendabantur. Oleum etenim, vinum, et annona corrumpebantur. Et quia mortis rumphea nulli parcens nunc hunc nunc illum consumit, aequanimiter egenum et divitem rapiendo, obit in illa peste mortifera dominus Fulco Londoniensis episcopus | At the same time, with the sun rising in Cancer, an unexpected pestilence and mortality among people occurred; so much so that, with many dying everywhere, in Paris alone, more than a thousand people were committed to their graves. Even oil, wine, and grain were being corrupted. And because the scythe of death spared no one, consuming one person after another, rich and poor alike, Lord Fulco, the Bishop of London, died in that deadly plague. | Template:Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 746-747. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-Modena | 1259 JL | Mortality in Modena. | Eodem anno fuit infirmitas et mortalitas fere per totum Orbem | In the same year, there was widespread illness and mortality almost throughout the entire world. | Annales Veteres Mutinensium 1727, col. 65. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-Salzburg | 1259 JL | Everywhere a great need, shortage and price increase and thereupon severe plague in Salzburg | 1259. Maxima caristia orta est per omnes terras, quam sequitur maxima pestilentia hominum. | In the year 1259, a great scarcity arose across all lands, followed by a severe pestilence among the people. | Template:Annales Sancti Rudperti Salisburgensis, p. 795. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-Salzburg 001 | 1259 JL | Great plague in Salzburg. | et multe civitates exuste, set unde nemo congnoscere quivit. Sequitur etiam maxima pestilencia hominum | and many cities were burned, but no one could understand the cause. A great pestilence among the people followed as well. | Template:Continuatio chronici Magni Presbiteri 1861, p. 529. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-Wessobrunn | 1259 JL | Mortality of people and livestock in Wessobrunn. | Anno Domini MCCLVIIII. […] morticinium grande nimis hominum atque pecudum. | In the year of Our Lord 1259 […] there was a great mortality of people and livestock. | Template:Historia Monasterii Wessofontani 1753, Vol. 2, p. 33. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-world | 1259 JL | In this year there was a great inflation followed by a plague among humans. | 1259. Maxima caristia orta est per omnes terras, quam sequitur maxima pestilentia hominum. | 1259. The greatest dearth arose in all lands which was followed by the greatest plague among humans. | Annales Sancti Rudberti Salisburgenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 758-810, 795, l. 8f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1259-04-00-Borgo San Donino | April 1259 JL | Great mortality in Italy, for example in Bologna, Borgo San Donino, Milan and Florence. | Item eodem anno [1259] in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in dominica olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit domnus Rubinus de Soragna, barbanus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchispoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent | In the same year (1259) in Italy, there was a great mortality among women and men, such that during Vespers, we had two dead bodies at the same time in the church. This curse began in Passion Week, to the point that in the entire province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not recite the office on Palm Sunday, as they were afflicted by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. At that time, Lord Rubinus de Soragna, uncle of Uberto Pelavicini, and Brother Marchispoli, whom I heard in confession, passed away. Likewise, in the town of Borgo San Donnino, more than three hundred people died from that pestilence, and in Milan many thousands, and similarly many thousands in Florence; the bells were not rung, so as not to frighten the sick. | Template:Salimbene De Adam 1998/99, Vol. 2, pp. 674-675. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-04-00-Italy | April 1259 JL | Epidemic and high mortality in Italy. | Et eodem anno MCCLIX magna fuit mortalitas, et composui librum de tediis. [...] In supradicto millesimo habitabam in Burgo Sancti Donini et composui et scripsi alium librum Tediorum ad similitudinem Pateccli. Item eodem anno in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de Passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in Dominica Olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit dominus Rubinus de Soragna, barbánus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchisopoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent. | And in the same year 1259, there was a great mortality, and I composed a book about weariness. [...] In the aforementioned year, I lived in San Donino and composed and wrote another book of weariness, similar to Gherardo Patecchio. Also in the same year, in Italy, there was a great mortality of men and women, so much so that during the evening office, we had two dead in the church at the same time. And this curse began in the week of Passion, so that in the whole province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not perform the office on Palm Sunday, as they were affected by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. Then, Master Rubinus of Soragna, the barber of Uberti Pelavicini, and Brother Marchisopoli, whom I heard in confession, died. Also in San Donino, more than three hundred died from that pestilence, and in Milan, many thousands, and similarly in Florence, many thousands; and the bells did not toll, lest they terrify the sick. | Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, pp. 674–675. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-04-00-Paris | April 1259 JL | Mortality in Paris. Crops have been malevolent. | Anno sequenti, mense aprilis fuit mortalitas, maxima Parisius, et moriebantur homines quasi subito. | The year after, in April, there was a great mortality, especially in Paris. People died very rapidly. | Noate Constantienses , p. 543 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1259-04-00-Paris 001 | April 1259 JL | Great mortality in Paris. | In Paschate etiam post fuit maxima mortalitas Parisius, et antequam essent vindemie fuit vinum ad IIIIor denarios per totum Parisius. | At Easter 1259 and afterwards, there was a great mortality in Paris, and before the grape harvest, wine was sold for 4 denarii throughout Paris. | Template:Annales Clerici Parisiensis 1877, p. 187. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-05-00-St. Albans | May 1259 JL | Air corruption was followed by disease and bad weather and harvest. | Item in mayo [1259] fuit maxima aeris corruptio per totum mensem. Inde subsecute sunt multe infirmitates et mortalitas hominum. Arbores non fructificabant. Item mense Julio multa tonitrua et terribilia et fulgura cadentia. Item mense octobri ad festum sancti Dionisii per tres dies continuos et noctes horrid tempestas celum commouit et undas et multi naufragio perierunt | Moreover, in May 1259, there was severe air corruption throughout the entire month. As a result, many illnesses and deaths followed among people. The trees did not bear fruit. Additionally, in July, there were many terrifying thunderclaps and lightning strikes. Furthermore, in October, around the feast of Saint Denis, for three continuous days and nights, a dreadful storm stirred the sky and the waves, and many perished in shipwrecks. | Template:Chronicon S. Andreae in Antona Sempentrionalis (bis 1339) 1929, p. 101. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1261-00-00-Bohemia | 1261 JL | Flagellants appear in Bohemia. | Ibant flagellatores, que secta nescio a quo spiritu processerat; set multi nostri noti in eam ibant pura intencione et sincera devocione. Procedebant namque turmatim hinc et inde per ecclesias, precedentibus vexillis et cereis ardentibus, precinentibus duobus, ceteris respondentibus, stantes nudi et affligentes se flagellis, panno qualicunque succinctos lumbos et velata capita habentes. | The flagellants went about, a sect that I do not know from what spirit it had arisen; but many of our acquaintances joined it with pure intention and sincere devotion. For they proceeded in groups here and there through the churches, with banners and burning candles going before, two leading with singing, the others responding, standing naked and beating themselves with whips, having their loins girded with some kind of cloth and their heads covered | Heinrici de Heimburg annales, ed. G. H. Pertz (MGH SS, 17), Hannover 1861, pp. 712-718, p. 714 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1262-00-00-Normandy | 1262 JL | Mortality in Normandy | Hoc anno fuit mors valida in Normannia. | This year, a great mortality raged in Normandy. | Chronicon S. Stephani Cadomensis, p. 492 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1267-00-00-Austria | 1267 JL | Great famine and severe plague with many deaths in people and animals in complete Austria | Anno Domini MCCLXVII. pestilencia et fames, ex nationes civitatum et villarum per Austriam surrexerunt, ita ut innumerus populus cum pecore pene omni in terris peste miserabiliter morerentur, que Deum vulgaris plebs affirmavit propter illivitas regis nupcias induxisse. | Iohannes Victoriensis 1340-1343, p. 170 | Translation needed | |
| 1267-00-00-Thuringia | 1267 JL | Many diseases and plague among people and animals in Thuringia and the surrounding area | Similiter in Thuringia et in confinio eius multe egrotationes ac pestilencie hominum et pecudum irruerunt. | Similarly, in Thuringia and its neighboring regions, many illnesses and pestilences befell both humans and livestock | Chronica minor auctore Minorita Erphordensi, p. 675, l. 8 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1270-00-00-Tunisia | 1270 JL | Charles of Anjou makes peace in Tunisia, partly because the plague hit his army | Reges, tum propter difficultatem urbem munitissimam capiendi, tum propter pestilentiam mortalitatis, que vehementer exercitum affligebat, tale pactum cum rege Tunicii pepigerunt: quod ipse persolveret regibus omnes transfetationis expensas et tributum redderet regi Karulo et filiis suis, quod ipse solebat persolvere annuatim magno principi Federico. | Template:Anonymus 1207–1270, p. 61 | Translation needed | |
| 1271-00-00-Austria-Hungary | 1271 JL | Plague in Austria and Hungary | Eiusdem tempore anni tam inaudita facta est pestilentia in Austria et Ungaria, ut ex tam vehementi pestilentie plaga in fossatis maximis simul et semel mortui homines tamquam peccora infoderentur. | Historia annorum 1264-1279 1851, p. 651, l. 52 | Translation needed | |
| 1271-00-00-Lorraine | 1271 JL | Mortality in Lorraine. | Mortalitas maxima in Lotharingia. Illo anno 20 fratres in convetnu fratrem Predicatorum Metensis mortui sunt. | Great mortality in Lorraine. This year, 20 brothers died in the Dominican monastery of Metz. | Chronica universalis Mettensis 1879, p. 523. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1276-00-00-Italy | 1276 JL | Price increase in Genoa, Lombardy, Tuscany, France and in complete Italy, poverty migration and disease | In iam dicto anno [1276] victualium magna fuit penuries nedum in Ianua et districtu, set etiam in Lonbardia, Tuscia, Provintia et Francia, et quasi in Ytalia tota. In Ianua enim et districtu usque in solidos 40 frumenti mine singule vendebantur; quod autem durius est audire, nedum frumentum set nec etiam granum poterat reperiri. Qui enim granum habebant, illud ad libitum vendere potuissent, quantumcunque voluissent inde habere pretium; nisi iussio emanasset qua fuit cunctis inhibitum, ne ultra certam summam frumentum vel granum aliquatenus venderetur. Tanta autem victualium inedia nedum per totum illum annum set etiam quasi per totum sequentem regnavit, quod homines fame peribant. Qua ex causa urgente fame et fructuum paupertate, magna mulierum et hominum multitudo cum eorum familias etiam parvulis quos in cunabulis deferebant, fines Lonbardie, Tuscie, Provintie et totius Ytalie famem fugientes est egressa. Ex diversis quidem civitatibus locis et villis et quasi ex totius Lonbardie et Ytalie finibus homines mulieres magni et parvuli undique concurrebant, qui quasi fame consumpti velud mortui apparebant. Qui omnes habuerunt ad civitatem Ianuensem recursum, et quamquam Ianuensis civitas magna victualium laboraret inopia, tamen ad se fugientes non repulit; set ipsis miseris et oppressis fame [p. 283] compatiens manum aperuit et panem suum et omnia neccessaria eisdem esurientibus ministravit. Illo quippe anno et quasi toto sequenti aer infectus et pestilens celum fuit, et ad hec in omnibus iam dictis partibus morbus invaluit, quod infinitos homines et mulieres magnos et parvos fere in omnibus Ytalie partibus mors invasit. | Obertus Stanconus et al. 1863, pp. 283–284 | Translation needed | |
| 1276-00-00-Reggio | 1276 JL | Epidemic among humans and animals in Reggio Emilia | et magna mortalitas hominum, & bestiarum facta est eo anno | Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 8 | Translation needed | |
| 1276-07-00-Italy | July 1276 JL | Months of continuous rain destroys crops, famine feared; livestock dies, famine, disease and deaths in Rome and throughout Italy | Eodem tempore [1276] quasi per totum mensem Julij, Augusti, Septembris & Octobris Deus tantum pluit super terram in Italia, quod quasi omnes segetes de Plano guastatae sunt & perditae, & timetur multum de caristia temporis in Italia, & propter multas aquas quasi omnes boves & vaccae & oves & caprae mortuae sunt in Italia, & Romae, & in illis partibus magnae fames, infirmitates, & mortalitates hominum et personarum etiam fuerunt | Template:Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 480 | Translation needed | |
| 1277-00-00-Italy | 1277 JL | Epidemic with deaths in Italy and Lombardy. | De magna hominum mortalitate, et de domino Mastino, qui interfectus fuit.[…] Et eodem anno (1277) fuit mortalitas maxima et magne infirmitates hominum, puerorum et mulierum quasi per universum orbem et maxime in regno Ytalie et Lombardie. | About the great mortality of men, and about Lord Mastino, who was killed. [...] And in the same year (1277), there was the greatest mortality and great illnesses of men, children, and women almost throughout the entire world, especially in the kingdom of Italy and Lombardy. | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 727. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1277-00-00-Lombardy | 1277 JL | Epidemic with many deaths and strong price increase of grain in Lombardy and Italy | Item eodem anno fuit maxima caritudo blave, ita quod sestarium furmenti fuit positum in asetum [fixing the price] ad decem solidos imperiales spelte v solidos imperiales; et secrete per episcopatum vendebatur xx solidis imperialibus starium furmenti. Et magna mortalitas hominum, infancium et mulierum fuit per Lombardiam et totam Ytaliam [...] Et illo anno fuit paucum blaudum per totam Lombardiam, ita quod starium furmenti vendebatur xij solidis imperialibus et starium spelte vj solidis imperialibus. Et fuit magna mortalitas per totam Lombardiam | Template:Bonazzi 1902, p. 33 | Translation needed | |
| 1277-00-00-Steterburg | 1277 JL | Severe plague among animals | Anno sequenti pestilencia pecorum est exorta, ita ut nobis secundum veram computacionem mille et ducente oves et plus quam centum vacce morerentur; unde in comparandis lacticiniis multa expendere oportebat. | Gesta praepositorum Stederburgensium continuata, p. 728, l. 42 | Translation needed | |
| 1277-05-00-Reggio | May 1277 JL | Epidemic and price increase in Reggio | Eo mense [May] coepit morbus Rhegii, & tunc statutum est, ut non pulsentur campanae, nec mortui praeconizentur, nec plorentur, & quod mulieres non sequantur ad Ecclesiam corpora. Et tunc frumentum valebat solidos VIII. imperial. et faba solid. XX Resanorum. [...] Eo anno maximus morbus fuit Rhegii. | Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 8 | Translation needed | |
| 1277-07-00-Italy | July 1277 JL | In Italy was an epidemic with deaths and rainfall prevent sowing, price increase of all foodstuffs | Et eodem anno [...] steterunt magne infirmitates, pestilentie et mortalitates hominum et mulierum per universum orbem quasi et maxime in Ytalia. Et magna pluvia fuit, ita quod homines non potuerunt colligere melicas de campis nec eas siccare nec potuerunt bene seminare [...] Et eo anno fuit maxima caristia de rebus victualibus, quia aliquando vendictum fuit sest. frumenti VIIII sol. imper. et X sol imper., et sest. fabe XVIII sol. rex. et XVII et XVIIII sol. rex., et sest. milice V sol. imper. et XIII et XIIII sol. rex., et sest. spelte IIII sol. imper. et XIII sol. rex., et libra olei XXI imper. et XXII imper.; et de omnibus aliis rebus victualibus magna caristia fuit. | Template:TN | Template:Albertus Miliolus 1903, p. 551 | None |
| 1278-00-00-Normandy | 1278 JL | Mortality in the duchy of Normandy, and elsewhere (no precision). | Hoc anno fuit mors valida in Normannia et in multis partibus. | This year (1278), a great mortality raged in Normandy and in many other locations. | Chronicon S. Stephani Cadomensis, p. 492. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1281-00-00-Bohemia | 1281 JL | High mortality caused by severe famine and plague in Southern Europe and Bohemia. | Fuerunt nives, pluvie et inundaciones aquarum magne, et cepit esse fames valida in cunctis inferioribus partibus Europe, et Bohemi quocumque divertebant fame et pestilencia interibant. | Chronicon imperatorum et pontificum Bavaricum 1292-1300, p. 224, l. 53, | Translation needed | |
| 1281-00-00-Denmark | 1281 JL | Epizootic in Denmark in the year 1281. | Pestilentia pecorum. | (1281) Pestilence of the cattle. | Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 281 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1282-00-00-Alsace | 1282 JL | Epidemic in Alsace | Item mel in Alsatia finibus pluebat, unde multi olera seu fructus commedere recusabant. Item pestilencia in locis pluribus sequebatur | It rained honey in some places in Alsace, and a lot of people refused to eat vegetables and fruits. And, an epidemic follows in several locations. | Jaffe 1861, Sp. 209 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1282-00-00-Bohemia | 1282 JL | Following a great famine a disease spread throughout Bohemia to which so many people fall victim that the graveyards have not sufficient space for the deceased. | De fame maxima, que illis temporibus fuit in Bohemia. [...] Fame igitur urgente tanta pestilencia in terra prevaluit, quantam retroactis temporibus, prout a senibus didici, nullus inibi expertus fuit. [...] ex fetore cadaverum aer inficitur et qui forsan amplius vivere poterat, fetido tabefactus aere subito suffocatur. [...] Cimiteria pro sepultura deficiunt et qui defunctos sepeliant, tedio affecti iam inveniri vix possunt. Magne igitur fovee fodiuntur, in quas multa defunctorum cadavera bigis incessanter adducta proiciuntur. | About the great famine which was at those times in Bohemia. Under the pressure of hunger a plague prevailed in the land and it was so fierce that noone in preceeding times has wittned the like as I have learned from old people. [...] From the smell of cadavers the air got infected and those who could have lived longer did suddenly suffocate, because they were poisoned by the evil smelling air. [...] The graveyards were too small for the funerals and people who were ready to bury the dead were hard to find because they were overwhelmed by disgust. Therefore, large pits were dug to which the many deceased were brought with two horse carriages and into which they were flung. | Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 17f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1282-00-00-Bohemia-Moravia | 1282 JL | A great wave of mortality went through Bohemia and Moravia. Heaps of people were burried in large ditches in the fields during winter and spring. | 1282. Maxima mortalitas hominum fit per Boemiam et Moraviam. Nam Prage ac Brunne et alibi defuncti innumerabiles, velud fenum in curribus ad agros ducebantur; ibi in fossis profundis catervatim obstruuntur, tempore hyemalis et veris. | 1282. A maximum mortality of humans happened throughout Bohemia and Moravia. In Prague and Brno as well as in other places innumerable people died. Like hay they were brought in waggons to the fields and there, in the times of winter and spring, large ditches were filled with heaps of them. | Continuatio Vindobonensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 698-722, 712, l. 24-26 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1282-01-00-Reggio | January 1282 JL | Caterpillar plague in Reggio Emilia destroys fruit trees, flowers | Et eodem anno fuit tanta multitudo erucarum, quantam nullus meminit diebus nostris, et destruxerunt omnes arbores pomiferas, tam flores quam frondes; et sic apparebant arbores sicut in media hyeme apparere soluent, cum prius optime floruissent. Et postquam in arboribus pomiferis non inveniebant quid comederent, transibant ad cimas sive pullulationes salicum et illa similiter corrodebant; processu temporis cadebant de arboribus et moriebantur. [p. 559] Nec fuerunt iste eruce ortonales, sed aliud genus erucarum fuit. Et eodem anno, in istis VI mensibus fuit magna carestia bladi, scilicet frumenti, spelte, melice et fabe, et de omnibus leguminibus et rebus | Albertus Miliolus 1903, pp. 558-559 | Translation needed | |
| 1283-00-00-Italy | 1283 JL | Cattle disease in (northern) Italy, Lombardy and Romagna. | Et eodem anno fuit maxima bovum mortalitas per totam Lombardiam, Romagnolam et Ytaliam | Albertus Miliolus 1903, p. 562 | Translation needed | |
| 1283-00-00-Italy 002 | 1283 JL | Cattle death, in the following high mortality among humans in 1284 | 1283 - De mortalitate boum que fuit hoc anno. Quod sequenti anno fuit hominum mortalitas subsecut[a]. Item supraposito anno Domini MCCLXXXIII fuit maxima boum mortaliltas per totam Lombardiam, Romagnolam et Ytaliam, et sequenti anno subsecuta est mortalitas hominum. Nam apud Salinum in Burgundia in quodam loco fratrum Minorum habitabant XXII fratres, quos ibi vivos invenit quidam frater Gallicus qui habitabat in Grecia et ibat Parisius; eodem anno, cum reverteretur, invenit XI ex illis mortuos, id est medietatem numeri supradicti. Audivi ab ore ipsius hec eadem apud Regium. In aliis vero partibus mundi eodem anno mortui sunt similiter multi. Et breviter ista est regula generalis, ut, quotienscumque fuerit mortalitas boum, statim sequenti anno mortalitas hominum subsequatur. | Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 754 | Translation needed | |
| 1284-00-00-Hungary | 1284 JL | Tatars invaded the land of Hungary, then a great famine and plague started. | Eodem anno Tarthari terram Ungarie que dicitur de Septemcastris intraverunt et multos christianos captivaverunt et occiderunt. Christus autem tutor christianorum, magnam famem in eos et pestilenciam inmisit. | The same year, the Tartars entered the land of Hungary, which is called the land of Seven Castles, and captured and killed many Christians. But Christ, the protector of Christians, sent great famine and pestilence upon them. | Annales Polonorum IV. 899-1327, p. 648, l. 28. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1284-00-00-Pisa | 1284 JL | Deaths caused by plague in Pisa | De pestilentia qua Deus Pisanos percussit. Percussit enim Dominus Pisanos pestilentia illo anno (1284), et multi mortui sunt. | Regarding the plague with which God struck the Pisans. For indeed, the Lord struck the Pisans with the plague in that year (1284), and many died | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 781 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1285-00-00-Augsburg | 1285 JL | Severe plague among cattles. | Pestilentia pecudum solito maior per totam estatem duravit, ita ut in Augusta non decima pars vaccarum remaneret viva. | The plague of cattle lasted longer than usual throughout the entire summer, so that in the month of August not even a tenth part of the cows remained alive. | Annales Augustani Minores, p. 10, l. 18. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1285-00-00-Italy | 1285 JL | Connection of epidemic deaths and animal disease | Et nota, ut etiam alibi me dixisse recordor, quod ista est regula generalis et firma, quia, quotienscumque boum precedit mortalitas, totiens sequenti anno hominum mortalitas subsequatur. Idem post famem que precedit accidere consuevit ut mortalitas hominum similiter subsequatur. | Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 862 | Translation needed | |
| 1285-00-00-Lucca | 1285 JL | Fever epidemic in Lucca | Eodem anno fuit epidemia de tertianis in qua multi sunt de dicta aegritudine mortui, et praecipue qui fuerunt in exercitu supradicto | Ptolemaeus Lucensis 1876, p. 94 | Translation needed | |
| 1285-00-00-Parma | 1285 JL | Epidemics near Parma and Rome with many deaths. | De magna mortalitate hominum que in diversis partibus mundi fuit. Item, millesimo supraposito, in villa Pupilii, que est in episcopatu Parmensi, infra tres menses LXXX homines mortui sunt. Nam ista est regula generalis sive argumentum probatum, ut quotiens boum precedit mortalitas, totiens sequenti anno hominum mortalitas subsequatur. Et eodem millesimo in urbe Romana maxima fuit mortalitas et infirmitas, ita ut mitrati inter abbates et episcopos a Pascha usque ad Assumptionem beate Virginis sub papa Honorio quarto XXIIII morerentur. | About the great mortality of men which occurred in various parts of the world. Likewise, in the aforementioned year, in the village of Pupilii, which is in the diocese of Parma, within three months, eighty men died. For this is a general rule or proven argument, that as often as there is a mortality among cattle, so often in the following year there follows a mortality among men. And in the same year, there was a great mortality and sickness in the city of Rome, so that between Easter and the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, twenty-four mitred abbots and bishops died under Pope Honorius IV. | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 849 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1285-00-00-Thuringia | 1285 JL | A great mortality among nobles in Thuringia, but unclear if disease-induced | Anno Domini 1285. magna mortalitas desevit in nobiles Thurinigie. Nam vix infra dimidii anni spacium nobilis vir marchio Theodericus de Landisberc et comes Albertus de Orlamunde et frater eius comes Otto, comes Heinricus de Swarczburc et comes Albertus de Glichinstein et multi alii ministeriales et nobiles mortui sunt. | In the year of our Lord 1285, a great mortality raged among the nobles of Thuringia. For scarcely within the span of half a year, the nobleman Margrave Dietrich of Landsberg, Count Albert of Orlamünde, his brother Count Otto, Count Heinrich of Schwarzburg, Count Albert of Glichinstein, and many other officials and nobles perished. | Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, pp. 287-288 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1285-00-00-Tivoli | 1285 JL | Epidemics in Tivoli. | 1285 - Honorius quartus cum cardinalibus suis, in civitate Tyburtina; et fuit ibi mortalitas maxima, usque adeo grandis quod solummodo de forensibus mortui sunt ibi duo milia hominum. | In 1285 Pope Honorius IV, with his cardinals, (ws) in the city of Tivoli; and there was a great mortality there, so great that only among outsiders two thousand men died there. | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 861. | Translation needed |
| 1285-03-00-Italy | March 1285 JL | Plague of fleas in Italy. | Anno siquidem Domini MCCLXXXV, indictione XIII, quem millesimum superius etiam inchoavimus, totus mensis Marcii pulicibus plenus fuit, et ita abundaverunt pulices per totum mensem illum, quod, si essent in media estate, superflui viderentur et essent. | Indeed, in the year of our Lord 1285, in the thirteenth indiction, which we also mentioned earlier, the entire month of March was full of fleas, and fleas abounded throughout that whole month to such an extent that if it were in the middle of summer, they would seem excessive and plentiful | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 839. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1286-00-00-Cremona | 1286 JL | In Cremona, Piacenza, Parma and other regions: high mortality in humans and chickens. Epidemic with deaths in Italy and Lombardy. | 1286 - Nam in Cremona et in Placencia et in Parma et in Regio et in multis aliis Italie civitatibus et dyocesibus fuit mortalitas maxima tam hominum quam gallinarum. | For in Cremona, and in Piacenza, and in Parma, and in Reggio, and in many other cities and dioceses of Italy, there was the greatest mortality, both of humans and of chickens. | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 894. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1286-00-00-Parma | 1286 JL | Drought from March to May in Parma; epidemic among animals and humans; low grain price from July onwards. | Item eo anno fuit magna mortalitas hominum et bestiarum in civitate et episcopatu Parme, et maxime de bestiis menutis; et non pluvit quasi per totum mensem martij et usque ad medium maij, propter quod homines multum timebant; et eodem anno non fuit nix neque frigus aliquod in civitate vel episcopatu Parme. Et eo anno, scilicet post sanctum Petrum, starium furmenti valuit iiij solidos imperiales | In that year, there was a great mortality of men and animals in the city and diocese of Parma, especially among small animals; and it did not rain for almost the entire month of March and until the middle of May, because of which the people were very afraid; and in the same year there was neither snow nor any cold in the city or diocese of Parma. And in that year, namely after the feast of Saint Peter, a bushel of wheat cost 4 imperial shillings. | Template:Bonazzi 1902, p. 51. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1291-00-00-Vienna | 1291 JL | Destruction of the crops [through the invasion of King Andreas II. of Hungary and also a plague | Segetes tempore messis tam per pabulum quam per incendium et conculcationem pedum equorum ac hominum penitus devastavit; et talis pestilencia sex septimanis in terra ista duravit, et multo deterius huic terre fecit, quam Bela | Annales Vindobonenses, p. 716, l. 40 | None | |
| 1295-05-00-Romagna | May 1295 JL | Epidemic with high mortality in Romagna | De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam | Template:Annales Caesenatenses 2003, p. 51 | Translation needed | |
| 1298-00-00-Poland | 1298 JL | Plague among animals in Poland. | Generalis pestilencia animalium in tota Polonia. | A general plague among animals in all of Poland. | Annales Polonorum I. 965-1325, p. 652, l. 31. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1300-00-00-Denmark | 1300 JL | Epizootic in Denmark and indulgence in Rome | Indulgentia magna in Roma. Pestilentia pecorum. | Great indulgence in Rome and pestilence of the cattle. | Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 282 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1300-00-00-Ensdorf | 1300 JL | Severe plague among animals, particularly among cattles. | Hoc anno maxima pestilentia animalium et maxime vaccarum per totum mundum suborta est. | This year, a great plague of animals, especially cows, broke out worldwide. | Annales Ensdorfenses, p. 6, l. 45. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1302-00-00-Sicily | 1302 JL | Horse disease in southern Italy and Sicily | Eodem anno dominus Carolus circa majum transfretavit in Siciliam cum multitudine magna contra Fredericum praedictum, perdiditque majorem partem equorum suorum ex generali epidemia quae fuit in orbe | Ptolemaeus Lucensis 1876, p. 103 | Translation needed | |
| 1305-00-00-Denmark | 1305 JL | Mortality in Denmark in the year 1305. | Mortalits hominum. | Mortality of men. | Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: ‘‘Danmarks middelalderlige annaler‘‘. København 1980, p. 282 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1307-00-00-Poland | 1307 JL | After a comet was visible for 80 days there was a great plague among the animals | 1307. Cometa visa est 80 diebus et secuta est magna pestis brutorum. | 1307. A comet was visivle for 80 days and directly afterwards there was a great plague among the animals | Rocznik Malopolsk, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, p. 171 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1308-00-00-Denmark | 1308 JL | Epizootic in Denmark that is preceded by an invasion of Halland by the Duke of Svealand, Erik Magnusson | Dux Suetie Ericus uenit hostiliter in Hallandiam. Pestilentia pecorum. | Duke Eric of Sweden invaded Halland. Pestilence of cattle. | Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 282 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1310-00-00-Bohemia | 1310 JL | Severe plague during the reign of King Henry of Carinthia | Tanta devastationis pestilentia sub Heinrico duce de Chorinthia mulctabatur tota Bohemia quod non solum urbes, villae et personae seculares, sed quod lamenteabile est, viri spirituales aratarentur usquequaque etiam in suis coenobiis et claustrales --- Cotidie premebantur. | So great a plague of devastation afflicted all of Bohemia under Duke Henry of Carinthia that not only towns, villages, and laypeople were harried, but—what is lamentable to say—spiritual men as well were everywhere plundered, even within their own monasteries and cloisters. Day by day they were oppressed | Chronicon Aulae Regia 1301-1339, p. 289. | ChatGPT 5.2 |
| 1310-00-00-Denmark | 1310 JL | Severe epizootic in Denmark | Subiugantur regi Erico Rostok et Ribnes. Fuit tunc parlamentum in Skialschør inter nobiles et Haquinum, regem Noruegie. Tunc fuit hyems asperrima per sex septimanas continue. Tunc fuit maxima pestilentia pecorum in Dacia. | Rostock and Ribe were subjugated by King Eric. There was then a parliament in Skælskør between the nobles and Hakon, King of Norway. Then there was a very severe winter for six weeks continuously. Then there was a great pestilence of cattle in Denmark. | Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 323 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1310-00-00-Mattsee | 1310 JL | Human and cattle plague | Pestilentia hominum et pecorum atque pecudum facta est magna. | There was a great pestilence of humans as well as of cattle. | Annales Matseenses 1851, p. 825, l. 7f. | Translation by Annabell Engel |
| 1311-00-00-Piacenza | 1311 JL | Strong price increase, many deaths caused by famine and a desolation in Piacenza | Eodem anno & anno sequenti fuit fames valida in Placentia, & valuit starius frumenti soldos XXX, starius milii soldos XX, starius milicae soldiso XVI, et starius sicalis soldos XXIV. Et dicto anno innumerabiles per Civitatem Placentiae cadentes mortui sunt fame & pestilentia; & tunc Civitas Placentiae quasi tota fuit depopulata & evacuata Populo et laboratoribus. | Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 488 | Translation needed | |
| 1312-00-00-Italy | 1312 JL | Price increase and epidemic in Italy | Eo anno fere per omnem Ytaliam caritas anone et comestalium omnium que per totum annum duravit. Hominum etiam lues maxima ubique plus virorum quam mulierum et magis locuplectuum quam egenorum. | Anonymus 1938a, p. 325 | Translation needed | |
| 1312-06-00-Bologna | June 1312 JL | Price increase and high mortality in Bologna | Eo anno fuit karitudo magna panis et vini tempore estivo et mortalitas magna gencium ubicumque; et multi de Bononia obierunt, et medici non bene cognoserunt malum eorum. Item de mense iunii desendit furmentum et valuit xx soldos quod parum ante valebat lv soldos bon., et valuit illo anno acetum et vinum xl soldos et ultra. | Cronaca Villola (-1350), p. 324 | Translation needed | |
| 1312-06-00-Parma | June 1312 JL | Severe epidemic in Parma and also in complete Lombardy with many deaths, mainly men, but also heat; poor people mow wild grass and sell it. | De mense junij, julij et augusti magna mortalitas fuit in civitate Parme, et etiam per Lombardiam, hominum, et pauci qui infirmabantur, liberabantur, et infra octo vel novem dies moriebantur, ita quod prohibitum fuit mortuos cridari per commune Parme per civitatem, sicut antea moris erat; et hoc evenit magis in civitate Parme quam in episcopatu, et magis in masculis quam in feminis; et multi infirmi fuerunt. Et eo tempore maximus calor fuit, et per multos burgos civitatis et stratas erbe selvatice et pabulum nascebatur sic et in campaneis, it quod ribaldi metebant pabulum et erbam que dicitur zovenzonum per burgos et stratas civitatis et portabant eam ad vendendum. | Bonazzi 1902, p. 125 | Translation needed | |
| 1313-00-00-Trier | 1313 JL | Severe plague and famine lasted three years after the death of King Henry VII. in 1313 | Etiam pestilentia universalis erat adeo magna, quod multorum pauperum Corpora exanima, fame et pestilentia infecta, in stratis publicis inveniebantur, et a pluribus civitatibus magnae generales foveae in cimiterium consecratae parabantur, et pretia statuebantur, ut ipsa cadavera sepulturae traderentur. Istae plagae, heu! post mortem lamentabilem Henrici imperatoris in flagellum omnium nationum statim esse coeperunt, et plus quam per triennium miserabiliter duraverunt. […] | Gesta Treverorum, p. 235. | Translation needed | |
| 1313-05-00-Lombardy | May 1313 JL | Price increase in Lombardy leads to famine deaths and in summer an epidemic throughout Italy | De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam | Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 24 | Translation needed | |
| 1314-00-00-Bohemia | 1314 JL | Severe famine and plague among humans and animals | Ex magnitudine grigios et nivis facta est caristia maxima et pestilentia hominum et brutorum animalium infinita multitudo, et facta est tunc miseria inaudita. | Because of great cold and a high amount of snow there was a great increase in prices and a disease (pestilencia) afflicted humans and wild animals in infinite numbers and it caused then a misery formerly unheard of. | Annales Bohemiae brevissimi, p. 720, l. 40. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1315-00-00-Asti | 1315 JL | Famine in Western Europe, caused by incessant rain, causes epidemics and lack of grain and wine; merchants are fleeing back to Asti | Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod anno MCCCXV fuit fames valida in regionibus Alamanniae, Olandiae, Flandriae, Pannoniae, Lorenae, Brabantiae, Franciae, talis, quod similis non est a saeculo audita, quia granum, quod caperet Astensis mina, vendebatur quindecim grossis turonensibus, et pinta boni vini ad mensuram Astensem in supradictis locis vendebatur grossis sex turonensibus: et tantum duravit dicta fames, quod pro aliquo precio furmentum et avena non inveniebatur et vinum. Et haec acciderunt ex abundantia pluviae,quia in diebus illis pluvia de coelo non cessavit. Ex quibus pauperes innumerabiles obierunt fame, et inveniebantur in viis et plateis mortui sicut canes. Post haec epdimia sive mortalitas supervenit tam divitibus quam egenis, ex qua tercia pars virorum et mulierum supradictarum regionum obierant, et maxime rex Franciae qui non regnavit per annum: et tantum duravit, quod quasi non inveniebatur, qui mortuos sepelliret; et hoch verum est, quia multi Astenses habitantes in partibus illis venientes Asti, et fugientes fames illas et pestes, et alii multi de patria illa quasi mortui fame approbabant, et dicebant omnia esse vera, et in fine omnes eiusdem patriae firmiter asserebant, quod ex eadem fame et epidimia tercia pars virorum et mulierum obierunt. | Guglielmo Ventura 1848, Sp. 773 | Translation needed | |
| 1316-00-00-Bohemia | 1316 JL | High mortality and plague in Bohemia and all over the world | et secuta est postmodum maxima pestilencia et mortalitas hominum in omnibus partibus mundi, ita ut magne fierent ubique fovee ad sepelienda corpora mortuorum, quia cymiteria illa capere non valebant. | and in the following there was the greatest plague and mortality in all pars of the world so that everywhere large grave pits were dug to bury the bodies of the dead, for which the capacity of the graveyards was not large enough. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 472 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1316-00-00-Bohemia 002 | 1316 JL | In many lands of the world, including Bohemia, there were a number of natural disasters and pestilences among humans and animals. | Iste annus Domini M.CCC.sextus decimus tot in se pestilentias & miserias continet, quod eas audire auris refugit, mens stupescit; [...] Retulit nobis Dominus Petrus Maguntinus Archiepiscopus, quod infra dimidii anni tempus in civitate solum Meczensi quinquis centum millia hominum mortua sunt, nihilominus equos, oves & boves, & universa pecora campi necuit pestilenitia huius anni, oves enim plures quam mille, [...] in grangiis [Aulam regiam] perierunt. | This year of the Lord 1316 includes so many pestileces and miseries that the ear takes flight from the hearing of it, the mind is stupified. [...] Lord Peter, the archibishop of Mainz has reported to us that within half a year in the city of Metz alone five times one hundredthousand humans have died. What is more, the pestilence of this year has killed horses, pigs, sheep and cattle as well as all animals of the fields. More than one thousand sheep [...] have perished at the farms of the monastery [of Aula Regia]. | Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aulae Regiae, ed. Dobner 1784, p. 348f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1316-00-00-Bohemia-3 | 1316 JL | In many lands of the world, e.g. in Saxony, there were a number of natural disasters. Archbishop Peter of Mainz related that in the city of Metz 500.000 humans have died within one year. | anno Domini MCCCXVI cometa in parte aquilonari apparuit. [...] In partibus Saxonie in tantum fluvius Albea excrevit, quod CD et L villas aque vicinas [...] delevit [...]. Et retulit dominus Petrus Maguntinus archiepiscopus, quod in civitate Metensi infra unum annum quinquies C milia hominum mortua sunt, et diversa animalia et peccora campi intereunt huius anni pestilencia. | In the year of the Lord 1316 a comet appeared in the norhern parts. [...] In Saxony the river Elbe grew so much that CD (?) and 50 villages close to the water were destroyed [...]. And Lord Peter, the archibishop of Mainz has reported in the city of Metz within one year fivehundredthousand humans have died and various animals and fruits of the fields perished in this year's plague. | Franciscus Pragensis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler 1884, p. 347-456, p. 383 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1316-00-00-Bohemia-4 | 29 September 1316 JL | In 1316 there was a great plague among the humans in France and Flanders, particularly in Metz where 500.000 humans are said to have died. | Anno domini MCCCXVII [...] Johannes XXI in papam eligitur, et pestilencia maxima hominum in Gallia et Flandria subsequitur, ita ut ville remanerent deserte et specialiter Metis in circa a festa sancti Michaelis usque ad pascha quingenta millis hominum dicantur mortui. | In the year of the Lord 1317 (sic!), John XXI (sic!) was elected as pope and the greatest plague among humans followed imediately in France and Flanders where hardly a village remained undeserted. And particularly Metz, where between around the feast of St Michael and Easter (1317) 500.000 humans are said to have died. | Johannis Neplachonis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. III , Praha 1882 , p. 445-484, 477 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1316-00-00-Europe | 1316 JL | High mortality of cattles caused by plague in many kingdoms | […] eodem anno per plure regna pecora bovina valde communiter ex pestilentia morerentur | [...] the same year (1316), throughout several kingdoms, cattle commonly died from pestilence. | Anonymus Leobiensis 1350, pp. 917–18. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1316-00-00-Romagna | 1316 JL | Many deaths caused by epidemic, which rages mainly in Romagna | De mortalitate universa Anno Domini .M.°.CCCXVIIII.°, et duobus preteritis annis, mirandum quidem acidit, atque stupendum: mortalitas videlicet tam immensa per totum fere mundum, sed in provincia Romandiole acerbior: quod multi, terra gentibus pauperata, caruerunt ecclesiastica sepultura |
Template:Annales Caesenatenses 2003, p. 108 | Translation needed | |
| 1316-00-00-Würzburg | 1316 JL | Great famine and animal plague in Würzburg. | magna fames erat et pestilentia grandis boum et pecorum. | There was a great famine and a great mortality of cattle and pigs . | Template:Chronicon Wirziburgense, a. 688-1466, p. 821. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1317-00-00-Romagna | 1317 JL | Epidemics in Northern Italy | Anno Domini Millesimo CCCXIX. & duobus praeteritis Annis mirandum quidem accidit atque stupendum, Mortalitas videlicet tam immensa per totum fere Mundum; sed in Provincia Romandiolae acerbior, quod multi Terrae gentibus pauperatae caruerunt Ecclesiasticam sepulturam. | Template:TN | Anonymus 1729, p. 1138 | None |
| 1318-00-00-Bohemia | 1318 JL | Although there was a peace treaty reached between King John of Bohemia and his rebelling nobles, the length of the preceeding conflict lead to great hunger and a plague. | De concordia inter Johannem, regem Bohemie, et suos nobiles facta et de fame maxima et pestilencia inaudita. [...] nam tali durante discordia nimia famis prevaluit miseria, ita quod infra unius anni spacium, ut experimento didici, in porta Scedelicensi triginta milia hominum sunt sepulta. Consimilis quoque pestilencia in omnibus civitatibus, oppidis et villis exstitit et in universa terra. In omnibus locis fovee fodiebantur, que mortuorum cadaveribus replebantur. | About the peace between John, the king of Bohemia, and his nobles and about the great hunger and unheard-of plague. [...] Because this condemnable conflict endured, there was such a great famine that within one year 30.000 humans were buried at the Sedletz gate as I have learned from my own experience. And similarly, there was a plague in all cities, towns and villages and in all lands. At all places pits were dug which were filled up with the deceased. | Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 247f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1318-00-00-Moravia | 1318 JL | Because of the sins of the inhabitants of Bohemia, a plague came to the kingdom killing many thousand people. | Sed et indignacio et ira Dei descendit super Boemos propter peccata populi, ut creditur, et facta est pestilencia et mortalitas hominum pregravida, et mortua sunt multa milia hominum, facteque sunt fovce magne et profunde ad capienda corpora hominum moriencium pre nimia fame, et eciam pestilencia percussi. [...] Cum ergo multa mala longo iam tempore invaluissent et homines thabefacti de omni consolacione desperarent, quia omnes modi concordie fuerunt refutati, et fames ac pestilencia eos absque misericordia affligerent incessanter, clamaverunt ad Dominum omnes unanimiter, magni et parvi, clerici et layci, ut tantis malis finem imponere dignaretur. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 474 | Translation needed | |
| 1319-00-00-Bologna | 1319 JL | Epidemic | Al tempo della mortalità morì Folco Lombardi da Lucca e sepolto in S. | At the time of his mortality, Folco Lombardi of Lucca died and was buried in S. | Diario estratto dallo studio dell’ Alidosio, p. 35r | Translation by DeepL |
| 1320-00-00-Pomerania | 25 December 1320 JL | In 1320 there was a great inflation followed by famine and plague in almost all lands (particularlay in Flanders and Bohemia) which caused 15.000 deaths only between Christmas 1320 and Pentecost 1321. | MCCCXX Hic cessauit caristia magna et strages, qua precedentibus tribus annis homines multi in valescente fame et pestilencia magna quasi in vniuersa terra mortui sunt et precipue in Flandria, in Boemia, in monte Kettero a festo natiuitatis Christi usque pentecostes XV milia wlgi solummodo mortui sunt exceptis dinitibus et mediocribus, quorum multi fame et pestilencia perierunt. | Anonymous, Annalen des Klosters Colbatz, in: Pommersches Urkundenbuch 1, 2, ed. Prümers (1877), pp. 467-492, p.486f. | Translation needed | |
| 1323-00-00-Limbourg | 1323 JL | Mortality in a monastery near Liège in Limbourg | Sub hac et aliarum perturbationum ingruentia conventus totus exivit de claustro relinquens opidum, et venit ad nostram mansionem apud Dungh, iuxta abbatem Adam ibidem moram facientem. Ubi cum continue moraretur per menses ferme 14, plures ex nostris dominis et confratribus propter aeris inconvenientiam egrotabant. Inter quos prior Geimarus vir laudabilis ibidem obiit. | Because of this and other disturbances the whole convent left the city and went to our mansion neard Dungh, where also Abbot Adam stayed. And as they stayed there for almost 14 months, some of our lords and brothers fell sick because of the inconvenient air. Amongst them was prior Geimarus, a most laudable man, who died there. | Köpke 1852, p. 416 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1323-09-00-Milano | 28 July 1323 JL | The Papal commander Raimondo di Cardona leads an army to attack Milan, but a ravaging disease forces him and his army to retreat to Monza | Multi ergo diebus dominus Raymondus praedictus cum militum et peditum copiosa comitiva burogs Mediolani occupavit, et inde Mediolanensibus intrinsecis multa damna dedit, et persaepe alii alios invadebant; tandem causante calore, et multitudine gentium causam praebente, aer corrumpitur, et maxima epidemia generatur in burgis, adeo quod intra modicum tempus magis quam tercenti ex soldatis ipsius domini Raymondi sunt peremti, et fere circa DCCC graviter infirmati, quod attente considerans domninus Raymondus praedictus, timens de futuris, tam de morte infirmantium, quam etiam de statu proprio, et de attenuatione etiam exercitus, per hunc modum, more prodentis, viam eligens tutiorem, caute infirmos omnes super currus et vehicula poni fecit, et Modoeciam secure conduci. | Many days the aforementioned Lord Raimondo occupied with many knights and soldiers the suburbs of Milano, and he caused the besieged Milanese a lot of damage, and often they attacked each other. But because of the heat and the masses of people, the air corrupted and a very big epidemic broke out in the suburbs. Within short time more than 300 soldiers of Lord Raimondo had died, and almost 800 had fell ill. After careful reflection, the aforementioned Lord Raimond who feared for the future both the death of the infected as his personal health, but also the lessening of his army, wisely he chose to put the sick on carts and other vehicles and led them securely to Monza | Guglielmo Ventura 1848, Sp. 816 | None |
| 1323-11-01-Avignon | 1 November 1323 JL | Gerward, Bishop of the city of Włocławek in Central Poland, dies in Avignon from a ravaging plague | Quum 1323 redire statuisset, Avinione ex peste moritur ibique sepelitur. | And as he was ordered to return in 1323, he died in Avignon from a pestilence and was buried there. | Catalogus episcoporum wladislaviensium 1884, p. 27 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1327-09-06-Pisa | 6 September 1327 JL | Epidemic hits the army of Castruccio Castracani during or after the siege of Pisa, a German count and the Bishop of Eichstätt die. | Vocatus per Castrucium dominum Lucanum venit in Tusciam, ubi obsedit civitatem Pysanam, quam tandem obtinuit, et dominum ibidem Castrucio commisit. Ubi pestilencia gravis multos homines interemit, inter quos fuit Gebhardus de Graispach episcopus Eystetensis et comes de Sein nomine Gozibertus. | Summoned by Lord Castruccio of Lucca, he came to Tuscany, where he besieged the city of Pisa, which he eventually captured, and entrusted it to Lord Castruccio. There, a severe pestilence killed many people, among whom were Gebhard III. of Graisbach, Bishop of Eichstätt, and Gottfried II, Count of Sayn. | Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, p. 38. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1328-02-18-Prague | 18 February 1328 JL | After lunar eclipse heavy storm for one month; high mortality and cattle plague in April, after that processions in Prague | Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per hebdomadas quatuor continuatus hanc eclipsim subsequitur; multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth, Bohemie regina, metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero Pragensi indicit et populo; quibus factis notabiliter cessavit quassacio et placatus factus est Dominus populo suo. Hac nece cessante gaudet populus velut ante. | Chronicon Aulae Regia 1301-1339 2, p. 288, lib. 2, cap. 20. | Translation needed | |
| 1328-03-00-Bohemia | March 1328 JL | After an eclipse of the moon for four weeks, many humans died and in many parts of the world, there was a plague among the domestic animals. | Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per ebdomadas IIIIor continuatus subsequitur. Post hanc eclipsim mense Aprili moritur hominum multitudo et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth regina metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero et populo Pragensi indicit. | In this year at the full moon of the month of March the moon darkend and the eclipse remained in force for four weeks. After this eclipse in the month of April many humans died and in many parts of the world a plague among the domestic animals showed itself and raged heavily. Then, queen Elizabeth, shaken by the fear of punishment, ordered processions with the relics of the saints and all the clerics and the inhabitants of Prague to be performed. | Franciscus Pragensis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler 1884, p. 347-456, p. 401 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1328-03-00-Bohemia-2 | March 1328 JL | After an eclipse of the moon a long lasting plague among humans and domestic animals raged in many regions. | Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, quam eclipsim secuntur venti validissimi et pestilencia pecorum atque hominum in diversis partibus. | In this year the full moon of the month of March darkened, this eclipse was followed by a long lasting plague of animals and humans in different regions. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 481 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1328-04-00-Bohemia | April 1328 JL | In the month of April 1328 many humans died and there was a plague among domestic animals in many lands. | Multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. | Many people died in the month of April, and in many parts of the world raged a heavy plague among animals. | Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 288 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1330-00-00-Saxony | 1330 JL | This year was in Saxony a year of the plague. | In eodem anno obiit Wlatislaus filius Wlatislay et apud Minores tumulatus. Set pater transivit in Saxoniam in anno pestilencie. | In this year died Władysław, son of Władysław I Łokietek and he was buried among the brothers Minor. But his father went to Saxony in a year of pestilence. | Rocznik Malopolsk, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, p. 189 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1334-Summer-France | June 1334 JL | In France, Burgundy, and the Champagne raged a plague during the three months of summer. In Paris (where the author stayed) died 16.000 people in one hospital. | Eodem anno mense Mai gelu intolerabile vineas omnes in partibus Almanie. Tantum destruxit, quod post vindemia luxit. In Burgundia vero et in Francia et Campania, ubi tempore vindemie pertransivi, non tantum dampnum factum fuisse conspeci. Aliam autem plagam Deus hoc anno eisdem terris intulit, quia mortalitatis pestilencia plurimos homines tunc percussit. Parysius namque infra tres menses estivales in hospitali regis, quod ante monasterium beate virginis in kathedrali ecclesia situm est, quod dolenter refero, sedecim milia hominum sunt mortua et in cimiterio innocentum sepulta, me etenim in ipso hospitali existente et compassivo animo contuente. Tot sunt in brevi mortui, quod vix erant tot, qui hos tollerent et ad tumulum deportarent. | In the same year in the month of May an unbearable frost destroyed all the vinyards in the German lands so that the grape harvest was in grief. But in Burgundy and in France and the Champagne, through where I passed during grape harvest, I did not see such damage. But God put in this year another load on these lands since a deadly plague killed many people then. For in Paris died during the three months of summer in the royal hospital, which is situated in front of the monastery of the Holy Virgin at the cathedral church, as I report with regrets, 16.000 people, and they were buried at the graveyard of the innocent. In fact, I stayed in this hospital and watched with a compassionate heart. So many died in a short period of time that there were hardly as many who could pick them up and bring them to their graves. | Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 321. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1335-00-00-Bavaria | 1335 JL | Emperor Louis IV enters in his fight against King John of Bohemia and Duke Henry of Bavaria the latters land. In the wake of their troops follow violence and diseases. | Ludwicus imperator [...] contra Iohannem Bohemorum regem et Heinricum ducem Bawarie [...] intravit Bawarie. In ascensu eandem terram atrocibus incendiis et rapinis conturbavit. Pestilentia hominum facta est magna. | Emperor Louis enters Bavaria [in his fight] against King John of Bohemia and Duke Henry of Bavaria. In their ascension into this land terrible fires and raids shook [this land]. A great plague among humans was made. | Annales Matseenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 823-837, 828f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1335-00-00-Mattsee | 1335 JL | Epidemic outbreak among humans. | Pestilentia hominum et facta est magna. | There was a great pestilence of humans. | Annales Matseenses 1851, p. 829. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1338-00-00-Silesia | 1338 JL | Around the year 1338 there were a great number of locusts, which were followed by a pestilence and starvation. | Item, circa annum domini MCCCXXXVIII venerunt locuste maxime multitudinis [...]. Subsequentibus vero nostris temporibus aliquando pestilencia, aliquando fames fuerut. | Around the year of the Lord 1338 there arrived locusts of the greatest numbers [...]. they were followed in our times sometimes by a pestilence, sometimes by starvation. | Ludolf of Sagan, Catalogus abbtum Saganensium, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 173-528, 167. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1339-00-00-Italy | 1339 JL | Severe famine and strange plague for humans and animals with many deaths | Tempore autem Ludovici de Bavaria et Benedicti papa XII, anno Domini MCCCXXXXVIII [recte: 1339] fames vel rabies per universum orbis circulum subito supervenit, et nullus locus vel patria fuit exempta quod talis rabiem famis non gustaret, taliter quod omnes secte pro rabie famis, ut possent vivere, suos antiquos ordines corruperunt. Sic etiam in multis locis, pro bladi superflua caritudine, data est licentia Christianis quod in quadragesima illius pessimi anni, quod libere carnibus uterentur. Nam in omni loco terrarum mensura frumenti, que XX vel XXX solidos valere solebat, in librarum numero supervenit, et tanta famis rabies supervenit in omni loco terrarum, quod multas radices ignotas causa rabiei pro commestione fodiebant, quas olym porci et animalia evitabant. Et hoc vidi et propter hoc testimonium perhibeo veritati. Canes quoque et equi, pro fame, et multa animalia perierunt, quoniam sui patrones pro se ipsis non habebant. Multi enim fame pro verecundia moriuntur, nam ante comedebant herbas et radices pro paupertate, quam ad sui vicini misericordiam pervenire; unde, pro cibo inconsueto, annichilatis eorum viribus, velud pecudes moriuntur. Quam famis rabiem Dei iustam sententiam possumus appellare. Tunc enim corda dumtaxat aliquorum non ad pietatem Christi sed pro avaritia magis in crudelitate manebant, parum curando de Dei amore ac pro sui caritate | Marco Battagli 1912, p. 49 | Translation needed | |
| 1340-00-00-Europa | 1340 JL | A plague before easter in the area of Klettgau | Hoc eciam tempore in quadragesima in Kleggow pestilencia hominum grandis et satis prevalida orta est, ita quod citra Tuͥengen et Keiserstůl et Klingnow certatim morerentur et multi periculose infirmarentur. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 173 | Translation needed | |
| 1340-00-00-Florence | 1340 JL | Epidemic with 20'000 deaths in Florence, shortage | Ipso anno fuit penuria, & morbus magnus; nam Florentiae mortui sunt viginti milia hominum.. | Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 129 | Translation needed | |
| 1340-00-00-Klettgau | 1340 JL | Plague with high mortality in Klettgau, Tiengen, Kaiserstuhl and Klingnau in period of fasting | Hoc eciam tempore in quadragesima in Kleggow pestilencia hominum grandis et satis prevalida orta est, ita quod citra Tuͥengen et Keiserstůl et Klingnow certatim morerentur et multi periculose infirmarentur. | At this time also, during Lent, a great and quite prevalent pestilence of humans arose in Klettgau, so that without exception around Tiengen, Kaiserstuhl, and Klingnau, people were dying in droves and many were dangerously falling ill. | Template:Johannes von Winterthur, p. 173. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1340-00-00-Tuscany | 1340 JL | Mortality in Tuscany, particularly in Florence with more than 3.000 deaths a day. Also disease of the sheeps. | Tunc dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas pecudum et eciam hominum et in partibus Tusciae et Florentiae passi sunt diem extremum ultra tria milia personarum. | Then, in that year, there was a great mortality of livestock and also of humans, and in the regions of Tuscany and Florence, more than three thousand people passed away. | Giovanni da Bazzano - Chronicon Mutinense 1917, p. 119. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1340-06-00-Florence | June 1340 JL | Epidemic in Florence and Romagna | Eodem millesimo de mense junii et julii. Maxima pestis mortalitas fuit in civitate Florentie districtu, qua mortui sunt circa XVIm homines et mulieres; et similis casus accidit in Romandiola | Template:Anonymus 1908, p. 111 | Translation needed | |
| 1342-00-00-Aquileia | 1342 JL | Plague in Aquileia | Hoc anno, tempore Augusti pestifer ventus oram Aquilegensis i portus afflavit de spumis maris Adriatici procellosis, qui in districtus illius complexu plurimos in mortem stravit, plurimos in infirmitatibus diucius colligavit. | In this year, during the time of August, a pestilent wind blew from the turbulent shores of the Adriatic Sea into the harbors of Aquileia, which, with the foaming waves of the stormy sea, brought death to many in that area and afflicted many with lingering illnesses. | Iohannes Victoriensis 1340-1343, p. 229. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1345-00-00-Venice | 1345 JL | Origin of the Black Death and ravages in Venice | Anno Domini 1345, jnguiaria pestis, incipiens in partibus Tartarorum, et se, peccatis exigentibus, ad universum orbem contagiose extendens, adeo terribiliter desaevivit, quod penitus nulli loco perpercit; et si quando alicubi cessare videretur, transactis duobus, vel tribus annis, ad locum reverberatur eundem. | In the year of our Lord 1345, the pestilence, beginning in the regions of the Tartars, and spreading contagiously throughout the whole world, raged so terribly, driven by the demands of sin, that it spared no place entirely; and if it seemed to subside anywhere, after two or three years, it returned to the same place. | Raphaynus de Caresinis 1922, p. 5 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1346-00-00-Florence 001 | 1346 JL | Florence was threatened by a famine. The city gathered large supplies of grain from elsewhere, however the problems weren't solved, because many people from the countryside came in the city. In addition to the famine diseases broke out amnong the immigrants and then it distributed also among the urban masses. | Cum ergo fames haud dubie immineret, sollers plane ad hoc civitas, in Africa et Sardinia et Sicilia aliisque locis permultis magna vi frumenti comparata, mari simul terraque importandum curavit. Nec eo tamen modo evitari potuit, quin difficultates permaximae (p. 306) eo anno subirentur. Turba enim ex agro in urbem mendicatura longis agminibus mulierum puerorumque advenerat. Ex finitimis etiam civitatibus quae minus ad hoc providae fuerant multitudo concurrerat, ut infinitus prope numerus hominum esset alendus. Magnumque in his civitatis meritum humanitasque eluxit; non modo enim non reiectus est quisquam advenarum peregrinorumque, sed etiam si tenuis foret, liberalitate gratuita per tantam rei frumentariae inopiam sustentatus, ut prope collatum a civitate beneficium in genus humanum videretur. Multa insuper eo anno tenuioribus indulta, et illud in primis, quod creditorum acerbitas repressa est, lege lata, ne quis nisi certa forma pro aere alieno conveniri posset. Satis enim premi caritate ipsa multitudinem existimavit civitas. Et accedebant ad caritatem morbi, qui multitudinem convenam et urbis insuetam consecuti, urbanam quoque apprehenderant turbam, ut et commiserendum et succurrendum esset. | So, as there was now no doubt about the threat of famine, the city showed its resourcefulness, gathering large supplies of grain in Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and many other places and seeing to their importation simultaneously by land and sea. But these steps were not enough to avoid the enormous difficulties they faced that year. For throngs of women and children from the countryside came (p. 308) into the city in long lines to beg. They were joined by multitudes from the nearby cities which had been less provident in this respect, so that there was almost an infinite number of people to feed. Amid these challenges the city’s great merit and humanity shone forth. For not only was not a single immigrant or foreigner turned away, but even the poor, with gratuitous liberality, were sustained throughout this great dearth of provisions, so that Florence seemed almost to have conferred a benefit on the human race. In this year, moreover, many allowances were made on behalf of the poor, and principally this: that the harshness of creditors was kept in check. A law was passed prohibiting suitors to collect debt except under particular conditions; the city felt that the multitude was oppressed enough already by the famine. And in addition to the famine there were the diseases which broke out among the throng of immigrants unused to the city, then spread among the urban masses, so that mercy and succor were needful. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, pp. 306-308. | None |
| 1346-00-00-Orient | 1346 JL | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: In the Orient happened an unexplained plague, depopultating many regions. During the siege of Feodosia (Caffa) by the Tartars, their army was afflicted by the disease. The plague, which initially struck the Tartars, spread than also inside the city, because they ordered the plague-stricken corpses to be thrown over the walls of Caffa. The situation deteriorated, and people were expecting the impending judgement Day. | Anno domini MCCCXLVI. in partibus orientis, InfinitaTartarorum et Saracenorum genera, morbo inexplicabili, et morte subita corruerunt. Ipsarumque parcium latissime regiones, Infinite prouincie, regna magnifica, vrbes, Castra, et loca, plena hominurn multitudine copiosa, morbo pressa, et horrende rnortis morsibus, propriis Acollis denudata paruo tempore deffecerunt. Nan (!) locus dictus Thanna, in partibus orientis, uersus Acquilonem Constantinopolitana contrada (I) sub Tartarorum dominio constituta, ubi merchatores ytalici confluebant, cum propter quosdam excessus, superuenientibus Tartaris infinitis, modico temporis Interuollo (!) obsessa, et hostiliter debellata, deserta penitus remaneret. Accidit ut uiolenter christianj merchatores expulsi, Intra menia Terre Caffensis, quam ab olim illa Regione Januenses extruxerant, fugientes christiani sese pro suarum tutione personarum et rerum, Tartarorum formidantes potenciam, Armato Nauigio receptarent. Ha deus. Ecce subito, gentes Tartarorum profane, vndique confluentes, Caffensem urbem circurndantes, incluxos christicolas obsederunt, fere Triennio perdurantes. lbique hostium exercitu Infinito uallati, vix poterant respirare, licet Nauigio Alimenta ferrente illud talle subsidium intrinsecis spem modicam exhyberet. Et ecce Morbo Tartaros inuadente totus exercitus perturbatus longuebat et cottidie Infinita millia sunt extincta videbatur eis, sagittas euolare de celo , tangere et opprimere superbiam Tartarorum. qui statim signati corporibus In iuncturis , humore coagulato in Inguinibus, febre putrida subsequente, expirabant, omni conscilio et auxilio medicorum cessante. Quod Tartari, ex tanta clade et morbo pestifero fatigati, sic defficientes attoniti et vndique stupefacti, sine spe salutis mori conspicientes, cadavera, machinis eorum superposita, Intra Caffensem vrbem precipitari Jubebant, ut ipsorum fectore(!) intollerabili, omnino defficerent. Sic sic proiecta videbantur Cacurnina mortuorum, nec christiani latere, nec fugere, nec a tali precipicio liberari valebant, licet deffunctos, quos poterant marinis traderent fluctibus inmergendos. Moxque toto aere inffecto, et aqua uenenata, corrupta putredine, tantusque fetor Increbuit ut vix ex Millibus vnus, relicto exercitu fingere conaretur qui eciam uenenatus alijs ubique uenena preparans, solo aspectu, loca et homines, morbo Inffieret uniuersos. Nec aliquis sciebat, uel poterat viam lnuenire satutis. Sic undique Orientalibus, et meridiana plaga, et qui in Aquilone degebant, sagita percussis Asperima, que coporibus crepidinem Inducebat, morbo pressis pestiffero, fere onmes, defficiebant, et morte subita corruebant. Quanta, qualisque fuerit mortalitas generalis, Cathaijnj, lndi, Perses, Medi , Cardenses, Armeni, Tarsenses, Georgianj, Mesopotami, Nubiani, Ethijopes, Turchumani, Egiptij, Arabici, Saraceni, Greci et fere toto oriente corrupto, clamoribus, flectibus(!) et singultibus occupati, a supra dicto Millesimo usque ad Millesimo, CCCXLVIIII in amaritudine commorantes, extremum deij Judicium suspicantur. |
In the year of Our Lord 1346, in the eastern regions, innumerable races of Tartars and Saracens perished due to an inexplicable plague and sudden death. Vast regions of these parts, countless provinces, magnificent kingdoms, cities, castles, and places filled with a dense population, were struck by the plague and succumbed to the horrific bites of death, being emptied of their inhabitants in a short time. For instance, a place called Thanna, in the eastern parts, towards the north near the territory of Constantinople under Tartar rule, where Italian merchants used to gather, was besieged and attacked by countless Tartars over a short period, and left completely desolate after an onslaught. It happened that the Christian merchants, violently expelled, fled to the fortified city of Caffa, which had been constructed long ago in that region by the Genoese, seeking protection for their lives and belongings. The Tartars, fearing the power of their enemy, surrounded the city and laid siege for nearly three years. Besieged by the massive Tartar army, the inhabitants barely managed to survive, despite some help brought by ships carrying supplies, which offered them only slight hope. Suddenly, the Tartars themselves were struck by disease, and their entire army began to weaken and was daily afflicted, with countless numbers dying. It seemed as if arrows were falling from the sky to strike and humble the pride of the Tartars. The infected showed signs in their joints and groins, with a thickened fluid, followed by a putrid fever, causing them to die despite all medical advice or aid. Exhausted by this disastrous plague, the Tartars, seeing no hope of recovery and stunned by the devastation, ordered the bodies of their dead to be catapulted into the city of Caffa to spread the intolerable stench and weaken the inhabitants. Thus, the Christians could neither hide nor escape nor free themselves from this danger, even though they threw the corpses they could into the sea to be carried away by the waves. The air was soon contaminated, the water poisoned, and the corruption spread so intensely that scarcely one in a thousand survived to flee, those who did often carrying the infection, spreading it wherever they went and infecting people and places simply by their presence. No one knew or could find a way to salvation. Thus, in the eastern regions, the southern lands, and the northern inhabitants, struck by the harshest arrows of disease that ate into the body, almost everyone succumbed and fell to sudden death. The scale and nature of the widespread mortality were such that the Cathayans, Indians, Persians, Medes, Kardians, Armenians, Tarsians, Georgians, Mesopotamians, Nubians, Ethiopians, Turcomans, Egyptians, Arabs, Saracens, Greeks, and nearly the entire East, overcome by cries, weeping, and sobs, suspected the final judgment, remaining in bitterness from the said year 1346 until 1349. | Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 48–49 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-00-00-Florence 001 | 1347 JL | Until harvest-time the problems of food shortage still existed in Florence. The first signs of the Black Death were seen in this time, but the plague arose already 2 year earlier in the East. The symptoms were horrible and many people died. | Altero dehinc anno, priusquam segetes maturescerent, eaedem quae superiori tempore difficultates rei frumentariae populum tenuere. Maturis deinde frugibus atque collectis, difficultates illae pristinae cessavere. Variis tamen morborum generibus laborabatur, et pestilentiae, qua postmodum vastata Italia est, signa quaedam horrenda tunc primum apparuerunt. Ea clades biennio fere ante (quantum haberi notitia poterat) in Orientis partibus coorta; mox inde per populos pestilenti contagio evagata, alia subinde appetendo loca, regiones cumulatis funeribus inanierat. Febris erat sopifera et inguinis tumor. Id quasi venenum quoddam robustissimos iuvenes, alioquin sanos, repente invadens, paucissimis interdum enecabat horis. Contagia omnium exitiosa erant. Ea igitur tunc civitatem ingressa imbecilliora primum corpora puerorum puellarumque conficere coepit; inde ad firmiora transgrediens, per omnem sexum aetatemque vagata est. | The next year, up until harvest-time, the People were preoccupied with the same difficulties of provisioning as before; but once the crops ripened and were harvested, these earlier difficulties ceased. Yet they were still suffering from diseases of various kinds, and certain horrid signs of the pestilence which afterwards devastated Italy then became manifest for the first time. As far as one can tell, this disaster had arisen two years earlier in parts of the East, then soon spread with epidemic virulence from populace to populace, seeking out one place after another, emptying whole regions with piles of corpses. It caused a sleep-inducing fever and a swelling in the groin. Like a kind of poison it suddenly attacked the most robust young men, otherwise healthy, and killed them in a few hours. It was the most destructive of all epidemics; and it was this epidemic that entered the city at that time. It began by first consuming the weaker bodies of boys and girls, then passed on to the stronger, spreading through both sexes and persons of every age. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 310. | None |
| 1347-00-00-Italy | 1347 JL | High mortality in Italy | Mortalitas magna per totum fere mundum | Cronica Patricii Ravennatis, p. 1172 | Translation needed | |
| 1347-00-00-Kuyavia | 1347 JL | Severe plague in Kuyavia and after that Jews were being burned all over Germany | Anno Domini 1347 fuit gravis pestilencia et tunc Iudei per totam Almaniam fuerunt cremati, quia dicebantur christianum populum intoxicasse, ut fuit compertum. | In the year of our Lord 1347, there was a great plague, and at that time, the Jews throughout Germany were burned because they were accused of poisoning the Christian people, as it was determined. | Annales Cuiavienses II, p. 889 | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1347-00-00-Lombardy | 1347 JL | Cold weather followed by famine. Then outbreak of the Black Death in parts of Lombardy, especially in rural areas, but also in Varese; plague spares Milan, Novara, Pavia, Cuneo and Vercelli. Source is notorious for confused, imprecise and contradictory chronology<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> | Dixeram supra quod tunc temporis nix erat magna et fuit verum; nam duravit super facie terre usque ad finem raensis martii vel quasi, propter quam campestria tantum fastidium frigoris et undacionis susceperunt quod biada, nive recedente, ut plurimum mortua aparebant. Ex qua multe terre habitatoribus private fuerunt, maxime in montanis partibus; deinde, fame cessante, cepit morbus prosiliens a partibus ul'tramarinis partes inferiores invadere; et primo Bononiam applicuit, videlicet anno MCCCXLIIII, in qua civitate infiniti perierunt, omni defensione et medela destituta. Due partes autem corporum dicebantur periisse. Invasitque pestilencia Januam ubi simili modo perierunt; invasit Parmam in qua multi defecerunt. Servavit Mediolanum, Papiam, Novariam, Cumas, Vercellas, set discurrando occupavit Lombardiam a dicto anno usque annum MCCCXLVII, ubi iterum super districtu Novarie vigebat; nam in dicto districtu Momum vacuavit, Bellanzagum similiter et in Burgomanerio ', ubi conversationem habebam, ubi dicti viri belligeri habitabant, perlerunt dieta clade in tribus mensibus prò completis centenaria xxvii virorum, computatis mulieribus et parvulis, nec in aliìs terris tunc insilivit novariensibus; in comitatu autem Mediolani in partibus Varixii, Anglerie, Gallarate et circumstanciis ut supra, sine numero perierunt. Cessavit itaque dieta pestilentìa moriendi, tamen in aliquibus locis discurrendo. | I mentioned above that at that time there was a great snowfall, and it was true; for it lasted on the surface of the earth until the end of March or nearly so. Because of this, the fields suffered so much from the cold and flooding that, when the snow melted, most of the crops appeared dead. As a result, many lands were deprived of their inhabitants, especially in the mountainous regions. Then, as the famine ceased, a disease began to spread from the overseas regions, invading the lower areas. It first struck Bologna in the year 1344 (sic!), where countless people perished, lacking any defense or remedy. It was said that two-thirds of the population died. The pestilence then invaded Genoa, where many similarly perished, and then Parma, where many died as well. Milan, Pavia, Novara, Como, and Vercelli were spared, but the disease spread throughout Lombardy from that year until 1347 (sic!), when it again raged in the district of Novara. In that district, it emptied Momeliano, Bellinzona, and Borgomanero, where I lived, and where the mentioned warriors lived. In three months, 2,700 men perished, including women and children, and the disease did not attack other lands in Novara at that time. However, in the surroundings of Milan, in the regions of Varese, Angera, Gallarate, and the surrounding areas, countless people perished. Thus, the aforementioned pestilence ceased in its deadliness, though it continued to spread in some places | Cognasso 1926-39, p. 53. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-02-00-Avignon | February 1347 JL | Famine and afterwards mortality in Avignon (fasting period until Whitsun). | Anno Domini MCCCXLVII in quadragesima et inter pascha et pentecosten circa Avionem propter gwerrarum rabiosam inundacionem circumquaque exortam fames exicialis et prevalida facta est, propter quam innumerabiles populi morte repentina extincti dicebantur. In tantum eciam mortalitas famem horrendam subsecuta seviebat, quod in plateis, vicis et in sterquiliniis prostrati miserabiliter iacuerunt. | In the year of our Lord 1347, during Lent and between Easter and Pentecost, near Avignon, due to the violent outbreak of war, a devastating famine arose everywhere, causing countless people to be struck down by sudden death. Such a terrible mortality ensued from the famine that people were said to be dying innumerable deaths. To such an extent did the deadly famine rage, that people miserably lay prostrate in the streets, alleys, and dung heaps. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 270. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1347-05-00-Bologna | May 1347 JL | Mortality in Bologna, Brescia, Milan and Florence, 10.000 deaths over several months | Dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas personarum maxime in civitate Bononiae, et [mortui sunt] de maioribus et melioribus personis ipsius civitatis ultra decem milia personarum et duravit dicta mortalitas a mense maii usque ad mensem septembris; et similiter fuit dicta mortalitas in civitate Mediolani, Brixiae et Florentiae. | In the same year, there was a great mortality of people, especially in the city of Bologna, and over ten thousand of the most prominent and best citizens of that city died. This mortality lasted from the month of May until the month of September. Similarly, there was said to be a great mortality in the cities of Milan, Brescia, and Florence | Giovanni da Bazzano - Chronicon Mutinense 1917, p. 135 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-09-00-Catania | September 1347 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Catania with detailed description of symptoms and social disintegration. Prominent victim of the plague is Duke Giovanni d'Aragona, Regent of the Kingdom of Trinacria/Sicily at the time. | Quid dicemus de civitate Cataniae, quae oblivioni tradita est? Tanta fuit pestis praedicta exorta in ea, quod non solum pustulae illae, quae "anthraci" vulgari vocabulo nuncupabantur, sed etiam glandulae quaedam in diversis corporum membris nascebantur, nunc in pectine, aliae in tibiis, aliae in brachiis, aliae in gutture. Quae quidem a principio erant sicut avellanae, et crescebant cum magno frigoris rigore, et in tantum humanum corpus extendebant et affligebant, quod diutius in se potentiam non habens standi, se ad lectum perferrebat, febribus immensis incitatus, et amaritudine non modica contristatus. Quapropter glandulae illae ad modum nucis crescebant, deinde ad modum ovi gallinae vel anseris, et quorum dolores non modici, et humorum putrefactione urgebant dictum humanum corpus sanguinem expuere; quod sputum, a pulmonibus infecto perveniens ad guttur, totum corpus humanum putrefaciebat: quo putrefacto, humoribus deficientibus, spiritum exalabant. Quae quidem infirmitas triduo perdurabat; quarto vero die ad minus a rebus humanis praedicta humana corpora erant adepta. Catanienses vero perpendentes talem aegritudinem sic brevi finire tempore, sicuti dolor capitis eis superveniebat, et rigor frigoris, omnia peccata eorum primo et ante omnia sacerdotibus confitebantur, et deinde testamenta eorum conficiebantur. Tanta erat in praedicta civitate condemnsa mortalitas, quod iudices et notarii se ad testamenta facienda ire recusabant. Et si ad aliquem infirmum accederent, ab eo procul omnino stabant. Sacerdotes ullatenus ad domos infirmorum accedere timore proximi mortis trepidabant. Tanta erat immensa mortalitas in civitate praedicta, quod iudices et notarii in conficiendis testamentis, nec sacerdotes ad peccatorum confitenda peccamina poterant totaliter continuo vacare. Patriarcha vero praedictus, volens de animabus Cataniensium providere, cuilibet sacerdoti, licet minimo, totam, quam habebat ipse episcopalem et patriarchalem licentiam, de absolvendis peccatis tribuit atque dedit. Quapropter omnes, qui deficiebant, secundum veram opinionem ad locum Dei tutam infallibiliter erant recepti. Dux vero Joannes praedictus timens mortem supradictam, nolens civitatibus et locis appropinquare habitatis propter aeris infectionem, per loca nemorosa et inhabitata, circumquaque se hinc inde continue versabatur. Sed dum hinc inde nunc ad aquam salis, quae est in nemore Cataniensi, nunc ad quamdam turrim, quae vocatur "Lu Blancu" per sex milliaria a civitate Cataniae distantem, nunc ad quandam ecclesiam sancti Salvatoris de Blanchardu in nemore civitatis praedictae, se quasi latitando discurreret, pervenit ad quamdam ecclesiam, seu locum per dictum Ducem noviter constructum [p. 568] vocatum sanctu Andria, qui locus est in confiniis nemoris Mascalarum; in quo dum incolumis ac sanus existeret, ex quadam sibi superveniente infirmitate mortuus extitit. Corpus cuius fuit sepultum in maiori Catanensi Ecclesia, in eo videlicet tumulo, ubi corpus quondam Friderici Regis patris sui fuerat conditum et humatum. Et hoc anno Domini MCCCXLVIII, de mense Aprilis primae Indictionis. Quae quidem mortalitas duravit a mense Septembris dictae primae Indictionis usque ad mortem Ducis supradicti paulo ante vel post. Talis itaque gravis fuit mortalitas in nullo dispar sexu, in nulla aetate dissimilis, generaliter cunctos iugiter affecit, ut etiam quos non egit in mortem, turpi macie exinanitos afflictosque dimisit atque relaxavit. In qua mortalitate fuit dictus Patriarcha mortuus, et sepultus in maiori Catanensi Ecclesia, anima cuius in pace quiescat. | What shall we say of the city of Catania, which has been consigned to oblivion? Such was the plague that arose there that not only did those pustules called "anthraces" in the common tongue appear, but also certain swellings in various parts of the body—now on the chest, some on the shins, others on the arms, and others in the throat. These, at first, were like hazelnuts, and they grew with a great chill and afflicted the human body so severely that, unable to stand any longer, the person would collapse onto the bed, overcome by intense fevers and burdened with great bitterness. As a result, those swellings would grow to the size of a walnut, then to the size of a hen's egg or even a goose's egg, and the pain was unbearable. The rotting of bodily fluids caused the afflicted person to spit blood; this sputum, infected from the lungs and reaching the throat, would completely decay the entire body. Once the body had decayed and the fluids had been drained, the person would exhale their spirit. This disease would last three days; by the fourth day, at the latest, the person would succumb. The people of Catania, observing that such an illness would end so quickly, often experienced severe headaches and chills. In this state, they confessed all their sins, first and foremost, to priests, and then prepared their wills. The mortality in the aforementioned city was so severe that judges and notaries refused to go to prepare the wills. And if they did approach any of the sick, they kept a great distance. Priests, too, were afraid to approach the homes of the sick out of fear of their own impending deaths. The mortality in the city was so immense that judges and notaries could not keep up with preparing wills, nor could priests attend continuously to the confession of sins. The Patriarch, seeing the need to provide for the souls of the people of Catania, granted to each priest, even the humblest, the full authority of his episcopal and patriarchal license to absolve sins. Because of this, all who died were, according to true belief, received into the secure presence of God. Duke Giovanni [di Randazzo/d'Aragona, 1317-1348], fearing the aforementioned plague and not wanting to approach inhabited cities or places due to the infection of the air, moved about continuously through forested and uninhabited areas. Wandering from one place to another, he would sometimes go to the Salt Spring in the forest near Catania, sometimes to a tower called "Lu Blancu," six miles from the city of Catania, or to a church called S. Salvatoris de Blanchardu in the forest of the aforementioned city. While wandering in hiding, he eventually came to a church or location newly constructed by the Duke, called S. Andrea, which is situated on the borders of the Mascalarum forest. While living there in good health, he was overtaken by a sudden illness and died. His body was buried in the major church of Catania, in the very tomb where the body of Frederick, King and his father, had been buried and laid to rest. This happened in the year of our Lord 1348, in the month of April, during the first Indiction. This mortality lasted from September of the same first Indiction until shortly before or after the death of the aforementioned Duke. Such a grave mortality affected all, regardless of sex or age, and struck everyone continuously. Even those whom it did not bring to death were left emaciated and afflicted with a wretched gauntness, ultimately releasing them in a weakened state. During this mortality, the aforementioned Patriarch also died and was buried in the major church of Catania, and may his soul rest in peace. | Michele da Piazza 1791, pp. 567-568. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-10-00-Messina | October 1347 JL | Arrival of the Black Death in Messina, Sicily on board of Genoese ships. | Caput XXVII. De repentina mortalitate orta in Regno Sicilie & quo tempore duravit, & quid actum eo tempore extitit [...] Accidit ergo, quod de mense octobris anno dominice incarnationis MCCCXLVII circa principium mensis octobris prime indictionis, duodecim galee januensium, divinam fugientes ulcionem, quam Dominus noster pro eorum iniquitatibus desuper eis transmiserat, applicuerunt in portum civitatis Messane, talem secum morbum ossibus infixum deferentes, quod si quis cum aliquo ipsorum locutus fuisset , erat infirmitate effectus letali, quam mortem nullatenus evadere poterat inmediate. Signa vero mortis ianuensium et messanensium cum eis participantium talia erant. Quod propter infectionem hanelitus inter eos mixti universaliter alloquentes , adeo unus alterum inficiebat , quod quasi totus dolore concussus videbatur, et quodammodo conquassatus; ex cujus doloris conquassatione, et hanelitus inficatione oriebatur quedam pustula circa femur , vel brachium ad modum lenticule. Que ita inficiebat et penetrabat corpus, quod violenter spuebant sanguinem: quo sputo spuendo per triduum, incessanter sine aliqua cura curabili vitam expirabant; et non tantum moriebantur quicumque eis conversabantur, ymmo quicumque de rebus eorum 63) emeret, tangeret, seu affectaret. Messanenses vero cognoscentes dictam eorum repentinam mortem eis incurrere propter januensium galearum adventum, eos de portu et civitate predicta cum festinantia maxima expulerunt. Remansitque dicta infirmitas in civitate predicta, ex qua sequuta extitit immensa mortalitas. Et in tantum unus alium habebat exosum, quod si filius de morbo predicto infirmabatur, pater sibi adherere penitus recusabat; et si ad eum ausus esset appropinquare, adeo infectus erat morbo predicto, quod mortem nullatenus evadere poterat, quin per triduum suum spiritum non exalaret. Et non tantum solus ipse de domo moriebatur, sed omnes familiares in eadem domo astantes, catuli, et animalia in dicta domo existentia patrem familias mortui sequebantur. Et intantum mortalitas ipsa Messanensibus invaluit, quod petebant multi sacerdotibus confiteri sua peccata, et testamenta conficere, et sacerdotes, judices et notarii ad domos eorum accedere recusabant; et si aliqui ipsorum ad eorum hospitia ingrediebantur pro testamentis, et talibus conficiendis, mortem nullatenus repentinam poterant (p 83) evitare. Fratres vero Ordinis minorum et Predicatorum et aliorum ordinum accedere volentes ad domos infirmorum predictorum, et confitentes eisdem de eorum peccatis, et dantes eis penitentiam juxta velle sermus. divinam justitia, adeo letalis mors ipsos infecit, quod fere in eorum cellulis de eis aliqui remanserunt. Quid ultra? Cadavera stabant sola in hospitiis propriis, nullus sacerdos, filius, sive pater, atque consanguineus ausus erat in eisdem intrare, sed tribuebant bastatiis non modicam pensionem pro cadaveribus in sepultura deferendis predictis. Hospitia defunctorum remanebant aperta, et patentia cum omnibus jocalibus, pecunia, et thesauris; adeo ut si quis ingredi vellet, aditus a nullo proibitus erat. Nam tanta subito pestilentia exorta est, ut ministri quoque primum non sufficerent, deinde non essent. Quapropter Messanenses hunc casum terribilem et monstruosum intuentes, migrare de civitate quam mori potius elegerunt; et non solum in urbem veniendi, sed etiam appropinquandi ad eam negabatur. In aeris et in vineis extra civitatem cum eorum familiis statuerunt mansiones. Aliqui vero et pro majori parte in civitatem Catanie perrexerunt, confisi quod beata Cataniensis Agatha virgo eosdem tali infirmitate liberaret. Inclita regina Helisabeth regina Sicilie, existens in civitate Catanie, don Fridericum filium suum, qui in civitate Messane tunc temporis aderat, ad se festinante jussit venire; qui cum galeis venetorum Cataniam festinanter applicuit. | Chapter XXVII: On the sudden mortality that arose in the Kingdom of Sicily, the duration of that time, and what happened during that time Therefore, it happened that in the month of October in the year of our Lord's Incarnation 1347, around the beginning of October, twelve Genoese galleys, fleeing divine retribution which our Lord had sent upon them for their sins, docked at the port of the city of Messina. They brought with them a disease so deeply embedded in their bones that if anyone spoke with any of them, they were struck with a fatal illness from which they could not escape immediate death. The signs of death among the Genoese and those of Messina who interacted with them were such that, because of the infection from their breath, mingling with them universally, one infected another so that it seemed as if they were entirely shaken by pain, and in a way crushed by it; from this crushing pain and the infection from their breath, there arose pustules around the thigh or arm, like a lentil. These pustules infected and penetrated the body so violently that they coughed up blood; and with this coughing up of blood for three days, constantly without any cure, they expired; and not only did those who interacted with them die, but also anyone who bought, touched, or desired any of their belongings (page 563). The people of Messina, recognizing that this sudden death was befalling them because of the arrival of the Genoese galleys, expelled them from the port and the aforementioned city with the greatest haste. The aforementioned disease remained in the aforementioned city, resulting in immense mortality. To such an extent did one hate another, that if a son fell ill from the aforementioned disease, the father entirely refused to stay near him; and if he dared to approach him, he was so infected by the aforementioned disease that he could not escape death and would expire within three days. And not only did the individual in the house die, but all the family members present in the same house, including pets and animals in the house, followed the head of the dead family. The mortality increased so much among the people of Messina that many asked priests to confess their sins and make their wills, but priests, judges, and notaries refused to go to their houses; and if any of them entered their houses to make wills and other such documents, they could not avoid sudden death. Friars of the Order of Minors and Preachers and members of other orders, wishing to go to the houses of the aforementioned sick people, confessing their sins and giving them penance according to divine justice, were so lethally infected that almost none of them remained in their cells. What more? Corpses lay alone in their homes, no priest, son, father, or relative dared to enter them, but they paid considerable sums to others to bury the bodies. The houses of the deceased remained open and unguarded with all their jewels, money, and treasures; so that if anyone wished to enter, the entrance was prohibited by no one. Such a sudden pestilence arose that at first there were not enough servants, and eventually, there were none. Therefore, the people of Messina, seeing this terrible and monstrous event, chose to migrate from the city rather than die; and not only was it forbidden to come into the city, but also to approach it. They set up camps in the air and vineyards outside the city with their families. Some, and for the most part, went to the city of Catania, believing that blessed Agatha of Catania would free them from such an illness. The noble Queen Elisabetta, Queen of Sicily, residing in the city of Catania, hastily summoned her son Federico, who was then in the city of Messina, to come to her; and he hurried to Catania with Venetian galleys. | Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83 | None |
| 1347-10-00-Messina2 | October 1347 JL | Procession to counter the outbreak of the Black Death in Messina fails. | Cap. 29: Quomodo Messanenses adcesserunt ad beatam Maria de Scalis cum sacerdotali officio; et que signa, et miracula apparuerunt ibidem et de mortalitate in civitate Catanie, et de morte Ducis Joannis. Messanenses vero de hujusmodi mira visione territi, miro modo sunt universaliter effecti timidi. Quapropter ad beatam Virginem de Scalis per miliaria sex a civitate Messane distantem, scalciatis pedibus, cum processione sacerdotali, comuniter ambulare statuerunt. Ad quam appropinquantes Virginem, omnes unanimiter in terris fixerunt devotissime genua, cum lacrimis, Dei et beate Virginis clamantes subsidium; et ingredientes in ecclesiam supradictam, devotis orationibus, et sacerdotali cantilena divina clamantes, miserere nostri Deus, quamdam ymaginem matris Dei sculpitam, ibidem antiquitus constitutam, propriis manibus appreenderunt. Quam in civitatem Messanem elegerunt ingredi facere, propter cujus visionem et ingressionem putabant demonia a civitate eicere, et a tali mortalitate penitus liberari. Propter quod elegerunt quendam sacerdotem ydoneum dictam ymaginem super quodam equo in brachiis suis honorifice apportare. Et reveretentes ad dictam civitatem cum ymagine supradicta, dicta sacra Dei mater, dum vidit et appropinquavit da dictam civitatem, adeo sibi exosam reputavit, et totaliter peccatis sanguinolentam, quod post tergum reversa, non tantum intrare noluit in civitatem, sed ipsam aborruit oculis intueri. Propter quod tellus aperta extitit in profundum, et equus, super quo dicta Dei matris ferebatur ymago, fixus et immobilis extitit sicut petra, et precedere, vel retrocedere non valebat. | Chapter 29: How the People of Messina Approached the Blessed Mary of the Stairs with Priestly Devotion; the Signs and Miracles that Appeared There; and the Plague in the City of Catania, Along with the Death of Duke John. The people of Messina, terrified by such a miraculous vision, were universally struck with great fear. Therefore, they resolved to walk barefoot, in a solemn priestly procession, to the Blessed Virgin of the Stairs, located six miles from the city of Messina. When they approached the Virgin, they all fell unanimously to their knees on the ground with great devotion, crying out with tears for the help of God and the Blessed Virgin. Entering the aforementioned church, they prayed devoutly and sang divine hymns with priestly chants, calling upon God with the words, "Have mercy on us, O God." In the church, they took hold of a carved image of the Mother of God, which had been placed there in ancient times. They decided to bring this image into the city of Messina, believing that her presence and entry into the city would drive out demons and completely free the city from the plague. To this end, they selected a suitable priest to carry the image with reverence in his arms on horseback. However, as they returned to the city with the sacred image, the Holy Mother of God, upon seeing and approaching the city, found it so abhorrent, deeming it bloodstained with sin, that she turned her face away. Not only did she refuse to enter the city, but she also avoided even looking at it. Because of this, the earth opened to a great depth, and the horse carrying the image of the Mother of God became fixed and immovable, like a rock, unable to advance or retreat. | Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83. | None |
| 1347-10-00-Messina3 | October 1347 JL | Most plague refugees from Messina fail to enter Catania and spread the Black Death to Siracusa, Agrigento and Trapani. | Quid ultra? Adeo fuerunt abominabiles & timorosi, quod nemo cum eis loquebatur, nec conversabant, sed fugiebant velociter eorum visionem, eorum anelitus penitus recusantes, & quasi in derisione omnibus Cataniensibus sunt effecti. Et si aliquis eorum cum aliquo loquebatur, respondebat sibi vulgariter, non mi parlari ca si Missinisi, & nemo eos hospitabatur. Domos pro eorum habitaculis ad conducendum penitus non inveniebant. Et nisi quod Messanenses aliqui in civitate Catanie cum eorum familia habitantes eos clam hospitabantur, fuissent quasi omni auxilio destituiti. Disperguntur itaque Messanenses per univerfam insulam Sicilie, & pergentes in civitatem Siracusie, adeo illa egritudo sic infecit Siragusanos, quod diversos immo immensos letaliter interfecit; terra Xacce, terra Trapani, & civitas Agrigenti. | What more? They were so abominable and feared that no one would speak to them or interact with them; instead, people fled swiftly from their sight, completely avoiding their breath, and they became a subject of mockery to all the people of Catania. And if any of them spoke to someone, they would be answered rudely, "I don’t speak to those from Messina." No one would give them shelter. They could not find houses to rent as living quarters. If it had not been for some Messinese families living in the city of Catania who secretly hosted them, they would have been completely without help. Thus, the Messinese dispersed throughout the entire island of Sicily, and when they reached the city of Syracuse, the plague so thoroughly infected the Syracusans that it lethally afflicted many, even in great numbers. The lands of Sciacca, Trapani, and the city of Agrigento were similarly affected. | Michele da Piazza 1791, p. 566. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-11-00-Italy | November 1347 JL | Arrival of the Black Death in Genoa and spread across Italy; but Parma and Milan remain almost untouched | Nelle parti oltra mora per più sei mesi fu grandissima pestilenza, la quale dalle galee de' Genovesi fu portata in Italia; e furono a Genova ricevute del mese di Novembre le prefate galee, sulle quali, prima che arivassero a Genova, era morta di questa mala influenza la maggior parte di coloro, che vi erano sopra: il rimanente morì quasi subito che furono in Porto e patria loro, questa infermità si allargò nella Citta, & infiniti ne morivano il giorno, & in breve per ogni Città di Lombardia, di Toscana, della Marca, della Puglia, e per ogni terra d'Italia si estese. E fu grandissima due anni continui, per la quale molte Città d'Italia furono distrutte; e sole Parma, e Milano pochissimo ne senterono; ma si sparse oltra monti, in Provenza, in Francia, in Aragona, in Spagna, in Anglia, in Alemagna, in Boemia, in Ungheria. | In the parts beyond the sea, for more than six months, there was a great pestilence, which was brought to Italy by the Genoese galleys; and in November, the aforementioned galleys were received in Genoa, on which, before they arrived in Genoa, the majority of those on board had died from this bad influence: the rest died almost immediately upon reaching their port and homeland. This disease spread in the city, and countless people died each day, and soon it extended to every city in Lombardy, Tuscany, the Marches, Apulia, and throughout all of Italy. It was exceedingly severe for two continuous years, during which many cities in Italy were destroyed; only Parma and Milan felt it very little; but it spread beyond the mountains, into Provence, France, Aragon, Spain, England, Germany, Bohemia, and Hungary | Giovanni di Cornazano 1728, col. 746 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-11-00-Italy1 | November 1347 JL | Societal consequences of the Black Death across Italy | anzi tutto il Mondo sì Cristiani, com Infedeli ne furono infetti, e furono da servi, da' Medici, da' Notari, da' Preti, e Frati, abbandonati gl' Infermi, tal che non erano serviti nè curati, nè potevano testare, nè confessi o contriti assoluti morire i miseri Apestati. La cagione di ciò era, che subito che s'apressavano a gl'Infermi, cadevano in cotale disavventurata peste, e morivano per lo più di subito, tanto che molti insepolti restavano, e l'uno, e l'altro abbandonato laiciava, nè conoscevasi che Padre avesse Figluoli, nè Moglie Marito, nè Amico compagno, e quantunque molti ricchi morissero, non erano allora pronti gli heredi a cercare i posessi dell facultadi; anzi senza prezzo era tutta la richezza tenuta; nè più si conosceva gli avari avere l'oro più che la vita caro. Cosa horribile a vedere, che gli huomini abbandonando gli huomini, gli odi, le invidie, le lascive, le facoltà, l'amore terreno, tutti volti in timore d'horrida e spaventevole morte. | The whole world, both Christians and infidels, were infected, and the sick were abandoned by servants, doctors, notaries, priests, and friars, so that they were neither served nor cared for, nor could they make a will, nor die confessed or absolved, the miserable plague victims. The reason for this was that as soon as they approached the sick, they fell into such unfortunate pestilence and died almost immediately, so that many remained unburied, and one and the other abandoned each other, and it was not known that a father had children, nor a wife a husband, nor a friend a companion. And although many rich people died, the heirs were not then ready to seek their possessions; rather, all wealth was held without value, and it was no longer known that the avaricious held gold dearer than life. It was horrible to see that humans, abandoning humans, hatreds, envies, lusts, possessions, and earthly love, all turned to fear of a horrible and frightening death | Giovanni di Cornazano 1728, col. 746 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-12-25-Avignon | 25 December 1347 JL | Great mortality in the south of France, especially in Avignon. | Quo eciam tempore maxima mortalitas viguit in Grecia in Thurchia ac Lompardia Tussia ac in provincia Waschonia et in Francia, quod ville et civitates alique dicebantur incolis destitute. Nam in civitate Avenionensi a festo nativitatis domini [25.12.1347] usque ad festum omnium sanctorum [01.11.1348] cclxxx milia hominum decesserunt, inter quos sex cardinales duces fuerunt transeuntium de hoc mundo ad patrem. | During this time, there was also enormous mortality in Greece, Turkey, Lombardy, Tuscany and the province of Vashonia [Gascony] as well as in France, so that houses and cities were named that were without inhabitants. For in the city of Avignon, 280,000 people died from the Feast of the Nativity of the Lord [25 December 1347] to the Feast of All Saints [1 November 1348], including six cardinals who passed from this world to the Father. | Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 65. | None |
| 1348-00-00-Apulia | 1348 JL | The Black Death hits Apulia and other parts of Southern Italy like Calabria. King Louis the Great of Hungary flees back home from the epidemic outbreak | sequitur annus qui nostre salutis MCCCXLVIII numeratur, in quo pestis iam pridem cepta insigni strage per universam pene Italiam desevire cepit. Que, cum iam Brutios et Calabros ac universum Apulie Regnum inficere cepisset, et in dies magis obrepert, tantaque augmenteratur sevitia, ut solo contactu passim vulgaret morbos, et tabe ac pestifero odore inficeret validos, et egros biduo aut minori temporis spatio (p. 12) conficeret, ingens mortis formido Ludovicum, Ungarie regem, invasit, qua deterritus in Pannoniam aufugere quam celerrime constituit. | There follows the year which is numbered 1348 of our salvation, in which the plague, already begun some time before, began to rage with remarkable slaughter throughout almost the whole of Italy. And when it had already begun to infect the Calabrians and the entire Kingdom of Apulia, and was spreading more and more each day, and was increasing with such savagery that by mere contact it widely transmitted diseases, and by corruption and pestilential stench infected even the healthy, and carried off the sick within two days or a shorter space of time, a great fear of death seized Louis, king of Hungary; terrified by this, he resolved to flee as quickly as possible into Pannonia. | Matteo Palmieri 1918, pp. 11-12 | Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2 |
| 1348-00-00-Apulia 001 | 1348 JL | King of Hungary left Apulia because of the plague and Joanna, wife of Duke Louis of Taranto returned to Naples and resubdued the country. | 112.) Qualiter rex Ungarie recessit ab Apulia propter pestilenciam. Reverso autem propter pestilenciam Ungaro Iohanna relicta Andree fratris sui uxor de auxilio pape Neapolim revertitur, et eiectis Ungari fidelibus terra sibi iterum subiugatur, Wernhero de Urselingen Swevo, qui primo Ungaro adhesit et ab eo propter quandam suspicionem sibi falso impictam, ut dixit, licenciatus fuit, eidem Iohanne propter pecuniam assistente. Tribunus enim Urbis, fautor Ungari, disparens eo tempore non erat potens in Urbe. Vendidit autem ipsa Iohanna, quantum in ea fuit pape civitatem Avinionensem pro multa pecunie quantitate. |
113.) How the King of Hungary left Apulia because of the plague. After the Hungarian had gone home on account of the prevailing plague, Joanna, the widow of his brother Andrew and wife of Duke Louis of Taranto, returned to Naples with the help of the pope, expelled the followers of the Hungarian, and resubdued the country, being assisted for money by Werner of Urslingen, a Swabian, who had formerly served the Hungarian (p. 171), but had been dismissed by him on account of what he said was an unjust suspicion. The tribune of Rome, the supporter of the Hungarian, had disappeared around this time and no longer had any power in Rome. Queen Joan, however, sold the city of Avignon to the pope for a large sum of money. | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 262 | None |
| 1348-00-00-Avignon | 1348 JL | Origins of the Black Death beyond the sea, its way via Naples to Montpellier and Marseille, and its impact in Avignon. | Postea, videlicet anno Domini MCCCXLIX., [p. 422] presertim in partibus ultramarinis et aliis vicinis, qualis a tempore diluvii non est facta, aliquibus terris hominibus penitus vacuatis multisque trieribus in mari cum mercimoniis, habitatoribus extinctis, sine rectore repertis. Marsilie episcopus cum toto capitulo et quasi omnes Predicatores et Minores cum dupla parte inhabitancium perierunt. Quid in Monte Pessulano, in Neapoli et aliis regnis et civitatibus actum sit, quis narraret? Multitudinem moriencium Avinione in curia, contagionem, morbi, ex qua sine sacramentis perierant homines et nec parentes filiorum nec e contra nec socii sociorum nec famuli dominorum curam habuerant, quot domus cum omni suppellectile vacue fuerunt, quas nullus ingredi audebat, horror est scribere vel narrare! Nulla fuit ibi causarum agitacio. Papa inclusus camere habenti ignes magnos continue nulli dabat accessum. Terrasque hec pestis transibat, nec poterant philosophantes, quamvis multa dicerent, certam de hiis dicere racionem, nisi quod Dei esset voluntas. Hocque nunc hic, tunc ibi per integrum annum immo pluries continuabantur. | Later, namely in the year of our Lord 1349, especially in overseas regions and other neighboring places, such devastation occurred as had not been seen since the time of the flood, with entire lands emptied of people and many ships left in the sea with their cargoes, their inhabitants extinct, and no leader found. The Bishop of Marseille, with his entire chapter, and almost all the Dominicans and Franciscans, along with half of the inhabitants, perished. Who could recount what happened in Montpellier, in Naples, and other kingdoms and cities? The multitude dying in Avignon, the contagion, the disease from which people died without sacraments, neither parents for their children nor vice versa, nor companions for each other, nor servants for their masters, had care, how many houses were left vacant with all their furnishings, which no one dared to enter— it is horrifying to write or tell! There was no debate of causes there. The Pope, confined to his chamber with large fires continually burning, granted access to no one. And this plague spread across lands, and philosophers, though they spoke much, could not give a certain explanation of these things, except that it was the will of God. And thus, now here, then there, throughout the entire year, indeed repeatedly, it continued.. | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 421-422. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1348-00-00-Avignon01 | 1348 JL | Arivval of the Black Death in many cities and regions of Southern France and Italy and consequences like changing burial habits, collapsing social bonds and abandoned settlements. | Eodem anno (1348) in Avinione, Marsilia, Monte Pessulano, urbibus Provincie, immo per totam Provinciam, Vasconiam, Franciam per omnemque mediterranei maris oram usque in Ytaliam et per urbes Ytalie quam plurimas, puta Bononiam, Ravennam, Venetias, Januam, Pisas, Lucam, Romam, Neapolim, Messanam et urbes ceteras epydimia tam ingens, atrox et seva violenter incanduit, quod in nullo dispar sexu, in etate nulla dissimilis, masculos et feminas, senes et juvenes, plebem et nobiles, pauperes, divites et potentes, precipue tamen plebem et laycos generali fedaque tabe delevit. Interimque lues oborta populum conripuit et depopulata est, ut in plerisque locis ministri sepeliendorum funerum primum multitudine cadaverum gravarentur, post difficulter invenirentur, post non sufficerent, et tandem penitus non essent. Jam etiam magne domus et parve per totas urbes, immo et urbes quam plures vivis hominibus vacue remanserunt et mortuis plene. In urbibus et domibus et campis et locis aliis opes et possessiones copiosissime, sed nulli penitus possessores. Denique tam sevi tabescentium etiam sub tectis et in stratis suis cadaverum putores exalabant, quod non solum in urbibus ipsis vivendi, sed etiam ad ipsas terras et urbes appropinquandi per duo milia passuum non erat facultas hominibus, nis inficerentur, subito (p. 274) corriperentur, post triduum morerentur, et jam nec sepilrentur. Et, ut paucis expediam, tam ingens, tam pestifer ignis epydimalis conflagravit, ut non, quantum hominum in partibus illis absumpserit, sed quantum reliquerit, inquirendum videatur. Vir uxorem et uxor virum, mater filiam et illa matrem, pater filium et e converso, frater sororem et illa fratrum et sororem, et postremo quilibet quemlibet amicum tabescere incipientem contagionis timore reliquit. | In the same year (1348), in Avignon, Marseille, Montpellier, the cities of Provence, indeed throughout entire Provence, Gascony, France, along every coast of the Mediterranean Sea up to Italy, and through many cities of Italy, such as Bologna, Ravenna, Venice, Genoa, Pisa, Lucca, Rome, Naples, Messina, and countless other cities, an epidemic so immense, fierce, and cruelly violent broke out that it spared no one of any sex, age, neither male nor female, nor exempt from any age group, afflicting men and women, old and young, commoners and nobles, the poor, the rich, and the powerful, especially the common people and laypersons, with a general and foul contagion. Meanwhile, the plague that had arisen seized the people and laid waste to them, so that in many places those responsible for burying the dead were first overwhelmed by the multitude of corpses, then one struggled to find them, later there were insufficient of them, and finally they couldn't be found at all. Now, both large and small houses throughout the cities, indeed, even many cities, were left empty of living people and full of the dead. In the cities, houses, fields, and other places, riches and possessions were abundant, but there were no owners anywhere. Finally, such a severe contagion of those wasting away caused the stench of corpses to waft even under roofs and in their beds, such that not only was there no opportunity for people to live in the cities themselves, but even approaching the lands and cities within a distance of two miles was impossible for people, unless they got infected, suddenly seized (p. 274) and died after three days. They were no longer buried. And, to summarize briefly, such a great, such a deadly epidemic fire raged that it seems not only necessary to investigate how many people it consumed in those regions, but how many it left behind. A husband abandoned his wife, and a wife her husband; a mother her daughter, and she her mother; a father his son, and vice versa; a brother his sister, and she her brothers and sisters; and, finally, everyone abandoned anyone at the first sign of the disease's spreading out of fear of contagion. | Heinrich von Herford 1859, pp. 273-274. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Avignon02 | 1348 JL | About the outbreak of the Black Death in the East and the arrival of the plague in Sicily and Avignon. People flee from the plague because of the infected air. | Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII. Tempore hyemali vel circa principium veris in partibus ultramarinis exorta est mortalitas seu pestilencia tam grandis, quod infinitam et inestimabilem multitudinem infidelium absorbuit et absumpsit. Que derivata ad terras cristicolarum maxime in locis maritimis, precipue tamen in Sicilia, innumerabilem populum prostravit. Fertur, quod in quadragesima circa Marsiliam urbem et Avionem tam crudeliter endinia sevierit, quod infra spacium unius mensis XVI milia hominum obierint. Immo, ut dicitur, tantum in Avione excessit, quod vivi homines non sufficiebant defunctorum corpora tumulare et [p. 276] ideo tandem in fluvium Rodanum certatim proiciebantur. Fertur insuper, quod papa pestem hanc de Avione ad aliam civitatem fugerit. Nichilominus fama testante in Sicilia homines de Messana metropoli et de aliis quam plurimis civitatibus, in quibus mors prevaluit, relictis eis vacuis fugierunt ad montana se transferentes, ut ibi salubri aere hausto contagiosum in civitatibus captum emitterent et eflarent. In Messana urbe Sicilie memorata de LX fratribus Minoribus conventualibus brevi spacio temporis XXX mox mortis furia de medio sublati sunt. Quo viso superstites conventu illo relicto ad loca se alia contulerunt. Predicta, scilicet terre motus et pestilencia, precurrencia mala sunt extreme voraginis et tempestatis secundum verbum salvatoris in ewangelio dicentis: "Erunt terre motus per loca et pestilencia et fames" et cetera. | In the year of our Lord 1348, at the time of winter or early spring, there was such a great mortality or plague overseas that it devoured and destroyed an infinite and incalculable number of unbelievers. It spread in the Christian areas, but mainly in coastal regions, especially in Sicily, where it struck down countless numbers of people. It is reported that during Lent, a plague raged around the cities of Marseille and Avignon that was so cruel that sixteen thousand people died within a month. It is even said that it became so bad in Avignon that there were not enough living people to bury the corpses, [p. 276] and they were therefore finally eagerly thrown into the river Rhône. It is also reported that the pope fled from Avignon to another city to escape this plague. Nevertheless, according to reports in Sicily, people fled from the metropolis of Messina and many other cities where death was rampant, leaving them empty and taking refuge in the mountains to expel the infected air from the cities and breathe it out. In the city of Messina in Sicily, thirty of the sixty Friars Minor of the convent were snatched from life by the fury of death within a short space of time. When the survivors saw this, they left the convent and travelled to other places.These events, namely earthquakes and pestilence, are harbingers of extreme evils and storms, as it says in the Gospel: "There will be earthquakes in various places and pestilence and famine" etc. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 275-276 | None |
| 1348-00-00-Avignon03 | 1348 JL | All the Carmelites and conventual brothers of the Eremites in Messina were killed. | In predicta pestilencia omnes Carmelite et omnes fratres Heremitarum conventuales in Messana civitate Sicilie memorata morte absumpti sunti. | In the aforementioned plague, all the Carmelites and all the conventual brothers of the Eremites in Messina, the Sicilian city mentioned above, were killed. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 279. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1348-00-00-Bohemia | 17 January 1348 JL | Following astrological phenomena a formerly unheard of epidemic raged in Bohemia as well as in other parts of the world (Christian and pagan) for 14 years. And there was no hideout from it neither in the lowlands nor on the mountains and many people died. | Eodem anno die XVII Ianuarii fuit eclipsis lune, et coniunccio quorundam malivolorum planetarum, ex quibus coniunccionibus et malis constellacionibus orta est inaudita epidimia seu pestilencia hominum in universo mundo et duravit tam in Boemia quam in aliis mundi partibus per XIIII annos proxime sequentes, et iam ibi, iam illic in terris christianorum et paganorum ubique. Nec erat alicubi refugium, quia sicut in planis sic in montibus et silvis homines moriebantur. In omnibus locis fiebant foveae grandes et plures singulis annis predictis, in quibus moriencium corpora sepeliebantur. Talis pestilencia et ita longa nunquam fuit a seculo. | In the same year on January 17 there was a eclipse of the moon and a malevolent conjunction of the planets and resulting from these conjunctions and bad constellations there was an unheard of epidemic or human plague in the whole world which lasted as well in Bohemia as in other parts of the world for 12 successive years at one time here at another there everywhere in the Christian and pagan lands. There was nowhere a hidout to be found, but as well on the flat land as in the mountains and forests the people died. In all places numerous and large grave pits where made in every single of the above mentioned years, in which the dead bodies where buried. Such a plague that lasted to long had never happend in this age. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 516 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1348-00-00-Bohemia 002 | 1348 JL | Following the report on the 1348 plague, Beneš Krabice of Weitmil speaks of Flagellants who came from Germany (perversi viri de Alamania) to Bohemia. They preached to the people and seduced many simple people to follow them in their erroneous doings. | Eodem anno venerunt in Boemiam quidam perversi viri de Alamania, qui se se flagellabant in conspectu hominum, et sibi mutuo, videlicet laicus laico, confitebantur peccata sua et penitencias iniungebant et predicabant ad populum et multos simplices decipiebant. | In this year arrived in Bohemia thos perverted men from Germany which flagelliated themselves and each other under the eyes of the people. The layman confessed his sins to the laymend and received the penance and they preach to the folk and many simple people were tricked. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 516 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1348-00-00-Bologna | May 1348 JL | Black Death in Bologna | Maxima et inaudita mortalitas fuit Bononiae, quae vocata fuit et semper vocabitur la mortalega grande, quia numquam fuit aliqua similis. Et incoepit de mense maji et duravit per totum annum et fere fuit per totum mundum et tam magna, quod duae partes ex tribus partibus personarum firmiter decesserunt; inter quos decesserunt duo doctores bononienses per totum mundum famosissimi, videlicet dominus Johannes Andreae, decretorum, et dominus Jacobus de Butrigariis, legum doctores | The greatest and unprecedented mortality was in Bologna, which was called and will always be called "the great mortality," because there was never anything like it. It began in the month of May and lasted for the whole year, and it was nearly worldwide and so severe that two out of every three people certainly died. Among those who died were two of the most famous doctors in the world from Bologna, namely, Master Johannes Andreae, a doctor of decrees, and Master Jacobus de Butrigariis, a doctor of law | Griffoni 1902, p. 56 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Bologna-Bohemia | 1348 JL | After descrbing the effects of the Black Death in many parts of Europe, Francis states on Bohemia: Students travelling from Bologna to Bohemia saw a lot of dead and severely ill people. Most of the students died as well already on the way. | Eodem tempore quidam studentes de Bononia versus Boemian transeuntes viderunt, quod in civitatibus et in castellis pauci homines vivi remanserunt et in aliquibus omnes defuncti fuerunt, in multis quoque domibus, qui vivi remanserant et egritudine oppressi, unus alteri non potuit porrigere haustum aque, nec in aliquo ministrare, et sic in magna affliccione et anxietate decedebant. Sacerdotes quoque ministrantes sacramenta et medici egris medicamenta ab ipsis inficiebantur et moriebantur et plurimi sacerdotibus mortuis sine confessione et sacramentis ecclesie de hac vita migraverunt. Facte sunt autem fosse magne, late et profunde, in quibus corpora defunctorum sepeliebantur. In locis quoque pluribus infectus aer plus inficiebatur — qui plus nocet quam cibus corruptus — ex putredine cadaverum, quia non remansit superstes, qui sepeliret. Verumtamen de prefatis studentibus nisi unus fuit Boemian reversus sodalesque sui in via decesserunt. | At that time, certain students who were travelling from Bologna towards (versus) Bohemia saw that few humans remained alive in the cities and castles and in some, all were dead. In many houses, those who survived were so overcome by the disease that one could not carry a drink of water to another nor care for another in any way. Thus they withdrew in great torment and anguish. Priests ministering the sacraments and medics supplying medicaments got infected and died and many priests died without confession and the sacraments of the church and they moved away from this life. And in many places, the air became further infected from the rotting of corpses, becoming a greater threat than spoiled food, as no one survived to bury them. Of these students, only one returned to Bohemia. His companions died along the way. | Francis of Prague, Chronicon Francisci Pragensi, ed. Jana Zachová, Prague 1997, p. 204f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1348-00-00-Cathay | 1348 JL | In parts of Cathai it rained worms and snakes | Eodem millesimo (1348), in partibus Captay pluit in maxima copia vermium et serpentium qui devoraverunt maximam quantitatem gentium et quoscumque homines, homines vel feminas, tangebat aqua, subito moriebantur | Anonymus 1908, p. 160 | Translation needed | |
| 1348-00-00-Erfurt | 1348 JL | The Black Death in Erfurt kills 12.000 people, who are buried in mass graves in Neuses. | Dez selbin jares was groez sterbin; alleiniz zue Erforte storbin zwolf tusent menschin, die da gevuert worden uf den karren zue Nueseße ane die in der stat heimelichen begrabin worden und in den dorferen die umme die stat lagen. Dese lute storibin dazu meiste teil an den drueßen. | In the same year, there was a great mortality; alone in Erfurt, twelve thousand people died, who were brought to Neuses on carts and wagons. Not included are those who were secretly buried in the city or in the villages surrounding it. These people mostly died due to glandular swellings. | Template:Chronici Saxonici continuatio Erfordensis 1899, p. 485 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Europe | 1348 JL | Preface to Gabriele de Mussi's report on the plague in 1348. God seeks to punish humanity for its sins, warning of dire consequences for each individual. Filled with fear, the people turn back to the Almighty, repenting for their sins, and in response, God shows mercy and forgives them. However, the disease continues to persist. | In nornine domini amen. Incipit ystoria de Morbo siue mortalitate que fuit anno domini MCCCXLVIII. Compylata per Gabrielem de Mussis placensem. Ad perpetuam rei memoriam Nouerint vniuersi presentes, pariter et futuri, quod omnipotens deus, rex celestis qui uiuorum dominator et mortuorum, in cuius manu sunt omnia, ex alto respiciens, vniuersum genus ad omnia scelera pronum et lubricum,criminibus obuolutum, innumeris perseuerancie delictis, et in omni genere uiciorum inextimabili malitia usque ad Interiora dimersun, omni bonorum gracia denudatum, dei Judicia non exhorrens, ad omnia malla opera prosilleret, tot abhominabilia, tot horribilia ulterius ferre non ualens, clamauit ad terram. Quid agis terra, miserorum captivata cateruis, peccatorum sordibus maculata, tota es Ineffecta quid agis. cur humano sanguine madefacta non postulas ultionem. cur hostes et aduersarios meos pateris. debuisses jam Inimcos meos, producta libie (libidine ?) suffocasse, prepara te ut possis exercere uindictam. Et ego terra, tuo Imperio fundata, postquam jubes, apperiam venas meas et infinitos degluciam criminosos. negabo fructus solitos blada, vina et olea non effundam. § Cumque in celestibus demisso tonitruo irattus uehementer. Judex, ellementa, planetas, sydera, et ordines Angelorum, contra humanum genus ineffabili censura conduceret et singulos animatos in exterminium peccatorum armaret, et quodam crudelitatis impetu prouocaret Inquit meum est exercere Justiciam. Ego sum uita uiuencium.ego mortis cleues (!) gero . ego retribuo, reddens unicuique, quod suum est .manus mee formanerunt celos. lucem fabricauj , mundum constitui , omnibus ornamenta concessi. 0, peccator infelix, et cunctis jnfelicior, etw mini resistere decreuisti, mandata mea, leges et omnes Justicias contempsisti. ubi fides baptismi, et mee redemptionis merces. O, condam mea creatura , non de ea forte consideraueram ut in has plagas et in hoc exitium peruenires, paradixum tibi paraueram, non Infernum, et ecce quo te perduxisti , ubi me descendere compulisti, substinui globos vteri virginalis , famem, sitim, labores , crucis , patibulum et mortem pertuli, quid fecisti Ingratissime, adhuc me postulas crucifigi, debuissem eternis te punire supplicijs, fateor vincit me pietas. En ego tuj misertus fui , et me tumi saluatorem minime cognouisti, Indignus es beatitudinis eterne, te dignum constituisti tormentotum Infernj , egredere de terra mea, te desero draconibus lacerandum. Ibis ad tenebras, ubi perpetuus gemitus, et dencium stridor erit. Jam tue calamitatis terminus adest. desinant vires tue, uanitates et uoluptates quibus te in omnibus dedicasti, conspicio ipsis ad iram nie non modicarn prouocasti. Accedant maligni spiritus, te deuorandi eisdem concedatur potestas, non sit libi libertas vlterius. Ago Judicia, Baudia tua conuertantur jn luctum. prospera conturbentur aduersis. nullus uite ordo. sed sempiternus horror Inhabitet. Ecce mortis yrnago. Ecce caracteres et portas Infernales apperio, fames captivatos prosternat. Pax a mundi finibus euellatur. Scandalla consurgant. Regna adversus regna odio execrabili consumentur. pereat in terris misericordia. clades, pestes, uiolencie, latrocinia, lites, et omnia genera scandalorum nascantur . post hec nutu meo, planete Aerem Infficiant, atque vniuerssam terrarn corrumpant, vbique sit dolor et gemitus. Vndique mortis jacula Impietatis morsibus dominentur. Nemini parcatur.non sexui non etati. pereant cum nocentibus innocentes. Nulli sit ex euadendo libertas. Sed quia pastores mundi quos constitui, greges suos lupis rapacibus dimiserunt et uerbum deij non predicant, cuibis negligentes dominici, et penitenciam minime clamauerunt, duram contra eos exercebo uintlictam. delebo eos a facie terre. et texauros eorum absconditos, inimicus et aduersus possidebit, pacientur cum delinquentibus grauia onera delictorum. Nil proderit eis falax officium et quia plus homines quam deum timuerunt et magis suam graeiam dilexerunt, omnia pessima sustinebunt ypocritarum scelerata, religio suis finibus ellungata (elongata) lugebit. Sacerdotum et tocius ordinis clericalis, falsa et inimica societas suis periclitata deffectibus Interibit. Nulli dabitur requies singulos sagita uenenata percuciet. febres superbos deicient. et morbus Incurabilis fulminabit. Sic sic monitione premissa mortalibus uibrata omnipotentis Iancea, duris aculleis undique destinatis, egressus morbus, totum genus lnfecit humanum. Nempe Orion illa stella crudelis et seua cauda draconis. et gelus ueneni fiallis precipitatis in mare. et Saturni horribilis et indignata tempestas, quibus datum est nocere terre et mari , hominibus et arboribus, ab oriente in occidentem, pestiferis gradibus incedentem, per mundi uaria climata, uenenata pocula detullerunt. bulls igneas infirmantibus relinquentes, ex quibus mortis impetus horribilis discurrens mundi comminans ruijnam, mortales subita percussione consumpsit ut infra patebit. plangite plangite populi manibus, et dei misericordiam inuocate. — |
Template:TN | Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 45–46 | None |
| 1348-00-00-Europe 001 | 1348 JL | These passages describe the catastrophic events of the year 1348 in Europe, including the plague and an earthquake. They mention predictions about political upheavals, famine and other catastrophies. | Item, Anno fequenti 48. in Avinone & in vicinis ibi partibus in Marfilia & in Italia ac multis citra & ultra maritimis regionibus, etiam in Francia, Anglia, Vngaria, Carinthia, Austria, Bauaria, Suevia, Alsatia, & in partibus Rheni & aliis plerisque Germaniae partibus, & praecipue in locis aquosis, & in alpibus, cacuminibus & conuallibus partium montanarum tam maxima pestilentia feu mortalitas (p. 469) fuit hominum, quod plerumque una in hospitio moriente persona, ceteri cohabitantes homines, ut sepius quasi subito, moriuntur. Anno Domini 1348. in die conuersionis Sancti Pauli circa horam vespertinam uniuersalis terrae motus adeo magnus fuit, quod hinc inde & praecipue in partibus Carinthiae & maritimis multae munitiones & domus & praefertim lapideae corruerunt. Anno domini 1348. multa mirabilia contingent, ut Astrologus maximus attestatur, unus solus erit dominus, Romanum Imperium exaltabitur, magna rixa erit in terra, Tyrannus Rex Francie cadit cum Baronibus fuis, magna effusio sanguinis fiet, erit magna fames & mortalitas hominum, haec iam in multis partibus Alemanniae, magnus calor in aestate, magna siccitas, vindicabitur vindicta noui Regis, transfigurabitur Regina Veneris, pulues Lonistae & animalia venenosa abundabunt & multa mirabilia in aere apparebunt. |
Moreover, in the following year 1348, in Avignon and its surrounding areas, in Marseille, Italy, and in many regions both on this side and beyond the seas, also in France, England, Hungary, Carinthia, Austria, Bavaria, Swabia, Alsace, and the regions of the Rhine and many other parts of Germany, especially in watery places, in the Alps, the peaks, and the valleys of mountainous areas, there was such a great plague or mortality among humans that often when one person died in a household, the other inhabitants frequently died suddenly as well.
In the year of our Lord 1348, on the day of the Conversion of Saint Paul, around the evening hour, there was a universal earthquake so great that here and there, especially in Carinthia and coastal areas, many fortifications and houses, particularly those made of stone, collapsed. In the year of our Lord 1348, many wonders occurred, as the great astrologer attests: there will be only one lord, the Roman Empire will be exalted, there will be great strife on the earth, the tyrant King of France will fall with his barons, there will be great bloodshed, there will be great famine and mortality of people — this has already occurred in many parts of Germany. There will be great heat in the summer, great drought, vengeance will be exacted by the new king, the Queen of Venus will be transformed, the dust of Lonista will abound, and poisonous animals will be plentiful, and many wonders will appear in the air. |
Chronicon Wirziburgense breve 1735, pp. 468-469. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1348-00-00-Europe 002 | 1348 JL | These passages describe the catastrophic events of the year 1348 in Europe, including the plague. They mention predictions about political upheavals, famine and other catastrophies like extreme weather. | De magna pestilencia. Item eodem tempore et anno immediate sequenti in curia Romana Avinionis et in vicinis ibi partibus in Marsilia et Ytalia ac multis maritimis citra et ultra marinis regionibus, eciam in Francia Anglia Ungaria Karinthia Austria Bawaria Swevia et Alsacia ac in partibus Reni et aliis plerisque Germanie partibus, et precipue in locis aquosis et in alpibus cacuminibus et convallibus partium montanarum (p. 474) tam maxima pestilentia seu mortalitatis hominum tanta fuit et est, quod plerumque una in hospicio moriente persona ceteri cohabitantes homines et sepius quasi subito moriuntur. De eventibus lamentosis sub anno subscriptio. Anno domini m.ccc.xl.viii. multa mirabilia contingent, ut astrologus maximus attestatur. Unus solus erit dominus. Imperium Romanum exaltabitur. Magna rixa erit in terra. Tyrannus Rex Francie cadet cum baronibus suis. Magna effusio sanguinis. Papa dissipabitur cum cardinalibus suis. Erit magna fames et mortalitas. Hec vero iam in multis partibus Lombardie. Magnus calor in estate. In hieme magna siccitas. Semina corrumpuntur. Vindicabitur vindicta novi regis. Transfigurabitur regina veneris. Pulices locuste et animalia venenosa habundabunt, et multa mirabilia in aere apparebunt. |
On the Great Pestilence. Likewise, at the same time and in the following year, in the Roman court at Avignon and in nearby areas, in Marseille and Italy, and in many maritime regions on both sides of the sea, also in France, England, Hungary, Carinthia, Austria, Bavaria, Swabia, Alsace, and in the regions along the Rhine and other parts of Germany, and especially in watery places and in the peaks and valleys of the mountainous regions, there was such a great plague or mortality of people that often, when one person died in a house, the other cohabitants and people would soon die almost immediately. On the Lamentable Events of the Year Described Below. In the year of our Lord 1348, many marvelous events occurred, as the greatest astrologer attests. There will be one sole lord. The Roman Empire will be exalted. There will be a great conflict in the land. The tyrant King of France will fall with his barons. There will be a great bloodshed. The Pope will be dispersed with his cardinals. There will be great famine and mortality. This has already occurred in many parts of Lombardy. There will be great heat in the summer. In winter, there will be great drought. Seeds will be corrupted. The vengeance of a new king will be exacted. The Queen of Venus will be transformed. Fleas, locusts, and venomous animals will abound, and many marvels will appear in the sky. |
De chronicis temporum hominum modernorum 1843, pp. 473-774. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1348-00-00-Firenze | 1348 JL | The Black Death described from its presumed origins in India to Britain. For Florence, 60.000 victims are estimated. | 1348. Lugubris et miseranda pestis pene per orbem, que in Asia apud Indos incipiens passimque provincias irrepens trium annorum spatio usque Britannos ubique terrarum in omnes gentes deseviit. Et hoc anno amplius sexaginta hominum milia Florentie et intra urbem absumpsit, et per agrum cuncta prope deserata reliquit. | 1348. A mournful and pitiable plague almost throughout the world, which, beginning in Asia among the Indians, and creeping everywhere through the provinces, raged for the space of three years until it reached the Britons, devastating all peoples everywhere on earth. And in this year, it consumed more than sixty thousand people in Florence, both within and outside the city, leaving almost all the countryside deserted. | Annales florentini 1868, p. 679 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Florence 004 | 1348 JL | Plague raged in Florence and surroundings and more than 70 thousand people died alone inside the city. | Proximo dehinc anno pestis iampridem ingressa urbem ita desaevivit, ut supra fidem videatur eius stragem referre. Sexaginta amplius hominum millia defuncta morbo intra urbem constat, et insignes viros, quorum consilio respublica nitebatur, ferme omnes sublatos. In agro autem exinanita cuncta ac paene deserta. Ob eam calamitatem, nihil publice geri eo anno potuit. Tantum adversus latrones, qui per Apennini iugum itinera infestabant, copiae quaedam missae. | By the next year, the plague had long since entered the city and ravaged it to such an extent that the tale of its slaughter seems beyond belief. It is evident that more than 70,000 people inside the city died of the disease, and nearly all the distinguished men on whom the city relied were wiped out. The countryside was entirely emptied out and practically deserted. Thanks to this calamity, no public business could be conducted this year. The only action was to send some troops out against robbers infesting the roads that crossed the Apennine passes. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 314. | None |
| 1348-00-00-Genoa | 1348 JL | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Infection of four marauding soldiers through a object in Rivarolo near Genoa, where all the inhabitants had already died of the plague. | Nos preterite consumpserunt. presentes corrodunt viscera. et future maiora, nobis discrimina comminantur quod Ardenti studio laborantes percepimus, (p. 51) perdidimus vna hora. Vbi sunt delicate vestes, et preciosa Juventus. Ubi nobilitas et fortitudo pugnancium. vbi seniorum maturitas antiquata, et dominarum purpurata caterua. Vbi thesaurus et preciosi lapides congregati proh dolor omnes mortis Impetu deffecerunt. Ad quern lbimus. qui nimium medebitur. Fugere non licet. latere non expedit. Vrbes, menia, Arua, nemora vie, et omuis aquarum materia, latronibus circumdantur. Isti sunt maligni Spiritus, summi tortores Judicis, omnibus supplicia Inhinita parantes. Quoddam possumus explicare pauendum, prope Januam, tunc exercitu residente euenit. vt quatuor exercitus socij, Intencione spoliandi loca et homines, exercitum dimiserunt . et ad Riparolurn pergentes in littore maris, ubi morbus Interfecerat vniuersos, domos clausas inuenientes, et nemine comparente, domum vnam apperientes, et Intrantes lectulum, cum Lana obuoiutum Inueniunt, aufferunt et exportant. et in exercitum reuertentes, nocte sequenti, quatuor sub lena , in lectulo dormitiui quiescunt. Sed mane facto, mortui sunt Inuenti. Ex quo tremor Inuasit omnes, ut Rebus et vestibus deffunctorum contemptis, nullus postea frui velet. nec eciam manibus atractare. | Template:TN | Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 50–51 | None |
| 1348-00-00-Germany | 1348 JL | Jews were accused of poisoning the water and wells. Thus they were persecuted and burned in many parts in Germany | [115.] De mala fama et infortunio Iudeorum in diversis terris et regionibus. Et infamati sunt Iudei, quod huiusmodi pestilenciam fecerint vel auxerint fontibus et puteis iniecto veneno. Et cre*mati sunt a mari usque ad Alamanniam preterquam Avinionis, ubi ipsos papa Clemens sextus defendit. Post [p. 265] hec tortis quibusdam in Berna, in comitatu Froburg et alibi, et reperto in Zovingen veneno, extinctisque Iudeis in pluribus locis, scriptoque *de hoc consulibus Basiliensis, Friburgensis et Argentinensis civitatum, maioribusque ad defensionem nitentibus Iudeorum, ac quibusdam eciam nobilibus Basilee pro quadam iniuria Iudeis illata ad longum tempus bannitis: ecce irruit populus cum baneriis ad palacium consulum. Quibus territis et querente magistro, quid vellent, responderunt se nolle abire nisi bannitis reversis. Pro quibus illico est transmissum, consulibus non audentibus egredi, quousque venerunt. Adiecitque populus se nolle, quod inibi amplius remanerent Iudei. Et iuratum est per consules et populum, quod in ducentis annis inibi nunquam residerent Iudei. Conveneruntque pluries nuncii meliores earundem trium civitatum, quibus cordi erat reten*cio Iudeorum, set populi timuerunt clamorem. Capti sunt autem undique in partibus illis Iudei. […][p. 266] Et sic modo in uno loco, postea in alio sunt cremati. Alicubi autem sunt expulsi. Quos vulgus apprehendens hos cremavit, aliquos interfecit, alios in paludibus suffocavit. [...] |
116. Of the slander and persecution of the Jews in various countries and kingdoms. And the Jews were accused of having caused or aggravated this plague by throwing poison into springs and wells. They were burned from the seashore to Germany, except in Avignon, where Pope Clement VI protected them. After some had been tortured in Bern, in the county of Froburg and in other places and poison had been found in Zofingen, they were murdered in many places and written about to the councillors of the cities of Basel, Freiburg and Strasbourg, and since the rulers sought to protect them and even some nobles of Basel were banished for a long time because of an injustice done to the Jews, the people rushed to the town hall with their banners. The councillors were startled by this and the mayor asked: "What did they want?", to which they replied: "They would not leave until the exiles had returned"; so they were immediately sent for, because the councillors did not dare to leave until they had returned. Then the people said: "They would no longer tolerate the Jews in the city," and the councillors and the people swore that within two hundred years no Jew should live in the city. But the nobles of these three cities, who were anxious to keep the Jews, repeatedly came together, but they feared the clamour of the people. But the Jews were captured everywhere in that region. [...] and so they were burned sometimes in this place, sometimes in that. In some places they were merely expelled, but the people caught up with them, burned some and beat others to death or suffocated them in swamps. [...] | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 264-266. | None |
| 1348-00-00-Italy | 1348 JL | Black Death is associated with blood spitting | Isto anno usque ad Festum omnium Sanctorum, tam ultra mare, quam citra per totum mundum fuit morbus horribilis et tremendus. Qui conversabatur cum infirmo, moriebatur; spuebant sanguinem. Multae Civitates, & Oppida hac causa per Mundum desertae incolis factae sunt. | This year, until the Feast of All Saints, both across the sea and on this side throughout the entire world, there was a horrible and tremendous disease. Whoever interacted with the sick would die; they would spit blood. Many cities and towns around the world were deserted by their inhabitants because of this. | Chronicon Regiense, p. 66 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Italy 002 | 1348 JL | Arrival of the Black Death from the Orient in Italy | In partibus Persie maxima quantitas ignis ab ethere descendit, qui combuxit arbores et homines, ac fumum tante putredinis faciebat quod, qui odorabant, in prossimis duodecim horis deficiebant. Tunc Januensium quedam naves circa partes illas pervenerunt, et statim quidam navigantium infecti sunt; et ubicumque dicte naves peragrabant, ibidem maxima mortalits insurgebat. Dum verso Constantinopolis, Peram Siciliamque sulcarent, inficiebant omnes et moriebantur. Postquam etenim Janue adherant, statim mors rapida fuit; et multa hominum milia occubuerunt. Civitas vero Dreppani tali morbo inhabitas remansit. | Annales Forolivienses, pp. 66–67 | Translation needed | |
| 1348-00-00-Italy 003 | 1348 JL | Earthquake at 25. January and arrival of the Black Death in Italy and its spread and symptoms | Deus omnipotens, qui non vult mortem peccatoris, sed ut convertatur et vivat, primo minatur, secundo vero percuit ad correctionem humani generis, non interitum. Volens affligere humanum genus plagis maximis, inauditis, primo in extremis partibus mundi, in orientis plaga cepit suum iudicium horrendum. Cum vero jam percussiset Tartaros, Turcos (p. 121) et genus infidelium universum in MCCCXLVIII, die XXV Januarii, hora XXIII, fuit maximus terremotus per horam mediam ad terrorem Christianorum. Post quem pestis inaudita transivit mare, scilicet in partes Venetiarum, Lombardie, Marchie, Tuscie, Alemanie, Francie et per fere mundum universum. Hanc, quidem infecti, venientes de partibus orientis, detulerunt. Hi solo visu, vel tactu, vel flatu omnes occidebant. Erat hec infectio incurabilis, non poterat evitari. Uxor fugiebat amplexum cari viri, pater filii, frater fratris: et gentes subito multotiens expirabant. Sic ovis infecta inficit totum gregem. Sic unius domus descendentes unum semper moriendo ceteri sequebantur usque ad canes. Corpora etiam nobilium manebant insepulta. Multi pretio a vilibus sepeliebantur sine presbyteris et candelis. Veneti vero, ubi centum milia perierunt, navibus redemptis magno pretio corpora ad insulas portabant. Civitas erat quasi desolata. Unus solus incognitus venit Paduam, qui civitatem infecit in tantum, quod forsan in toto comitatu tertia pars defecit. Civitates, cupientes evitare talem pestem, omnibus extraneis prohibebant ingressum. Sic mercatores de civitate ad civitatem non poterant ambulare. Hac clade fuerunt destitute civitates et castra. Non audiebantur voces, nisi heu, dolores et planctus. Tunc cessavit vox sponsi et sponse, sonus cythare, cantus juvenum et letitia. Pestes vero imminentes tempore Pharaonis, David, Esechie, Gregorii Pape respective possunt nunc pro nihilo reputari. Henc enim pestis circuit totum orbem. Deus enim tempore Noe tantas animas vix consumpsit, cui possibile est humanum genus etiam de lapidibus restaurare. Hujus pestis erant pessime alii infecti, ut supra; quidam evomendo sanguinem expirabant subito, ali morbo cancri, vel vermis. In signum vero mortis, quasi omnibus nascebantur glandule incurabiles, circa genitalia, vel sub brachiis, vel aliis partibus, venenosis febribus sociate. Hi prima, vel secunda die expirabant; post tertiam, licet raro esset, aliqua spes salutis, aliqui somno capti, nunquam excitati, transibant. Contra hoc medici palam profitebantur se nescire remedium, quorum hac peste potissima pars defecit. | Guillelmus de Cortusiis, pp. 120–121 | Translation needed | |
| 1348-00-00-Italy 004 | 1348 JL | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Describes how the plague came from the city of Feodosia (Caffa) through sailors to Genoa and how it spreads rapidly about complete Italy, killing thousands and leading to mass deaths and panic. The society was overwhelmed by death and grief. The suffering is seen as a punishment from God. | Sane, quia ab oriente in occidentem transiuimus, licet omnia discutere que vidimus et cognouimus probabilimus argumentis, et que possumus deij terribilia Judicia declarare. audiant vniuersi et lacrimis habundare cogantur. Inquit enim conctipotens, delebo hominem quem creaui a facie terre. quia caro et sanguis est , in cinerem et puluerem conuertetur. Spiritus meus non permanebit in homine. Quid putas bone deus, sie tuam creaturam delere, et humanum genus, sic jubes, sic mandas subito depperire . vbi misericordia tua, vbi fedus patrum nostrorum.vbi est uirgo beata, que suo gremio continet peccatores. vbi martirum preciosus sanguis vbi confessorum et uirginum Agmina decorata, et tocius exercitus paradixi. qui pro peccatoribus rogare non desinunt . vbi mors Christi preciosa crucis, et nostra redemptio admirabilis. Cesset obsecro ira tua bone deus, nec sic conteras peccatores, ut fructu multiplicato penitencie. Aufferas omne malum nec cum iniustis iusti clampnentur quia misericordiam vis et non sacrificium. Te audio peccatorem, uerba mein auribus instillantem. Stille jubeo . Misericordie tempora deffecerunt. Deus uocor ulcionum. libet peccata et scelera vindicare. dabo signa mea inorientibus preuenti studeant animarum prouidere saluti. Sic euenit a preffata Caffensi terra,nauigio discedente, quedam paucis gubernata nautis, eciam uenenato morbo infectis Januam Applicarunt quedam venecijs quedam (p. 50) alijs partibus christianorum. Mirabile dictu. Nauigantes, cum ad terras aliquas accedebant, ac si rnaligni spiritus comitantes, mixtis hominibus Intererint. omnis ciuitas, omnis locus, omnis terra et habitatores eorum vtriusque sexus, morbi contagio pestifero uenenati, morte subita corruebant. Et cum unus ceperat Egrotari, mox cadens et moriens vniuersam familiam uenenabat. Iniciantes, ut cadauera sepelirent, mortis eodem genere corruebant. Sic sic mors per fenestras Intrabat. et depopullatis vrbibus et Castellis, loca, suos deffunctos acolas deplorabant. Dic dic Janua, quid fecisti. Narra Sijcilia, et Insule pellagi copiose, Judicia deij. Explica venecia, Tuscia, et tota ytalia, quid agebas. Nos Januensis et venetus dei Judicia reuellare compellimus. Proh dolor Nostris ad vrbes, classibus applicatis, Intrauimus domos nostras. Et quia nos grauis Infirmitas detinebat . et nobis de Mille Navigantibus vix decem supererant, propinqui, Affines, et conuicini ad nos vndique confluebant. heu nobis, qui mortis Jacula portabamus, dum amplexibus et osculis nos tenerent, ex ore, dum uerba uerba loquebamur, venenuni fundere cogebamur. Sic illi ad propria reuertentes, mox totam familiam venenabant . et Infra triduum, percussa familia, mortis Jaculo subiacebat, exequias funeris pro pluribus ministrantes, crescente numero deffunctorum pro sepulturis terra sufficere non ualebant. presbiteri et medici , quibus Infirmorum cura rnaior necessitatis Articulis Iminebat, dum Infirmos uisitare satagunt, proh dolor, recedentes Infirmi, deffunctos statim subsequuntur. O, patres. O, matres, O, filij, et vxores, gros diu prosperitas, Incollumes conseruauit, nec Infelices et Infeliciores, pre ceteris, vos simul, eadem sepultura concludit qui pari numdo fruebamini leticia et omnis prosperitas aridebat . qui gaudia uanitatibus miscebatis, idem tumulus vos suscepit, vermibus esca datos. O mors dura, mors Impia, mors aspera, mors crudelis, que sic parentes diuidis, dissocias coniugatos, filios Interficis, fratres separas , et sonores . plangimus, miseri calamitates nostras. | Since we have traveled from the east to the west, we are permitted to discuss all that we have seen and known with probable arguments and to declare the terrible judgments of God that we can. Let everyone hear and be compelled to overflow with tears. For the Almighty says, "I will destroy the man whom I have created from the face of the earth, because he is flesh and blood, and he will be turned into ashes and dust. My spirit will not remain in man." What do you think, good God, about thus destroying your creation and commanding the human race to suddenly perish in this way? Where is your mercy, where is the covenant with our fathers? Where is the blessed Virgin who holds sinners in her lap? Where is the precious blood of the martyrs, where are the decorated bands of confessors and virgins, and the entire army of paradise? They do not cease to pray for sinners. Where is the precious death of Christ on the cross and our admirable redemption? Cease, I beseech you, your anger, good God, and do not crush sinners so that the fruit of penance may multiply. Remove all evil, and do not let the just be condemned with the unjust, for you desire mercy, not sacrifice. I hear you, sinner, instilling my words in your ears. I command you to stop. The times of mercy have ended. I am called the God of vengeance. I am pleased to avenge sins and crimes. I will give my signs to those in the east, let them strive to ensure the salvation of their souls. Thus it happened that from the aforementioned land of Caffa, a certain ship, governed by a few sailors, even infected with the venomous plague, set sail and arrived at Genoa. Some went to Venice, others to other parts of Christendom. It is incredible to say. When the sailors approached any lands, as if accompanied by malignant spirits, mixing with the people, every city, every place, every land and its inhabitants of both sexes, infected by the contagious pestilence, suddenly collapsed in death. And when one began to fall sick, soon falling and dying, he poisoned the entire household. Those who came to bury the corpses fell by the same kind of death. Thus, death entered through the windows, and with the cities and castles depopulated, the places mourned their dead inhabitants. Tell, Genoa, what have you done? Tell, Sicily, and the numerous islands of the sea, declare the judgments of God. Explain, Venice, Tuscany, and all of Italy, what were you doing. We Genoese and Venetians are compelled to reveal the judgments of God. Oh, sorrow, when we arrived at our cities with our fleets, we entered our homes. And since we were held by a severe illness, with scarcely ten of us out of a thousand sailors surviving, relatives, friends, and neighbors flocked to us from everywhere. Alas for us, who bore the arrows of death, as they held us in their embraces and kisses, while we spoke words, we were compelled to pour out poison from our mouths. Thus, they returning to their homes, soon poisoned their entire household. And within three days, the family struck by the arrow of death lay dead, and those attending the funerals of many could not find enough earth for burials, as the number of the dead increased. Priests and doctors, whose care for the sick was most needed, while striving to visit the sick, oh sorrow, leaving the sick, immediately followed the dead. Oh, fathers, oh mothers, oh sons, and wives, whom prosperity long preserved unharmed, neither the unfortunate nor the most unfortunate were buried together in the same grave. Those who enjoyed equal prosperity and happiness, the same tomb received, given as food for worms. Oh harsh death, impious death, bitter death, cruel death, that thus divides parents, separates spouses, kills sons, and separates brothers and sisters. We, the miserable, lament our calamities. | Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 49–50 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1348-00-00-Italy 005 | 1348 JL | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes how the plague destabilized the social cohesion and moreover the report see the reason for the plague in a punishment of god. The text calls for repentance and humility to appease God's wrath. | edet plura contexere, et tante Calamitatis uulnera denudare. Contremescat omnis creatura, Judicio deij perterita,et suo creatori, humana fragilitas, non resistat . plus dolor, cordibus accendatur et oculi omnium uberes in lacrimas prorumptur. Audiant vituri (victuri ?) seculi huius calamitatis euentum. Jacebat solus languens in domo. ullus proximus accedebat. Cariores flentes, tantum Angulis se ponebant. Medicus non trabat. Sacerdos attonitus, ecclesiastica sacramenta timidus ministrabat. Ecce vox flebilis Infirmantis clamabat. Misereminj miseremini saltem vox amici mei , quia manus domini tetigit me. Alter Aiebat. O pater cur me deseris, esto non immemor geniture Aliuus. O. Mater ubi es, cur heri mihi pia modo crudelis efficeris. que mihi lac vberum propinasti, et nouem niensibus, vtero portasti. Alter, O, filij, quos sudore et laboribus multis educavi cur fugitis. Versa vice vir et vxor Inuiceni extendebant, heu nobis, qui placido coniugio lectabamur, nunc tristi, proh dolor diuorcio separamus. Et cum jn extremis laboraret egrotus, voces adhuc lugubres emittebat. Accedite proximi et (p. 54) convicinj mel . En siclo, aque gutam porrigite sicienti viuo Ego .Nolite timere. Forsitan viuere plus licebit. tangite me. Rogo, palpitate corpusculum , certe nunc me tangere deberetis. Tune quispiam, pietate ductus remotis ceteris, accenssa in pariete candelam iuxta Caput fugiens lmprimebat(?) Et cum spiritus exalaret sepe mater filium, et maritus uxorem, cum omnes deffunctum tangere recusarent in capsia pannis obuolutum ponebant. Non preco, non tuba, non Campana, nec 1lissa solempniter celebrata ad funus amicos et proximos Inuitabant. 1Iagnos et nobiles ad sepulturam gestabant vifes et abiecte perssone conducte peccunia, quia deffunctis consimiles, pauore percussi , accedere non audebant. Diebus ac noctibus, cum necessitas deposcebat, breuj ecclesie officio, tradebantur sepulcris .clausis frequenter dom'ibus deffunctorum, nullus Intrare, nec res deffunctorum tangere presumebat. Quicquid actum fuerit, omnibus Inotescat, vno post Alium decedente omnes tandem mortis Jaculo deffecerunt. O durum et triste spectaculum vniuersis . quis pia compassione non lugebat. et superuenientis pestis cladis et morbi teribilibus non turbetur. Indurata sunt corda nostra et nullam futurorum memoriam computamus. Heu nobis . Ecce hereditas nostra uersa est, ad Alienos et domus nostre ad extraneos. Addant si uolunt superstiltes , nempe lacrimas singultibus occupatus procedere uon valleo. quia vndique mors, vbique amaritudo describitur . plus et plus lterato, manus ornnipotentis extenditur. Judicium teribile, continuatis temporibus Inualescit. § Quid faciemus, o, bone yhesu animas suscipe deffunctorum. Auerte fadem tuam a pec catis nostrijs . et omnes iniquitates nostras delle. Scimus seimus, quia quicquid patimur peccata nostra merentur. Apprehendite igitur disciplinam , ne quando Irascatur Klominus, et pereatis de via iusta . humilientur ergo superbi. Errubescant Auari, qui pauperum detinent ellemosinas lmpeditas. Invidi caritate calescant. Lusuriosi spreta putredine, honestatis regula decorentur. Effrenes, Irracundi, salutis sue terminos non excedant. Gulosi Jeiunijs temperentur. Et quibus accidia dominatur, bonis operibus Induantur. Non sic, non sic adolesceutes et Juuenes, vestibus delectentur in cultu. Sit fides et equitas In Judicibus: (p. 55) Sit legalitas Merchatorum. Notariorum parua et inordinata eondictio, prius discat, et sapiat , quam scribere meditetur. Religiosorum abiciatur ypocrisis. Ordinetur in melius dignitas prelatorum. Omnis populus viam salutis Impetrare festines. Et dominarum pomposa vanitas, que sic uoluptatibus Imiscetur, freno moderata procedat. contra quarum arroganciam ysayas, suo vaticinio resonabat . pro eo quod elleuate sunt filie Syon , et ambulauerunt extento collo, et nutibus oculorum ibant et plaudebant ambulabant, et pedibus suis, composito grade Incedebant decaluabit dominus verticem filiarum Syon et dominus crinem earum nudabit. In die illa aufferet dominus, ornatum calciamentorum lunullas et torques, monilia, et Armillas, mitras et discriminalia, periscelidas, et niurenullas, et olfactoriola, et in Aures Annullos . et gemas in fronte pendentes, et nmtatoria, et paliola, et linteamina, et acus, et specula, et Syndones, et nittas, et terristra. et erit pro suavi odore fetor, et pro Zona funiculus, et pro crispanti crine caluicium, et pro fascia pectorali cillicium.puicerimi quoque viri tui gladio cadent , et fortes tui in prelio. et moerebuntur atque lugebunt ponte eins . et dessolata terra manebit. hec contra dominarum et Juuenum superbiam elleuatum. |
Template:TN | Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp, 53–54. | None |
| 1348-00-00-Mantua | 1348 JL | The Black Death in Mantua. | Cap. CLIIII - De mortalitate que fuit MCCCXLVIII In quel anno di gran mortalità venìa / ben che in del passato zià era stato, / di gaudusse a l' inguinaie morìa. / L'uno anno e l' altro si fu terminato / li due parti di li zente morire, / cinquantamila co conta extimato. / Li biade per li campi no choiere, / li uve in su li vigni si romanìa / non era chi curasse de quelli avire. / Li chase vode abandonate stasìa, / non era alchuno chi di roba curasse, / zaschuno per ascampar pensier facìa. |
Chapter CLIIII - On the Mortality of 1348 In that year of great mortality, it came / even though in the past it had already been, / people died of swelling in the groin. / One year and the next it was finished / two-thirds of the people died, / estimated at fifty thousand in total. / The grain in the fields did not grow, / the grapes on the vines remained, / there was no one who cared for those possessions. / The houses stood empty and abandoned, / there was no one who cared for goods, / everyone thought only of escaping.. |
"Aliprandina" o "Cronica di Mantua", p. 133. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Middle East 003 | 1348 JL | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes the spread and the demografical impact of the plague on various regions, including Genoa, Venice and the Orient. It details the victim number in these areas. The plague caused massive losses in populations, with the Saracens being particularly hard-hit. | Hec de Januensibus, quorum pars Septima vix Remansit. Hec de venetis, quorurn In Inquisitione facta super defunctis asseritur, ex centenario ultra Septuaginta. Et ex viginti quatuor medicis excellentibus, viginti, paruo tempore deffecisse& ex alijs partibus ytalie, Sycilie, et Apulie, cum suis circumdantibus plurimum dessolatis congemunt, Pisanij, lucenses, suis acollis denudati, dolores suos exagerant uehementer. Romana Curia, prouincie citra, et vltra Rodanum, hyspania, Francia, et latissime Regiones, Allamaniae, suos exponant dolores, et clades, cum sit mihi in narrando difficultas eximia. Sed quid acciderit Saracenis, constat Relatibus fide dignis. Cum igitur Soldanus plurimos habeat subiugatos, ex sola Babilonis vrbe vbi thronnm et dominium habet, tribus mensibus non elapsis. In MCCCXLVIII. CCCCLXXX.M morbi cladibus Interempti dicuntur, quod quidem Innotuit ex Registro Soldani, abi nomina mortuorum notantur, a quorum quolibet recipit bisancium vnum, quando sepulture traduntur. Taceo Damascum et (p. 52) ceteras vrbes eius, quarum Infinitus extitit numerus deffunctorum. Sed de alijs Regionibus oriientis, que per trienium vis (!) poterunt equitari, cum tanta sit multitudo degentium, ut quando occidens vnum, genera X .M [10,000] Oriens producat. et nos refferunt, Insulatos, credendum et Innumerabiles deffecisse. | Regarding the Genoese, scarcely one-seventh of them survived. Regarding the Venetians, it is reported from investigations of the deceased that out of every hundred, more than seventy died. Of the twenty-four excellent physicians, twenty perished in a short time. Other parts of Italy, Sicily, and Apulia, along with their surrounding areas, mourn their extreme desolation. The people of Pisa and Lucca, stripped of their neighbors, deeply lament their pain. The Roman Curia, provinces on both sides of the Rhône, Spain, France, and the vast regions of Germany express their sorrows and calamities, making it exceedingly difficult for me to recount them all. But what happened to the Saracens is known from trustworthy reports. The Sultan, having many subjects, in the city of Babylon alone, where he has his throne and dominion, in less than three months in the year 1348, is said to have lost 480,000 people to the plague, as noted in the Sultan's registry, where the names of the deceased are recorded, each paying a bisancium for their burial. I omit Damascus and other cities under his rule, where the number of the dead was immense. As for other regions of the East, which could not be traversed in three years due to the great number of inhabitants, when one dies in the West, the East produces ten thousand more. Reports indicate that countless people perished on the islands as well. | Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 51–52 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Méounes-lès-Montrieux | 1348 JL | A report from Francesco Petrarca to the bishop of Padua about the actions of a Carthusian monk in Méounes-lès-Montrieux during the plague of 1348, who was against fleeing the plague and helped his friars dying of the plague without fear. He rebuilt his monastery after the severe plague wave. | Cum pestis hec que omnes terras ac maria pervagata est, ad vos ex ordine venisset et castra in quibus Cristo militas, invasisset, priorque tuus, vir alioquin, ut ipse novi, sancti ardentisque propositi, tamen inopino malo territus, hortaretur fugam, te illi cristiane simul ac philosophice respondisse acrius iret quo se dignum crederet, te in custodia tibi a Cristo credita permansurum; cumque iterum et iterum instaret et inter terrores alios sepulcrum quoque tibi defuturum minaretur, dixisse te illam tibi ex omnibus ultimam curam esse, neque enim tua interesse sed superstitum quali iaceas sepultura; illum postremo cessisse ad penates patrios nec ita multo post morte illuc eum insequente subtractum, te vero incolumem, Eo apud quem est fons vite protegente, mansisse; et cum diebus paucis mors quattuor et triginta qui illic erant, abstulisset, solum in (p. 2212) monasterio resedisse. Illud addebant te nullo morbi contagio deterritum, astitisse fratribus tuis expirantibus et suprema verba atque oscula excipientem et gelida corpora lavantem, sepe uno die tres plures ve tuis manibus indefesso pietatis obsequio sepelisse et exportasse tuis humeris, cum iam qui foderet aut qui iusta morientibus exhiberet, nemo esset; solum te ad ultimum cum cane unico remansisse, totis noctibus vigilantem, modica lucis parte necessarie quieti data, cum interim predones nocturni, quorum feracissima est regio, sepe per intempeste noctis silentia locum invadentes a te, imo a Cristo qui tecum erat, nunc pacificis nunc acrioribus verbis exclusi, nichil damni sacris edibus inferre potuerint; cum vero transisset estas illa terribilis, misisse et ad proxima servorum Cristi loca ut aliquis tibi loci tui custos mitteretur; quo facto ivisse Cartusiam et ab illo, religionis nunc cultore unico in terris, priore loci inter tres et octuaginta priores alienigenas te non priorem, singulari et insolito honore susceptum, obtinuisse ut tibi prior ac monachi darentur quos e diversis conventibus elegisses, quibus desertum morte tuorum monasterium reformares, teque hoc velut eximio triumpho letissimum rediisse. | When the plague that swept over all lands and seas inevitably reached you and invaded your camp, where you were fighting for Christ, your prior, otherwise of pious and ardent zeal, as I know myself, in horror at the unexpected destruction, advised to flee. Yet, you responded to him with Christian and philosophical wisdom, stating that his counsel would be welcome if there were any place impervious to death. Thereafter, he stressed the necessity of departure with no less urgency, to which you responded more firmly, telling him to go wherever he pleased, while you intended to remain steadfast at the post entrusted to you by Christi. And in response to his repeated entreaties, with which he threatened you with many horrors, including the lack of a proper burial, you replied that in the midst of all worries, your concern for how you would lie in the end was the least, for it was not your duty to worry about it; rather, it should concern the survivors. Following this, he finally left for the ancestral household gods, and not long afterward, Death, pursuing him, overtook him there, while you were spared, thanks to your protector, in whom 'the source of life' resides. Certainly, in a matter of a few days, Death claimed thirty-four occupants in that place, and you were the only one left in the monastery. They also added the following: You fearlessly provided aid to your dying brethren, accepting their last words and embraces, washing their lifeless bodies, often carrying three or more of them on your shoulders in unwavering devotion on a single day, and burying them with your own hands, as there was no one else to dig graves or attend to the dying. In the end, when you were alone with only a single dog, you spent whole nights awake and allowed yourself only a modest portion of bright daylight for necessary rest. By that time, nocturnal thieves, who found that area highly fertile, often assaulted that place in the still of the deepest night, but through you, or rather with the assistance of Christ, they were repelled, either by peaceful or sharp words, so that they could not harm the consecrated buildings. However, when that dreadful summer came to an end, you sent a request to the servants of Christ in nearby settlements, asking them to send a guardian for your monastery. Subsequently, you moved to the Chartreuse, where you were received by the prior, who was now the sole representative of the order in that region, and by eighty-three foreign priors, with exceptional and unique honors, even though you were a non-prior. You managed to secure a prior and monks from different convents to revitalize the empty monastery following the death of your brothers. | Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari XVI-XX, pp. 2212–2214 | None |
| 1348-00-00-Naples | 1348 JL | Black Death leads to the withdrawal of King Louis the Great of Hungary | Eodem millesimo et temporibus maxima pestis mortalitatis fuit in civitate Neapolim, in qua mortui sunt in duobus mensibus LXIIIIm; quapropter rex Ungarie recessit inde | In the same year, and at that time, there was a very great pestilential mortality in the city of Naples, in which 64,000 people died within two months. Because of this, the Louis I of Hungary departed from there | Anonymus 1908, p. 162 | Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2 |
| 1348-00-00-Paris | 1348 JL | Black Death in Paris | Eodem millesimo (1348). Relata fuerunt nova in partibus Lombardie, quod die XIIIo martii sepulti fuerunt in civitate Parixius propter maximam pestem mortalitatis MCCCXXVIII homines sine aliis, de quibus non fiebat mentio; propter quod rex fugerat inde, et iverat castrum quoddam extra districtum, Parixius. Regina ipsius uxor cum unico filio et duobus nepotibus defuncti erant, et ali multi nobiles, et similiter in partibus circumstantibus, et in quadam civitate, que dicebatur Nobellexe, in qua habitabant circa MM homines armorum, non remanserat nisi CC. Alia civitas Avarexe inhabitabilis effeta erat, alie cuiusdam civitates pro maiori parte subverse et submerse erant et in partibus illis apparuerunt locuste que devoraverunt bladas, et arbores et alia mira satis. | Anonymus 1908, p. 161 | Translation needed | |
| 1348-00-00-Paris2 | 1348 JL | List of noble victims of the Black Death across the Holy Roman Empire and France; impact on Paris and the Hundred Years War in Gascony. | Anno Domini M°CCC°XLIX° predicto in pestilencia moriebantur circa finem anni filia Karoli Romani regis et Bohemie, regina Ungarie, item soror eiusdem reigs, uxor Iohannis primogeniti Franci. Item uxor Franci de Burgundia; qui Francus filiam regis Navarnie pulcherrimam de suo genere duxit uxorem. Item primogenitus ducis Brabancie, gener predicti Iohannis. Item et domina de Couzin, filia quondam Lupoldi ducis Austrie, et Conradus de Medeburg maritus eius. Item filia regis Sicilie, uxor Stephani ducis Bavarie, relictis sibi pluribus liberis. Qui Stephanus filiam burggravii in Nurenberg duxit uxorem. Tantaque fuit in Francia et in Anglia pestilencia, quod Parisius et in pluribus locis vix nonus homo dicitur remansisse. Et cessare incepit. Anglus quoque, qui durante pestilencia quievit non inquietando Francum, iterum cessante pestilencia in Wasconia per suos Francum invadit, aliquas municiones expugnans et terram quasi usque ad Tholosam sue subiecens dicioni. | In the year of our Lord 1349, during the aforementioned pestilence, towards the end of the year, died the daughter of Charles, King of the Romans and Bohemia, the Queen of Hungary [Margaret of Luxembourg, died 7 September 1349 in Viségrad], as well as his sister [Jutta/Bonne of Luxembourg, died 11 September 1349 at Maubuisson], the wife of John, the eldest son of the King of France. Also, the wife of the French Duke of Burgundy [Jeann, died 12 December 1348]; this Frenchman married the most beautiful daughter of the King of Navarre from his lineage. Also, the eldest son of the Duke of Brabant, son-in-law of the aforementioned John. Also, the Lady of Coucy, [Catherine of Austria] daughter of Duke Leopold of Austria, and Burggrave Konrad I. of Maidburg, her husband. Also, the daughter of the King of Sicily, [Elisabeth of Sicily] wife of Stephen, Duke of Bavaria, leaving behind several children [died 21 March 1349 in Landshut] . This Stephen married the daughter of the Burggrave of Nuremberg. The plague was so severe in France and England that in Paris and in many places barely one out of nine persons is said to have remained alive. And it began to cease. Also, the English, who during the plague refrained from troubling the French, once the plague ceased, invaded Gascony through their own territory, capturing some fortifications and subjecting the land almost up to Toulouse to their rule. | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 439. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1348-00-00-Piacenza | 1348 JL | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes the impact of the plague in various regions, particularly in Bobbio and Piacenza and their surroundings. The plague spread rapidly and the mortality was very high, also among clerics. | morbos et Interitus omnes studeant suis literis apperire. Verum quia placentinus plus de placentinis scriber[e surr hortatus, quid acciderit placencie, MCCCXLVIII. ceteris Inotescat Quidam Januenses, quos morbus egredi compelebat cupientes locis salubribus collocari, transactis Alpibus ad lombardie se planiciem contullerunt. Et quidam Mercimonia defferentes, dum in Bobio hospitati fuissent, vendictis (!) ibi mercibus, accidit ut Emptor et hospes, cum tota familia, pluresque vicini subito Infecti morbo perierunt. Quidam ibi suum volens condere Testamentum notario, et presbitero confessore, ac testibus omnibus auocatis mortuus est . et die sequenti omnes pariter tumulati fuerunt. Et tanta postmodum ibi calamitas Invalavit, ut fere omnes habitatores ibidem repentina mode conciderint. quia post defunctos paucissimi remansserunt. Hec de Bobiensibus, Ceterum in Estate, dicto millesimo, alter Januensis, se transtulit ad territorium placentinum, qui morbi cladibus vexabatur. Et cum esset Infarmato , querens fulchinum de lacruce, quem bona amicicia diligebat, Nunc suscepit hospicio. qui statim moriturus occubuit. § post quem in mediate dictus fulchinus, cum tota familia, et multis vicinis expirauit. Et sic breuiter morbus ille effusus Intrauit placentiam. Nescio ubi possum lncipere. vndique planctus et lamenta consurgunt. Videns continuatis diebus Crucis defferi vexilla, corpus domini deportari, et mortuos absque numero sepeliri. Tantaque feit mortalitas subsecuta, ut vix possent homines respirare.superstites esse sepulturas parabant, deficiente terra pro tumullis per porticus et plateas ubi nunquam extiterat sepultura, fossas facere cogebantur. Accidit quoque frequenter, vt vir cum vxore, pater cum lilio et mater cum filia. demum post modicum tota familia, et plures, conuicini, simul et Eadem fuerint sepultura locati. Idem in Castro arquato, et vigoleno, et Alijs villis, locis, vrbibus et Castellis . et nouissime (p. 53) in valletidonj , ubi sine peste vixerant , plurimi ceciderunt Quidam dictus Obertus de sasso, qui de partibus morbosis processerat, inxta Ecclesiam Fratrum minorum, dum suum vellet facere Testamentum, conuocatis notario testibus et uicinis, omnes cum reliquis, ultra numero Sexaginta, Infra tempus modicum migrauerunt. Hoc tempore Religiosus vir frater Syfredus de Bardis conuentus et ordinis predicatorum, vir utique prudens et magne sciencie, qui Sepulcrum domini visitauerat cum XXIII eiusdem ordinis et conuentus. Item Religiosus vir frater Bertolinus coxadocha placentinus, minorum ordinis, sciencia, et multis virtutibus decoratus, cum alijs XXIIIj or sui ordinis, et conuentus, ex quibus nouem una die. Item ex conuentu heremitarum Vjj. Ex conuentu Carmelitarum, frater Franciscus todischus, cum Sex sui ordinis et conuentus. § Ex Seruis Beate marie IllIor. Et ex alijs prelatis et Rectoribus Ecclesiarum ciuitatis et destrictus placensis, ultra numero LX. Ex nobilibus multi. Ex juuenibus Infiniti. Ex mulieribus presertim pregnantibus , innumerabiles , paruo tempore deffecerunt. |
Diseases and Deaths strive to reveal everything through their writings. However, because the Placentine (author) was encouraged to write more about the Placentines, what happened in Piacenza in 1348 should be known to others. Certain Genoese, compelled to leave by disease and desiring to settle in healthy places, after crossing the Alps, came down to the plains of Lombardy. And certain merchants, while they were staying in Bobbio, after selling their goods there, it happened that the buyer and the host, with his whole family and many neighbors, suddenly infected by the disease, perished. One man, wishing to make his will there, died after calling a notary, a priest-confessor, and all the witnesses. The next day, they were all buried together. And afterward, such a calamity prevailed there that almost all the inhabitants suddenly perished, with very few remaining after the dead. This about the people of Bobbio. Moreover, in the summer of the said year, another Genoese moved to the territory of Piacenza, which was afflicted by the ravages of disease. And while he was ill, seeking Fulchino de la Cruce, whom he loved with good friendship, he was received into hospitality. He immediately died. Shortly after, Fulchino himself, with his entire family and many neighbors, expired. And thus the disease briefly spread into Piacenza. I do not know where to begin. Wailing and lamentations arise everywhere. Seeing the procession of crosses day after day, the body of the Lord being carried, and the dead being buried without number. Such a great mortality followed that barely could men breathe. The survivors prepared graves, and as the land for tombs was exhausted, they were compelled to dig pits under porticos and in squares where there had never been burials. It also frequently happened that a man with his wife, a father with his son, and a mother with her daughter, shortly after, the entire family, and many neighbors, were buried together in the same grave. The same happened in the fortresses of Arquato and Vigoleno, and in other villages, places, cities, and castles. Finally, in the valley of Tidone, where they had lived without plague, many fell. A certain man named Obertus de Sasso, who came from plague-stricken parts, while he was making his will near the Church of the Friars Minor, after calling a notary, witnesses, and neighbors, all with the others, over sixty in number, died within a short time. At this time, a religious man, Brother Syfredus de Bardis of the convent and order of preachers, indeed a prudent man of great knowledge, who had visited the Holy Sepulcher with twenty-three others of the same order and convent. Also, a religious man, Brother Bertolinus Coxadocha of Piacenza, of the order of Minors, adorned with knowledge and many virtues, with thirty-four others of his order and convent, nine of whom died on the same day. Also, from the convent of hermits, seven. From the convent of Carmelites, Brother Franciscus Todischus, with six of his order and convent. From the Servants of Blessed Mary, four. And from other prelates and rectors of churches of the city and district of Piacenza, over sixty in number. Many of the nobility. Countless young men. Innumerable women, especially pregnant women, died in a short time. |
Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 52–53 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Poland | 1348 JL | The Black Death appears in Poland and other kingdoms (Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany) caused by a polution of the air by the Jews. | Pestis horrenda in Polonia et aliis Regnis ex corruptione aeris per Iudaeos infecti: quam etiam terrae motus subsecutus est. Gravis epidemiae pestis apud Poloniae Regnum saeva mortalitate in universos irruens, non Poloniam tantummodo, sed et Hungariam, Bohemiam, Daciam, Franciam, Almanniam et fere universa Christianitatis et barbarica Regna horrenda lue quassavit. | There was a horrible plague in Poland and other kingdoms which resulted from the infection of the air by the Jews. And directly afterwards the earth shook. There was a grave epidemic of plague in the kingdom of Poland and a terrible mortality burst over them, not only in Poland, but also in Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany and pretty much the whole of Christianity and of the barbaric kingdoms where terribly shaken by the plague. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 252 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1348-00-00-Sicily | 1348 JL | Black Death in Sicily | Eo namque tempore, anno videlicet domini MCCCXLVIII, in toto regno Siciliae, et generaliter per totum mundum, pestifera mortalitas perduravit et morbus talis, quod subito apparebat glandula in inguine hominis et infra duos aut tres dies ad tardius hominem occidebat. Sicque in terra ipsa tanta invaluit ipsa mortalitas, quod quasi modicus superfuit populus in eadem; et sic generaliter contigit in singulis civitatibus et casalibus regni hujus et mundi. | For at that time, namely in the year of the Lord 1348, a pestilential mortality persisted throughout the whole Kingdom of Sicily, and generally throughout the whole world. The disease was such that a swelling suddenly appeared in a man’s groin, and within two or three days at the latest it killed him. And in that land the mortality grew so severe that only a small number of people remained alive there. And the same thing generally happened in every city and village of this kingdom and of the world | Dominico de Gravina 1903, p. 49 | Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2 |
| 1348-00-00-Southern-Italy | 1348 JL | Appearance of the Black Death all across Southern Italy, with precise description of Symptoms | Eo namque tempore, anno videlicet domini MCCCXLVIII, in toto regno Siciliae, et generaliter per totum mundum, pestifera mortalitas perduravit et morbus talis, quod subito apparebat glandula in inguine hominis et infra duos aut tres dies ad tardius hominem occidebat. Sicque in terra ipsa tanta invaluit ipsa mortalitas, quod quasi modicus superfuit populus in eadem; et sic generaliter contigit in singulis civitatibus et casalibus regni hujus et mundi. | At that time, namely in the year of our Lord 1348, a pestilential mortality persisted throughout the entire kingdom of Sicily and generally throughout the whole world, and such a disease that a gland would suddenly appear in a man's groin and within two or three days at most, it would kill the person. And so, in that land, the mortality became so strong that almost only a small portion of the population remained; and this generally happened in every city and village of this kingdom and the world. | Dominico de Gravina 1903, p. 49 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Venice | 1348 JL | The Black Death in Venice, Chioggia and Pisa | Eodem millesimo et tempore maxima pestis mortalitatis fuit in Venetiis et Clugia, in quibus locis quolibet die sepelliebantur circa VIc corpora; et similiter pestis maxima fuit in civitate Pixarum. | In the same year and time, there was a great pestilence in Venice and Chioggia, where approximately 600 bodies were buried each day. Similarly, there was a great pestilence in the city of Pisa | Anonymus 1908, p. 162 | Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2 |
| 1348-01-25-Constance | 25 January 1348 JL | A great earthquake was followed by many evils and great mortality. | Nam in conversione beati Pauli [ian. 25] terre motus factus est hora vesperarum, qui multos terruit et multa loca subvertit, in ducatu Karinthie Villach oppidum, et multa castra seu ecclesie corruerunt, et multa mala et magna mortalitas postea subsecuta sunt, de quibus infra in locis debitis veritas patefiet, unde hic ad alia transeam. | For at the conversion of St Paul [on 25 January] an earthquake occurred at eventide, which terrified many and devastated many places, including the town of Villach in the Duchy of Carinthia, and many castles or churches collapsed, and there followed many evils and great mortality, about which the truth will come to light later in the appropriate places. However, let us move on to other things here. | Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 3. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1348-01-25-Erfurt | 25 January 1348 JL | Earthquake in Erfurt and outbreak of the plague in the Mediterranean region. Well poisoning is seen as the cause. | Eodem anno (1348) conversione sancti Pauli fuit terre motus magnus Erfordie. [...] Eodem anno fuit magna pestilencia in partibus transmarinis, videlicet in Gallia, Grecia, Francia et in provinciis paganorum ac circa Veneciam adeo quod tota Cristianitas ac alie naciones interierunt ratione foncium et aquarum infectarum veneno, ut dicitur. | In the same year (1348), on the feast day of the conversion of Saint Paul, there was a great earthquake in Erfurt. [...] In the same year, there was a great pestilence in overseas regions, namely in Gaul, Greece, France, and in the regions of the pagans, and around Venice to the extent that the entire Christendom and other nations perished due to the poison of contaminated fountains and waters, as it is said. | Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 394 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-01-25-Friuli | 25 January 1348 JL | Earthquake and Black Death in Friuli | Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII, die XXV januarii, circa horam vespertinam, fuit terremotus magnus, qualis non fertur in aliquibus scripturis. Eodem quoque anno jam incepta pestilentia | Juliani canonici Civitatenses chronica, p. 57 | Translation needed | |
| 1348-01-25-Styria | 25 January 1348 JL | After an earthquake around the 25th of January a plague spread from France to Styria and Carinthia and flagellants appeared. | A.D. 1348 circa conversionem sancti Pauli factus est terre motus magnus, maxime in Stiria et Karintia, et secuta est pestilencia hominum in partibus Gallie, et se paulatim extendit usque ad partes Stirie et Carinthie. [...] et ibant viceni per ecclesias nudati et usque ad femoralia flagellantes se et procidentes omnes cum cantu. | A.D. 1348 around the feast of the conversion of St Paul the earth shook violently the most in Styria and Carinthia, and after this there was a plague among the humans in France, and it gradually expanded to Styria and Carinthia. [...] And they went in twenties through the churches naked down to their trousers and they flagellated themselves and they all fell down singing. | Kalendarium Zwetlense, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 689-698, 692, l. 18-25 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1348-01-25-Venice | 25 January 1348 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Venice in 1347; after the Earthquake at 25. January 1348 even stronger and lasted until August | Qua quidem epidimia Venecijs incoacta 1347; die 25 januarii, hora vespertina, die conversionis sancti Pauli fuit Venetijs maximus et terribilis terremotus, et ex tunc ipsa pestis amplius invaluit, perseverans usque 1348, per totum mensem augusti; ob quam tercia pars Venetorum, vel circa, (dicitur decessisse). | During this epidemic in Venice, which began in 1348, on January 25th, at the hour of vespers, on the feast day of the Conversion of Saint Paul, there was a great and terrible earthquake in Venice. From that point on, the plague grew stronger, persisting until 1348, throughout the entire month of August. Due to this, it is said that about one-third of the Venetians, or thereabouts, died | Template:Raphaynus de Caresinis 1922, p. 5 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-03-00-Pisa | March 1348 JL | A monk dies in Pisa in the context of the Black Death; 40 more monks from the monastery of S. Caterina follow | Frater Iacobus Orlandi. Hic fuit primus qui obiit in anno maxime pestis M°ccc°xlviij°, que pene totum delevit orbem. Hoc anno defuncti sunt in Pisis plusquam xl fratres, de secularibus turba quam nemo dinumerare valeret. Post istam mortalitatem diram et crudelissimam, numquam mores ordinis et religionis disciplina potuit ad pristina restaurari. Hic primus fuit frater quem ego viderim mori postquam ordinem sum ingressus. Fuit iste intelligens frater, magne religionis, bonus et devotus valde predicator, exemplaris valde et composite vite nimis, utilis conventui in confessionibus et cantu, magister novitiorum sollicitus et supprior pisanus. De mense martii requievit in pace. | Brother Giacomo Orlandi. He was the first who died in the year of the great plague 1348, which almost destroyed the whole world. In this year, more than 40 brothers died in Pisa, and the number of secular people who died was a crowd that no one could count. After this dire and most cruel mortality, the customs of the order and religious discipline could never be restored to their former state. He was the first brother I saw die after I entered the order. He was an intelligent brother, of great religiosity, a good and very devout preacher, very exemplary and of a very composed life, useful to the convent in confessions and singing, a diligent master of novices and subprior of Pisa. In the month of March, he rested in peace | Bonaini 1845, p. 530 and digital edition: https://www.e-theca.net/emiliopanella/pisa/8500.htm | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-03-12-Avignon | 12 March 1348 JL | The Black Death arrives in Europe, with a detailed description of symptoms and precise numbers for Avignon, but also Venice, Marseille, Italy, Provence, Hungary, France, Germany and Scotland are mentioned | Anno Domini MCCCXLVII. pestilencia et mors universalis humani generis tanta invaluit, qualis umquam audita vel scripta reperitur. Nam primo in partibus ultramarinis inter paganos incepit, et tam gravis, ut dicebatur, quod ad ducenta milia ville, civitates absque hominibus remanerent; demum serpentino modo gradiebatur ex ista parte maris. Nam Veneciis, in tota Ytalia et Provincia, (p. 76), maxime in civitatibus iuxta mare sitis homines sine numero moriebantur; et Avinione, ubi tunc erat curia Romana, primis diebus proximis tribus post dominicam medie quadragesime mille et quadringenti computati homines sepulti fuerunt. Imo dicebatur, quod in civitate Marsyliensi ex hac pestilencia tot homines moriebantur, quod locus quasi inhabitabilis remansit. Postea transivit ad Alpes, ad Ungariam, per totam Alamaniam, per Franciam, in qua vix tercia pars hominum viva remansit, item per Scociam. Et semper in una provincia per unum annum vel circa duravit, transiens ultra; et sic paucis regnis exceptis quasi omnia mundi regna quassavit. Et ceciderunt homines ex ulceribus seu glandinibus exortis sub assellis vel iuxta genitalia - et pro maiori parte iuvenes moriebantur - vel per excrecionem materie sanguinee, et hic dolor in sex vel octo diebus homines suffocavit. Hec loca apud medicos emunctoria nuncupantur, quia superfluitas vel sudor subtilis hiis locis faciliter emittitur per naturam. Duravit autem hec pestilencia per quinque vel sex annos vel circa. | In the year of our Lord 1347, a universal pestilence and mortality of mankind surged with such intensity as has ever been heard or recorded. For it first began in distant lands among the pagans, and was so severe, it was said, that up to two hundred thousand villages and cities were left without inhabitants. Eventually, it advanced in a serpentine manner from that side of the sea. Indeed, in Venice, throughout Italy and Provence, especially in cities near the sea, people were dying in countless numbers; and in Avignon, where the Roman court was then located, within the first three days after mid-Lent Sunday, fourteen hundred people were buried. Moreover, it was said that in the city of Marseilles, so many people died from this pestilence that the place remained almost uninhabitable. Afterwards, it crossed the Alps, reached Hungary, passed through all of Germany, through France, where scarcely a third of the people remained alive, as well as through Scotland. And it always lasted in one province for about a year or so, before moving on; and thus, except for a few kingdoms, it shook almost all the kingdoms of the world. And people fell victim to ulcers or swellings that appeared under their armpits or near their genitals - and mostly young people were dying - or through the excretion of bloody matter, and this pain suffocated people within six or eight days. These areas are called snuffers or scissors (?) by physicians because excess or subtle sweat is easily emitted from these places by nature. However, this pestilence lasted for about five or six years. | Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, pp. 75-76. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-04-18-Avignon | 18 April 1348 JL | The Black Death strikes Avignon and unusual mild weather combines with devastating frosts that damage fruits and crops. | Quo tempore eciam ibidem maxima fuit mortalitas, ut lxxx milia hominum infra tre menses Avinion. obiisse referantur. Fuit etiam tanta aeris temperies quod usque quarto idus aprilis nulla nix cecidit, sed idus aprilis venit nix que vinum et nuces lesit. Et tunc in nive cum philomela cuculus cecinit, […] Sed xiiii. Kal. Maii, que erat dies parascaphe, maior nix cecidit quam tota hieme cecidisset, et fere omnes fructus arborum consumpsit. Sed postea tanta temperies supervenit, quod aliqualiter fructus et segetes reparavit. | During that time (1348), there was also a great mortality there, with as many as eighty thousand people reported to have died in Avignon within three months. There was also such a temperate air that until the fourth day before the Ides of April, no snow fell. However, on 13 April, snow fell, damaging the vines and nuts. And then, in the snow, the blackbird and cuckoo sang. But on 18 April, which was Good Friday, more snow fell than had fallen in the whole winter, and it almost entirely consumed all the fruits of the trees. But afterward, such a temperate climate ensued that it somewhat restored the fruits and crops. | Heinrich von Diessenhofen 1868, p. 65. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-04-20-Venezia | 20 April 1348 JL | Arivval of the Black Death in Venice, Avignon, Marseille and Messina, with estimated victims. Two fishermen infect Lyons. The plague is present several years and slowly moves North towards Germany and its regions up to the Baltic Sea | Venetiis una die, scilicet resurrectionis dominice, 900 homines preter parvulos absumptos fuisse, proditum est. In Avinione a Kalendis Februarii usque ad Kalendas Octobris centum milia perierunt. Retrospicias ad annos istius tricesimum primum et tertium annum Karoli IV. In Marsilia perpauci viventes remanserunt et in Messana. Duo piscatores per Rodanum de partibus inferioribus cum piscibus ascendentes, Lugdunum subintrabunt, et continuo vicus quietis eorum inficiebatur, et a minimo usque ad maximum, a puero usque ad senem decrepitum, viri et mulieres, simul omnes, illorum duorum pestifera contagione morientes, sic quod nec unus superfuit, perdebantur. Habuti autem lues hec cursum suum per annos multos, et a meridie lente diffundebatur in aquilonem, sic quod anno Domini 1350, venit in Theutoniam et plures ejus provincias, puta Westphaliam, Saxoniam, Slaviam, Daciam etc. | In Venice, it was reported that on one day, namely Easter Sunday, 900 people, excluding children, were consumed. In Avignon, from the first of February to the first of October, one hundred thousand perished, looking back thirty-one years to the third year of the reign of Charles IV. In Marseille, very few remained alive, as in Messina. Two fishermen from the lower parts of the Rhone, ascending with fish, entered Lyon, and immediately the quarters were infected with quiet disease, and from the least to the greatest, from child to decrepit elder, men and women together, all dying from the contagious pestilence of those two, so that not one survived, they perished. This plague had its course for many years, spreading slowly from south to north, so that in the year of our Lord 1350, it reached Germany and many of its provinces, such as Westphalia, Saxony, the Baltic Coast, Denmark, and others. | Heinrich von Herford 1859, pp. 273-274. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-04-20-Ventimiglia | 20 April 1348 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death causing the death of two canons of the cathedral of Ventimiglia and the city's bishop, as noted in a contemporary necrologue | In nomine Domini amen. MCCCXLVIII die XX mensis aprilis. Incepta mortalitate in civitate Vintimilii magna, interemit honorabilium virum Dominum Iohannem Berrettam praepositum, et Petrum canonicum dictae civitatis.In tempore huius eccidii Bonifacius Villaco episcopus Vintimilii mortuus est. | In the name of the Lord, amen. In the year 1348, on the 20th day of the month of April, when a great mortality had begun in the city of Ventimiglia, the honorable man Giovanni Berretta, provost, was killed by it, as well as Peter, a canon of the said city. During the time of this calamity Bonifacius Villaco, bishop of Ventimiglia, also died. | Rossi 1859, pp. 136-137 | Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2 |
| 1348-05-00-Bologna | May 1348 JL | Black Death in Bologna ravages for 5 months and kills allegedly 60% of population. City is partially abandoned afterwards and heritages remain unclaimed | Anno Domini 1348. Pestilentia magna Bononia quamplures consumpssit, a mense madii usque ad mensem septembris: de quinque tres mortui sunt. Erat miserabilis status civitatis, nam multe domus facte sunt habitatoribus vacue; hereditates quamplures sine heredibus remanserunt. | Sorbelli 1912, p. 43 | Translation needed | |
| 1348-05-11-Savona | 11 May 1348 JL | Severe plague in Savona and Francesco Petrarca laments the death of his friend Francesco Albizzi, who presumably died there because of the plague in April 1348 | Saona nocens atque impia [...] Pro quo quid aliud optem tibi? [..] (p. 982) Quicquid vel mortium vel morborum per omnes terras ac maria pestifer hic annus effudit, in te solam confluat; queque aliis annua, tibi pestis eterna sit. | O harmful and impious Savona […] what else should I wish for you? […] Whatever deaths or diseases this pestilential year has poured out across all lands and seas, may it all flow upon you alone; and whatever plague is yearly for others, may it be an eternal plague for you | Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, pp. 980–982 | Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2 |
| 1348-06-00-Padua | June 1348 JL | Spread of the Black Death in Tuscany and Padua, which lasted 6 months | Tempore huius pestis dominus Guerra comes Sancti Bonifacii, potestas in Senis, obiit quasi cum tota sua familia, ub etiam, Florentie et Pisis et per totam Tusciam fuit mortalitas abhorrenda. Hec pestis durabat sex mensibus communiter a sui principio in qualibet regione. Nobilis vir Andreas Moresinus, potestas Padue, in tertio suo regimine expiravit, mense Junii. Huic in regimine filius substitutus statim obiit. Audi tamen mirabile, quod tempore hujus cladis non obiit rex, princeps, nec dominus civitatis. | During this plague (1348), Lord Guerra, Count of San Bonifacio, the Podestà in Siena, died along with almost his entire household. Also, in Florence, Pisa, and throughout all of Tuscany, there was a dreadful mortality. This plague generally lasted six months from its onset in each region. The noble man Andrea Moresini, the Podestà of Padua, died in his third term of office in the month of June. His son, who succeeded him in office, immediately died. However, hear something remarkable: during this calamity, no king, prince, or lord of a city died. | Guillelmus de Cortusiis, p. 121 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-06-00-Trento | June 1348 JL | Social and Psychological Reactions to the Outbreak of the Black Death in Trento. | et ego nondum bene liberatus sum a malo glandulae, et stans summo mane propter absentiam aliorum clericorum ad fenestram sacristiae S. Vigilii vidi quandam mulierum euntem ad sepulchrum viri sui, et in fovea volutari; tamquam volutaretur pecus sine feretro, vel alio cantore; et dico quod propter accidentia secunda crevit tantus timor inter gentes, quod multi divites fugiebant cum familiis eorum per villas, et relinquebant domus proprias, et Christiani evitabant se invicem, tamquam lepus leonem, vel sanus leprosum, et dico tam de patre vel de matre contra filium, et e converso, vel de sorore contra fratrem, et e converso, vel de propinquo contra propinquum, quam de illis qui non noverant se: quia aliquos vidi nolentes accedere ad sepulturam filiorum propter timorem, et multi confitebatur in sanitatem, et die noctuque dimittebatur corpus Christi, et Oleum sanctum super altaribus, et quasi nullus sacerdis volebat sacramenta portare, nisi illi qui cupiditate lucri torquebantur, et fratres et sacerdotes in Tridento nisi unum evadere vidi, vel etiam de frequentantibus ad infirmos: omnia cimiteria plebium de Tridento, in tam modico tempore plena fuerunt, quod opportunum erat funera sepeliri extra sacrarium, et in fovea una multoties ponebantur quinque vel sex funera; et quandoque aperiebatur bis una fovea in die una. | I myself am not yet fully recovered from glandular illness, and standing early in the morning at the window of the sacristy of St. Vigilius due to the absence of other clerics, I saw a certain woman going to the grave of her husband and rolling in the pit; as if she were a beast rolling without a bier or any singer. And I say that because of subsequent events, such great fear grew among the people that many wealthy individuals fled with their families to villages, abandoning their own homes, and Christians avoided each other like a rabbit avoids a lion, or a healthy person avoids a leper. This applied to fathers and mothers against their children, and vice versa, or sisters against brothers, and vice versa, or relatives against relatives, as well as those who did not know each other. For I saw some unwilling to approach the burial of their own children out of fear, and many confessed in good health, and day and night the body of Christ and the holy oil were left on the altars, and almost no priest wanted to carry the sacraments, except those driven by the desire for profit. Among the friars and priests in Trento, I saw only one escape, even among those tending to the sick. All the cemeteries in the parishes of Trento were so quickly filled that it became necessary to bury the dead outside the consecrated ground, and in one grave, five or six bodies were often placed; and sometimes one grave was opened twice in a single day. | Giovanni da Parma 1837, p. 51 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-06-00-Trento1 | June 1348 JL | Mortality of specific groups of people during Black Death in Trento; changes in the economy in the aftermath. | In Sancto Vigilio interierunt Clerici praebendati 40, quorum fuere canonici 14, mansionariae ambo bis vacaverunt in sex mensibus. De mulieribus praegnantibus dico quod de illis quae fuerunt praegnantes tempore illius infirmitatis non evaserunt in Tridento sex quia omnes moriebantur. Et dicebatur quod dicta infirmitas circuivit totum mundum tam inter paganos, Turcas, Judaeos, quam inter Christianos, sed (p. 52) non fuit tantum uno tempore, quia in aliquibus locis fuit in Autumno, in aliquibus in hieme, in aliquibus in vere, et in aliquibus in aestate; et citius moriebantur juvenes quam senes, et magis domicellae, et quanto erat pulchrior domicella, tanto citius moriebatur, et magis mulieres quam viri, et semper quod audivi ubique incipiebat mortalitas secunda a domicellabus, et tantum a pulchrioribus, quod bene sic fuit in Tridento, quia vidi tres domicellas, quae pulchrae fuissent in Curia Regis, una die mori quando supradicta incepta fuerunt, et tunc temporis non inveniebantur laboratores, et segetes remanebant per campos, quia non inveniebantur collectores. Et millesimo CCCXLIX dabantur uni laboratori XIII vel XIIII vel XV soldi, et quasi non inveniebant pro illo pretio; dabantur uni mulieri VI vel VII vel VIII solidi tantum pro una die: vendebantur plaustrum vini parvi valoris XL vel XLV vel quinquaginta libris denar. parvorum. Boni vini vendebantur ad plaustrum, sed ego vidi vendi unum plaustrum alicujus boni vini minutim dico ad rationem centum librarum, et dico de vino Tridentino, plura non scribo, quia multa alia possent scribi. Duravit infirmitas secunda in Tridento, mensibus sex, et sic per totum mundum secundum quod audivi. Magis moriebantur medici, quam aliii, et vii meliores, prout vidi, et ab aliis partibus audivi, quia secundae infirmitati non inveniebantur medicina, vel remedium nisi a solo Deo, cui est honor et gloria in saecula saeculorum. Amen. | In Saint Vigilius, 40 prebendary clerics died, of whom 14 were canons, and both mansions were vacated twice within six months. Regarding pregnant women, I say that of those who were pregnant during that time of illness, not six survived in Trento, because all died. It was said that the aforementioned illness spread throughout the whole world, among pagans, Turks, Jews, as well as among Christians, but not all at the same time. In some places, it occurred in autumn, in others in winter, in some in spring, and in others in summer. Young people died more quickly than the elderly, and maidens more so, and the more beautiful the maiden, the quicker she died, and more women than men. I always heard that the second wave of mortality started with the maidens, especially the more beautiful ones, which was certainly the case in Trento. I saw three maidens who would have been beautiful at the royal court die in one day when the above-mentioned sickness began, and at that time, laborers were not to be found, and the crops remained in the fields because there were no gatherers. In 1349, a laborer was paid 13, 14, or 15 soldi, but they were almost impossible to find even for that price; a woman was paid 6, 7, or 8 soldi for one day. A cartload of low-quality wine was sold for 40, 45, or 50 pounds of small coins. Good wine was sold by the cartload, but I saw a cartload of good wine being sold bit by bit for the equivalent of 100 pounds, and I am referring to Trento wine. I write no more because much more could be written. The second wave of illness in Trento lasted six months, and so it was throughout the world as I heard. More doctors died than others, and the seven best, as I saw and heard from other parts, because there was no medicine or remedy for the second illness except from God alone, to whom be honor and glory forever and ever. Amen. | Giovanni da Parma 1837, pp. 51-52. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-06-02-Trento | 2 June 1348 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Trento; detailed description of symptoms of plague and chances of survival. | Item eodem millesimo et indictione die 2 junii incepit quaedam mortalitas in Tridentino, quae fuit quintuplex, primo fuit febris (p. 51) continue, secundo glandularum, quae veniebant in inguinibus, vel sub brachiis, tertio carbunculorum, quarto sputi sanguinis quod appellatur antras, quinto mali dormiae, sexto quod appellatur malum S. Christophori, et per certo mortui sunt in Tridento de sex personis quinque, et non fuit aliqua familia in Tridento, quae non minueretur et multae familiae in totum interierunt, et de multis parentelis nulla persona remansit, itaque multae domus, et quasi omnes erant sine habitationibus, adhuc multae personae insaniebant, et quasi nullus qui infirmibatur, vivebat ultra 3 vel 4 aut quintam diem, sed si evadebat ultra xx. dies, liberabatur, sed major pars moriebatur tertia vel secunda vel prima die, vel subito, quia multae personae tradebantur mortuae ipsis euntibus per viam, tamquam fuissent pira matura. De sputo sanguinis nullum vidi vel audivi evadere, et qui liberabantur ab aliis infirmitatibus, quasi de pro maiori parte defectuosi remanebant, vel non poterant liberari vix post longum tempus. | In the same year and indiction, on June 2, a certain plague began in Trento, which was fivefold. First, there was continuous fever (p. 51), second, swelling of the glands, which appeared in the groin or under the arms, third, carbuncles, fourth, spitting of blood called anthrax, fifth, severe insomnia, sixth, what is called St. Christopher's disease. Certainly, out of six people, five died in Trento, and there was no family in Trento that was not diminished, and many families were entirely wiped out, and among many relatives, no person remained. Consequently, many houses, almost all, were without inhabitants, and many people went mad. Almost no one who fell ill survived beyond the third, fourth, or fifth day, but if they survived beyond twenty days, they were freed. However, the majority died on the third, second, or first day, or suddenly, because many people were found dead while walking on the road, as if they were ripe pears. Of those who spit blood, I saw or heard of none who survived, and those who were cured of other ailments remained almost entirely impaired or could barely recover after a long time. | Giovanni da Parma 1837, pp. 50-51 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-06-08-Denmark | 8 June 1348 JL | The Danish nobleman Albert v. Osten donates a homestead and land to Sorø Abbey on Zealand in the memory of his deceased brothers | Den velbyrdige mand Albert v. Osten skænkede med from tanke på sine afdøde brødre Godfred og Wedekin, kaldet v. Osten, og med sin hustru Gretes samtykke en toft i Sønder Mern med en øre skyldjord i tilliggende til klostret med al kongelig ret, skat og tjenesteydelser, som skyldes deraf, at forblive i klostrets evige besiddelse for hans, hans hustrus og nævnte brødres synders skyld. Han gav også den, der boede på denne toft, fri ret til sammen med hans andre undergivne at fælde træ i hans skov sammesteds til bygninger og til arnested. I det Herrens år 1348 pinsedag. | The benevolent man Albert von Osten, with pious thought of his deceased brothers Godfred and Wedekin, called von Osten, and with his wife Grete's consent, donated a homestead in Sønder Mern with a penny of debtland belonging to the monastery with all royal rights, taxes and services due thereto, to remain in the monastery's eternal possession for his, his wife's and said brothers' sins. He also gave the one who lived on this homestead the free right, together with his other subjects, to cut wood in his forest there for buildings and for hearths. In the year of our Lord 1348 Pentecost. | C. A. Christensen, K. Friis Johansen: Danmarks Riges Breve. 3rd series, volume 3, 1348-1352. København 1963, p. 15 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1348-06-17-Pistoia | 17 June 1348 JL | Effects of the Black Death on governmental acitivies in Pistoia, Tuscany. | In Dei nomine amen. Anno nativitatis dominice MCCCXLVIII° Indictione prima die xvii° iunij Item, cum difficile sit immo quasi impossibile, ex infirmitate et mortalitate hominum existente, posse opportuna collegia communis Pistorij in sufficienti numero congregare [...] videtur et placet dicto Consilio providere, ordinare et reformare quod toto tempore presentium officiorum predictorum, quod esse debet hinc ad diem viii] mensis augusti proximi futuri, sufficiat congregari de numero dictorum vigintiquatuor (deputatorum super provisione expensarum communis Pistorij) duodecim ad minus et de numero dictorum duodec (deputatorum super custodia et munitione castrorum) sex ad minus, ad deliberandum et providendum que dicta officia habent deliberare et providere. Et sic possint dicto numero predicto tempore providere et deliberare, sicut congregata essent in solito et opportuno numero. | In the name of God, amen. In the year of our Lord's birth 1348, first indiction, on the 17th day of June. Furthermore, since it is difficult, indeed almost impossible, due to the illness and mortality of people, to be able to gather the appropriate assemblies of the commune of Pistoia in sufficient numbers [...] it is deemed and agreed by the said Council to provide, ordain, and reform that for the entire duration of the present offices, which should last from now until the 8th day of the upcoming month of August, it will be sufficient to convene twelve out of the twenty-four members (appointed for the provision of the commune's expenses of Pistoia) and at least six out of the twelve members (appointed for the custody and fortification of the castles) to deliberate and provide for what these offices are to deliberate and provide. And thus, they may be able to provide and deliberate during the said period with the said number, as if they were gathered in the usual and appropriate number. | Chiappelli 1887, p. 4 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-06-20-Faenza | 20 June 1348 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Faenza with blood spitting | 1348 iunii 20. Incepit Faventiae mortalitas gangolarum et sputi sanguinis, et duravit per annum. | On 20 June 1348, in Faenza, a mortality of swellings and spitting of blood began, and it lasted for a year. | Azzurini 1907, p. 129 | Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2 |
| 1348-06-24-Constance | 24 June 1348 JL | Persecutions of Jews in the total kingdom of Arelat, except the city Avignon, because they were accused for being the reason for the plague. | De cremacione Iudeorum, et in quibus terre locis, et propter quid. Anno eodem a festo Iohannis baptiste [24.06.] usque ad festum omnium sanctorum [01.11.] Iudei per totum regnum Arelatensem, excepta civitate Avinionensi, quam papa comparaverat scilicet Clemens vi., qui Iudeos ibi degentes defendebat, omnes cremati sunt et occisi usque ad oppidum Solodorensem, in quo eciam cremati sunt, propter mortalitatem que viguit predicto anno et sequenti, que Iudeis adscribebatur. Nam dicebatur et fama communis hoc habuit et ipsi idem fatebantur, hoc idem prout in gestis anni sequentis patebit, quod fontes intoxicassent. Unde Constantienses tunc preceperunt, ut sui aquam de lacu et non de fontibus haurirent, et quod Iudei fontibus et puteis uterentur tantum Christianorum, puteos Iudeorum fimo ac lapidibus obruentes. |
Concerning the burning of the Jews and in which places on earth and for what reason. In the same year (1348), from the feast of John the Baptist [24 June] to the feast of All Saints [1 November], all the Jews throughout the kingdom of Arelat, with the exception of the city of Avignon, which had been acquired by Pope Clement VI and in which the Jews residing there were protected, were burnt and killed, until the city of Solothurn, where they were also burnt, on account of the plague which raged in that and the following year and was attributed to the Jews. For it was said and it was generally believed, and the Jews themselves admitted, and this will be shown in the following years, that they had poisoned the springs. Therefore the people of Constance at that time ordered that they should draw their water from the lake and not from the springs, and that the Jews should only use the Christians' springs and wells, while the Jews' wells were blocked up with faeces and stones. | Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p.68. | None |
| 1348-06-26-Lund | 26 June 1348 JL | Archbishop Peder of Lund decrees that the testamentary heirs of deceased priests may receive the income of the parish church until next year's Quasimodogenitis Sunday. | Da nu — efter hvad vi har erfaret — den uskik har vundet hævd i vort stift Lund, førend vi blev antaget til som biskop at drage omsorg for kirkens styre, at arvingerne efter afdøde gejstlige, der har haft beneficium sammesteds, i kortere og længere tid, uden fast regel, men i henhold til forskelligartede myndigheders afgørelser har oppebåret indtægterne og indkomsterne af nævnte afdøde gejstliges beneficier, hvorved adskillige, såvel de nævnte afdødes arvinger, som de, der tiltrådte samme beneficier, undertiden har lidt et alvorligt afbræk i deres ret, har I ydmygt ansøgt om, at vi med årvågen omsorg vil sørge for Eder med et passende lægemiddel. | Since now - according to what we have learnt - this custom has prevailed in our diocese of Lund, before we were accepted as bishop to take care of the church's governance, that the heirs of deceased clergymen who have had beneficium here, for shorter and longer periods of time, without any fixed rule, but according to various decisions of various authorities, have received the revenues and incomes of said deceased clergymen's benefices, whereby several, both the heirs of the said deceased, as well as those who received the same benefices, have sometimes suffered a serious interruption in their rights, you have humbly requested that we, with with vigilant care we will provide you with a suitable medicine. | C. A. Christensen, K. Friis Johansen: Danmarks Riges Breve. 3rd series, volume 3, 1348-1352. København 1963, p. 109 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1348-07-05-Orvieto | 5 July 1348 JL | Shortage of wax candles due to the numerous deaths of the Black Death in Orvieto and corresponding regulations of wax quantities at funerals | Considerantes et advertentes necem pestiferam, que adheo atrociter suas undique saggitas emictit, et quod propter cere inopiam et caristiam de huiusmodi cera funeri non potest honor solitus exhibiri, volentes distinguere tempora et super hiis debite providere [...], nulla persona popularis vel nobilis possit nec debeat ad funus alicuius defuncti, cuiuscumque status vel condicionis existat, mictere vel deferri facere cereos cere amplioris ponderis, nisi ut inferius est expressum; videlicet, popularis quatuor libr. tantum vel ad inde infra, ad penam, pro quolibet et qualibet vice; decem lib. den., et nobilis ponderis lib. decem et non ultra vel ab inde infra sicut voluerit, ad penam XXV lib. den. | Considering and observing the deadly pestilence, which so fiercely sends its arrows everywhere, and because of the scarcity and high cost of wax, it is not possible to give the customary honor to funerals with such wax, wishing to distinguish the times and provide duly for these matters [...], no commoner or noble person can or should send or have carried to the funeral of any deceased person, regardless of their status or condition, candles of greater weight than specified below: namely, a commoner may send only four pounds or less, under penalty of ten pounds of denarii for each offense; and a noble may send candles weighing ten pounds and no more, or less if they wish, under penalty of twenty-five pounds of denarii | Anonymus 1922-24, p. 25, note 2 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-07-05-Venezia | 4 July 1348 JL | Adjustments to the judicial system due to the plague raging in Venice. Many notaries and other legally relevant persons have died or left the city. The latter are ordered to return to Venice, otherwise they will lose their offices. The same threat is made to the doctors. | Cum multe persone et quasi sine numero sint que cotidie veniant ad curias et proprii et examinatorum et occaxione huius casus occurssi pro mortalitate presentis temporis [...] Et quia multi notarii et infiniti, qui receperunt rogamina testamentorum et cartarum aliarum plurium sunt morti [...] Et quia officia nostra occaxione notariorum et scribarum et eciam aliorum nostrorum officialium multum deffectum portabant, qui sunt extra Venecias et venire non curant, consulunt, quod publicata presenti parte, omnes cancellarii, notarii et scribe omnium nostrorum officiorum tam clerici quam layci qui exiverunt de terra a duobus mensibus citra tenenantur venisse Venecias infra octavam diem […] sub pena perdendi officia qui haberent [...] Quia civitas nostra multum deffectum portat in facto infirmorum occaxione medicorum qui exiverunt de Veneciis. | There are many people, almost innumerable, who daily come to the courts, both their own and those of examiners, and due to this circumstance arising from the mortality of the present time [...] And because many notaries and countless others who have received requests for wills and various other documents are deceased [...] And because our offices suffered greatly due to the absence of notaries and scribes and also other officials of ours, who are outside Venice and do not care to come, it is advised that with this part published, all members of chanceries, notaries, and clerks of all our offices, both clerics and laymen who left two months ago, are bound to have come to Venice within eight days [...] under the penalty of losing the offices they held [...] Because our city suffers greatly in the matter of the sick due to the absence of physicians who left Venice... | Orlando 2007, pp. 325-327 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-07-07-Bologna | 7 July 1348 JL | The Black Death kills the expert in canon law, Giovanni d'Andrea, in Bologna. | Eodem anno (1346) floruit Iohannes Andree, egregius doctor iuris canonici, qui lecturam suam dictam Novellam super volumine Decretalium et alia multa bona in canonico iure scripsit. Qui anno Domini MCCCXLVIII ex pestilencia hominum, que fuit Bononie et in Ytalia undique [...] decessit. | In the same year (1346), Johannes Andreae flourished, an excellent doctor of canon law, who wrote his lecture known as "Novella" on the volume of Decretals and many other good works in canonical law. He died in the year of our Lord 1348 due to the pestilence among men, which was in Bologna and everywhere in Italy. | Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, p. 59. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-07-10-Venezia | 10 July 1348 JL | Plague has subsided in Venice; to prevent a resurgence of the epidemic, it is forbidden to bring the deceased or (potentially) sick people into the city. | Quoniam per misericordiam nostri altissimi Creatoris satis nostra civitas ab ista pestilencia liberata videatur, et sit faciendum divino auxilio mediante, quod sic maneat liberata, et corpora multa mortua extra Venecias moriencia se faciunt adduci Venecias, quod est causa coruptionis [...] Et quoniam plurimi infirmi qui veniunt Venecias inducere possunt corruptionem, quod absit, consulunt quod nullus forenssis tam homo quam femina et tam magnus quam parvus, infirmus vel qui videretur infirmis, sit qui vellit, ullo modo possit venire Vencias de aliqua parte vel loco tam nobis subiecto quam non nobis subiecto | As our city appears to be sufficiently freed from this pestilence through the mercy of our highest Creator, and it is necessary, with divine assistance, to ensure that it remains so, and since many bodies, dead or dying outside Venice, are being brought to Venice, which is a cause of corruption of the air [...] And as many sick people who come to Venice could bring about corruption of the air, may it be far from us, they advise that no foreigner, whether man or woman, great or small, sick or appearing to be sick, in any way, should be allowed to come to Venice from any place or location, whether subject to our authority or not subject to our authority | Orlando 2007, pp. 332-333 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-08-01-Italy | 1 August 1348 JL | Dating in a letter of Francesco Petrarca refers to fear of plague in the north of Italy | Apud superos, in Gallia Cisalpina ad dexteram Padi ripam, Kalendis Sextilibus anno ab ortu Eius quem an tu rite noveris incertum habeo, MCCCXLVIII. | Among the living in this part of Gaul on the right bank of the Po, on the first of August in the year 1348. | Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le familiari XX-XXIV, p. 237 | None |
| 1348-09-01-Avignon | 1348 JL | Emperor Charles IV mentions the plague at the papal court in Avignon in a letter from the 1st of September 1348. | Nos, quia nonnulli ex fratribus nostris propter pestem, que, ut ad tuam credimus pervenisse noticiam, patriam hanc inaudita et incredibili clade vastavit, a curia secesserant nec adhuc redierunt ad illam, et quidam ex eis, qui in curia refata remanserant, infirmitate gravantur, elicere vel deliberare nequivimus, quid tibi super huiusmodi eiusdem nuncii tui ambassiata respondere possemus. | We, because some of our brothers, due to the plague, which, as we believe has come to your attention, had withdrawn from the [papal, C.O.] court and have not yet returned to it, and some of those who remained in the court are burdened by illness, have been unable to elicit or deliberate on what response we could give you regarding the embassy of your messenger concerning this matter. | Monumenta Vaticana, vol. 1 (ed. Klicman), Prague 1903, no 1015, p. 571. | None |
| 1348-09-29-Muehldorf | 29 September 1348 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Mühldorf in Bavaria. | Cum itaque pestis et decessus hominum prochdolor nimis atrociter lustrasset multos provinciarum fines, venit in Babariam, videlicet in Muldorf; ubi, ut dicebatur, a festo Michahelis preteriti anni (1348) decesserunt 1400 de pocioribus ibidem hominibus. | So when the plague and the excessive passing of people had cruelly ravaged many regions, it came to Bavaria, namely to Mühldorf; where, as it was said, on the feast of Michaelmas of the past year (1348), 1400 of the poorer people there died. | Annales Matseenses 1851, p. 829. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-09-30-Orvieto | 30 September 1348 JL | Price restrictions on all types of goods, which may only be offered at 25% higher prices than before the Black Death. | artifices, magistri, laboratores et alii de rebus, quas vendunt et aliis magstriis, laboritiis ac victuris et factionibus personalibus, propter sevam et inauditam pestem mortiferam, que nuper undique in humano genere est diffusa, pretium adheo carum tollant, quod cives et alii cuncit conqueruntur merito, et nisi provideatur celeriter, non possent facere facta sua, ex quo detrimentum reipublice non modicum exoritur et iactura [...] ne huiusmodi appetitus noxius et nefandus usus in Urbevetana civitate diutius nec ulterius vigeat et res predicte in congrua disposicione persistant | Craftsmen, masters, laborers, and others, because of the severe and unprecedented deadly plague that has recently spread everywhere among humankind, have raised the prices of the goods they sell and other crafts, labors, and personal services to such an extent that citizens and others justly complain, and unless provision is made quickly, they will not be able to carry out their tasks, resulting in considerable harm and loss to the republic [...] so that this harmful greed and wicked practice may not continue any longer in the city of Orvieto and so that the aforementioned matters may remain in proper order | Anonymus 1922-24, p. 25, note 2 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-00-00-Austria | 1349 JL | In 1349, after an earthquake, the Plague arrived in Austria together with flagellants. Around the feast of St John the baptist the disease was so severe that in Vienna 500 funerals were held per day. The disease spread because wells and other waters had been poisoned by the Jews who where persecuted all over the country. | A.D. 1349 incepit pestilencia scilicet post terre motum, et pestilenciam quidam prevenientes per ecclesias nudati usque ad cingulum acutis flagellis usque ad effusionem sanguinis se flagellantes decurrebant cum cantu de passione Domini, plurimos aspicientes in lacrimas commovebant. [...] Mox circa festum Iohannis baptiste facta est pestilencia qualis nunquam audita vel visa est, ita ut in civitate Wiennensi una die 500 funera haberentur, et tamen omnes rite sacramentalibus procurati per triduum et quasi dormiendo et cum magno fetore leniter decesserunt; ulcera habentes quidam circa genitalia sicca, quidam vesicas in cute. De quibus suspicati sunt quidam, Iudeos hoc in ulcionem inter christianos effecisse, quodam pulvere fontes et omnes aquas per necessarios eciam christianos infecisse; de quibus plurimi sunt exusti et in superioribus partibus omnes Iudei occisi et iugulati sunt; eciam in Chrems circa festum sancti Michahelis omnes Iudeorum domus aduste sunt, paucis Iudeis evadentibus. Quapropter dux Albertus, fautor Iudeorum, omnes adiacentes villas iussit spoliare. Iems nebulosa, ver optimus et floridus. | A.D. 1349 the pestilence began, namely after the earthquake. And before the pestilence, certain people, going through the churches naked to the waist, ran about scourging themselves with sharp whips to the shedding of blood, singing of the Passion of the Lord, moving many onlookers to tears. [...] Soon, around the feast of St John the Baptist, there arose a pestilence such as had never been heard of or seen, so that in the city of Vienna 500 funerals were held in a single day. And yet all were duly provided with the sacraments, and within three days they died gently, as if falling asleep, though with a great stench. Some had dry ulcers around the genitals; others had blisters upon the skin. Concerning this, some suspected that the Jews had brought it about among the Christians in vengeance, having infected the wells and all waters with a certain powder, even through Christians employed for this purpose. Of these, many were burned, and in the upper regions all the Jews were killed and slaughtered. Likewise in Krems, around the feast of St Michael, all the houses of the Jews were burned, only a few Jews escaping. Wherefore Duke Albert, a supporter of the Jews, ordered all the neighbouring villages to be plundered. The winter was foggy; the spring most excellent and full of blossoms. | Kalendarium Zwetlense, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 689-698, 692, l. 26-40 | Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2 |
| 1349-00-00-Austria-01 | 1 January 1349 JL | Around New Year of 1349 flagellants appeared in Austria and they remained active until Easter, when the plague diminished. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters. | Anno 1349 circa circumcisionem Domini usque in pascham viri 40, 60 vel 100 coadunati per ecclesias discurrentes cum flagellis se denudantes usque ad cingulum publicas egerunt penitencias, cantando de passione Domini, quatenus pestilencia que tunc in quibusdam locis prevaluerat cessaret. Incusati autem Iudei, quod fontes et aquas eciam fluentes quibusdam pulveribus toxicassent, unde in superioribus partibus undique autem iugulati, et in Chremsa adusti sunt una cum domibus eorum. | In the year 1349 from around New Year and until Easter 40, 60 or 100 assembled men spread over the churches and beat themselves naked down to the belt requesting penitence in public and singing about the passion of the Lord until the plague, which in those places prevailed, ebbed away. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters, also flowing ones, with powders. That is why they were killed in the upper parts [of the country] and in Krems they were burned together with one of their masters. | Continuatio Zwetlensis quarta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 684-689, 685 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Austria-02 | 1349 JL | In 1349 flagellants arose in Austria and when they were no longer active a great plague raged the land with unheard of mortality. | Eodem anno flagellatores surrexerunt, qui flagellaverunt se, et ibant de civitate in civitatem, et de villa in villam. Et finita ista secta, venit pestilentia sive mortalitas magna et inaudita, quod sepe una die sepeliebant mille homines nisi in una civitate, et in rure sepeliebantur homines in campis et talis pestilentia nunquam visa fuit, nec visa est. | In this year the flagellants arose, who beat themselves and they went from city to city and from village to village. And when this sect was finished a plague arrived or a great and unheard of mortality by which often in one day thousand people were buried in just one city, and in rural areas the people were buried in the fields and so great was the plague that it was never seen before nor is it seen. | Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis quinta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 735-742, 736 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Austria-Bavaria | 1349 JL | In many places in Austria and Bavaria many people died of a most cruel plague, e.g. in Mühldorf am Inn in Upper Bavaria died on the feastday of St Michael (September 29) 1.400 people. The Jews were made responsible for the plague and in Salzburg, Munich and other places they were persecuted. | 1349. Sevivit crudelissima pestilencia, que interemit forsam terciam partem hominum, quia in Wyenna decesserunt qualibet die due vel tres libre hominum, et una die quatuor libre, una die 960. In Patavia vero moriebantur qualibet die quinque vel sex solidi, et una die 9 solidi, una die 300 minus 30 homines. Lustrabat autem hec pestilencia totum orbem, non simul et semel, sed successive. Cum itaque pestis et decessus hominum prochdolor nimis atrociter lustrasset multos provinciarum fines, venit in Barbariam, videlicet in Muldorf; ubi, ut dicebatur, a festo Michahelis preteriti anni decesserunt 1400 de pocioribus ibidem hominibus. Item in Prawnau sepius uno die moriebantur 16, et in Monaco, et in Lantzhuta, et in aliis quam pluribus civitatibus et oppidis in tantum sevivit mors, quod ab effluxis temporum motibus enormiori peste nemo cogitaret. [...] Ob hanc nemppe nephariam infamiam in Saltzburga et Monaco et in aliis infinitis civitatibus Iudei fuerant cremati, cesi, secti et quomodolibet aliter trucidati et occisi. Et in Praunaw dicebatur eciam, quod Iudei redegerint feculenciam venenosorum animalium in pulveres, et impleverint sacculos in longitudine et latitudine duorum digitorum, et submerserint aquis puteorum et etiam foncium scaturiencium; et tales sacculi pleni intoxicacionibus a christianis per expurgacionem foncium fuerunt inventi. | 1349. A most cruel plague raged through the land, which eliminated maybe one third of the people; as in Vienna died every day two libre (480) or three libre (720) people and one day four libre (960), one day 960 [the editor assumes that 1 libram = 240 people, one solidum = 30 people equalling it to the value of the respective currency]. In Passau died every day really five (150) or six (180) solidi and one day nine solidi (270), one day 300 minus 30 people. But this plague did not wander the whole world at the same time and all at once but sucessively. Because the pestilence and the deceased people caused too much hardness, many wandered over the borders of the province and went to Bavaria namely to Mühldorf, where, it is said, at the feast of St Michael of the last year 1.400 of their best people died. In the same way died often on one day 16 in Braunau; and in Monaco and in Landshut and in numerous other towns and villages raged such a death that in the fluent movement of time noone knows of a more enormous plague. [...] Because of this the infamous Jews in Salzburg and Monaco and in innumerable other towns were burned, slaughtered, cut down and in whatever other way massacred and killed. And in Braunau it was also said that the Jews made poisonous animal faeces to powder and that they filled them into small bags of two finger length and width and dumped them into the wells and other gushing waters; and such bags full with poisons were found by the Christians and carried away for the cleansing of the water. | Annales Matseenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 823-837, 829f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Cracow | 1349 JL | Flagellants came from Hungary during that year and a great plague broke out in Cracov | Anno Domini 1349 flagellatores nudi venerunt de Ungaria. Eodem anno perstilencia magna erat in Cracovia. | In the year 1349 nude flagellants came from Hungary. In the same year there was a great pestilence in Cracov, | Notae Cracovienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 5, p. 905 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Denmark | 1349 JL | Black Death in Denmark in the year 1349. | Mortalitas magna in Dania. | Great mortality in Denmark. | Chronica Sialandie. In: Ellen Jørgensen: Annales Danici medii ævi. København 1920, p. 175 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1349-00-00-Florence | 1349 JL | After the plague the citizens in Florence were still in shock and listless. But peoples of Colle Val d'Elsa and San Gimignano returned to power and castles of the Ubaldini were taken. | Sequenti etiam anno parum aut nihil gestum, consternata adhuc civitate superiori pestilentia. Collenses tantum et Geminianenses domesticis seditionibus laborantes in potestatem florentini populi redierunt. Et circa Apenninum aliquot castella de Ubaldinis capta, quibus latrocinia exercebantur. | In the following year, too, little or nothing was done, as the city was still in shock from the plague. The peoples of Colle Val d’Elsa and San Gimignano, wracked by domestic turmoils, returned to the power of the Florentine People. And in the Apennines several castles of the Ubaldini were taken which had been centers of brigandage. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 314. | None |
| 1349-00-00-Poland | 1349 JL | After referring to the spreading of the Black Death in the entry for 1348, Jan Dlugos adds that in 1349 the Black Death reached Poland. After it had killed many people, the remaining took to religious practices and humiliated themselves through flaggelation and other treatments until God had mercy with them. | Pestifer hic annus eciam aput Polonos fuit morboque epidimie passim grassante multi mortales tam de nobilitate quam de plebe consumpti sunt. Dum quoque diuturni mali nullum esset remedium et plures non domos solum, sed opida et villas pestis desertasset, homines ad religionem conversi, credentes id malum propter indignacionem Divinam sceleribus hominum provocatum accidisse, conversi flagellis virgisque se mutuo verberabant aliisque penitencie generibus se affligebant, donec propiciata Divinitas pestiferam auram sustulit et mortalitatis molem cessare fecit. | This year brought the plague to Poland, too, and as it spread everywhere, many people among the gentry as well as among the peasantry died. And when no remedy could be found for this long-lasting vexation, and when the plague not only killed many in houses but also depopulated whole towns and villages, people convinced themselves that all their troubles fell on them as a divine retribution for their crimes and thus they turned to religious practices. So, they flagellated and birched each other, and humiliated themselves with other forms of penance until God showed his mercy towards them and took away the plague and let the acute mortality cease. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 257 | None |
| 1349-00-00-Poland-1 | 1349 JL | In this year there was a great pestilence and people flagellated themselves | Anno Domini 1349 pestilencia magna fuit, et homines se affligebant seu flagellabant. | In the year of the Lord 1349 there was a great pestilence and people beat or flagellated themselves. | Spominki Wladislawskie, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, p. 945 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Prussia | 1349 JL | After writing for several chapters about the way of the Black Death over Europe and of the manifestations of the disease, the chronicler adds that it also raged in Prussia and Pomerania | Predicta ergo pestilencia, que circuivit Pene omnes regiones calidas, proch dolor, ad clima nostrum iam pervenit et iam fere in tota Pruzia et Pomerania innumerabiles viros ac mulieres consumpsit et hodierna die consumere non cessat. | The aforementioned plague, which has spread over almost all southern countries — oh horror of horrors! — arrived at our lands as well; in most of Prussia and Pomerania it has consumed innumerable men and women, and it continues to consume them still. | Chronica Oliviensis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica tom. VI, pp. 310-350, p. 347 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Strasbourg | 1349 JL | Plague in Strasbourg | [26.] Pervenit autem ad civitatem Argentinam hec pestilentia anno Domini MCCCXLIX. in estate, et moriebantur ibi, ut dicebatur, XVI milia hominum. | [26.] The plague reached the city Strasbourg in the summer 1349 und there died, how it was reported, sixteen thousand people. | Mathias de Nuwenburg: de progenie, origine et gestis bertholdi de Bucheke episcopi Argentinensis 1924-40, p. 534 | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1349-00-00-Sweden | 1349 JL | An undated prophecy by Birgitta of Sweden about the monks of the Swedish monastery of Alvastra. According to Tryggve Lundén it is to be set between 1344-49. The revelation if followed by the note that a disease came and took away 33 brothers | Cum domina staret orando rapta in spiritu, vidit domum quandam et super domum celum valde serenum. Cumque diligenter inspiciendo miraretur, vidit de domo columbas ascendentes et penetrare celum. Quas Ethiopes conabantur impedire sed non valebant. Subtus vero domum videbatur chaos, in quo sunt tres ordines fratrum. “Primi sunt simplices quasi columbe. Ideo faciliter ascendunt, quorum tibi nomina indicabo. Secundi sunt, qui veniunt ad purgatorium. Tercii sunt, qui iam alium pedem habent in mari et alium in tabulatu nauis. Quorum iudicium nunc appropinquat. Et vt scias et probes, vnus post alium cicius transibit, secundum quod nomina eorum exprimo tibi.” Quod similiter contigit. Venit enim mortalitas et tulit, sicut predictum est, XXXIII fratres. | As the lady [Birgitta] stood in prayer, rapt in spirit, she saw a certain house and above the house a very clear sky. And when she looked carefully and wondered, she saw doves ascending from the house and entering the sky which the Ethiopians (= devils, cf. ON blámenn) tried to prevent but were not able. Under the house she saw an abyss, and there are three kinds of brothers. The first are simple as a dove. Therefore they ascend easily. The second are those who come to purgatory. The third are those who have one foot in the sea and the other on the ship's deck. Their judgement is now approaching, and in order that you may know and be aware of it, one after another will quickly perish as I reveal their names to you." So it came to pass, for a sickness came and took away thirty-three brethren, as was foretold. | Tryggve Lundén:Den Heliga Birgitta, Himmelska uppenbarelser. Vol. 3., ch. 113. Malmö 1958, p. 182 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1349-00-00-Trier | 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death and other disesases, maybe dysentery and fever - all blamed on the Jews. Unusual symptoms of plague. | Isto etiam anno (1349) Deus genus humanus triplici plaga flagellavit: ita quod plusquam medietas hominum cessit ab humanis; primo percussit ipsum epidemia, cui gibbus grevit quacunque corporis parte; et omnes anhelitum ejus capientes celerius interierunt; secundo hemeroida; tertio sacro igne, ita quod corpora in seipsis celerius fuerant consumata; sic quod orbis initio non fuerant tempore periculosiora. Que plaga fuerat Judaeis imposita, sic quod aquam in omni terra intoxicassent, de quo aer infectus, tales plagae in omnia climata pullulassent. [...] (p. 264) Et ista per sequentem annum duraverunt. | In the same year (1349), God afflicted the human race with a triple scourge: so that more than half of humanity departed from the living; first, it struck with an epidemic, which oppressed with a hunchback anyone in any part of the body; and all who caught its breath perished swiftly; secondly, with hemorrhoids; thirdly, with a sacred fire, so that bodies were consumed more rapidly within themselves; thus, since the beginning of the world, there had not been more dangerous times. This scourge had been blamed on the Jews, so as if they could poison water in all lands, from which infected air such plagues spread into all climates. [...] (p. 264) And these plagues continued into the next year. | Gesta Baldewini 1838, pp. 263-164. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-00-00-Zwiefalten | 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Zwiefalten. | Mors pestilencia prima hic populos pressit. | Death by the first plague weighed heavily on the populace here. | Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 62. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-04-05-Frankfurt | 5 April 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions and the presence of flagellants. | Die palmarum eodem anno et die exaltationis sanctae crucis fuit statio generalis cappis nigris nudis pedibus propter epidemiam habita Francofordiae. Flagellantes etiam fuerunt hic magno numero (Antiquitates) / Die exaltationis sanctae crucis stacio generalis cappis nigris nudis pedibus propter epidimiam habebatur (Acta). | On Palm Sunday of the same year (1349), and on the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, a general procession was held in Frankfurt for those affected by the epidemic, with people wearing black cloaks and barefoot. There were also a great number of flagellants present (Antiquitates) / On the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, a general procession was held in Frankfurt for those affected by the epidemic, with people wearing black cloaks and barefoot (Acta). | Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 93. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-04-12-Frankfurt | 12 April 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt until early 1350. | Post pascha 1349 tanta pestis fuit Francofordiae quanta numquam audita est antea et innumerabiles homines etiam cicrumquaque absumpti sunt et diem extremum clauserunt. Duravitque pestis illa inguinaria a festo paschae ad hiemem initio anni jubilaei. | After Easter in 1349, there was such a great plague in Frankfurt as had never been heard of before, and countless people perished everywhere, closing their final day. That inguinal plague lasted from Easter to the beginning of the jubilee year in winter. | Collectanea Petri Herp 1884, p. 59. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-04-12-Frankfurt 001 | 12 April 1349 JL | During the plague was the flagellants movement, jews were killed in Frankfurt and Mainz and the jews burned down the roof of a church in Frankfurt | Item anno domini McccXLIX post festum pasche [12 April 1349] usque in hiemem tunc proxime venientem flagellatores ire inceperunt quasi et ad annum jubileum, et interim maxima hominum multitudo utriusque sexus per diversas mundi partes de pestilencia gravi moriebatur. Item eodem anno domini XLIX in vigilia beati Jacobi apostoli [24. Juli] Judei Frankenfordenses omnes, deinde in die beati Bartholomei apostoli [24. August] tunc proxime venturi Judei civitatis Moguntinensis omnes, tam per ipsorum Judeorum utrobique ignem proprium quam eciam aliunde, ac habitaciones eorundem totaliter per laicorum invasionem sunt perempti et devastati. Item eodem anno XLIX in dicta vigilia Jacobi tectum chori omnino et tectum ecclesie sancti Bartholomei ibidem in parte per hujusmodi Judeorum Frankenfordensium ignem fuerant concremata. |
In the year of our Lord 1349, the Flagellants began after Easter [12 April] until the coming winter, as if they were going to the Jubilee. In the meantime, a large number of men and women died of a severe plague in various parts of the world. Also in the same year 1349, on the eve of St James the Apostle [24 July], all the Jews of Frankfurt, and then on the day of St Bartholomew the Apostle [24 August], all the Jews of the city of Mainz, both by their own fire and by the invasion of the laity, were killed and their houses completely destroyed. Also in the same year, 1349, on the eve of the feast of St James [24 July], the roof of the choir and the roof of the church of St Bartholomew in Frankfurt were destroyed by fire from the Jews of Frankfurt. | Annales Francofurtani 1884, p. 2. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1349-05-00-Parma | May 1349 JL | A friend of Francesco Petraca, Paganino da Bizzozzero and his his entire family died because of the plague in Parma | Et hic quidem - quod sine multis lacriminis non dico et cum pluribus dicerem nisi precedentibus malis exhaustos hosce oculos atque omnes, sique sunt, lacrimarum reliquias instantibus reservarem - hic, inquam, pestilenti morbo qui nunc orbem populatur, repente correptus, ad vesperam postquam cenam cum amicis, et quod occidui temporis restabat in nostro tantum sermone et amicitie rerumque nostrarum commemoratione consumpserat, noctem illam inrapida morte subtractus est. Ac nequid de funesta consuetudine laxaretur, triduo inexpleto illum filii omnisque familia consecuti sunt. | And this one now - what I cannot say without many tears (and would say among several, if I did not want to save my eyes exhausted in misfortune and all remaining tears, if there are any, for what is to come), he has, I say, been taken away quite suddenly by the plague, which is just now depopulating the whole earth, and that after he had dined with friends towards evening and then spent the remaining evening hours in conversation with me alone and in the thought of our friendship and our affairs. He endured the following night in extreme pain, but with unflinching courage, and in the morning a sudden death snatched him from us. And so that nothing of the usual course of the disease would be left to us, his sons, indeed his entire family, followed him in less than three days. | Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, p. 1140 | None |
| 1349-05-31-Austria | 31 May 1349 JL | A plague lasting from Penthecost (May 31st) until the feast of St Michael (September 29th) killed about two thirds of the population of Austria. | A.D. 1349 [...] Pestis vero contagiosa predicta successive pervenit usque ad Wyennam, necnon in omnes terminos, ita ut homines absque estimacione exspirarent, et tercia pars hominum vix remaneret. Ideo propter fetorem et horrorem cadaverum non sinebantur sepeliri in cimiteriis ecclesiarum, sed mox cum fuissent extincta deferebantur ad communem locum in agrum Dei extra civitatem, ubi quinque fovee in brevi profunde et late usque ad summum sunt corporibus mortuorum replete; et duravit hec pestilencia a festo penthecostes usque Michaelis. Non solum Wyennam sed et alia loca circumiacencia crudeliter invasit; monachis et monialibus minime pepercit, cum in Sancta Cruce 53 religiosi de hoc seculo eodem tempore migraverunt. | In the year of the Lord 1349 [...] The earlier mentioned really contagious plague arrived not only in Vienna but in all regions. In this way people [in numbers] beyond estimation died and hardly one third of the people remained. Because if the stench and the horror of the dead bodies they could not be allowed to be buried in the cemeteries of the churches, but soon the deseases were brought to public places them cemetaries outside of the cities, where five deep and wide ditches where filled up to their maximum with the bodies of the dead. And this plague lasted from the feast of Penthecost until [the feast of] St Michael. Not only Vienna but also other surrounding places were cruelly invaded. Monks and nuns were by no means spared, since in Sancta Cruce 53 members of their community passed away. | Continuatio Novimontensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 669-677, 676 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-06-00-Italy | June 1349 JL | Letter from Francesco Petrarca to his friend Ludwig van Kempen in Avignon about the plague in Italy in 1348 (mentioning an Earthquake | Heu michi, frater amantissime, quid dicam? unde ordiar? quonam vertar? undique dolor, terror undique. [...] Utinam, frater, aut nunquam natus aut prius extinctus forem! quodsi nunc optare cogor, quid dicturum putas si ad extremem senectutem venero? ad quam o utinam non venirem; sed veniam, timeo, non ut diutius vivam, sed ut diu moriar. Nosco etenim fatum meum, et sensim intelligo ad quid in hanc (p. 1124) erumnosam et infelicem vitam sim proiectus. Heu michi, frater optime! piget ex intimis ax miseret me mei. [...] (p. 1126) Qua in re benigno sub iudice forsan excuser, si ad examen venerit illud quoque, non leve aliquid, sed millesimum trecentesimum quadragesimum octavum sexte etatis annum esse quem lugeo, qui non solum nos amicis, sed mundum omnen gentibus spoliavit; cui siquid defuit, sequens ecce annus illius reliquias demetit, et quicquid (p. 1128) illi procelle superfuerat, mortifera falce persequitur. Quando hoc posteritas credet, fuisse tempus sine diluvio sine celi aut telluris incendio sine bellis aut alia clade visibili, quo non hec pars aut illa terrarum, sed universus fere orbis sine habitatore remanserit? quando unquam in annalibus lectum est, vacuas domos, derelictas urbes, squalida rura, arva cadaveribus angusta, horrendam vastamque toto orbe solitudinem? [...] (p. 1128) Ubi dulces nunc amici, ubi sunt amati vultus, ubi verba mulcentia, ubi mitis et iocunda conversatio? quod fulmen ista consumpsit, quid terre motus evertit, que tempestas demersit, que abyssus absorbuit? Stipati eramus, prope iam soli sumus. Nove amicitie contrahende sunt. UNde autem sive ad quid, humano genere pene extincto, et proximo, ut auguror, rerum fine? Sumus, frater, sumus - quid dissimulem? - vere soli; (p. 1134) | Woe is me, dearest brother, what shall I say, what shall I do, where shall I turn? Pain is everywhere, terror is everywhere! [...] Would that I, brother, had never been born or had been snuffed out earlier! If I am compelled to wish for this already, what will I say when I have reached the highest old age one day? And may I not even reach that day! But I will reach it, I fear, but not to live longer, rather to die longer. I know my fate, and gradually I understand why I was thrust into this sorrowful and luckless life. Woe is me, dearest brother, I am sickened to my core, and I mourn my [...] (p. 433) Perhaps I will at least be excused by a merciful judge in this matter, if he takes into account that I am not complaining about something trivial but about the year 1348 in the sixth age! It has not only (p. 434) deprived us of our friends, but the whole world of its peoples. And if anything escaped this year, behold, the new year is now mowing down the rest. And if something withstood the storms of the old year, it is now being overtaken by the deadly sickle. Will posterity ever believe that in a time free from flood and world conflagration, wars, and indeed from any visible disaster, nearly the entire globe, not just this or that region, was depopulated? When has such a thing ever been seen or heard through rumors? In which annals was such to be read? There are empty houses, deserted cities, fallow fields, fields covered with corpses, and a horrifying, boundless desolation everywhere in the world! [...] (p. 435) Where are the familiar friends now, where are the beloved faces, where are the charming conversations? Where is the cheerful and intimate companionship with them? What lightning bolt has removed all of this? What earthquake has overturned it? What storm has drowned it, and what abyss has swallowed it? We were surrounded by friends; now we are almost alone. We would have to form new friendships! But where and for what purpose? Since the human race is almost extinct, and, I fear, the end of the world is near. We are, my brother, we are – what should I suppress it! – truly alone! | Template: Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, pp. 1124-1134 | None |
| 1349-06-00-Strasbourg | June 1349 JL | The Black Death comes to Strasbourg, kills 16.000 people and Jews are persecuted in its aftermath. | Pervenit autem ad civitatem Argentinam hec pestilentia anno Domini MCCCXLIX. in estate, et moriebantur ibi, ut dicebatur, XVI milia hominum. Iudei autem propter pestilenciam precedentis anni infamati sunt, quod eam fecerint vel auxerint fontibus et puteis iniecto veneno. Et cremati sunt a mari usque ad Alemanniam preterquam Avinioni, ubi ipsos papa defendit. | However, this pestilence reached the city of Strasbourg in the year of our Lord 1349, in the summer, and as it was said, sixteen thousand people died there. The Jews, however, were defamed because of the pestilence of the preceding year, on the allegation that they had caused or increased it by poisoning wells and springs. They were burned from the sea to Germany, except in Avignon, where the Pope himself protected them. | Gesta Bertholdi 1924-40, p. 534 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-06-24-Strasbourg | 24 June 1349 JL | The hostilities between the kings of England and France were postponed because of a severe plague | [116.] De indicto conflictu inter regem Anglie et Francie in die Iohannis baptiste. Cum autem indictus fuisset dudum conflictus ad diem beati Iohannis baptiste predicti anni quadragesimi noni [24. Juni 1349] inter Francie et Anglie reges, tanta fuit utriusque regni pestilencia, quod vix tercia pars hominum dicitur remanisse. Propter quod conflictus est prorogatus. […] |
116. Of the renewed outbreak of hostilities between the kings of England and France on the day of St John the Baptist. Although the renewed outbreak of hostilities between the kings of France and England had long been announced for the day of St John the Baptist in the year [13]49, a plague raged so severely in both kingdoms that, it is said, barely a third of the people remained alive, and hostilities were therefore postponed. [...] | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 270 | None |
| 1349-07-22-Frankfurt | 22 July 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt with 2000 people dead and a duration of seven months. Jews were burned troughout Germany | Anno 1349 Alemanniae pestilentia est suborta. Judei sunt cremati. Anno eodem [1349] Judei omnes et domus eorum per totam Allemanniam igne combusti. Anno eodem a die Mariae Magdalenae ad diem purificationis (p. 145) Mariae proxime Francoforti pestilentia totius mundi. Intra 72 dies 2000 et ultra hominum obiere. Secunda quacunque hora sine campanis candelis sacerdotibus 35 una die tumulati. |
In 1349, a plague broke out in Germany. The Jews were burned. [...]
In the same year, all Jews and their homes were burned throughout Germany. In the same year (1349), on the day of Mary Magdalene up to the day of the Purification of Mary, a plague struck the whole world and near Frankfurt. Within 72 days, 2000 or more people died. Twenty-five priests were buried in a single day, without bells or candles, at any hour. |
Acta Francofurtana 1884, pp. 144-145. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None; |
| 1349-09-00-Carpi | September 1349 JL | Letter from Francesco Petrarca to his friend Ludwig van Kempen in which he mentions the plague breaking out again in Carpi | Sicut enim quid cupiam scio, sic nescio quid sperem; quo fit ut mira michi in animo rebellantium cogitationum turba consurgat; ad omnem enim vite mee modum non leve momentum mors aut vita tua est; et vite quidem tue spem michi prestat etas modestia valitudo; terrent morbi contagia renascentis et celum apud vos, ut memorant, rursus infame. | I know what I wish for, but I do not know what I may hope for. Thus, it happens that within me, a peculiar heap of conflicting thoughts rises up. For every aspect of my life, your death and your life are of significant importance to me. Your youth, temperance, and robust nature provide hope that you are alive, while the reemerging plague and the infamous weather conditions reportedly occurring among you terrify me. | Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, p. 1366 | None |
| 1349-11-25-Orvieto | 25 November 1349 JL | Prohibition of demolition of vacant houses in Orvieto after the Black Death, except for renovation and expansion | Comperto quod propter seva et pestifera tempora, que, satore seminante zizania in Civitate et comitatu Urbisveteris, huc usque diutius multiformiter viguerunt, domus, hedificia et casamenta gentium et populi consumptorum et in necem et exilum positorum remanserunt quam plurima vacuata, et inhabitata persistant, cuius causa venduntur et alienantur ab improbis, et emuntur et ponuntur plerique sub exterminio et ruina, interdum etiam sub ficto iuris velamine, in contumeliam, diminutionem, detrimentum, obrobrium et jacturam Civitatis, Comunis et Populi predictorum; quibus nisi per oportuna reparentur remedia, evidenter paulatim sedulo et interpolatim ipsa suis hedificis Civitatis nichilatur et orbatur, ut hiis reprobis finis deinceps apponatur saluber; igitur [...] nulla persona [...] possit [...] aliquam domum vel hedificium domus in Civitate vel burgis destruere vel scarcare in totum vel pro parte [...] ad penam [...] 50 libr. Domus vero et hedificia, que quomodolibet ruinam minarentur occasione terremotus vel alterius casus inoppinati, vel devasterentur pro rehedificando ipsam cum melioramento, pro parte vel in totum scarcari et dirui possint sine penam | It has been discovered that because of the severe and deadly times, which, like a sower sowing tares, have long prevailed in the City and county of Orvieto in various forms, many houses, buildings, and dwellings of the people who have been consumed, killed, or exiled, have remained vacant and persist uninhabited. As a result, these properties are sold and alienated by unscrupulous people and are often bought and placed under extermination and ruin, sometimes even under the guise of legal pretext, to the insult, diminution, detriment, disgrace, and loss of the City, the Commune, and its People. Unless appropriate remedies are provided, the city and its buildings will clearly be gradually but diligently and progressively destroyed and depleted, so to put an end to these reprehensible practices henceforth in a healthy manner; therefore [...] no person [...] may destroy or dismantle any house or building in the City or its suburbs in whole or in part [...] under the penalty of 50 pounds. However, houses and buildings that might be threatened by ruin due to an earthquake or another unforeseen event, or are demolished for the purpose of rebuilding them with improvements, may be dismantled and destroyed in whole or in part without penalty | Anonymus 1922-24, p. 25, note 2 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1350-00-00-Brno | 1350 JL | An entry in the town book of Brno (of 1351 July 16) states that a certain Nicolaus died in the preceeding year in the times of the plague. | Nicolaus sepedictus anno preterito tempore pestilencie vitam suam finvivit. | Nicolaus, called "the Lizard", finished his life in the preceeding year in the time of plague. | Miroslav Flodr (ed.), Pamětní kniha města Brna z let 1343-1376 (1379), Brno 2005, p. 120, no 232. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1350-00-00-Constance | 1350 JL | Extreme weather and abundant rainfall in 1350 and the following winter was cold until beginning of February. From that on stopped the epidemic. | Ipse autem annus cum magno temperie aeris incepit et permansit usque ad festum beati Andree [30 November], et deinceps pluvia habundabat versus Nicolai [6 December], sed deinceps frigus erat usque ad purificationem [2 February 1351]. Et extunc epithimia seu hominum mortalitas cessavit, que per bigennium viguerat et in tanta generalitate, quod quasi quinta pars hominum alicubi sexta obiit. | The year began with extreme weather and lasted until the feast of St Andrew (30 November), after which there was abundant rainfall until the feast of St Nicholas (6 December), but then cold weather prevailed until the Purification (2 February 1351). From then on, the epidemic or mortality of the people, which raged for two years and was so widespread that about a fifth of the people died, in some places even a sixth. | Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 75 | None |
| 1350-00-00-Denmark 001 | 1350 JL | Black Death in Denmark and "universally". It has been speculated (see Ulsig, Pest og befolkningsnedgang, p. 22) that the plague reached Denmark already in 1348 | Item huius tempore fuit vniuersalis ypidumia per totum mundum, et annus iubileus impositus per Clementem papam et magna indulgencia in Roma, sub a. d. m.ccc.l. | Also at this time there was a universal epidemic throughout the whole world, and a year of jubilee was imposed by Pope Clement and a great indulgence in Rome in the year of our Lord m.ccc.l. | Chronica Archiepiscoporvm Lvndensivm. In: M. Cl. Gertz: Scriptores minores historiæ Danicæ medii ævi Vol. 2. København 1922, p. 117 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-00-00-Denmark 002 | 1350 JL | Black Death around the world. Jubilee year and indulgence in Rome | Annus jubileus fuit et magne indulgencie in Roma, remissio videlicet omnium peccatorum. Item maxima epidemia toto illo anno fuit per totum mundum | It was a jubilee year and a great indulgence in Rome, namely the remission of all sins. Also, there was a great epidemic throughout the whole world that year. | Annales Scanici Sialandie. In: Ellen Jørgensen: Annales Danici medii ævi. København 1920, p. 189 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-00-00-Hannover-001 | 1350 JL | Pestilence in Hannover | Turris principium tria C numerant L et evum Gracia romana fuit et pestis triduana Funera flens polis hec tria milia mensibus in sex Tunc stimulus stoycos fuit ut torqueret ebreosi. | The origin of the tower is indicated by the numbers 350 and 1000. (In the same year) there was the Roman indulgence and the three-day plague. The fact that this city mourned 3000 deaths in six months then became the reason for tormenting the (...) Jews | DI 36, Stadt Hannover, Nr. 6† (Sabine Wehking), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di036g006k0000602. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1350-00-00-Herford | 1350 JL | The Black Death and its social consequences like deserted settlements and disintegration of society; symptoms pointing to gastroenteritis before buboes were visible. In cities, mass graves are built. Maybe unusual weather in 1348. | Et in ejus "Principio celum spissa caligine terras / Pressit, et ignavos inclusit nubibus estus" (Ovid, met. VII, 526) hominusque viscera primo torrentur flammisque fatiscunt, ut dicetur anno Karoli IV. tertio [1348]. Ceperuntque nasci in inguinibus hominum vel in aliis locis delicatioribus glandule in modum nucis vel dactili. Quas mox subsequebatur febrium intollerabilis estus, ita ut in triduo homo extingueretur. Sin vero aliquis triduum transegisset, habebat spem vivendi. Erat autem ubique luctus, ubique lacrime. Nam ut vulgi rumor habebat, querentes cladem vitare hinc inde fugerunt. Et relinquebantur domus deserte habitatoribus, solis catulis domos servantibus. Peculia sola remanebat in pascuis, nullo astante pastore. Cerneres pridem villas seu castra repleta agminibus hominum, postera die, universis vel mortuis vel fugientibus, cuncta esse in summo silentio. Fugiebant quoque filii cadavera parentum insepultorum. Parentes obliti pietatis viscera, natos relinquebant estuantes. Si quem antiqua forsitan pietas perstringebant, ut vellet sepelire proximum, restabat ipse insepultus, et dum obsequebatur, perimebatur. Dum funeri obsequium prebebat, ipse funus sine obsequio manebat. Videres seculum in antiquum redactum silentium. Nulla vox in rure, nullus pastorum sibilus. Nulle insidie bestiarum pecudibus. Nulla dampna in domesticis volucribus. Sed corvorum subito nimis multiplicatorum tota die crocitationes super viventes et super mortuos hyatus. Sata transgressa metendi tempus intacta expspectabant messorem. Vinea, amissis foliis, radiantibus uvis, illesa manebat hyeme propinquante. Nullus cernebatur percussor, et tamen visum oculorum superabant cadavera mortuorum. Intra civitates cymitera sepeliendis non sufficiebant unde et in campis sepulturas hominum novas faciebant. Simile quid dictum est anno Justiniani …. | And, as one says about the third year of Charles IV reign (1348), "at its beginning thick fog covered the heavens and the earth, / And sluggish heat was confined in the clouds". And human entrails were first drenched with torrents and burst into flames. And there began to grow in the groins of men or in other delicate places glands resembling nuts or dates. Soon followed by an intolerable heat of fevers, so that within three days a person would perish. But if someone passed three days, they had hope of living. Everywhere there was mourning, everywhere tears. For, as the common rumor had it, those lamenting to avoid disaster fled hither and thither. And deserted houses were left behind, inhabited only by stray dogs. Only wealth remained in the pastures, with no shepherd present. You would see villages or camps recently filled with crowds of people, but on the next day, with everyone either dead or fleeing, everything was in total silence. Even the children fled the bodies of their unburied parents. Parents, forgetful of their natural affection, abandoned their suffering children. If perhaps ancient compassion moved someone to want to bury their neighbor, that person remained unburied themselves, and while they were attending to the burial, they were killed. While they offered funeral rites, their own funeral remained without ceremony. You would see the world returned to ancient silence. No voice in the countryside, no shepherd's whistle. No lurking danger from wild beasts for the flocks. No losses among domestic fowl. But suddenly, the cawing of crows, too numerous, echoed all day over the living and the dead. The crops, surpassing the time of harvest, awaited the reaper untouched. The vineyards, stripped of leaves, with ripening grapes, remained untouched as winter approached. No reaper was seen, yet the corpses of the dead outnumbered the sights of the eyes. Within cities, burial grounds were insufficient for burying, so new human graves were made in the fields. Similar things were said in the year of Justinian ... | Heinrich von Herford 1859, p. 274. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1350-00-00-Rome-Bohemia | 1350 JL | The Plague took place in Bohemia and many who fled to Rome (jubilee year) to escape it died there or on the way. | Anno Domini MCCCL in pluribus terris epydimia sive pestilencia genus humanum devastavit, sed tunc in Boemia eciam locum habebat, quam ob rem multi effugere volentes Romam iter arripuerunt et tamen ipsam non evaserunt. Unde de iis idem potest dici versus: Incidit in Cillam volens vitare Caribdim. Verumtamen securius et melius fuit eis ad animarum salutem in peregrinacione decedere, quam in propria patria in periculis manere. Et quia iste annus erat annus gracie et iubileus, multi Romam transeuntes pro indulgencia et gracia obtinenda de hac vita migraverunt: quidam in urbe Romana, quidam vero ab ipsa recedentes, quidam ad eandem accedentes. | In the year of our Lord 1350, in many lands, an epidemic or plague devastated the human race, and at that time it also took place in Bohemia, for which reason many desiring to escape undertook a journey to Rome, yet they did not escape it. Hence concerning them the same thing can be said as the verse: "He fell into Scylla wishing to avoid Charybdis." However, it was safer and better for them to depart on a pilgrimage for the salvation of souls than to remain in their own country in danger. And because this year was a year of grace and jubilee, many passing through Rome for the sake of obtaining indulgence and grace migrated from this life: some within the city of Rome, some coming from there, some approaching it. | Francis of Prague, Chronicon Francisci Pragensi, ed. Jana Zachová, Prague 1997, p. 212. | None |
| 1350-00-00-Rome-Bohemia-2 | 1350 JL | Jubilee year in Rome. A grave pestilence happened in all lands. Everybody wanted to evade the plague and receive indulgence in Rome but many died on the way or in the Holy City. | Iste fuit annus gracie et iublileus in Romana, unde per totum hunc annum fuit maximus concursus illuc hominum ex omnibus mundi partibus pro gracia et indulgencia obtinendis. Et quia pestilencia erat gravissima in omnibus terris, omnes volentes penitere et mortem effugere, illuc properabant. Multi eundo et redeundo et ibi morando mortui sunt. | In this year there was celebrated a Jubilee year of grace in Rome and throught the whole year, a great number of people from all parts of the world travelled there to receive grace and indulgence. And since the plague was most grave in all lands everybody hurried to do penance and avoid the death. Many died on the way to and from [Rome] and while staying there. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 520 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1350-00-00-Sweden 001 | 1350 JL | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350 | Fuit magna pestilencia super totum mundum. | There was a great pestilence over the whole world. | Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 300 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-00-00-Sweden 002 | 1350 JL | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350 | Anno Domini Mcccl fuit maxima pestilencia per totum mundum sicut vnquam fuit ante anni lxxx. | In the year of the Lord 1350, there was a great pestilence throughout the whole world, as it had never been before the year 80. | Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 326 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-00-00-Sweden 003 | 1350 JL | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350. | Item anno Domini MCCCL erat magna mortalitas hominum et brutorum animalium in regno Swecie, cujus memoria disignatur in hiis dictionibus: Mors CeCa CeLos ditans urbem spoliavit. | Likewise, in the year of the Lord 1350, there was a great mortality of men and beasts in the kingdom of Sweden, the memory of which is described in these sayings: Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world. | Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 338 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-00-00-Sweden 004 | 1350 JL | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350 | Item anno Domini MCCCl erat pestilencia super totum mundum. | In the year of the Lord 1350, there was a pestilence throughout the whole world. | Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 348 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-00-00-Sweden 005 | 1350 JL | High mortality in Sweden in 1350 called "the big death" (stoor dødhin) | Anno Domini 1350 fuit maxima mortalitas in Swecia dicta stoor dødhin. | In the year 1350, there was a great mortality in Sweden called "the big death". | Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 352 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-00-00-Sweden 006 | 1350 JL | Great plague in Sweden in 1350, foreseen by Saint Birgitta of Vadstena. | Eo tempore viguit in regno Swecie magna mortalitas, qua nemo meminit maiorem exstitisse nec ante nec post; quam diu ante predixerat futuram beata Birgitta. Christus namque in quadam revelacione eam sic predixit dicens: “Vadam per mundum cum aratro meo” etc. | At this time, the Black Death ravaged Sweden: no one can remember if there had been a greater plague epidemic than this, either before or after. Saint Birgitta had predicted long in advance that this would happen. Christ foreshadowed it thus in a revelation in which he says: "I will go over the world with my plough," etc. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 32 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-00-00-Sweden 007 | 1350 JL | Great pestilence and sudden death among humans and cattle in Sweden | Gravis qvædam pestis ac mors subitanea tam in hominibus qvam in pecobirus grassabatur. | A certain grievous pestilence and sudden death ravaged both men and cattle. | Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 393 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-00-00-Uppland | 1350 JL | Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420. High mortality in the Swedish region of Uppland in 1350. Five sixths of the population died | Generalis mortalitas totam Vplandiam deuastauit ita quod sexta pars hominum vix remansit que quidem mortalitas annis precedentibus et succedentibus totum mundum circumiuit. | A general mortality ravaged the whole of Uppland, so that hardly a sixth of the people remained. In fact, the mortality in the preceding and succeeding years had encircled the whole world. | Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-00-00-Uppsala | 1350 JL | Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420 on the plague raging in Uppland in 1350 (MCCL) | Mors CeCat CeLos/ditans orbem spoiliauit. | Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world. | Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1350-05-16-Magdeburg | 16 May 1350 JL | The Black Death strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arisies for almost four months; numbers are given for the Franciscan order. There is a plague pit in Rottersdorf, outside the city. | In dissem sulven jare [1350] erhof sik ein grot sterven in disser stad to hant pingsten und stunt wente na sunte Michels dage und starf untellich volk, dat men se up den kerkhof nicht al graven konde: men moste alle dage utvoren mit twen karen und mit einem wagen und grof grote kulen to Rotterstorp, dar warp men se in. […] Mi jammert to schrivende vand drosnisse und schaden, den Magdeborch nam van den sterven. De wisesten and bedervesten dusser stadt alsmeistich vorgingen, wente ed storven leien und papen, olden und junge, rike und arme. Dat stervent was hir nicht alleine to Magdeborch, ed was ok over al disse land. De barvoten spreken na der tid dat ut orem orden weren storven allein hundert dusent verundtwintech dusten veirhundert und drittech brodere. Hi bi mach men merken wat leien storvent sint in dem jare, nu in einen orden so vele brodere storven. Hir in dem barvoten clostere bleven nicht mehr wenn dre broder levendich. Ik was ok in einen hus sulftegede, dar blef ik sulfandere levendich und achte storven. Ik horde ok sedder seggen dat den Augustineren weren des jares worden twelf schock vruwencleidere to selegered und manscleidere. | In that same year [1350] there was a great mortality in this town from Pentecost to St Michael's Day and countless people died so that they could no longer be buried in the churchyards. Every day they had to go out with carts and a wagon and make large ditches in Rottersdorf; the dead were thrown into them. [...] It is difficult for me to write about all the sadness and the damage that Magdeburg suffered from this mortality. The brightest and the most needy of this city perished to a large extent. Laymen and priests, old and young, rich and poor died. The dying was not unique to Magdeburg, it was everywhere in the country. The Franciscans said afterwards that 124,430 friars from their order alone died. This may give you an idea of how many lay people died that year if so many friars died in one order alone. Here in the Franciscan monastery, no more than three friars remain alive. I myself was present in a house where I and one other remained alive and eight died. I also heard myself say that the Augustinian monks received 1200 pieces of clothing from men and women that year as a testamentary donation for the salvation of souls. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 218-219. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1350-05-23-Magdeburg | 23 May 1350 JL | A poem about how the Black Death strikes Magdeburg, a great mortality arises for almost four months and a plague pit is opened at Rottersdorf. This time is remembered as a time of misery, connected to the return of the "false Waldemar", an impostor pretending to be former Margrave of Brandenburg and the earthquake of January 1348 | Ik mach schriven wol vorwar: / na godes bort schach dusent jar / dreihundert unde veftich / und warde went an sestich / dat god sines tornes hand / streckede hir in dutsche land, / dat in den tein jaren / wart clage noch ervaren. / dat clagent maket al de dot. / ein stervent wart hr also grot / dat men alle dage / sach weinen und clagen / [p. 3] isliken umme sinen mach. / men mende, ed were de leste dach. / dat stervent hof hir in der stadt / an der hochtit trinitat / und stund na sunte Michels dage. / da weinen jammer unde clage / was hir so gemeine, / dat grot unde kleine / jammer mochen schouwen / an mannen unde vrouwen / und an cleinen kinde / ok an den ingesinde. / de seiken men ungern laven / wolde, noch de doden graven. / mit wagenen unde karen / sach man to kerkhove varen / so vele der doden lute; / to Rottersdorp he nute / dar weren grote kulen, / dar inne de doden vulen. / neiman dat getelen kann, / wat vrouwen storve edder man. / […] / dat men noch alle dage / de lude horte clage, / wen se beginnen rogen / und ore dage wrogen. / se spreken, sodan ungemach / in der werlde nu geschach, / alse wi hebben levet: / [p. 4] de erde heft gebevet, / greve Wodenberch de dode man, / sprak men, he we up irstan. | I will write down the following: / After God's birth a thousand years / three hundred and fifty / and that lasted until sixty / that God stretched out the hand of his wrath / here to the German lands / that in the ten years / there was much to mourn. / The mourning was because of death. / Dying was so great here / that every day / weeping was seen and lamentation was made by everyone for his own. / People thought it was Judgement Day. / Dying began here in the city / on the Feast of Trinity / and ended around St Michael's Day. / Weeping, wailing and lamentation / was so widespread here that great and small experienced misery, men and women / and even small children and servants. / The sick were not cared for / nor did people want to bury the dead. / With wagons and carts / one saw many dead people travelling to the churchyard / out to Rottersdorf, / there were large mounds / into which the dead were allowed to fall. / No one can put into words / how many men and women died / [...] / one always heard people lamenting / when they were shaken up / because they were asked about their lives / they spoke: At that time only disaster happened in the world / when they lived: / [p. 4] the earth shook / and Count Waldemar, the dead man / was said to have risen again. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 2-4 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1350-07-25-Erfurt | 25 July 1350 JL | Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year. | Eodem anno (1350) pestilencia epydimialis in Thuringia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erphordia, ita ut maxima pars hominum moreretur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro consules cum consilio magistrorum phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet; tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata magna in cimiterio ville Nuzezse prope Erphordiam, ad que deducta sunt circa XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et in curribus oneratis; de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem virginis gloriose cottidie tres bige vel quatuor corpora mortuorum in cimiteriis et in viis circumquaque sustulerunt. Exceptis his multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus, quorum anime cum electis Dei requiesant in pace! Amen. Unde dixit quidam: Mille trecentenis decies quinis simul annis / Hic hominum necifex locat aer milia bis sex. / Hir zwenzig hunder liche lin / Unde hunderwert hundert, / Dy sint vorscheiden al in dem sterben leydir. | In the same year (1350), an epidemic plague arose in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that a great majority of the people perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the city authorities, in consultation with the council of physicians, forbade any further burials there; such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven large pits were dug in the cemetery of the village of Neuses, near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and loaded carts. From the feast of Saint James until the purification of the glorious Virgin, daily three or four wagons carried the bodies of the deceased to cemeteries and streets everywhere. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages, may their souls rest in peace with the chosen ones of God! Amen. As someone said: "In the year thirteen hundred fifty, / the human-slaying air / killed two times sixthousand. / Here lie twenty times a hundred corpses / and a hundred times a hundred / who have all sadly passed away in death". | Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, pp. 381-382 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1350-07-25-Erfurt2 | 25 July 1350 JL | Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year. | Anno eodem pestilencia grandis epidimialis in Thurinigia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erfordia, adeo ut decima pars amplius hominum morerentur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro cives cum consilio phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet. Tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata in cimiterio ville Nusessen prope Erfordiam, ad que deducta sunt XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et curribus, qui continue de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem numero III vel IIII vehebantur. Excepits hiis multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus. | In the same year, a great epidemic pestilence broke out in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that more than a tenth of the population perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the citizens, in consultation with the physicians, forbade any further burials there. Such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven pits were dug in the cemetery of the town of Neuses near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and carts. These were continuously transported, three or four at a time, from the feast of Saint James until Candlemas. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages. | Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, (Continuatio II A) pp. 396-397 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1351-00-00-Brno | 1351 JL | In a charter from the end of the year 1351 John, Markgrave of Moravia, offers settlers, who are willing to settle down in Brno, which is depopulated by the plague, tax exemption for four years. | [...], qualiter condicio Ciuitatis nostr Brvnne que hactenus per perstilenciam et mortalitatem hominum miserabiliter deuastata et deserta fuit [...]. | [...] such is the condition of our city Brno, which has so far been miserably devastated and deserted through the plague and the mortality of the people [...]. | Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VIII, p. 95, no. 129 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1351-00-00-Znojmo | 1351 JL | In a charter from the end of the year 1351 John, Markgrave of Moravia, offers settlers, who are willing to settle down in Znojmo, which is depopulated by the plague, tax exemption for four years. | Presertim, cum ciuitas nostra Znoymensis, que in metis Marchionatus nostri consistit, per pestilenciam et epidemiam pro dolor in tantum sit deuastata his proximis preteritis temporibus et desolata [...]. | [...] Especially since our city Zojmo, which is situated at the border of our Margraviate, was devastated by a plague and epidemic and was left in great pain by its inhabitants in recent times [...]. | Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VIII, p. 97f., no. 133 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1353-00-00-Altusried | 1349 JL | Impact of the Black Death on the demographics of the small village of Altusried in the Allgäu region according to tax records from Constance four years later. | Item ante bestilentiam fuerunt ibidem centum et L domicilia, nunc autem tantum sunt ibidem LX vel citra. | Similarly, before the pestilence, there were one hundred and fifty households there, but now there are only sixty or fewer | Haid 1870, sp. 61. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1353-00-00-Poehlde | 1353 JL | Inscription on a church bell to protect from plague and famine, probably referring to the Black Death, from the parish of Poehlde in Lower Saxony. | O Rex aeterne populum Tu laedere sperne / Fulmine peste fame quotiens tonuit sonus a me. | O Eternal King, spare the people from injury by lightning, pestilence and famine as often as my sound is heard. | DI 105, Osterode, Nr. 14† (Jörg H. Lampe), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di105g021k0001408 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1354-10-00-Erfurt | October 1354 JL | Epidemic in Erfurt with 7-8 victims per month in hospitals. | Eodem anno in autumno pestilencia epydimialis iterum in Erphordia regnare incepit, ita ut in aliquibus hospiciis per mensem VII vel VIII vel amplius morerentur. Requiescant in pace!. | In the same year, in the autumn, the epidemic plague began to reign once again in Erfurt, to the extent that in some hospices, seven or eight or even more people were dying per month. May they rest in peace!. | Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 384 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1355-07-05-Sweden | 5 July 1355 JL | Pope Innocent VI approves the plea of Henricus Lamberti, deacon from the diocese of Lund, for a benefice under the altar of Saint Jacobi and Saint Laurentii in the cathedral of Lund with a yield of no more than six silver marks, which was left vacant by the death of Ingemar Johannis at the curia during the plague | Supplicat sanctitati vestre deuotus vester Henricus Lamberti, diaconus Lundensis diocesis, quatenus sibi de beneficio altaris sanctorum Iacobi et Laurentii situati in ecclesia Lundensi, cuius fructus etc. vi marcharum argenti valorem annuum communiter non excedunt, vacante per mortem Ingemari Iohannis, qui in Romana curia tempore pestilencie diem clausit extremum, dignemini prouidere cum non obstantibus et clausulis oportunis ac executoribus vt in forma. Fiat G. Et quod transeat sine alia lectione. Fiat G. Datum Auinione III nonas iulii anno tercio. | Your faithful Henry Lambert, deacon of the diocese of Lund, beseeches for the benefit of the altar of Saints James and Lawrence situated in the church of Lund, the fruits etc. of which by force of silver marks do not exceed the annual value and are vacant by the death of Ingemar Johannis, who closed the last day in the Roman court during the pestilence, deign to provide with non-obstacles and convenient clauses and executors as in form. And that should pass without another reading. Avignon, on the 5 July in the third year. | Diplomatarium Suecanum, S 5491, p. 861 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1356-00-00-Bad-Hersfeld | 1356 JL | Inscription referring to a Mass grave of the Pestis secunda in Hersfeld. | Anno milleno ter c semel l q(uoque) seno / De tumida peste q(ue) tu(n)c viguit ma(n)ifeste / Ex vi divina cecideru(n)t miliae) trina / Hic svbterrata req(ui)esca(n)t pace beata. | In the year 1356, due to the swelling plague, which was apparently in full force at the time, 3000 died by divine force and were buried here. May they rest in holy peace. | DI 91, Hersfeld-Rotenburg, Nr. 34 (Sebastian Scholz und Rüdiger Fuchs), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di091mz14k0003402 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1356-00-00-Basel | 18 September 1356 JL | There was an earthquake in Basel followed by a plague. | Item anno Domini 1356 in die sancti Luce ewangeliste post meridiem in Basilea super ripam Reni terre motus factus magnus et multa castra subvertit et plures interfecit, et secuta est pestilencia. | In the year of the Lord 1356 at the day of St Luke the apostle after midday the earth shook fiercely in Basel and many castles were destroyed and many [people] were killed and following this there was a plague. | Annales Wratislawienses maiores, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica III, p. 690. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1356-00-00-Brno | 1356 JL | An entry in the town book of Brno (of 1356) states that the city officials together with John Henry, the margrave of Moravia, should see to it that the property of those deceased in the recent plague were not transferred to foreigners. | Item cum magnificus princeps, dominus noster naturalis, dominus Iohannes, marchio Moravie, in epidemia seu pestilencia novissime regnante iuratis ac consulibus civitatis, ut cavere deberent, ne testata et legateta moriencium et maxime notabilium personarum per aliquam extraneam personam seu advenam sub obtentu sue gracie, rerum et personarum perdicione aliqualiter distraherentur, strictissime percipisset | When the illustrious prince, our natural lord, Lord John, Margrave of Moravia, during the most recently (1356) ravaging epidemic or plague, strictly commanded the jurors and councilors of the city to ensure that the wills and legacies of those dying, especially of notable persons, should not be in any way taken away by any foreign person or newcomer under the pretext of his grace, resulting in the loss of possessions and persons | Miroslav Flodr (ed.), Pamětní kniha města Brna z let 1343-1376 (1379), Brno 2005, p. 745, no 2258. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1356-00-00-Germany | 1356 JL | The Pestis secunda emerges in Germany. | Item eodem anno (1356) insurgit pestilencia magna hominum, ut supra, per totam Alamaniam. | Similarly, in the same year (1356), a great pestilence of people arose, as mentioned before, throughout all of Germany. | Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, p. 110. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1356-00-00-Kassel | 1356 JL | No longer extant inscription from inside a parish church in Kassel, referring to the Pestis secunda. | m c sic trinis cum l v i quoque binis / mund per gyrum regnans epidemia totum / grandi de peste pereunt homines tibi certe / pars hominum bina penetrant coelestia regna. | M C so three (times), with L V I also two (times) (1357), / Through the earth's whole circle a pestilence reigning, / Humans perish from great pestilence, to you reliably / A part of men; in twofold they move into heavenly realms. | Presche 2013, pp. 512-513, taken from an Early modern source compilation, "Hessische Congeries", but evaluated and redated most convincingly. | None |
| 1356-00-00-Mainz | 1356 JL | A plague emerges in Germany after a year of inclement weather, cold, and bad harvest. | Anno Domini trecentesimo quinquagesimo 6. crevit vinum tam debile, quod vix homines bibere poterant, et si vinum vetus poterat inveniri, in hoc non poterat tam preciose ... nisi biberetur; et homines, qui poterant hoc habere pro excellenti precio, gavisi sunt quasi gratis haberent; et annona preciosa; et facta est pestilencia in multis partibus terre. | In the year of our Lord 1356, wine grew so weak that scarcely could people drink it, and if old wine could be found, it couldn't be valued as highly... unless it was to be drunk; and people, insofar as they could have this for an excellent price, rejoiced as if they had it for free; and there was a dearth of grain; and a pestilence occurred in many parts of the land. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 4. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1356-00-00-Würzburg | 1356 JL | Great plague in Würzburg and Franconia. | De Pestilentia. Anno Domini 1356. fuit pestilentia hominum prima in Herbipoli magna & grauis & circum quaque in Franconia. |
Over the plague. In the year of our Lord 1356, was a great and severe human plague first in Würzburg and then all over Franconia. |
Template:Chronicon Wirziburgense breve 1735, p. 471. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1356-08-00-Frankfurt | August 1356 JL | Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt with a precise description of symptoms. | Item anno domini McccLVI circa mensem augustum et sequentibus magna in opido Frankenfordensi pestilencia duravit, ac in lectis modico tempore quandoque vix tribus diebus vel circa decumbentes decesserunt. Glauces circa crura vel brachia sua aut tumorem et dolorem circa capita sua vel alibi in corporibus habentes moriebantur. | In the year of our Lord 1356, around the month of August and the following months, a great pestilence persisted in the town of Frankfurt. Those afflicted would often lie in bed for a short time, sometimes barely three days or around that, before succumbing. They would die with bluish discoloration around their legs or arms, or with swelling and pain in their heads or elsewhere on their bodies. | Annales Francofurtani 1884, p. 3. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1356-08-00-Frankfurt01 | August 1356 JL | Outbreak of the plague in Frankfurt. | Anno 1356 in augusto tanto pestis insaevit Francofordiae quod mirum fuit. In triduo infecti pesti iverunt viam carnis universae. | In the year 1356, in August, such a severe plague raged in Frankfurt that it was astonishing. Within three days of being infected by the plague, they all passed away. | Collectanea Petri Herp 1884, p. 59. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1356-09-21-Frankfurt | 21 September 1356 JL | Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt with a general procession. | Anno 1356 in die sancti Matthaei Francoforti statio generalis propter epidemiam habebatur et 6 5 et 4 calendas octobris in ecclesia sancti Bartholomaei ob pestilentiam missa "recordare" etc., membro quolibet nigra cappa induto candelam caerae manu tenennte, cantabatur. | In the year 1356, on the feast of Saint Matthew, a general assembly was held in Frankfurt due to the epidemic. And on the sixth, fifth, and fourth days before the Kalends of October [September 26th, 27th, and 28th], at the church of Saint Bartholomew, because of the plague, the Mass "Recordare" was celebrated, with each member wearing a black cloak and holding a candle in hand, made of wax. | Collectaneen Schurg 1884, p. 153. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1356-09-26-Frankfurt | 26 September 1356 JL | Outbreak of the plague in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions. | Et eodem anno [1356] habita est supplicatio publica propter pestem epidemiae Francofordiae, singulis in manu tenentibus candelam (Antiquitates) / Eodem anno [1356] fuit stacio generalis propter epidemiam, et sexto quinto ac quarto calendas octobris cautatum fuit in ecclesia nostra officium "recordare", quolibet sacerdote candelam ardentem manu tenente (Acta). | And in the same year (1356), a public supplication was held due to the epidemic plague in Frankfurt, with everyone holding a candle in their hand (Antiquitates) / In the same year [1356], there was a general assembly due to the epidemic, and on the sixth, fifth, and fourth days before the Kalends of October [September 26th, 27th, and 28th], the office of "recordare" was sung in our church, with each priest holding a burning candle in hand (Acta). | Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 97. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1357-00-00-Central Germany | 1357 JL | A plague along the Rhine, in Hesse, Thuringia and Wetterau. | Eodem anno circa festum ascensionis fuit regina Ungarie et rex Romanus in Maguncia causa peregrinationis cum magna multitudine gentis. Eo quoque tempore fuit divulgatum per (p. 6) totam terram Renensem per litteras auctenticas, quod Antechristus natus esset, et narrabantur infinita signa que fecisset. In nativitate et post eciam dicebatur de multis miraculis de maximo calore qui deberet advenire, et de magnis fluviis et de multis preliis; que Deus avertat! Anno predicto facta est magna pestilentia in multibus partibus Rheni et in Hassia et Thuringia et Wedderabia, et annona preciosa est, quia crevit valde modicum siliginis, sed bonum, et vinum similiter. Eodem anno circa festum Marie Magdalene [Juli 22] eclipsis lune facta est, quia fuit plenilunium, et facta est in quantitate manus, et postea eodem die reintegrata est. |
In the same year around Ascension Day, the kings of Hungary and the Roman king stayed in Mainz with a large entourage because of the journey to the East. At the same time, rumours spread throughout the Rhine region through genuine letters that the Antichrist had been born. There was talk of countless signs that he had brought about. At Christmas and afterwards, there was talk of many miracles, of tremendous heat to come, of great masses of water and many wars. God forbid! In the predicted year, a great pestilence occurred in many parts of the Rhine area, as well as in Hesse, Thuringia, and the Wetterau, and grain was scarce because the wheat crop grew very little, albeit good, and similarly with wine. In the same year, a lunar eclipse occurred around Mary Magdalene on 22 July. It was a full moon, the eclipse reached hand-width, but shortly afterwards, on the same day, the moon was full again. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 5-6 | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; None; |
| 1357-00-00-Magdeburg | 1357 JL | Plague strikes Magdeburg, symptoms of bubonic plague are described and Jews were persecuted, expelled and killed as they were blamed for the epidemic outbreak | Dar na [1350] aver seven jare / wart hir echt ein stervent sware (...) In dem jare wart hir grot stervent in der stadt, und was de suke der lude vor wesen hadde over seven jare, also dat den luden drose worden under den armen edder an dem halse edder boven an den beinen. Dit stervent lede men den joden to, dat ed van orer gift were. Dar umme vordref men de joden, und orer wart vele vordelget | But after that 1350 there was a very heavy mortality here for seven years. ... In that year [1357] there was a great dying in the city. And it was the same thing that had affected the people seven years earlier. People got swellings under their arms, on their necks or on the upper part of their legs. The Jews were blamed for the deaths, saying it was caused by their poison. That is why the Jews were expelled, and many of them were also killed. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 3, 223 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1357-00-00-Muehlberg | 1357 JL | The Cistercian monastery of Mühlberg on the river Elbe remembers in 1359 its nuns deceased in a plague outbreak, probably part of the pestis secunda. | pro remedio animarum suae et progenitorum suorum et parentum ac etiam dominarum singularum et sororum nostrarum conventualium dicti nostri monasterii in moritalitate sive pestilentia, quae nuper videlicet de anno domini millesimo trecentesimo quinquagesimo septimo miserabiliter viguit. | For the remedy of the souls of themselves, their ancestors, and parents, and also of the individual ladies and our sisters of the said monastery, during the mortality or pestilence which recently, namely in the year of our Lord 1357, miserably prevailed. | UB Meissen 1864-67, vol. 2, p. 22, No. 514. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1357-00-00-South Germany | 1357 JL | Great mortality in South Germany (Speyer, Bamberg, Augsburg, Regensburg, Constance, Stuttgart, Grüningen). | Mortalitas sive epithuma fuit in dyocesi Spirensi, Babenbergensi, Augustensi, Ratisponensi et eciam in una parte dyoc. Const. in territorio comitum de Wirtenberg circa Stutgarten et Grüningen. | There was a mortality or disease in the diocese of Speyer, Bamberg, Augsburg, Regensburg and also in a part of the diocese of Konstanz in the area of the dukes of Württemberg around Stuttgart and Grüningen. | Heinricus de Diessenhofen 1842, p. 112 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1357-00-00-Zwiefalten | 1357 JL | Many people die of a plague in the monastery of Zwiefalten | In monasterio Zwiweltun multe persone ex pestilencia hominum morientur | In the monastery of Zwiefalten many persons die of a pestilence of men. | Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 62 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1358-00-00-Cologne | 1358 JL | A plague along the Rhine, in Cologne, with inclement weather, cold in wintern and dearth of foodstuffs. | Eo tempore est facta pestilencia valida in partibus inferioribus et in Colonia et inibi. Eo tempore antequam vindemia inciperet vinum fuit tam preciosum, quod vinum venale non inveniebatur; sed postea statim quando uve erant collecte vinum optimo foro erat, sicut unquam in decem annis antea factum est: ita ego vidi et audivi. Hyeme sequenti Rhenum est compactum circa tres septimanas. | At that time (1358), a severe pestilence occurred in the lower regions and in Cologne and its vicinity. At that time, before the grape harvest began, wine was so precious that it was not available for sale; but afterward, as soon as the grapes were collected, the wine was of the best quality ever seen in the market, as it was never in the past ten years: so I saw and heard. The following winter, the Rhine was frozen for about three weeks. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 7. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1358-07-25-Constance | 25 July 1358 JL | Great mortality in Constance especially along the Danube in Ulm. In addition descriptions of the weather. | Quo eciam mense [July] et precedentibus mortalitas viguit in dyocesi Constant. maxime circa Danubium in Ulma et usque ad lacum in Constantia et aliis locis circum iacentibus. Et duravit ad annum lix. et tunc cepit cessare. Sed a festo sancti Iacobi [25.07.] usque ad annum prescriptum quinquaginta sex scolares in Constancia mortui sunt. Et omnes habuerunt apostemata qui illa pestilencia decesserunt exceptis paucissimis. Et frigus incepit in vigilia [leere Stelle] anni lix. et duravit usque ad purificationem. Et deinceps fuit tempus bonum et temperatum. Et per totum martium nec nix nec frigus fuit sed bene cum serenitate incepit et cum pluvia modica et temperata in fine mensis finivit. Et eius lunacio incepit xiiii. Numero aurei numeri secundum veram computationem que servanda est, nec fallit nisi ad paucas horas precedentis diei. Anno autem lx. erit xv. Et sic ascensive et descensive deinceps, et incipiendum est in ianuario. | In the same month [July] and the preceding months, mortality raged in the diocese of Constance, especially along the Danube in Ulm and as far as Lake Constance in Constance as well as in other neighbouring areas. It lasted until 1359 and then began to subside. However, from the feast of St James [25 July] until that year, fifty-six pupils died in Constance. All those who died from this plague had abscesses, with very few exceptions. And the cold began on the eve of [blank space] of the year 59 and lasted until the Purification. From then on, the weather was good and temperate. Throughout March, there was neither snow nor cold, but it began with clear skies and ended with light and moderate rain at the end of the month. Its lunar phase began on the 14th, according to the golden number, according to the true calculation which must be observed and is only off by a few hours of the previous day. In the year 60, it will be the 15th. And so it continues ascending and descending from then on, and it is to begin in January. | Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 113. | None |
| 1358-09-14-Leipzig | 14 September 1358 JL | A plague is ravaging Leipzig, the canons of St. Thomas pledge to celebrate a special mass to mitigate god's wrath. | Nos Nicolaus dei gratia praepositus, Nicolaus prior totusque conventus canonicorum regularium sancti Thomae in Lypzk notum esse volumus praesentium tenore inspecturis. Quia deus non est placabilis super nequitia populi nisi peccatores fuerint poenitentia ducti, nos igitur propter peccata nostra in magna miseria pro nunc et pestilentia constituti ad mitigandam iram dei astringimus nos voto speciali ex consensu unanimi, ipsi beatae Mariae virgini singulis sabbatis perpetue summam missam de beata Maria virgine cum omnibus horis canonicis sollemniter celebrari, exclusis apostolicis festis et quatuor temporibus anni vel aliis quae variari non possunt, in honorem eiusdem virginis gloriosae, ut deus propitiatus avertat iram suam a nobis et a miseria nunc regnante. Pro quo voto specialiter gavisius dominus Jacobus noster concanonicus ad habendam memoriam sui et fratrum suorum et omnium propinquorum tam in vita quam in morte pro confirmatione et certa roboratione dicti voti suis sumptibus et propinquorum tegmen dormitorii nostri de novo redintegravavit. In cuius voti testimonium sigilla nostra praesentibus sunt appensa anno domini M°.CCC°.LVIII. in die exaltationis sanctae crucis. | We, Nicholas, by the grace of God provost, Nicholas the prior, and the entire convent of the Canons Regular of Saint Thomas in Leipzig, wish it to be known to all inspecting the present document. Since God is not appeased by the wickedness of the people unless sinners are led to repentance, therefore, on account of our sins, now in great misery and afflicted by pestilence, to mitigate the wrath of God, we bind ourselves by a special vow, with unanimous consent, to solemnly celebrate every Saturday in perpetuity a high Mass of the Blessed Virgin Mary with all canonical hours, excluding apostolic feasts and the four Ember Days of the year or other days that cannot be changed, in honor of the same glorious Virgin, so that God, being propitiated, may turn His wrath away from us and from the present reigning misery. In particular support of this vow, our fellow canon Lord Jacob, rejoicing greatly, for the memory of himself and his brothers and all his kin both in life and in death, for the confirmation and firm establishment of this vow, at his own and his relatives' expense, has newly restored the roof of our dormitory. In testimony of this vow, our seals are affixed to this document in the year of our Lord 1358, on the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. | CDS II 9, p. 91 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1359-00-00-Austria | 1359 JL | The Jews were persecuted because they were said to have produced the plague prevailing in many places. | 1359 [...] Iudei in magna persecutione habebantur propter pestilenciam qui in aliquibus locis prevaluit, quasi ab illis procedat execra[bi]lis toxicacio. | 1359 [...] The Jews had a great persecution because of the pestilence which in many places prevailed. It was virtuall produced by them through abominable poisoning. | Continuatio Zwetlensis quarta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 684-689, 688 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1359-06-18-StGallen | 18 June 1359 JL | The Bishop of Constance incorporates villages to the monastery of Sankt Gallen as the ongoing plague has killed so many peasants. | Item quod ex epidimia seu hominum mortalitate, que domino permittente in partibus istis hactenus viguit, multitudo colonorum et aliorum hominum ipsius monasterii utriusque sexus ipsis et dicto monasterio iure servitutis pertinencium de hac luce ad dominum migravit. | Likewise, due to the epidemic or mortality among humans, which, with the Lord's permission, has prevailed in these parts until now, a multitude of peasants and other people, both men and women belonging by right of servitude to the monastery itself, have departed from this life to the Lord | Chartularium Sangallense VII 1993, p. 446, no. 4606. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1359-07-04-Goettingen | 4 July 1359 JL | Inscription on a church bell to protect from plague and famine, probably referring to the Pestis secunda, from a parish church in Göttingen. | + ANNO · DOMINI · M° · C°C°C° LIX · IN DIE · S(ANCTI) · ODELRITCI + AVE · MARIA · GRACIA · PLENA · DOMINVS · TECVM · B[ENE]DICTA · TV · IN · MVLIERI / BVS · ET · BENEDICTVS · FRVCTVS · VENTRIS · TVI · AMIN · + O · REX · ETERNE · POPVLVM · TV · LEDERE · SPERNE · [FVL]MINE · [PE]STEf) · FAME · / · QVOCIGENS · TINNIT · SONVS · A ME. | In the year of our Lord 1359, on the day of St. Ulrich. Hail Mary, you are full of grace, the Lord is with you. Blessed are you among women, and blessed is the fruit of your womb, Amen. O eternal King, spare the people from injury by lightning, pestilence (and) famine, as often as the sound of me is heard. | DI 19, Stadt Göttingen, Nr. 7 (Werner Arnold), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di019g001k0000709 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1359-08-02-Kirchberg-SG | 2 August 1359 JL | The Bishop of Constance incorporates the parish of Kirchberg, SG and its daugther church in Rickenbach, TG to the monastery of Sankt Gallen as the ongoing plague has killed so many peasants. | Item quod ex epidimia seu hominum mortalitate, que domino permittente in partibus istis hactenus viguit, multitudo colonorum et aliorum hominum ipsius monasterii utriusque sexus ipsis et dicto monasterio iure servitutis pertinencium de hac luce ad dominum migravit, adeo quod de pluribus ipsius monasterii possessionibus propter huiusmodi mortalitatem remanentibus incultis census debitos ex eis habere non valent. | Likewise, due to the epidemic or mortality among humans, which, with the Lord's permission, has prevailed in these parts until now, a multitude of peasants and other people, both men and women belonging by right of servitude to the monastery itself, have departed from this life to the Lord, so much so that, because of this mortality, many of the possessions of the monastery itself, remaining uncultivated, cannot pay the due revenues | Chartularium Sangallense VII 1993, p. 457458, no. 4623. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1359-10-05-Bohemia | 1358 JL | The archbishop of Prague, Arnošt of Pardubice, grants an indulgence of 40 days to everybody who will participate in processions held and masses read to appease God and make him relieve the land from the plague which has it in its grip since the previous year. | Cum corporalis infirmitas frequenter animi aegritudinem subsequatur, et e contra correctis et emendatis vitiis plaga propter peccatorum pondus inflicta desinit desaevire. Hinc est, quod, cum mortalitatis pestilentia ob multitudinem . . pecatorum nostrorum, sicut versimiliter formidamus, ante paucos annos transactos et etiam anno proxime praeterito patriam istam invasisset et nobis poenitentiam agentibus et cessantibus a peccando plaga illa cessavit a nobis, nunc vero recidivantibus nobis in peccata dimissa tamquam si canes ad vomitum revertantur, et forsam quod non sine amaritudine cordis adicimus, quia non veriti fuimus maxime peccata cumulare, prioribus pestilentia saevior iterato est reversa. Nam cum priori vice hominibus ipsius pestilentiae morbo infectis poenitentiae spatium ex misericordia Domini concedebatur per triduum, nunc ipso die, quo inficiuntur, ut plurimum moriuntur. | When bodily weakness frequently follows the distress of the soul, and, on the other hand, the wound inflicted due to the weight of sins ceases to rage when the faults are corrected and amended. Hence it is that, when the pestilence of mortality, on account of the multitude of our sins, as we reasonably fear, invaded this country a few years ago and even in the past year, and that plague ceased from us as we repented and refrained from sinning, but now, with us relapsing into forgiven sins, it returns as if dogs return to vomit, and perhaps we say this not without bitterness of heart because we were not afraid to accumulate sins to the utmost, the pestilence is returning with increased severity. For while, in the previous instance, space for repentance was granted to those afflicted with the disease of the pestilence for three days through the mercy of the Lord, now on the very day they are infected, they mostly die | Litera indulgencia contra pestem..., in: Libiri erectionum, vol. I, ed. Borový (1873), pp. 11-13, 12 | None |
| 1359-11-01-Bohemia | 1 November 1359 JL | A plague in Bohemia and the neighbouring areas. | Eo tempore (1359) circa Omnium Sanctorum fuit pestilencia gravis in Bohemia et in partibus Bohemie et circumsitis. | At that time (1359), around All Saints' Day, there was a severe pestilence in Bohemia and in the surrounding regions of Bohemia. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 8. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1359-12-10-StGallen | 10 December 1359 JL | The Bishop of Constance incorporates the church of St. Laurentius in Sankt Gallen to the monastery of Sankt Gallen as the ongoing plague has killed so many peasants. | Item quod ex epidimia seu hominum mortalitate, que domino permittente in partibus istis hactenus viguit, multitudo colonorum et aliorum hominum ipsius monasterii utriusque sexus ipsis et dicto monasterio iure servitutis pertinencium de hac luce ad dominum migravit, adeo quod de pluribus ipsius monasterii possessionibus propter huiusmodi mortalitatem remanentibus incultis census debitos ex eis habere non valent. | Likewise, due to the epidemic or mortality among humans, which, with the Lord's permission, has prevailed in these parts until now, a multitude of peasants and other people, both men and women belonging by right of servitude to the monastery itself, have departed from this life to the Lord, so much so that, because of this mortality, many of the possessions of the monastery itself, remaining uncultivated, cannot pay the due revenues. | Chartularium Sangallense VII 1993, p. 457458, no. 4654 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1360-00-00-Poland | 1360 JL | In this year a great plague broke out in Poland after which all Jews were killed by the Christians in different ways. Some Jews killed themselves and their families. | 1360. Fuit magna pestilencia hominum in Polonia. Tunc eodem anno omnes Judey a Christianis necati sunt et occisi, alii vero combusti, alii vero suspensi, alii se ipsos, uxores et filios et filias cum cultellis in gutture necaverunt. | 1360. There was a great plague of humans in Poland. Following this, in the same year all Jew were killed and slaughtered by the Christians. Some were burned, some were hanged, some killed themselves and their wives and sons and daughters by cutting their throats with small knives. | Annales Sandivogii, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, pp. 872-880, 880 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1360-00-00-Poland 1 | 1333 JL | The mortalitiy in Poland during the reign of King Kazimir the Great (1333-1370) was such that hardly one third of the population remained. | Talis fuit in tota christianitate et maxime in regno Polonie, regnante rege Kazimiro, mortalitas, quod vix tercia pars Christianitatis remanserat et maxime in Cracovia. Que mortalitas imputabatur Iudeis per intoxicationem, qui tunc temporis Cracovie et alias cremabatur. | Such was the moartality in the whole of Christianity and most [severly] in the kingdom of Poland during the reign of King Kazimir, that hardly one third of Christianity remained and it was worst in Cracow. This mortalitiy was credited against the Jews through poisoning. They were at this time burned in Cracow and elsewhere. | Annales Miechoviensis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, p. 880-896, 886 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1360-00-00-Poland 2 | 29 September 1360 JL | A vast plague occured in Poland as well as in western kingdoms including those of Hungary and Bohemia. In Poland, it started around the feast of St Michael (Sept. 29) and raged in towns, villages and rural areas. In Cracov 20,000 people fell fictim to it. Generally, more than 50% of the people were killed among all layers of society. | 1360. Pestis ingens in Polonia. Cladem apud [Poloniam] acceptam gravior clades, tolerabilior tamen et quae humanis sensibus non poterat refelli, insequta est. Pestis enim epidimitica, sive a Divinitate propter multiplices hominum transgressiones, in ultionis locum immissa, sive a siderum disposicione, constellacione et coniunccione, sive ex quacumque alia ignota accidenti causa in universa fere Occidentis regna ebulliens, etiam Polonie, Hungarie et Bohemie regna, provinciasque eis subiectas et vicinas infecit, adeo quoque in civitates, opida, vicos et rura Regni Poloniae grassata est, ut partem maiorem hominum de singulis statibus in sexu utroque per menses sex, quibus continue diffundebat virus suum, absumpserit. Aput Cracowiensem vero solam urbem viginti hominum milia peste huiusmodi decessisse comperta sunt; aput nonnulla vero opida, vicos et rura tam ingentem stragem dedit, ut omnia ad solitudinem redegerit, sed nec extabant, qui cadentibus et deficientibus officium sepultarae impenderent. Absque exemplo mortalitas ipsa ferebatur provenisse, quoniam maiori parte mortalium deleta, opida et rura vacua habitatoribus cernebantur. Cepit autem pestis praedicta circa festum sancti Michaelis, que per febres, bocios, carbunculos et antraces magnam stragem edidit, et interpellatim, non tamen sine augmento serpendo usque ad medium anni insequentis, et postea ita furiose usque ad tres menses suas dilatavit fimbrias, quod in plerisque locis vix dimidietatem reliquerid gencium, in eo vel maxime a superiori, quae ante annos duodecim provenerat, differens, quod prior plures absumpserat populares, hec plures nobiles et locupletes, pueros et mulieres. | Poland now suffers another and more grievous disaster, though one easier to bear, sent, perhaps, by God to punish mankind's many sins, or the result of some special juxtaposition of the stars, or other unknowm cause, a plague-like epidemic which sweeps through almost every kingdom in the West, including Poland, Hungary and Bohemia. It is so severe in towns and villages that, in the course of six months, it kills the greater part of the population, whatever their station of sex. It is said, that in the city of Cracow alone 20,000 people died and in the villages and settlements the mortality was such that the countryside became a virtual wilderness, in which there were not people enough to bury the dead. It started about St. Michael's Day and lasted until half way through the following year, b which time in many places only half the population remained. It differed from the earlier plague of twelve years before in that the latter's fatalities were meinly among the populace, but this time its victims are among the genty and the well-to-do, who suffere the same fevers, abcesses, carbuncles and boils. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 301f. | None |
| 1360-00-00-Sweden | 1360 JL | Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420 on the black death in Sweden in 1360. Due to the high mortality among children, it was called barnadöden (= children’s death) | Iterum pestilencia fuit magna que vocabatur barnadødh. | Again there was a great pestilence which was called children's death. | Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1360-10-26-Milan | 26 October 1360 JL | Francesco Petrarca does not want to leave Milan, where a severe plague was raging, as he writes to a doctor friend | Illud autem quod ex hox aere semper hactenus laudato, nunc nescio cur infami, me ad patriam tuam saluberrimasque Alpium radices anxius atque solicitus vocas [...] (p. 132) Ut ergo pestem fugiam, que hactenus urbem hanc terruit potiusquam invasit, quot sunt alia, quam diversa mortis spicula, quibus assequitur fugientes et quorum forte plurimis subductum uni caput obicio! | That you are summoning me from this region, which was always praised but is now inexplicably vilified, to your homeland and the splendidly healthy valley floor of the Alps, demonstrates, as always, your faithfulness. [...] (p. 548) How can I escape the plague that has hitherto 'terrified this city more than conquest'? The number of deadly arrows with which it pursues the fleeing is vast, so should I expose my head, which may have barely escaped the multitude, to perhaps just one? | Francesco Petrarca, Le familiari XX-XXIV, pp. 132–133 | None |
| 1361-00-00-Avignon | 1361 JL | An epidemic in Avignon - with symptoms differing from plague - kills many, seemingly instantaneous, among them clerics and cardinals. | Eo tempore maxime viguet lues horribilis Avinione, ita quod defecerunt minstri palacii pape, et ceciderunt homines mortui ex improviso tam in lectis, in mensis quam in viis et ubilibet; et mortui sunt plures clerici, et octo cardinales obierunt. | At that time, a dreadful plague was rampant in Avignon, to the extent that the attendants of the Pope's palace disappeared, and people fell dead suddenly both in their beds, at their tables, and in the streets and everywhere; and many clerics died, and eight cardinals passed away. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 10. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1361-00-00-Bohemia | 1361 JL | In this year many people in Bohemia died because of a famine and because of a plague. | Eodem anno [...] mortua sunt multa milia hominum per fame et alii ex pestilencia, que adhuc vigebat. | In this year [...] many thousand people died because of famine and others because of a plague which ruled until then. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 527 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1361-00-00-France-England | 1361 JL | A mortality breaks out in France and in England | Isto etiam anno, hyemps fuit satis longua et aspera, vernum tempus callidum et siccum fuit ultra modum, estivale vero fuit satis temperatum. Dira mortalitas in toto regno Francie viguit et in Anglia ubi comes inclitus Sancti Pauli et nonulli alii nobiles et burgenses quos rex Johannes obsides tradiderat diem ultimum signaverunt. | This year the winter has been rather long and cold, spring abnormally dry and hot, summer very temperate. A cruel mortality affected both Kingdoms of France and of England, where some famous barons of Saint-Paul and other noble men or citizens were executed, as hostages, by the order of King John. | Chronique de Richard Lescot, Continuation, p. 150 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1361-00-00-Milano | 1361 JL | The pestis secunda is ravaging Venice, France, Spain, Germany, Avignon, Lombardy and Romagna, but sparing Modena, Bologna and Tuscany. Milan suffers a loss of 11.000 people | Dicto millesimo M.ccclxj per totum illum annum in partibus orbis fuit pestilentialis mortalitas valde magna, quae de uno loco ad alium per temporis spacium transibat; fuit etiam dicta mortalitas in civitate Venetiarum, in Francia, in Hispania, in Alemania, in Avenione ubi Papa residebat et in aliquibus partibus Romandiolae et quasi in omnibus civitatibus Lombardiae, quia prout ego Iohannes de Bacano audivi ab aliquibus fide dignis, in civitate Mediolani et eius diocesi inter homines et mulieres plusquam xj. milia personarum ex dicta pestilentia obierunt, ita quod medietas personarum in locis ubi erat pestilentia habitantium et ultra creduntur ex [p. 177] dicta pestilentia decessisse; tamen dicta pestilentia ad civitatem Mutinae nec Bononiae ne in Tuscia nec in aliis multis mundi locis in dicto anno minime pertransivit. Pestilentia autem illa era apostemata pessima, ex quibus personae, ut plurimum, subito vel quasi demigrabant. | In the said year 1361, throughout that entire year, there was a very great plague-induced mortality in parts of the world, which moved from one place to another over a span of time. This mortality was also said to have occurred in the city of Venice, in France, in Spain, in Germany, in Avignon where the Pope resided, and in some parts of Romagna, and in almost all the cities of Lombardy. For, as I, Johannes de Bacano, heard from some trustworthy sources, in the city of Milan and its diocese, more than eleven thousand people, both men and women, died from this plague, so that it is believed that half of the inhabitants in the places where the plague was present and more died from this plague. However, this plague did not pass through the city of Modena, nor Bologna, nor in Tuscany, nor in many other parts of the world in that year. This plague, however, was marked by very bad abscesses, from which most people, suddenly or almost suddenly, perished | Giovanni da Bazzano - Chronicon Mutinense 1917, pp. 176-179 | Translation needed |
| 1361-00-00-Milano1 | 1361 JL | Outbreak of the Pestis secunda in Milan and surroundings, but also in Brescia, Cremona, Parma and in Lombardy in general. | Anno autem proxime preterito, estivo tempore, cepit morbus in Mediolano et comitatu invalescere et in tantum Invaluit quod, pretermlssis, ut superìus est dictum, omnibus remediis in civitate Mediolani et suburbiis, brevi tempore mortui sunt lxxvii milia virorum et in comitatu tanti, quod numerus ipsorum non posset describi, propter que multe terre in comitatu ut plurimura vacue sunt dimisse, cuius rei causa Domini Mediolani de ipsa civitate cum universis familiis de civitate ipsa Mediolani' recesserunt ad eorum castra divertendo et eciam civitibus. In quibus civitatibus etiam prefati domini Bernabois infiniti propter morbum perierunt, videlicet in Brixia, Cremona, Parma et in aliis universis terris suis Lumbardie ; cuius rei causa homines depauperati sunt dictorum locorum, non tamen in tantum quantum sunt alii civitatum premissarum domini Galeaz, qui propter descripta deducti sunt ad finem et alia. | In the previous year, during the summer, the disease began to spread and intensify in Milan and its hinterland to such an extent that, despite all remedies being applied, as mentioned earlier, 77,000 men died in the city of Milan and its suburbs in a short time. In the surroundings, so many died that their number could not be recorded, resulting in many lands in the county being largely abandoned. Because of this, the lords of Milan, along with their entire families, left the city and moved to their castles and towns. Even in these cities, countless people belonging to the Lord Bernabò perished due to the disease, notably in Brescia, Cremona, Parma, and other lands in Lombardy. This caused the people in these places to become impoverished, though not to the same extent as those in the cities under Lord Galeazzo, who were brought to ruin as described | Cognasso 1926-39, pp. 145-146 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1361-00-00-Trento | 1361 JL | Outbreak of the Pestis secunda in Trento. | Item millesimo CCCLXI. fuit pestis et mortalitas in universo mundo non minor prima peste, sed ejusdem naturae non quo ad quantitatem personarum, quae illo tempore non erant tot, quot in prima peste, sed sic subito et eodem modo quo primo moriebantur. | Likewise, in the year 1361, there was a plague and mortality in the entire world, not lesser than the first plague, but of the same nature, not in terms of the number of people, who were not as numerous as during the first plague, but just as sudden and in the same manner as they died during the first plague. | Giovanni da Parma 1837, p. 52 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1361-03-28-Avignon | 3 March 1361 JL | The Pestis secunda hits Avignon worse than the Black Death, with 17.000 victims, including 1000 bishops and five cardinals. | Item eodem anno (1361) invaluit iterato pestilencia Avinione magna, ita quod a festo pasce usque ad pentecosten et ad festum Iacobi apostoli moriebantur ibidem circa septemdecim milia hominum, inter quos fuerunt centum episcopi et quinque cardinales. Et ex hac maior fuit disperacio in curia quam supra de pestilencia, que sub papa Clemente. | Likewise, in the same year (1361), a severe pestilence once again ravaged Avignon, to the extent that from Easter until Pentecost and the feast of St. James the Apostle, around seventeen thousand people died there, among whom were one hundred bishops and five cardinals. And from this, there was greater despair in the court than from the previous pestilence during the time of Pope Clement. | Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, p. 88. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1361-06-00-Avignon | June 1361 JL | A plague in Avignon kills many, among them German clerics. | In Iunio facta est maxima pestilencia et mortalitas in curia Romana Avinione. Tunc obierunt ibi multi clerici Alamani. | In June (1361), the greatest pestilence and mortality occurred in the Roman court in Avignon. Many German clerics died there at that time. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 9. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1361-09-18-Avignon | 18 September 1361 JL | Great mortality in Avignon and Lombardy and Pope Innocent VI. appoints new cardinals, as many former cardinals have died of the plague. | Item quod papa creavit viii cardinales simul. Item eodem mense et anno lxi. xiiii. kal. octobris papa Innocentius vi. creavit octo cardinales nono anno sui pontificatus simul et semel Avinione. Et ibi novem cardinales moriebantur a principio anni lxi. usque ad festum Mathei apostoli et ewangeliste [sept. 21], et centum et quinquaginta episcopi et septem milia hominum: tanta fuit ibi mortalitas. Sed multo maior in Longobardia, maxime in Mediolano. |
The pope also appointed eight cardinals at the same time. Also in the same month and year of 1361, on the 14th calends of October [18 September], Pope Innocent VI appointed eight cardinals simultaneously and uniquely in Avignon in the ninth year of his pontificate. Nine cardinals died there from the beginning of the year 1361 until the feast of St Matthew the Apostle and Evangelist [sept. 21], as well as one hundred and fifty bishops and seven thousand people; such was the mortality there. But it was even greater in Lombardy, especially in Milan. | Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 125 | None |
| 1362-00-00-Bologna | 1362 JL | Pestis secunda in Bologna kills many | Pestilentia magna Bononie multos consumpsit. | Sorbelli 1912, p. 50 | Translation needed | |
| 1362-00-00-Bologna 003 | May 1362 JL | Pestis secunda in Bologna and surrounding area | Magna mortalitas fuit in Bononia et comitatu Bononiae et duravit a mense maji usque per totum mensem octobris, et tunc decessit Guidutius Mathae Guidonis de Griffonibus, die XXI septembris, et sepultus fuit ad Sanctum Franciscum | Template:Griffoni 1902, p. 66 | Translation needed | |
| 1362-00-00-Western France | 1362 JL | A mortality breaks out in England, Anjou, Poitou, in spring (?) and summer (?) | In Britania, Pictavia et Andegavia mortalitas viguit generalis. | A mortality raged in Britain, Poitou and Anjou. | Chronique de Richard Lescot, Continuation, p. 152 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1362-10-00-Middle East | 20 October 1362 JL | A deadly disease (wabāʾ) hit Egypt in 764 H (October 20, 1362 to October 9, 1363), the maximum daily death toll reached 2,000. The disease was then transmitted to Greater Syria. | Mortalitas magna per totum fere mundum | There was a great mortality in almost all of the world. | Ibn Ḥabīb - Tadhkirat al-nabīh 1976-1986, vol. 3 (1986), p. 259 | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1362-10-18-Bohemia | 18 October 1362 JL | The archbishop of Prague, Arnošt of Pardubice, announces in the statutes of an archiepiscopal synod an indulgence of 40 days for those who sing and take part in a mass against the plague (missa contra pestilentiam) with devotion. | Sane, dilectissimi, pluribus retroactis temporibus saeva pestilencia et nuperrime fames horribiles et valida justo Dei iudicio, ut nostis, innumeros homines peremerunt et nunc iterum ipsa pestilencia terribilis et dira certo rumore volante in vicinis nostris partibus crassatur. [...] eodem die missa contra pestilentiam [...] cum devotione cantetur, cui omnes qui possunt intererunt humiliter misericordiam implorantes divinam, ut jacula pestilentiae a nobis procul amoveat et repellat. | Certainly, beloved ones, in many past times, a cruel pestilence and recently a horrible and powerful famine, through the just judgment of God, as you know, have destroyed innumerable people. And now again, the same dreadful and dire pestilence is spreading in our neighboring regions with a certain rumor flying. [...] On the same day, let the Mass against pestilence [...] be sung with devotion, to which all who can attend humbly implore divine mercy, that the arrows of pestilence may be far removed and repelled from us. | Statutum synodale Arnesti AEpi..., in: Libiri erectionum, vol. I, ed. Borovy (1873), pp. 39f. | None |
| 1363-00-00-Poland | 1363 JL | At the end of the year 1363 the plague rages the kingdom of Poland and the provinces in its vicinity. Many people die. | 1363. Pestis in Polonia. In fine anni huius epidimie morbus invalescens Regnum Polonie et vicinas provincias vexavit, plurimisque mortalibus sua lue extinctis, opida, vicos, et rura in desercionem diuturnam precipitavit. | 1363. Plague in Poland. At the end of the year this deadly epidemic grew stronger and raged in the kingdom of Poland and the neighbouring provinces and many humans were extinguished by it. Towns, villages and rural areas were left deserted for a long time. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 322 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1363-00-00-Würzburg | 1363 JL | A greater and more severe plague than the first one in Würzburg and Franconia. | De alia Pestilentia Anno vero 1363. fuit ibidem in Herbipoli pestilentia secunda maior & grauior prima & etiam quasi in tota Franconia. |
Over another plague. In the year 1363, there was a second plague in Würzburg, which was greater and more severe than the first and also nearly in total Franconia. |
Template:Chronicon Wirziburgense breve 1735, p. 471. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1363-06-00-Paris | 28 May 1363 JL | A mortality breaks out in Paris from June to October. It affects especially children and young people, and among adults, rather men than women. | Anno Domini M° CCC° LXIII°, multis diebus ante et post festum Sancte Trinitatis, hora diei tertia, ubi sol in meridie radios extendit, quedam stella modice apparentie visa fuit que, secundum astrologos et qui ex naturalibus causis eventus futuros prenuntiebant, periclitationem communem mulierum in partu denotabat. Hec tamen et plus stupenda hujus stelle apparitionem sunt secuta ; nam a junii mensis initio usque ad festum Sancti Luce tam dira viguit mortalitas et specialiter puerorum utriusque sexus et juvenum et plus virorum quam mulierum, quod erat stupendum visu et auditu. Senes etiam, pauci aspectu juvenum, obierunt unde quando pestis illa apostematum hospitium aliquod subintrabat, primo moriebantur infantes tenelli, deinde familia et parentes vel alter eorum et quod mirum erat, hodie erant sani et jocundi et infra triduum vel biduum decedebant. | In year 1363, a star appeared several days around the Trinity day (28 May), at the 3rd hour of the day, when the sun is in the South. According to astrologers and other experts of predictions with natural events, this star signified hardships to come especially for pregnant women. Several remarkable events followed this apparition. Actually, from the beginning of June to St Luke day (18 October), a cruel mortality broke out, especially among children and young adult of both gender, and among men rather than women. It was marvelous to see and to ear of such an event. Old persons actually died without the young paying much attention to it, but when the plague was effectively entered in a house, the children died first, and then the parents and all relatives. Astonishingly, people were fit on one day, and dead only two or three days after. | Cronica Patricii Ravennatis, p. 1172 | None |
| 1363-09-29-Mainz | 29 September 1363 JL | Outbreak of plague in Mainz and other places. | Postea circa festum Michaelis facta est pestilencia in Maguncia et aliis multis locis. | Later, around the feast of Michaelmas, a pestilence occurred in Mainz and many other places. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 12. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1364-04-25-Mainz | 1364 JL | Outbreak of plague in Mainz, with 6.000 vicitms, and along the Rhine. | Item viguit magna pestilencia circa Rhenum durans pene ad festum Marci euangeliste, et mortui sunt in civitate Moguncia sex milia hominum in hac pestilencia et .. | Likewise, a great pestilence ravaged the Rhine region, lasting almost until the feast of St. Mark the Evangelist, and six thousand people died in the city of Mainz during this pestilence. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 13. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1365-00-00-Erfurt | 1365 JL | Pestis tertia in Erfurt kills 42 nuns. | Anno domini 1365 pestilentia magna fuit, ita ut Erfordiae in claustro novi operis a vigilia Petri ad vincula usque ad vigiliam XI milium virginum XLII virgines morerentur, quarum animae sint in domino. | In the year of our Lord 1365 there was a great pestilence, so that in Erfurt in the newly built monastery from the vigil of St. Peter in chains to the vigil of 11.000 virigns 42 nuns died, and their souls are with the Lord. | Erfurter Annalen 1834, col. 231. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1365-10-00-Cologne | October 1365 JL | Outbreak of plague in Cologne, in Westphalia and Hesse. | In mense Octobri (1365) et infra vel citra sicut hucusque insanuit pestilencia inguinaria, sed maxime in Colonia, in Westvalia, in Hassia et in multis aliis partibus circumcirca. | In the month of October (1365) and in the months before or after, as the groin pestilence has raged so far, but mainly in Cologne, in Westphalia, in Hesse, and in many other surrounding parts. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 14. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1367-00-00-Bohemia | March 1367 JL | Following an inundation many people fall ill on a disease that would kill them within four days. | Eodem anno in Marcio et Aprili, statim post diluvium hoc, venit quedam subita pestilencia super omnem hominem, et rarus fuit in villis et civitatibus, qui non infirmaretur; sed Deo propicio tribus vel IIII diebus tantum duravit et pauci ex eadem mortui sunt. Sed communiter omnes homines infirmabantur. | In the same year in March and April, happening directly after this innundiation, a sudden plague went over all humans and there was hardly anyone in villages and cities who did not fall ill; but by the mercy of God it lasted only three or four days after which the unlucky among them were dead. But on the whole all humans got infected. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 535 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1367-04-00-Mainz | April 1367 JL | Description of the symptoms and consequences of the plague in Mainz and a great preceding flood | In mense Aprili [1367] eiusdem anni facta est morbida pestis in Maguncia hominibus quasi generaliter, quia cum frigore incepit tussis et obstipacio incongrua pectoris, eicientes … et multi homines inde moriebantur; eorum autem qui sani manserant aliqui sunt animo delirantes reperti. Quia proximo precedenti tempore fuit tanta inundacio aquarum sicut in viginti annis precedentibus nullus recordatur. | In April of the same year, the plague attacked almost everyone in Mainz. It began with coughing and unnatural spasms of the chest when it was cold; they had sputum..., and many people died from it. And of those who survived in good health, some people were found to be mentally disturbed. Shortly before, there had been a flood as great as no one could remember from the previous twenty years. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 18 | None |
| 1367-07-14-Ratzeburg | 14 July 1367 JL | A plague is ravaging Ratzeburg and its surroundings. | quod heu propter multiplices deuastaciones et miserabilissimas desolaciones villarum, mansorum et curiarum prepositure et capituli per inmanitatem pestilenciarum cottidie in inualenscencium causatas, vobis et omnibus manifestas. | Alas, because of the many devastations and the most miserable desolations of villages, manors, and estates of the provost and chapter caused by the enormity of the pestilences daily increasing in severity, known to you and everyone. | MUB 1836-1936, vol. 16, p. 226, No. 9923 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1369-08-00-Bohemia | August 1369 JL | After having been crowned empress in Rome earlier this year, Elisabeth (of Pomerania) returns to Prague on August 20 where she is ceremonially received. Because there is pestilence in Bohemia, the emperor, Charles IV, returns after the celebration to Lombardy. The pestilence raged during the whole year and with the greatest intensity in the regions towards Austria. | Eodem anno die XX mensis Augusti domina Elizabeth, Romanorum imperatrix, hoc anno, ut supra dicitur, Rome per manus domini pape coronata, Pragam venit et cum omni solempnitate a clero et populo in civitate et ecclesia Pragensi suscipitur. Imperator vero, quia pestilencia erat in Bohemia, postquam reversus est de Lombardia. [...] Eodem anno, ut supra meminimus, permitente Deo propter peccata populi fuit maxima pestilencia in Boemia, et precipue in plaga illa versus Austriam, et duravit per annum integrum. Et cum appropinquaret Pragam et ibidem incepisset eciam invalescere, indicte sunt processiones et ieiunia, et placatus est dominus Deus paciens et multum misericors, et cessavit continuo pestilenciam. | In this year at the 20th day of the month of August, Lady Elizabeth, empress of the Romans, who in this year, as said above, had been crowned in Rome by the hands of the pope, returned to Prague and was received with all solemnity by the clergy and the people in the city and in the church of Prague. The emperor, however, because there was a pestilence in Bohemia, had returned to Lombardy afterwards. [...] In the same year, as mentioned above, by God's permission due to the sins of the people, there was a great pestilence in Bohemia, especially in that region towards Austria, and it lasted for a whole year. And when it approached Prague and began to intensify there, processions and fasts were instituted, and the Lord God, patient and very merciful, was appeased, and the pestilence ceased immediately. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 539f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1370-00-00-Austria | 1370 JL | The plague hits Austria again in 1370. | 1370 iterum facta est pestilencia magna inter homines. | In 1370 there was again a great plague among humans. | Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis quinta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 735-742, 736 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1370-00-00-Bohemia | 1370 JL | In this year a great pestilence occured in Bohemia and at its borders. | Unde permissione divina maxima pestilencia fuit in omnibus partibus et finibus Boemie. | With divine permission the greatest pestilence occured in all parts and at the borders of Bohemia. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 542 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1371-00-00-Avignon | 1371 JL | Outbreak of plague in Avignon, both rich and poor German clerics die. | Avinione fuit magna pestilencia, in qua plus quam sexcenti scolares et clerici pro gratia ibidem commorantes de Alamania interierunt. Et ista gratia fuit omnibus pauperibus quasi inutilis, quia quicunqe habuit et dare voluit, gratiam qualemcumque voluit secundum eciam donorum qualitatem impetravit. | In Avignon, there was a great pestilence, in which more than six hundred students and clerics from Germany, who were residing there because of petitions (to the Curia), perished. And trying to obtain these petitions was almost useless to all the poor, because whoever had (money) and wanted to give, obtained grace of any kind according to the quality of their gifts. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 27. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1371-00-00-Bohemia | 1371 JL | A grave pestilence occured in this year in all lands as well as in Bohemia whith a great number of dead people. | et immisit Dominus pestilenciam gravissimam in omnibus terris et provinciis Boemie, et mortua sunt infinita milia hominum, et sicuti non fuit. | And the Lord send a grave pestilence to all lands an [to] the provinces of Bohemia, and infinite thousands of people were killed and the are no examples for this. | Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 545 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1371-00-00-Germany | 1371 JL | Outbreak of plague in Fritzlar, Westphalia and Strasbourg. | Eo tempore in Hassia opido Fritzlar et in Westvalia erat magna pestilencia epidimiarum, in Argentina pestilentia dissenteriarum. | In that time raged the skin plague in the Hessian city Fritzlar and in Westphalia and the plague of entrails in Strasbourg. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 28. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None; |
| 1371-00-00-Poland | 1371 JL | Following an astronomical phenomenon (the sky remained red for the whole of the night) there was a great plague and inflation. | 1371. Pestis et caristia magna. Anno domini 1371 visa est magna rubedo in coelo per totam noctem a crepusculo usque ad mane: secuta fuit maxima pestis cum caristia. | 1371. Great plague and inflation. In the year of the Lord 1371 there was a great redness seen in the sky for the whole night from dusk till dawn. After this there was a great plague and inflation. | Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 40 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1371-00-00-Poland 2 | September 1371 JL | Starting in September 1371 a plague raged in Poland for one year and killed many thousand people. | De pestilentia valde magna in Polonia. Tam eisdem duobus annis, prout et in morte regis, in Polonia magna erat pestilentia; sed immediate anno sequenti de mense Septembri coepit esse major pestilentia in Polonia hominum et praecipue juvenum et mulierum, virorum ac virginum et duravit per annum usque ad mensem Septembrim, infra quod tempus multa millia, proh dolor! hominum decesserunt. | A very great pestilence in Poland. In the same two years, and in the same way as in the death of the king, there was a great pestilence in Poland; but immediately in the following year, in the month of September, there began to be a greater pestilence in Poland among humans and especially among young people and women, men and virgins, and it lasted for a year until the month of September, during which time, alas! many thousands of people died. | Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 2, p. 619-756, 652 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1371-00-00-Trento | 1371 JL | Outbreak of plague in Trento with description of symptoms | Item millesimo CCCLXXI fuit alia pestis de loco in locum, et non simul et semel, in universo et non minor mortalitas aliis duabus et ita subito, et duravit pestis seu mortalitas in Tridento sex mensibus. Item regnavit isto tempore infirmitas carbunculi et glandulae, et quibus veniat ad latus dextrum nunquam vidi vel audivi evadere, ad latus vero sinistram evadebant aliqui, licet pauci, et haec omnia supradicta vidi ego Joannes de Parma Canonicus supradictus, et sic scripsi manu propria ad memoriam praedictorum hominum futurorum de praedictis.. | Likewise, in the year 1371, there was another plague that spread from place to place, and not all at once, throughout the entire world, and its mortality was no less than the previous two and just as sudden. The plague or mortality in Trento lasted six months. During this time, the illness of carbuncles and glandular swellings also prevailed, and for those in whom it appeared on the right side, I never saw or heard of anyone surviving. However, on the left side, some did survive, though few. I, Giovanni da Parma, the aforementioned canon, saw all these things and wrote them with my own hand to preserve the memory of these events for future generations. | Giovanni da Parma 1837, p. 52 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1372-00-00-Avignon | May 1372 JL | The Polish prelate John Suchilik of Strzelce leaves Avignon, because of the raging plague there. | Iohannes Suchiwilk [de Strzeleze] [...] Avinionem se personaliter contulit [...]. Subito deinde se ex Avinione propter grassantem illic pestem evolvens, Gneznam feria tercia, mensis Iulii prima die ingressus. | (1372) John Suchilik of Strzelce [...] was personally consecrated in Avignon. Directly afterwards he left Avignon because of the raging plague there and he entered Gniezno on July 1. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 10, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 30. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1372-00-00-Poland | 1372 JL | In the year 1372 half the population of Wrozław (30.000 people) died because of plague and inflation. | Et sequenti anno scilicet 1372 fuit maxima pestilencia et karistia aequaliter in clero et populo, ita quod dicebatur communiter, quod plus quam medietas populi esset mortua scilicet a triginta milia hominum, et precedenti anno fuerat sub montibus et in montibus gravissima. | And in the following year 1372 there was the greatest pestilence and inflation as well among the clerics as among the common people. It is commonly said that more than half of the population died, namely 30.000 people and as in the preceding year ist has been very bad under the mountains and in the mountains. | Annales Wratislawienses maiores, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 688-690, 690 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1372-00-00-Poland-1 | 1372 JL | The plague is more virulent than ever in many places. People are unable to keep pace with the burials. | Ingens pestis in Regno Poloniae. [...] eo anno adeo grassabatur per agros, fora, opida, rura atque urbes, ut in plerisgue locis Libitina vix sufficeret. | Tremendous plague in the kingdom of Poland. In this year it raged so severely over the fields, markets, towns, villages and cities that in many places Libitina [the Roman goddess of death, dead bodies and funerals] could hardly be satisfied. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 10, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 31 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1373-00-00-Mainz | 1373 JL | Outbreak of plague along the Rhine and other parts of Germany, in Mainz 3000 people die. | Tunc multe pestilencie facte sunt in diversis partibus Rheni et aliarum partium Alamanie. In Maguncia mortui sunt tria milia hominum, et erant vina et fruges optimi fori, sicut nulla hominum meminit etas. | At that time (1373), many pestilences occurred in various parts of the Rhine and other regions of Germany. In Mainz, three thousand people died, and wines and grains were of the best quality ever remembered by anyone. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 33. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1373-00-00-Trento | 1373 JL | Outbreak of plague in Trento, children are affected over average, with description of symptoms | Item MCCCLXXIII fuit pestis et mortalitas similis pariter de loco in locum, ideo duravit per biennium ut usque ad finem MCCCLXXIIII, et fuit per hunc modum, quia moriebantur juvenes et senes, mares et foeminae, sed infantes seu pueri plus moriebantur, quia de infantibus et pueris pro certo non remansit de decem unus in Tridento, et sic alibi, quod auditum, itaque non inveniebatur pueri, qui servirent, de adultis dico, quod quando incipiebant infirmari pro majori parte perdebant memoriam, et transacta una die vel secunda recuperabant (p. 53) sensum, et aliqui convalescebant, postea subito moriebantur, neque poterant ordinare facta sua: aliqui vero nunquam convalescebant, et isti moriebantur cum magna discretione et devotione, loquela petendo indulgentiam et licentiam a circumstantibus, et dicta pestis fuit triplex: primo glandulae sub brachiis, vel in inguinibus; secundo carbunculi, tertio dormiae, et qui morituri erant non transibant quintum diem, sed quandoque prima, dico et sic successive usque ut supra. | Likewise, in 1373, there was a plague and mortality that similarly spread from place to place, lasting for two years until the end of 1374. It affected young and old, male and female, but infants and children died the most. For certain, out of ten infants and children in Trento, not one survived, and this was also heard of elsewhere. Consequently, there were no children to serve. Regarding adults, when they began to fall ill, most lost their memory, and after one or two days, they would recover their senses, and some would improve, only to suddenly die thereafter, unable to settle their affairs. Some never recovered and died with great discernment and devotion, speaking and asking for indulgence and permission from those around them. This plague was threefold: first, swellings under the arms or in the groin; second, carbuncles; and third, insomnia. Those who were to die did not survive beyond the fifth day, sometimes dying on the first, and so on successively, as stated above. | Giovanni da Parma 1837, p. 52 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1374-00-00-Avignon | 1374 JL | Outbreak of plague in Avignon with many dead cardinals. | Eo tempore fuit magna pestilencia Avinione, it ut pene omnes advene ibidem commorantes fugerent a curia, sic eciam papa et cardinales; et mortui sunt multi cardinales et circa 14. | At that time (1374), there was a great pestilence in Avignon, so much so that almost all the newcomers residing there fled from the court, including the Pope and the cardinals; and many cardinals died, around fourteen. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 35 | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1374-07-25-Florence | 25 July 1374 JL | Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Benvenuto da Imo about the possible causes of the plague. He sees the plague as the will of God and therefore does not want to flee Florence. | Et demum, quod ad fugam pestis me ad lares tuos cum familia tam fraterne tamque amicabiliter invitas, mecum admiratus sum. Ubi enim fugiam a facie Dei mei? si enim hec pestis divina dispostione totum concutit genus mortalium sive, quod optem, sit talis peccatorum sive alia quecunque summi illius opificis ordinatio; et nostrum non est summum illud frustrare numen, cum ubicunque sit immensum et potens, quid iuvat inde fugere ubi tunc videtur servire sententia, cum, si condemnatus fuero, ubicunque me invenerit, iudicabit? Fallimur, arbitror, omnes, qui putamus Dei ista proculdubio opera indiscreto ictu quasi sagittas in vulgus iactari; illum afficit, seu medicinalis seu ultrix [p. 171] fuerit ista clades, quem percutiendum preordinaverit divina maiestas, que nec loco circunscribitur nec tempore, nec minus hic quam alibi cum voluerit operatur. Si enim, ut physici volunt, aeris foret ista corruptio, cur ubi furit ullum preterit omnino mortalium, quem etsi non extinguat, saltem non attingat? Vivimus omnes in aere isto corrupto, quem volunt physiologi, imo, ut verius loquar, fingilogi, fore venenum nec pudet eos diversitati complexionum ascribere, si quos viderint nullo modo, ceteris morientibus, egrotare; quasi in veneno possit humana complexio intemerata servari. Nescio tamen quo pacto quando in disputationem cum ipsis venitur et queritur: si aer iste, agitabilis et qui ventis continuo circunfertur, infectus est, cur in sola urbe, cur in uno vico, cur in cetera urbis parte, cur eadem in domo hi moriuntur, hi egrotant, hi penitus valent incolumes; et si hoc ascribitur etati, cur hec domos pueros perdit, illa iuvenes, ista senes decrepitos; altera mulieres preservat, altera viros; una superstitem habet maiorem natu, alia vero minorem? Denique fatentur rationem deficere, cum non valent omnibus respondere. Ceterum, ut ad preces tuas redeam, istuc me conaris allicere ubi tu ipse pestem confirmas propter advenarum confluentiam desevire. Credo tantus est ardor amici potiundi quod deceptus amore, tui ipsius immemor, periculi, quod istic imminet, es oblitus, et forte, quod evenire consuevit, ut longe minus presentia terraent quam ea que tumultuante fama percipimus, te rum commovit ut saltem de maiore ad minus periculum me vocares. Quicquid id fuit, gratias ago amicicie atque benignitati tue; ego florenti huic urbi, dum fata erunt, sive bellum sive fames sive pestis insultet, perpetuum inherebo. | Template:TN | Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 1, pp. 170-171 | None |
| 1375-00-00-Avignon | 1375 JL | Outbreak of fever in Avignon in connection with dearth. | Tunc eciam fuit Avinione pestilencia calorum innaturalium, unde multi perierunt. Item fuit ibi magna caristia. | At that time (1375), there was also a pestilence of unnatural fever / heat in Avignon, from which many perished. Also, there was a great dearth there. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 38. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1375-00-00-Erfurt | 1375 JL | Plague in Erfurt and Thuringia | Tunc fuit pestilencia epidimiarum in Erffordia et in tota Thuringia. | In that time raged in Erfurt and entire Thuringia a plague epidemic. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 39 | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None; |
| 1375-00-00-Magdeburg | 1375 JL | The plague strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arises and plague pits are opened in different cemetaries of local churches. | In dussem sulven jare was grot stervent hir in der stad und al umme und stunt to Magdeborch wol anderhalf jar, dat men to sunte Johanse nicht graven konde up den kerkhof, sunder men makede grote kulen [p. 268] to dem hilgen geiste, to unser vruwen, to sunte Pawele, to den barvoten, to sunte Augustine und to sunte Marien Magdalenen, dar men se in warp unde begrof. | In the same year there was a great mortality in the city and also in the surrounding area and this remained in Magdeburg for a year and a half. It was not possible to bury people in the churchyard of St Johannes, but large mounds were made at the Heiliggeistkirche, Liebfrauen, St Paul, the Friars, St Augustin and St Maria Magdalena, into which the dead were thrown and buried. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 267-268 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1377-00-00-Lübeck | 1377 JL | Outbreak of plague in Lübeck | Sed pessimus incursus predonum ubique surrexit, et fuit magna pestilencia in Lubecke. | But the worst onslaught of brigands arose everywhere, and there was a great pestilence in Lübeck. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 42. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1378-00-00-Swabia | 1378 JL | Outbreak of plague in Swabia and surrounding regions. | Circa tempus predictum fuit pestilentia in Suevia et circa circumsita. | Around the mentioned time (1378), there was a pestilence in Swabia and in the surrounding areas. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 43. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1379-00-00-Avignon | 1379 JL | Great plague in Avignon | In autumpno fuit magna pestilencia epidemie … et terris circumsitis, et venit… | In autumn was a great plague in Avignon and surrounding areas, and it came... | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 45 | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None; |
| 1379-00-00-Paris | 1379 JL | Outbreak of plague in Paris and surrounding regions. | In illo tempore (1379) Parisius Francie et terra circumsita erat magna pestilencia et mortalitas hominum. | At that time (1379), there was a great pestilence and mortality of people in Paris, France, and the surrounding land. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 45. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1379-autumn-Poland | September 1379 JL | In the year 1379 a great plague arrived in Poland and other kingdoms. | Eodem anno in regno Polonie et alias tempore autumpni magna ingruit pestilencia, in qua cives plures Mechovenses obierunt. | In this year (1379) a great plague arrived in the kingdom of Poland and in other kingdoms in which many citicens of Miechów died. | Annales Miechovienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, pp. 880-896, 886 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1380-00-00-Bohemia | 3 May 1380 JL | Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from Ascension Day (May 3) to the day of St Michael (September 29) | Viguit magna pestilencia in Bohemia, et incepit a festo ascensionis duravitque usque ad festum sancti Michaelis. | A great pestilence ruled in Bohemiae and it started at the feast of Ascension and lasted until the feast of St Michael. | Annales Bohemiae Brevissimi, ed. G.H. Pertz (MGH SS, 17) p. 719-721, p. 721 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1380-00-00-Bohemia-1 | 3 May 1380 JL | Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from Ascension Day (May 3) to the day of St Michael (September 29) | Anno 1380. Viguit magna pestilencia Prage in Bohemia, & incepit ab Ascensione Domini, & duravit usque ad festum sancti Michaelis. | Year 1380. A great pestilence ruled in Prague and [in the whole of] Bohemiae and it started at the feast of the ascension of the Lord and it lasted until the feast of St Michael. | Benessius Minorita, ed. G.Dobner (MBH IV, 1779) p. 23-78, p. 63. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1380-00-00-Bohemia-2 | 13 May 1380 JL | Great mortality in Bohemia which lasted from Pentecost (May 13) to the day of St Wenceslas (September 28). | Anno Domini 1380 incepit mortalitas magna in terra Bohemie circa festum Penthecostes et duravit usque ad festum sancti Wenczeslai. | In the year of the Lord 1380 a great mortality came to Bohemiae around the feast of Pentecost and it lasted until the feast of St Wenceslas. | Anonymous, Chronicon Bohemiae Lipsiense, ed. J. Emler (Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. VII, s.a.) p. 5-8, p. 5. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1380-00-00-Bohemia-3 | 13 July 1380 JL | Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from the day of St Margarethe (July 13) until winter. | Anno Domini 1380. Pestilencia non modica in Boemia instaurata agesto s. Margarethe usque ad yemem perduravit. | Year of the Lord 1380. A considerable plague was instated in Bohemia, lasting from the feast of Saint Margaret until winter. | Anonymous, Chronicon Bohemicum Pragense, ed. J. Emler (Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. VII, s.a.) p. 10-13, p. 11. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1380-00-00-Bohemia-5 | 13 July 1380 JL | Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from the day of St Margaret (July, 13 1380) to the day of All Saints (November, 1 1381). | Anno Domini 1380 & 81. fuit pestilencia per totam terram Bohemie, incepit a festo S. Margarethe, & duravit usque festum Omnium Sanctorum. | Years of the Lord 1380 and 1381. There was a plague through the whole land of Bohemia. It started at the feast of St Margaret and it lasted until the feast of All Saints. | Second continuator of the Pulkava chronicle, ed. G.Dobner (MBH IV, 1779) p. 131-137, p. 133. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1380-00-00-Frankfurt | 1380 JL | Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt. | Tunc magna pestilencia fuit in Franckfordia. | At that time (1380), there was a great pestilence in Frankfurt. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 47. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1380-03-25-Frankfurt | 25 March 1380 JL | Outbreak of an zoonotic in chicken, so the electors in Frankfurt had no eggs and chicken to eat. | In illibus diebus inter festa pasche et pentecostes (1380) convenerunt Franckfordie Wentzelaus rex et principes electores [...] Eo tempore fuit in tota illa regione pestilencia mortalitatis gallinarum, ita quod principes Franckenfordie commorantes non commedebant de gallinis et raro de ovis, que omnino erant exosa, que semper antea fuerunt grata pro esu; eciam infimi et ignobiles spernebant esum gallinarum. | In those days between Easter and Pentecost (1380), King Wenceslaus and the elector princes gathered in Frankfurt ... At that time, there was throughout that region a pestilence among chickens, so much so that the princes residing in Frankfurt did not eat chicken and rarely ate eggs, which were entirely loathed, though they had always been cherished for consumption; even the lowly and ignoble scorned the consumption of chickens. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 46. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1380-07-00-Bohemia | July 1380 JL | Outbreak of plague in Prague and Bohemia, with 1100 people dying per week. German students return from there home. | In mense Iulio (1380) fuit Pragis et Bohemie magna pestilencia, ut quasi omnes studentes timore mortis recesserint. Tunc dicebatur quod una septimana 1100 homines ibi moriebantur. | In the month of July (1380), there was a great pestilence in Prague and Bohemia, to the extent that almost all the students returned from there, fearing for their life. At that time, it was said that within one week, 1100 people were dying there. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 46 | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1380-09-00-Frankfurt | September 1380 JL | Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt affecting all ages. | In Septembri et Octobri (1380) fuit valde magna pestilencia in Franckfordia et circumquaque, que subtraxit multos pueros et eciam quosdam robustos viros, etiam multos senes homines; erat pestis ypidemialis. | In September and October (1380), there was a very great pestilence in Frankfurt and its surroundings, which claimed many children and even some robust men, as well as many elderly individuals; it was an epidemic pestilence. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 47 | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1381-00-00-Mainz | 1381 JL | Outbreak of plague in Cologne and Mainz. | Tunc temporis fuit pestilencia gravis Colonie, Maguncie et aliis multis locis. | In this time 1381 there was a plague in Cologne and Mainz and many other places. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 48 | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1381-01-13-Mainz | September 1380 JL | Outbreak of plague along the Rhine, accompanied by mild weather. | Anno Domini (13)80 primo circa octavas epiphanie Domini instetit frigus valde forte, durans usque ad Kalendas Februarii, cum antea a festo Michaelis usque ad predictas octavas continue fuerit aura pluvialis et tepida absque frigoribus durantibus. Viguit pestilencia circa partes Reni usque ad predictas octavas. | In the year of our Lord 1380, around the octave of the Epiphany of the Lord, there was a very strong cold snap, lasting until the Kalends of February, whereas previously from the feast of Michaelmas until the aforementioned octave, there had been continuous rainy and mild weather without lasting cold spells. A pestilence prevailed around the Rhine region until the aforementioned octave. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 47. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1382-00-00-Bohemia | 1382 JL | In a charter from 20 April 1382 Semovit, Duke of Cieszyn and prior of the order of St John in Bohemia states that large parts of the inhabitants of the city of Manětín had been killed by a plague "not long ago" (1380/81?) while others had moved away. With this charter, he sells the town to its remaining inhabitants. | Semovitus, Dei gratia dux Teschinensis, prior Bohemiae ordinis Hospitalis sancti Joannis Hierosolimitani, notum fieri volumus omnibus in perpetuum praesentibus et futuris hominibus, harum seriem litterarum audituris, quod peste crudeli in genus humanum tempore non longe retroacto ex permissione divina immaniter saeviante maxima pars populi in civitate ordinis nostri Manetin corruit et ab hoc saeculo emigravit. | Semovitus, by the grace of God Duke of Cieszyn, prior of Bohemia of the Order of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem, wish it to be known to all present and future people who shall hear the series of these letters, that in the past not long ago, with divine permission, through a cruel plague raging fiercely over the human race, a great part of the population in the city of our order, Manětín, fell and departed from this world. | Codex Iuris Municipalis, vol. IV/1, p. 175f., no. 122 | None |
| 1382-00-00-Erfurt | 1382 JL | Memorial inscription on the south facade of Erfurts Peterskirche. | Anno d(omi)ni MCCCLXXXII orta est / pestilencia et facta est hic / magna fovea in qva sv(n)t sepvlte / tres sexagene et qvindecim hominum qui / aie requiescat in pace Amen. | In the year of our Lord 1382, a pestilence arose, and here a great pit was dug in which were buried 195 people. May they rest in peace. Amen | Doreen Molders, p. 624-625. | Translation needed |
| 1382-04-20-Silesia | 1380 JL | Duke Semovitus of Cieszyn (Teschen), prior of the knights of St John in Bohemia states in a charter of April 20th 1382 that recently a plague wave has more or less depopulated the town of Manětín (western Bohemia) and grants certain tax and inheritance advantages to the survivors. | Semovitus, Dei gratia dux Teschinensis, prior Bohemiae ordinis Hospitalis sancti Joannis Hierosolimitani, notum fieri volumus omnibus in perpetuum praesentibus et futuris hominibus, harum seriem litterarum audituris, quod peste crudeli in genus humanum tempore non longe retroacto ex permissione divina immaniter saeviante maxima pars populi in civitate ordinis nostri Manetin corruit et ab hoc seculo emigravit [...] | Semovita, by the grace of God duke of Cieszyn, prior of the Bohemian order of St John. We wish it to be known to all present and future individuals who will hear the text of these writings that, not long ago, a cruel plague raged horribly by divine permission among the greatest part of the population of the city of our order, Manětín, and they departed from this world [...]. | Codex iuris municipalis regni Bohemiae, vol. 4, 1 (1954), p. 175f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1382-07-00-Belgium-South West Germany | June 1382 JL | A mortality breaks out in the end of June in the city of Bilzen (?), killing half of the population. In August and September, the disease spreads across the country and affects the regions of Namur, Dinant, Huy, Tongeren, Liège, Maastricht, Aachen and Trier. It kills 3,000 people in Namur. | Illis diebus fuit tempus bene dispositum ad epidemia, quia pluviosum fuit et crudum. Nec fuit estas calida et sicca, sicut debet esse naturaliter, sed frigida, ventosa et humida. Unde post festum sancto Johannis Baptiste et circa augustum fuit magna mortalitas hominum in pluribus locis. Apud Blisiam tunc obierunt bene nongente persone, plusquam media pars totius ville. In fine augusti et principio septembris tunc apparuit quedam cometa in occidente post solis occasum cum parvo radio. Et postea invaluit mortalitas Dyonanti, Namurici, Hoii, Leodii, Tungris, Trajecti, Aquis, Treveris, et in finibus eorum ita magna, quod Namurici bene tria milia obierunt. | At that time, the rainy and cool weather was favorable for an epidemic. The summer was not as hot and dry as it should be, but cold, windy and humid. Thus, after St John the Baptist Day, a mortality spread out in several places. In Bilzen 90 persons died, so to say half the population of the city. At the end of August and the beginning of September, a comet was seen towards west, after sunset, with small rays. Soon after, a great mortality affected the regions of Dinant, Namur, Huy, Liège, Tongeren, Aachen and Trier. With such violence that 3,000 people died in Namur. | La chronique liégeoise de 1402, p. 394 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1383-00-00-Florence | 1383 JL | Plague hits Florence. | 1383. Pestilentia Florentinos affluxit. | 1383. The pestilence afflicted the Florentines. | Annales florentini 1868, p. 682. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1383-00-00-Florence 001 | 1383 JL | The plague raged again in Florence and many people fled. To stop the exodus, a law was passed forbidding the Florentines to leave their homes. However, the fear of death was so great that the law had no effect. | Eo qui secutus est anno pestis iampridem coepta desaevivit, et fugae civium secutae sunt, per quas vacuefacta urbs suspicionem dedit, ne a plebe infima invaderetur. Itaque lex lata est, ne quis civis florentinus domo abesset, quo frequentior esset urbs, nec deserta a bonis in perditorum relinqueretur potestate. Sed neque lex neque prohibitio tenere potuit fugas; quippe adversus timorem mortis propositae timor omnis alter tamquam levior succumbebat. Ea pestis aliquot menses civitatem afflixit et insignes aliquot viros absumpsit. Ob eam causam nihil dignum memoria domi vel foris eo anno est gestum. | In the following year (1383), the plague that had begun some time before vented its rage anew, whereupon the citizens took to flight. The emptying of the city caused anxiety that it would be seized be the lowest class. So a law was passed forbidding Florentine citizens from leaving their homes, to keep the city populated and not leave it in the power of depraved men, deserted by the good. But no law or prohibition could restrain people from fleeing; indeed in the face of a visible fear of death all other fears yielded as being of lesser weight. The plague afflicted the city for several months and carried off a number of distinguished men. For this reason nothing worthy of memory was accomplished this year either at home or abroad. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 3, p. 62. | None |
| 1383-06-00-Magdeburg | June 1383 JL | Plague strikes Magdeburg in summer, a great mortality arises. | In dem sulven jar des sommers was hir grot stervent . | In the summer of the same year (1383), there was a lot of mortality here. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 288. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1383-06-24-Montpellier | 24 June 1383 JL | A mortality breaks out in Montpellier from June 1383 to August 1384. The members of the town council order the manufacturing of a gigantic candle, to burn day and night at the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. During the plague, the university has been lockdown from the 10th of May to the 8th of September 1384. | Item, per so que mortalitat granda, majorment dels enfans de XX ans o entorn et en aval, renhava et avia renhat de San Johan, l’an LXXXIII en sa en esta vila & caix pertot, los senhors cossols a XXX de mars feron mezurar tota la muralha de la vilanota de Monpeylier deforas costa la escama de las dogas, & la palyssada de part dedins, et las ymages de Nostra Dona de Taulas et de son filh,mortalitat et de l’autar de la gleya. Et fo trobat, cananLo torn de Montpellier de las palissadas IXc XXXV canas am fil, que la muralha que es foras la palissada a de lonc IXcXXXV canas mieg. Item, la muralha deLa muralha dedins la villa de torn Vc XXX canas la villa que es deffra la palissada a VcXXX canas mieg. Item, la clausura de la palissada a de lonc pertot VIIIc LXXXXIIII canas. Item, la dicha gleya a de roda tot entorn LXXX canas. Item, l’autar a de lonc am los dos caps IIa canas et II palms. Item, las doas ymages an de gros III palms. Item, la ymage de Nostra Dona a de lonc III palms e ters. Et d’aquest fil am d’autres feron far I rezench sus l’autar de Nostra Dona en aut de una roda que y era et y fon facha l’an LXXIIII per so que∙l dich rezench y Del rezem de Nostra Dona de Taulas creme nuech e jorn ad honor de Dieu et de la benezecta Verges Maria, que lur plassa far cessar aquesta mortalitat et la empedimia de bossas renhant, et deverdonar pas de cel en terra, et salvar los frutz de la terra. Et fo senhat lo II jorn d’abril per mossen Jacme de la Manhania, prior de Taulas. Et duret la dicha mortalitat entro mieg aost aquest an LXXXIIII, en lo qual temps moriron, part los enfans petitz e grans, mostz bos homes notables antixz et donas, specialmens joves, d’aquesta vilamortalitat. Et enayssi duret la dicha mortalitat et empedimia per l’espazi o entorn de XIIII meses, la qual cauza jamays non fo vista que mortalitatz dures tant longuament en aquest paÿs & per ayso vaquet lo studi del tot de Pantacosta entro Nostra Dona de setembre. | Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1384.html (20 April 2020). | Translation needed | |
| 1383-08-00-Germany | August 1383 JL | Outbreak of plague in Swabia, Westphalia, Saxony, Hesse, Thuringia and Limburg. | In Augusto mense (1383) fuit magna pestilencia in partibus Alamanie, Westfalie, Saxonie, Hassie, et ibi maxima, et Thuringie et in Lympurg et aliis multis terrarum partibus, et defuncti sunt plurimi homines. | In the month of August (1383), there was a great plague in the regions of Swabia, Westphalia, Saxony, Hesse, and especially there, and in Thuringia, and in Limburg, and many other parts of the land, and many people died. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 52. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1383-08-07-Florence | 7 August 1383 JL | Letter of Coluccio Salutati criticising the panic over the plague in Florence | Responsum petit generatio, non dicam perversa et adultera, sed pusilanimis, formidolosa et, ut quod volo breviter attingam, profuga et incerta. Te nunc alloquor, meticulosissime Antoni, qui [p. 81] conceptu metu mortis, quam timere stultissimum est, puta Dei manum eludere et eius inevitabilem sententiam fugiens evitare. Quanto melius esset cogente ratione fateri quod Deus ubique est, quod ipse statuit nobis terminum, quem preterire non licet, et [p. 82] quod illa Dei providentia, cuncta disponens, ab eterno previdit et ante seculum ordinavit fixe atque immobiliter ubi, quomodo et quando cuique moriendum est, ut plane fatendum sit hanc fugam, qua nunc fervet patria nostra, non cautionem, sed insaniam esse; insanian, inquam, vanorum hominum, qui malunt fugiendo suam pusilanimitatem ostendere, quam divinam dispositionem cuncta regere confiteri; quique cum timeant videre sepelire mortuos, auderent se iactare paratos armatis congredi, quos pre ignavia primo conspectu vix possent inter gladios intueri. [...] [p. 83] Sed si vos magis hoc tempore timetis, ego vere non timeo; nam, licet frequentiora funera videam, non me magis scio quam alias esse mortalem, nec de morte sum certior nec minus de hora mortis incertus. Vos, qui trepido pectore quod fugi nequit effugitis, si clarioris intellectus lumen habetis, oppressisse huius infectionem veneni quos non videtis quosve diligitis presagite; ego vero quos efferri videor, mortuos sciam; quos expirasse nunciatum erit, defunctos credam; quos vivos aspexero, letus amplectar; quos vivere percepero, letabor aura frui; de quibus nil audiam, non minus vivos quam mortuos arbitrabor. Nunc, quod avide petitis, scitote me cum tota familia valere. Quod et de vobis, licet, ut creditis, salubriore celo fruamini, crebro audire desidero | Template:TN | Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2, pp. 80–83. | None |
| 1383-08-21-Florence | 21 August 1383 JL | Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Antonio di Ser Chello, in which he criticises the medical theories of the plague, such as that the air is the cause of the plague. He cites examples from Pisa and Viterbo. He also gives data on mortality. | Sed pestis, inquiunt, unicum remedium est de loco infecto ad salubriorem aerem se transferre, que dementia est ab aere non fugere venenoso? Leditur venenis, non alitur, humana natura; (p. 89) hoc medici consulunt, philosophi tenent et certior omni ratione experientia clare docet. Paucos enim ex fugientibus secundum numerum mori, multos vero ex remanentibus videmus extingui, ut cum ex fugientibus vix de centum unus expiret, de stantibus in patria pene quarta aut quinta pars, si recte computaveris, absumatur. Hec sunt fere que dicitis; hec in tanti erroris excusationem, imo iustificationem, si bene concipimus, allegatis. Sed de aere paucis expediam. Si venenosus est, cur non occidit omnes? Sed dices: aptior est unius quam alterius natura tales impressiones accipere. Fateor; venenum autem nullius homini complexioni dicitur convenire, ut saltem, licet non occidat, sensibilie tamen afferat nocumentum. Multos tamen hic videmus hoc tempore non solum non mori, sed nec quidem etiam leviter infirmari. An forsan aliquis hominum nactus est turdorum naturam, quibus napellus suavissimus cibus est, qui ceteros animantes extinguit? Sed esto, venenum sit; non est tamen, ut sensus admonent, adeo violentum quin de multis plurimos non relinquat. Hanc autem fugam, dices, medici consulunt. [...] (p. 90) hi demum, quibus quid et quantum credi debeat et de se patet et experientia quotidiana demonstrat, ne parum multa scire videantur, pestilentie, quam Dei iudicium constat esse, remedium fugam dicunt. Nam quid de philosophis asseram, quorium iudicium solet a physicis in his que medicinam respiciunt communiter reprobari, et qui, etsi pungentibus rationibus aliquid astruant, cogunt id quod affirmant credere potius quam ostendant? Vellem autem unus de medicorum aut philosophorum grege doceret cure in eadem vicinia, ex una domo tot educantur funera quot sint ibi viventes, ex contigua vero nec unius moriatur; cur in illa senes deficiant, in altera pueri; hec masculos, illa mulieres amittat; hec, si quid de complexionibus scire possumus, robustiores perdat, debilioribus reservatis; et denique, quod ante omnia interrogari debuit, quid aerem inficiat et corrumpabat? Et si venti, si paludes, si neglecat cadavera vel aliud quippiam, cur in eadem regione pestiferis his pariter obnoxia, non omnes urbes simul, sed nunc ista, nunc illa de vicinitatis ratione vexetur? Cur extra muros civitatis nostre, quod hoc tempore vidimus, usque in ianuas pestis illas sevierit et intra menia nullus penitus egrotaret? Cur Pisana civitatis inceperit intra menia laborare, cum extra portas ubquie salubriter viveretur? An muro separatur aer salutifer ab infecto? An forsan potest obiectu murorum mors (p. 91) imminens aut pestis veniens arceri? Sed vidi et ego, cum tempore felicis recordationis Urbani quinti curia romana Viterbii tenertur, pestem maximam solum inter curiales et forenses terribiliter debacchari; que quidem ad tria milia virorum absumpsit, cum interea nullus civis cuiuscunque foret etatis et sexus penitus egrotaret. | Template:TN | Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2, pp. 88–91 | None |
| 1383-09-02-Florence | 2 September 1383 JL | Letter from Coluccio Salutati; he writes that the Plague is almost gone and mortality is decreasing | Sed hic sedatur pestis, aer pulcerrimus et saluber effectus est; iam pauci infirmantur, et ex egrotantibus longe plures liberantur quam pereant. | Template:TN | Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2 p. 99 | None |
| 1384-00-00-Poland | 1384 JL | In this year raged a great plague in the Mediterranean, in lower Pomerania, in the regions of Sandomierz, Cracov, Bohemia, Silesia and Poland. | 107. De pestilentia hominum in diversis mundi partibus saeviente. Anno quoque eodem Romae, in tota fere Italia ac circa mare mediterraneum, in terris quae Meraniae noncupantur et in Pomorania inferiori ac in partibus Sandomiriae, Cracoviae, Bohemiae, Sleziae et Poloniae, per loca tamen diversa, magna pestilencia saeviebat, in qua multi praelati et canonici Poloni Romae et extra obierunt. | About the plague among humans which raged in different parts of the world. In this year in Rome, in almost the whole of Italy and around the Mediterranean, in lands which the Meraniae (?) did not inhabit and in lower Pomerania and in the regions of Sandomierz, Cracov, Bohemia, Silesia and Poland, thus, in very different places, a great plague raged in which many Polish prelates in- and outside of Rome died. | Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 2, p. 619-756, 751f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1386-02-24-Bohemia | 1380 JL | In 1386 (?) The convent of the Premonastensian monastery of Teplice, (northwestern Bohemia) grants benefits to the inhabitants of the town of Hroznětín (Lichtenstadt), who have been burdened by the plague as well as by taxes and other extractions. | abbas [...] totusque conventus monasterii Teplensis Premonstratensis ordinis Pragensis diocesis recognoscimus et notum facimus tenore praesentium universis, praesentibus et futuris, quod iudex et iurati totaque communitas pauperum et fidelium nostrorum Lucidae Civitatis, attoniti pestilencia hominum, quae proxime Domino permitente nimis invaluerat, tum propter frequentes exactiones et bernas regales, tum ut possessiones et bona desolata nostri monasterii melius citius locarentur et reformarentur [...] | The abbot [...] and the whole convent of the Premonastensian monastery of Teplice, diocese of Prague, acknowledge and make it known to all, present and future, by the tenor of these presented [letters], that the judge, the sworn, and the entire community of the poor and faithful in our town of Hroznětín was struck by the plague of humans, which had recently, with the permission of the Lord, excessively prevailed. Both because of frequent exactions and royal taxes, and in order that the desolate possessions and goods of our monastery might be more quickly and effectively leased and restored [...]. | Codex iuris municipalis regni Bohemiae, vol. 4, 1 (1954), p. 191f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1387-03-00-Belgium-South West Germany | March 1387 JL | A influenza-like epidemic breaks out around the middle of March in the bishoprics of Cologne and Liège and in the counties of Loon and Namur. Affected people cought a lot, experience hoarness, and some of them die. | Anno Domini M°CCCLXXXVII, circa medium marcii, venit quedam pestis super cunctum populum in episcopatu Leodiensi, Coloniensi, comitatu Losensi et Namureensi, tussis scilicet et raucitas, unde plures mortui sunt. Et pauci tamen citius sanabantur aliis eruentando per nares vel alio modo. | In the year of the Lord 1387, a kind of plague affected everyone in the bishoprics of Liège and Cologne, and in the counties of Namur and Looz. It was characterized by coughing and hoarseness, and several people died. Some healed very quickly, others expectorated a lot through the nostrils or otherwise. | La chronique liégeoise de 1402, p. 404 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1388-03-00-Liège | March 1388 JL | Some people are affected by ulcers in Liège. | Anno Domini M°CCCLXXXVIII , in marcio et circa, habuerunt plures ulcera in corporibus suis sicut preterito anno habuerunt reumata. | The year of the Lord 1388, in March several people had ulcers on their bodies, like others have had rheumatism last year. | La chronique liégeoise de 1402, p. 405. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1389-00-00-Bingen | 1389 JL | Outbreak of plague in Bingen, Mainz, along the Rhine and in Franconia. It affected mainly children and young people. | Item in illis diebus (1389) erat iterum pestilencie epidimia in partibus Rheni, maxime in Pinguia et partibus circumsitis et Maguncia, et maxime infestabat iuventutem et infantes, et erat talis pestilencia in Franckonia et multis aliis terre. | Also, in those days (1389), there was again an epidemic of pestilence in the regions of the Rhine, especially in the Palatinate and surrounding areas, and in Mainz, and it mostly afflicted the youth and infants. Such a pestilence was also present in Franconia and many other lands. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 63. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1391-06-00-Montpellier | June 1391 JL | A procession is organized in Montpellier on the 17th of September against the mortality of bosse that affects the city since three months. | [...] Et fouc fach per las causas dessus dichas et per so que Nostre Senhor nos volgues ostar las pestilencias de las bossas et de febres et de mortz que avian renhat plus de III mes en aquesta villa et tot lo paÿs [...] | And it has been held for the all the above mentioned reasons and for asking Our Lord to rescue us from the pestilence of bosse, from the fiver and the mortality that raged in the city and across the country since three months. | Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1391.html (20 April 2020). | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1393-00-00-Salzburg | 1393 JL | Outbreak of Plague in Salzburg. | Anno 1393 domina Dyemudis abatissa in Nunburg obiit, in pestilencia quadam particulari Salczburge et circumcirca satis magna tunc temporis regnante. | In the year 1393, Lady Dyemudis, abbess in the Nonnberg monsastery, passed away during a certain pestilence that was quite widespread at that time particularly in Salzburg and its surrounding areas. | Annales Matseenses 1851, p. 841. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1395-00-00-Głogów | 1395 JL | A plague in the year 1395 caused the death of nearly 2.000 inhabitants of Głogów in Lower Silesia. | A(nno) d(omini) 1395 fuit magna pestilentia in Glogovia, quod pene 2000 hominum morte praeventi fuerunt. | In the year of the Lord 1395 there was a great pestilence in Głogów, through which almost 2.000 humans were overtaken by death. | Annales Glogovienses, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 17. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1395-00-00-Magdeburg | 1391 JL | A great mortality in Magdeburg, afflichting mostly children, is connected with a dearth and food scarcity caused by Danish-Swedisch war. Mortality had been prevalent since 1391. | In dussem sulven jare (1395) storven vele lude und bi namen untellike kinder. Dat stervent hadde gewart wol veir jar, dat de lude in dusser stad an underlat storven. In dissen veir jaren was strenge tid an korn, an spise, an heringe und an allerleie kopmescop; dat makede ein grot krich de dar was twischen den twey koningen Denemakren nd Sweden. | In the same year (1395) many people died, especially countless children. The mortality had probably lasted four years, during which the people in this city died without ceasing. During these four years there was a great shortage of grain, food, herring and all kinds of goods. This was because of a great war between the two kings of Denmark and Sweden. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, p. 294 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1395-00-00-Silesia | 1395 JL | The year 1395 saw the first occurence of the plague in the monastery of Żagań. | Hujus anno primo pestilencia inter fratres alios magistrum Petrum de Legenicz, tunc prepositum hospitalis, columpnam religionis extinxit. | In this year the first pestilence among the brother extinguished, among others, Master Petrus de Legenicz, the provost of the hospital, a column of religion. | Ludolf of Sagan, Catalogus abbtum Saganensium, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 173-528, 232. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1398-00-00-Köln | 1398 JL | Outbreak of plague in Cologne, in the aftermath of the local jubilee (ostensio reliquarum ?), with 30.000 victims. | Post iubileum in Colonia venit inmanissima pestilencia, in qua plus quam triginta milia hominum morte preventi sunt. | After the jubilee in Cologne, a very severe plague came, in which more than thirty thousand people died. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 74. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1399-00-00-Zwiefalten | 1399 JL | Outbreak of plague all over the world and, probably, also in the monastery of Zwiefalten. | 1399. Hoc anno regnaverunt pestilencie quasi in toto orbe terrarum | In 1399, pestilences reigned almost throughout the entire world. | Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 62. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1400-00-00-Florence 004 | 1400 JL | The plague raged in Florence from the beginning of the year, but mainly in summer. 30 thousand people died and many fled, especially to Bologna. | Pestis signa quaedam ab initio huius anni terrere homines incoeperant, quae mox per aestatem plurimum desaevivit cum incredibili strage cuiusque sexus atque aetatis. Unicum eius mali remedium in fuga repertum est. Fugerunt itaque cives populariter, Bononiam plurimi demigrantes; et tamen in vacua desertaque urbe supra triginta hominum millia pestis absumpsit. | Certain signs of the plague had begun to terrify people from the beginning of this year, and it was soon raging throughout the summer, with unbelievable slaughter of persons of every age and both sexes. The only remedy for this evil was flight. Citizens fled in a body, most going to Bologna, yet even in the empty and deserted city the plague consumed more than 30,000 people. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 3, p. 256. | None |
| 1400-00-00-Florence 006 | 1400 JL | Great mortality in Florence and the only remedy was the migration. Many of them went to Bologna. | Iam millesimus quadringentesimus erat annus et pestis signa quaedam terrere inceperant, quae paulo post Florentiae desaeviit cum incredibili strage cuiusque sexus atque aetatis. Unicum eius mali remedium in fuga repertum est. Fugerunt itaque cives populariter, Bononiam plurimi demigrantes; et tamen in vacua desertaque urbe supra triginta hominum millia pestis absumpsit. | We were now in the year 1400. The plague had begun to manifest itself with frightening effect and before long it was raging in Florence and inflicting appalling mortality on people of both sexes and all ages. The only way of escaping this evil was found to be in flight. So the townspeople fled from the city in droves and many of them went to Bologna. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 3, p. 322. | None |
| 1400-05-07-Florence | 7 May 1400 JL | Ironic letter from Coluccio Salutati to Padolfo Malatesta, in which he writes about Malatesta's letters concerning the escape of the population from Pesaro because of the plague | Vidi copiam littere, quam populo tuo Pensauri scribis, vellemque quod monitis tuis parentes cuncti civitatem relinquerent. Forte sunt pauci adeo lucis prodigi, quod epimediam non curantes libenter menia que tu fugis et fugienda persuades occupabunt; et morientes, ut putas, illa sibi, sed a te vigilantissime custodirent | Template:TN | Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 3, p. 392 | None |
| 1400-08-06-Pistoia | 6 August 1400 JL | Letter of Coluccio Salutati, in which he mentioned a severe plague in Pistoia and the whole Tuscany | Pestis crudelis Pistorium debacchatur, adeo quod michi gratissimum sit, quod ibi receptus non fueris, laudoque quod id quod patria tibi offert amplectaris. Nicolaus tuus vivit Pistorium, presentavit litteras et die sequenti peste correptus occobuit. [,,,] Arrigus et Philippus, graviter infirmati, Dei dono libertai sunt. Pestis hec in hac urbe et per totam Tusciam crudelissime nimis sevit. | The cruel plague rages in Pistoia, so much so that I am greatly relieved that you have not been received there, and I commend you for embracing what your homeland offers you. Your Niccoló lives in Pistoia, he delivered the letters, and the following day, stricken by the plague, he died. [...] Arrigo and Filippo, severely ill, have by God's gift been freed. This plague is raging very cruelly in this city and throughout all of Tuscany | Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 3, p. 408 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1402-00-00-Frankfurt | 1402 JL | Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions. | Anno 1402 fuit generalis processio cleri et populi cum venerabili sacramento propter epidemiam (Acta). | In the year 1402, there was a general procession of clergy and people with the venerable sacrament due to the epidemic (Acta). | Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 100. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1404-04-00-Flanders | April 1404 JL | An epidemic with influenza-like symptoms breaks out in Flanders. While the weather is rather cold, people start to cough and to have headaches. Only very few die. During autumn the cattle get sick with the same symptoms. | Eodem anno mense aprili, circa initium mensis, ventus venit ab aquilone, cuncta virentia, pullulationes herbarum, arborum, omnesque virgulti fores urendo depasceret et velut solis ardor foenum aestivo sub tempore marcescere faceret, unde et eo anno cerasa, poma, pyra et huiusmodi fructus pauci et in magna caristia habiti sunt. Insuper et ex hujusmodi vento praecordia hominum et jumentorum tacta et algido rigore congelata, velut quodam fumo sulphureo usta constringebantur, ut omne fere hominum genus, cujuscunque sexus, aetatis seu conditionis fuerit, mox instante eodem mense aprili et sequentibus mayo et julio intollerabilem passiones tussis, cum raucitate pectoris et maximo capitis dolore irremediabiliter pateretur, hujusmodi intoxicativa materia praeconcepta, paucis exinde morientibus, etiam sequenti autumpno ipsa bruta animalia, praecipue vaccae, foetosae et hujusmodi, ut putatur, passionis materia raucefactis praecordis atque constrictis, ut nec cibum, nec potum capere possent, sed miserabiliter mugientes quamplurimae diversis in locis morientur. | Chronique de Jean Brandon, p. 90 | Translation needed | |
| 1405-00-00-Odense 001 | 1405 JL | Shortages, famine and pestilence in Odense | a: Anno domini mccccv..... Otthoniæ Petrus Ienson Marsvinus magnis afficit beneficiis sodales prædicatores. ♦ Executores testamenti constituuntur Robertus Richardi, proconsul et aduocatus, et Iohannes Clementis, consul.
b: In 1405 da stoor dyyrtiid, hunger og pest grasserede, gav Peder Marsviin Iensen noget gods til prædikebrøder. ♦ Originalen i Odense hospitals giemme. c: Noch et stk. item refued pergament bref, som er Peder Marsvins testamente. ♦ Dat. 1400. |
In the year of our Lord 1405 ....., Peder Jensen Marsvin in Odense provided the preacher brothers (= Dominicans) with large benefactions. Robert Rikardsen, mayor and bailiff, and Jens Klementsen, aldermen, are appointed executors of the will.
1405, when there were great shortages, hunger and plague, Peder Marsvin Jensen gave some property to the preacher brothers. The original is in Odense Hospital‘s archives. Also a parchment letter, also torn, which is Peder Marsvin's will. Date 1400 |
SRD. I 319, rep. nr. 4732 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1405-08-04-Arezzo | 4 August 1405 JL | Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Domenico Bandini in Arezzo, mentioning a fever illness there and the death of one of his children through illness | Sunt omnia, quanvis levia, vir insignis, frater optime et amice karissime, temporibus istis suspecta, ut quanvis febris quartane typus parum habeat cum pestilenti febre commertium, metuendum sit tamen, ne sub illius egritudinis commotione pestifera lues (p. 406) oprebat. [...] Ego vero valeo; valent et miei, preter Andream, qui, sicut Deo placuit, Petrum comitatus est. Sit nomen Domini benedictum. Philippus hodie nona die graviter egrotavit cum sigillis et signis; convalescit tamen et, licet febris adsit et ulcus suspectum ingravescat (p. 407), liberationem speramus. Vale et in morte Andree, precor, non commovearis, sed mecum teneas et secum et nobiscum Deum egisse non solum sicut oportet, sed misericorditer atque bene. | Template:TN | Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 3, pp. 405–407 | None |
| 1409-00-00-Flanders | 1409 JL | A mortality breaks out in Flanders and elsewhere. It began in Courtray. Thousands of people die. | Eo tempore mortalitas fuit in diversis locis in Flandria, praecipue in Curtraco, et postea per totam Flandriam invaluit, ita ut multa milia morientur, et subito sic quod in uno die sani videbantur, altero die intra sepulcra tenebantur. Et non solum fuit haec pestilentia in Flandria, verum in aliis circumquaque regionibus. | In this time was a great mortality in Flanders. It spread especially in Courtray, and after all over Flanders. Thousands of people died si quickly, that who seemed to be healthy one day was in a grave the day after. This pestilence raged not only in Flanders, but also in neighbouring regions. | Chronique de Jean Brandon, p. 133 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1409-10-00-Pisa | October 1409 JL | Pope Alexander V retreats from Pisa around the end of October because of the raging plague there. | Alexander [Alexander quintus Papa ...] circa finem autem mensis Octobris, propter pestem epidimiae ex Pisis {Italia] recedens [...] in Pistorium [...] se contulit. | Pope Alexander V retreats from Pisa around the end of October because of the raging plague there and is consecrated in Pistoia. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Garbacik et al., vol. 10, 2, Warszawa 1982, p. 55 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1413-00-00-Bohemia | 24 June 1413 JL | A great mortality starts in Bohemia after the feast of St John the Baptist (June 24). | Magna mortalitas post Johannis [fuit in Bohemia]. | There was a great mortality [in Bohemia] after the feast of St. John. | München, BSB, Clm 26666, fol. 134v (zit. F. Graus, Autour de la peste noire au XIVe siècle en Bohême, in: Annales ESC, xviii (1963), p. 724. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1413-00-00-Bohemia-1 | 1413 JL | A great cough was in Bohemia which made the people vulnerable for all sorts of diseases. | Et eodem anno venit tuffis maxima omnibus hominibus communiter in Boemia, per quam gravati multis infirmitatibus sunt oppresi. | And in the same year (1413) a very great cough came to all men in all of Bohemia, through which many were heavily oppressed by various illnesses. | Benessius Minorita, ed. G.Dobner (MBH IV, 1779) p. 23-78, p. 67. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1413-00-00-Silesia | 24 June 1413 JL | A great plague raged in Silesia between the feast days of St John the baptist (June 24) and St Jadwiga (October 15). | Pestis maxima in Silesia. Anno domini 1413 fuit maxima pestis in Silesia, incepit circa festum s. Johannis baptiste et duravit ad festum sancte Hedvigis. | Greates plague in Silesia. In the year of the Lord 1413 there was the greatest plague in Silesia. It started around the feast of St John the baptist and lastest until the feast of St Jadviga. | Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 44. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1413-00-00-Sweden | 1413 JL | Great pandemic in Östergötland and the rest of Sweden in 1413. 400 deaths between summer and Advent | Item, isto anno erat magna pestilencia in Osgocia ac eciam alibi per regnum Swecie. A festo autem Iohannis baptiste usque ad adventum Domini numerata sunt de opido Vazstena quasi quadringenta funera sepulta. | Also this year, a large plague epidemic ravaged Östergötland and also in other places in the Kingdom of Sweden. From the feast of John the Baptist [24 June] until Advent, around four hundred funerals took place in the town of Vadstena. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 140 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1413-00-00-World | 1413 JL | A general plague hit the whole world. | Anno Domini 1413 fuit pestis generalis per totum orbem. | In the year of the Lord 1413 there was a general plague in the whole world. | Annales Wratislawienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 680-688, 685. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1413-06-00-Poland | 24 June 1413 JL | A plague rages in the whole of Poland and in Silesia from arount the feast of St John the Baptist (June 24) until around the feast of St Jadwiga (October 15). | Epidimiae pestis, cum universum Poloniae Regnum Slesiticamque oram gravi morbo vexasset et plures mortalium absumpsisset, [...] circa festum Sanctae Hedvigis quievit, cum circa festum Sancti lohannis Baptistae incepisset. | An epidemic plague haunted the whole of the kingdom of Poland and the region of Silesia as a severe desease and many mortals died [...] around the feast of St Jadviga it quitened, but it had started around the feast of St John the Baptist. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 24f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1414-09-00-Brodnica | September 1414 JL | During the siege of the town of Brodnica, which is held by the Teutonic Knights, a desease (dysentry) if rife aomong the Polish troups, because, although they are well provided with meat, there is a serious shortage of bread. Many fall ill and some die. | Wladislaus Rex ad preces Nuntii apostolici absidionem Brodniczae solvit, vi morbi in exercitu grassante, commeatusque penuria admonitus, Constantiense Concolium indicitur. [...] Serpsit et aliud in castra sua ex mora diuturna in loco uno malum. Omnium siquidem victualium, carnis praecipue, exercitus suus regius habens abundantiam, panis egestate et penuria nimia angebatur: ex quo dysenteriae pestis coorta, plures mortales aut extenuavit, aut extinxit; a defectu quoque panis, brevi tempore interveniente, expeditio praefata, gamelica a Polonis eppelloctur, Pestilens quoque morbus, sanguinis profluvio concretus et a penuria panis concitatus, universa castra Regis pervaserat. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 39f. | Translation needed | |
| 1415-00-00-Magdeburg | July 1415 JL | A great mortality in Magdeburg and surrounding lands, killing also the father of the archbishop. | In diesem sulven jare [1415] was to Magdeborch ein grot stervent und in anderen landen; und do starf greve Gunter van Swarzborch, unses heren vader van Magdeborch, in sunte Allexius dage. | In the same year 1415 there was a great mortality at Magdeburg and also elsewhere; Count Günther von Schwarzburg, father of our Lord the Archbishop of Magdeburg, died on St Alexius' Day. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, p. 343 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1415-04-11-Lueneburg | 11 April 1415 JL | Funeral inscription of a mayor and his wife from Lübeck, that according to a 16th c. chronicler died of plague in exile in Lüneburg. | Anno Domini 1415 Feria quinta post Dominicam Quasimodogeniti obÿt Dominus Henricus Westhoff proconsul lubicensis / Anno Domini 1415 Eodem die Ghezeke uxor eius obdormivit in Domino. | In the year of our Lord 1415 on Thursday after Sunday Quasimodogeniti died Heinrich Westhoff, mayor of Lübeck. / In the year of our Lord 1415, on the same day his wife Gheseke fell asleep in the Lord. | DI 100, Stadt Lüneburg, Nr. 42† (Sabine Wehking), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di100g019k0004207 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1419-00-00-Zwiefalten | 1419 JL | Outbreak of plague all over the world and, probably, also in the monastery of Zwiefalten. | 1419. Hoc anno regnaverunt pestilencie in toto orbe terrarum, et innumerabilia milia hominum obierunt, quos denumerare nemo poterat, in diversis urbibus. Et duraverunt duos annos et ultra | In 1419, pestilences prevailed throughout the entire world, and countless thousands of people perished, whom no one could enumerate, in various cities. And they endured for two years and more. | Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 63 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1421-00-00-Sweden 001 | 1421 JL | Great rainfall in south-central Sweden is succeeded by bad harvests, pestilence and drought in 1421 and 1422. | Eodem anno tanta fuit pluvie inundacio, quod in multis locis computruerunt segetes stantes in stipula; veneruntque simul pestilencia et sterilitas. Ipsa quoque pestilencia iam duraverat per annum integrum et necedum cessavit; que in multis terrarum finibus ita grassata fuerat, quod domus relinquerentur absque habitatore. | In the same year (1421), such great amounts of rain fell that the corn in many places rotted away uncut; and at the same time came pestilence and drought. This plague epidemic had now lasted a whole year and had not yet ceased; in many countries it had ravaged so violently that houses were left uninhabited. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 174 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1422-00-00-Sweden | 1422 JL | Pestilence in Sweden and in Germany in 1421 and 1422 | Item, valide grassabatur pestilencia in terra tam in Almannia quam hic in Suecia, et duraverat iam per duos annos. | Furthermore, a pestilence was ravaging the earth violently, both in Germany and here in Sweden, and it had now lasted for two years. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 176 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1422-08-00-Toruń | 1 September 1422 JL | King Władysław moves towards Toruń, but on the Saturday after the feast of St Giles (September 1) he drops his plan to attack it, because plague is rife there. | Sabbato post Sancti Aegidii, Wladislaus Rex contra Thorun volens procedere, [...] salubri consilio reductus est. Vigebat enim pestifera apud Thorunenses lues: propter quod nemini satis plecebat locum infectum adoriri, ne contagio quoque pestis ad exercitum regium penetraret. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 189 | Translation needed | |
| 1424-11-00-Poland | 1 November 1424 JL | After the feast of All Saints (1 November) a plague raged in the whole of Poland and in other kingdoms. | Item anno domini 1424 domino regi Wladislao Iagello natus est filius Wladislaus circa festum omnium sanctorum. Et tandem viguit pestis valida in toto regno Poloniae et in allis regnis. | In the year of the Lord 1424 King Wladislaus Iagiello (Władysław III of Poland), son of Wladislaus (Władysław II of Poland), was born around the feast of All Saints. And after this, a strong plague ruled in the whole kingdom of Poland and in other kingdoms. | Notae Casimirienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 242-243, 242 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1425-00-00-Poland | June 1425 JL | After the feast day of the ascension of the Virgin Mary (August 15), King Władysław moves to Ruthenia in order to avoid the plague which is raging in the whole of the kingdom of Poland during summer, autum and winter and which has caused many casualties of both sexes and from all strata. | Ex Kalisch in Posnaniam et caetera Maioris Poloniae loca processit, et diem Assumptionis Sanctae Mariae in Przedborz tenuit. Abinde per Radoschicze, Chanezini, Kyelcze, Bodzanczin, Syenno, Solyecz in Lublinensem, post in Russiae terras descendit, fugiendo pestem, quae fere universum Regnum Poloniae pervaserat, et per tempus aestatis, autumni et hiemis saeviens, plures mortales utriusque sexus, variarum conditionum absumpserat. | From Kalisz he proceeded to Poznań and other places in Greater Poland and on the day of the ascension of the holy Virgin Mary he stopped in Przedbórz. From there he moved via Radoschicze, Chanezini, Kyelcze, Bodzanczin, Syenno, and Solyeczdown down to Ljubliana and after that into Ruthenia fleeing the plague which had wildly penetrated the whole kingdom of Poland and which had, through summer, autumn and winter, consumed many mortals of both sexes and of various standings. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 221 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1425-00-00-Poland-1 | 11 November 1425 JL | After a meeting they have attended on the feast day of St Martin (November 11) in Brześć (Poland) King Władysław and Queen Sophia move to Lithuania to where the plague had not yet spread. However, the plague breaks out there in the middle of the winter and they seek refuge in great forests. | Pestis in Polonia et Lithuania. Ex conventione Brestensi Wladislaus Rex cum consorte sua Sophia Regina in Lithuaniam divertit, et illic hiemis tempus in venationibus deduxit: nondum enim lues pestilentica in Regno Poloniae saeviens, Lithuanicam oram oervaserat, expost tamen serpendo, etiam in Lithuaniam grassata est coactusque Wladislaus Poloniae Rex et Alexander Withawdus, oppidis, castris et curiis derelictis, in silvarum et nemorum latebris hieme media commorari. Filius autem Wladislai Regis Wladislaus infans in Chanczini castrum delatus est, ubi per omne epidimiae tempus tenebatur. | Plague in Poland and Lithuania. From the meeting in Brześć, King Władysław and his consort Queen Sophia moved to Lithuania in order to spend the time of the winter there hunting. The plague that raged in kingdom of Poland had yet evaded the region of Lithuania. Yet, afterwards it spread there after all and raged also in Lithuania. Acting together with [Grand-duke] Alexander they left the towns, castles and courts and stayed in the middle of the winter in hiding places in forests and woods. But the son of King Władysław, the infant Władysław, was sent to Chęciny castle where he stayed through the whole time of the epidemic. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 225 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1428-03-01-Magdeburg | 1 March 1428 JL | A mortality strikes Magdeburg for 9 months, mainly lower social stratas are affected. There is a considerable number of apparent deaths among the victims of this disease. | In dem sulven jare was hir grot pestilence. De enstunt ersten in der vasten und warde wente to winachten, und storven doch nich tvele namhaftiger lude, doch worden grote burkulen to sunte Johannes gegraven, und mang den doden in den burkulen stonden ein deils wedder up des anderen und des dridden dages wol bi 30 edder 40 minschen . | In the same year (1428) there was a great epidemic here. It first began during Lent and lasted until Christmas. Few notable people died, but large mass graves (literally: peasants' mounds) were dug near St Johannes. Some of the dead in these mass graves rose again the next or third day, totalling between 30 and 40 people. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 378-379 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1429-07-28-Lübeck | 28 July 1429 JL | A Lubeck priest dies from plague and his prebend is free | Henricus Gustrow scolaris capelle Bonifatii IX et Innocentii VII: de conf. vicar. ad alt. omn. SS. in par. eccl. b. Marie Lubic. quam resignaverat Mardocheo Sartoris qui pestilentia preventus in Urbe defunctus est | Henricus Gustrow, scholar of the chapel of Boniface IX and Innocent VII, concerning the confirmation of the vicarage at the altar of All Saints in the parish church of St. Mary in Lübeck. This vicarage had been resigned by Mardocheo Sartoris, who, being prevented by the pestilence, passed away in the city. | RG Online, RG IV 04552, URL: Repertorium Germanicum Online | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1430-12-00-Poland | December 1430 JL | Although the plague is everywhere in the kingdom of Poland, many prelates and barons meet in Bardo on the feast of St Nicolas (December 6). | Et licet hieme illa pestis epidimiae fere universum Regnum Poloniae occupasset, ibant tamen per media funera in ipsam conventionem frequensque numerus Praelatorum et baronum in Wartham convenit in die sancti Nicolai. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 335 | Translation needed | |
| 1436-06-10-Wien | 6 June 1436 JL | As plague hits the university of Vienna, lectures are suspended for several months. The peak of the outbreak claims the lives of 70 university members in August. One lecturer, Johannes Gössel, flees the city and reports the outbreak in a colophon to a commentary on the Sentences by Petrus Lombardus. | Explicit scribendo pariter et legendo in profesto sancti Nicolai scriptum huiusmodi et lectum in 3° libro Sententiarum anno Domini M°CCCC36, cuius libri prefati inchoavi leccionem feria secunda immediate post octavas. [p. 376] Pasce Anno 36. Attamen invalescente pestilentia anno predicto, videlicet 36, adeo quod de certo die una sepeliebantur 70 funera ante Assumptionis Beate Virginis, me tunc Wyenne constituo, pluribusque notabilibus suppositis universitatis pro tunc et paulo ante defunctis, videlicet professore Sacre pagine Magistro Petro Pirchenbart in collegio Ducis seniore regente ac lectore in theologia ; preterea Magistro Chünrado Herinbst similiter doctore, licet novo et non unius anni, in theologia, ordinis Predicatorum, sepulto in domo Predicatorum Wyenne. Ceterum Magister Urbanus de Mellico ecclesie sancti Stephani canonicus et in theologia doctore, peste violentante vita fungi desiit. Aliis omissis tam magistris, baccalariis quam scolaribus, viris moralissimis ac virtuosissimis, quorum felices cineres requiescant in summo. Postremo preceptis nature obtemperans debitumque eius persolvens Magister Johannes Strädlare de Langhüta baccalareus formatus in theologia ac collegiatus in Collegio Ducis epidimia tactus expiravit in loco prescripto, puta collegio. Duobus etiam scolaribus magistrorum ibidem paucis intervenientibus diebus [illegibile] ex post turbulentum mare presentis seculi exierunt. Quibus attentis universitas solemniter congregata indoctis et magistris conclusit ut decetero, videlicet a tempore paulo ante Assumptionis Marie, omnes actus scolastici, orationes pariter et consistoria universitatis penitus non fierent usque ad festum Cholomanni, aut si expediret et videretur per amplius huiusmodi actus suspenderentur. Quo concluso et habita plena universitatis vacatione, recessi post responsionem meam in aula statim ad partes nativas, die videlicet dominica immediate ante Assumptionis absentando me tredecem integris septimanis et die una. Postremo Wyennam redii feria tertia post Elizabeth inveniens tantum quatuor collegiatos presentes adhuc, cum quibus ego quintus. Toto enim tempore a suspensione lectionum et post recessum meum dumtaxat unus magistrorum collegio preerat, omnibus aliis absentibus, usque ad Cholomanni. In festo autem Katherine congregabatur universitas in suppositis ac doctoribus ac magistris, et pro tunc eligebantur primo omnes universitatis officiales et eadem die [illegibile] assignabantur lectiones in omnibus facultatibus. | Template:TN | Brinzei 2022, pp. 375-376. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1437-00-00-Saeftinghe | 1437 JL | A plague occured in the city of Saeftinghe, in the Low Countries. | Pestilentia multos absorbuit hoc anno; nam genitoribus meis, patre videlicet et matre simul hoc morbo sublatis, me reliquerunt apud Saeftinghe vagientem in cunabilis parique morbo tabescentem, sed hinc Dominus assumpsit me. | Lot of people died of a pestilence this year. My parents actually died sumultaneously, leaving me alone prone to death on my craddle. But God appeared to me. | Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 254 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1438-00-00-Poland | 1438 JL | In the year 1438 there was inflation and plague in Poland. | Anno domini 1438 fuit maxima caristia in regno videlicet Polonie [...] et statim post hoc pestis magna. | In the year of the Lord 1438 there was a great inflation in the kingdom of Poland [...] and immediately after this a great plague. | Notae monachi Sanctae Crucis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 412-414, 413 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1438-00-00-Silesia | 1438 JL | In the year 1438 there was a general plague in Silesia. | Anno domini 1438 [...] fuit generalis pestis per Silesiam. | In the year of the Lord 1438 [...], there was a general plague in Sileasia. | Annales Wratislawienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 680-688, 686 | None |
| 1438-11-28-Rome | 28 November 1438 JL | A number of German priests flees the Roman curia because of a ravaging plague | Arnoldus Cuper Arnoldus (Arnaldus) Cuper (Cupere) (de Embrica) et Nicolaus Vighe cler. Colon. dioc., Johannes Dorenborch al. Muleken cler. Monast. dioc., Ruthgerus Kock cler. Colon. dioc., Borchardus Truytelaet cler. Hildesem. dioc., Engelbertus de Marcka cler. Leod. dioc., Mathias Veyt cler. Eistet. dioc., Albertus Gertener cler. Magunt. dioc., Petrus Doenen cler. Magunt. dioc., Adrianus Martini de Breda cler. Leod. dioc., famm. D[ominici de Capranica] s. Marie in via lata diac. card., qui propter pestem a R. cur. ultra term. se absentaverunt | Arnoldus Cuper (de Embrica), and Nicolaus Vighe, clerics of the Diocese of Cologne; Johannes Dorenborch, also known as Muleken, cleric of the Diocese of Münster; Ruthgerus Kock, cleric of the Diocese of Cologne; Borchardus Truytelaet, cleric of the Diocese of Hildesheim; Engelbertus de Marcka, cleric of the Diocese of Liège; Mathias Veyt, cleric of the Diocese of Eichstätt; Albertus Gertener, cleric of the Diocese of Mainz; Petrus Doenen, cleric of the Diocese of Mainz; Adrianus Martini de Breda, cleric of the Diocese of Liège; familiares of Domenico de Capranica, cardinal of S. Maria in Via Lata, have been absent beyond the established term from the Roman Curia due to the plague. | RG Online, RG V 00478, URL: Repertorium Germanicum Online | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1439-00-00-Alcobaca | 1439 JL | Johannes de Porta, a cistercian monk from the monastery of Alcobaca near Lisbon describes how he practiced euthanasia on a plague-infected brother | cum [...] quidam monachus dicti monasterii et ipsius exponentis specialis amicus cum maximus febribus et duobus signis pestilencialibus perplexus fuisset ita, quod in agone mortis laborasset et iam loquelam amisisset, prefatus exponens [...] visitando eundem fratrem vidensque ipsum in tantis horribilibus penis et passionibus afflictum pietate motus [...] dixit: 'Ego promitto tibi, frater mi, si [...] essemus ambo in una domo ubi nullus videret me, ego ponerem manum meam super os tuum et abbreviarem tibi illas graves penas'. Audiens hoc [...] infirmarius ipsius monasterii statim respondit dicens: 'Sic vos voltis [sic] uto cito decedat, subtrahamus sibi capitale capitis sui et ponamus capud super terram.' Quo facto idem infirmus expiravit. | When a certain monk of the said monastery, a close friend of the expositor himself, had been afflicted with severe fevers and two signs of the plague, so much so that he was struggling in the agony of death and had already lost the power of speech, the aforementioned expositor, upon visiting the same brother and seeing him afflicted with such horrible pains and sufferings, moved by pity, said: 'I promise you, my brother, if we were both in a place where no one could see me, I would lay my hand upon your mouth and alleviate those heavy pains for you.' Hearing this, the infirmarian of the monastery immediately responded, saying: 'If you wish it so eagerly, let him depart quickly, let us put away the pillow and place his head upon the ground.' With this done, the same infirm person expired. | Esch 2014, pp. 392-393, 522, footnote 57. | None |
| 1439-00-00-Basel | 1439 JL | A plague causes great mortality in Basel during a famine. The death toll is estimated to 8000 dead people, both adults and children. | Anno Domini 1439 fuit magna karistia in Basilea, et etiam cum hoc fuit magna pestilencia et in orribilibus obierunt in numero plus qum octo milia hominum cum pueris; et presertim in ecclesia majori inter canonicos dominus Kaspar thesaurius, dominus prepositus Turicensis, dominus Michahel de Reno prepositus in Sancto Ursicino, et bene viginti cappelanos. | The year 1439 occured a great dearth in Basel. A pestilence broke out simultaneously and more than 8000 persons, adults and children, died dramatically. Among the canons of the cathedral died the treasurer master Kaspar, the prior master Turicensis, master Michael de Reno, prior of Sanctus Ursinus and 20 other canons. | Ehrard von Appenwiler chronicle, pp. 251-252 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1439-00-00-Sweden | 1439 JL | Pestilence in Sweden in 1439 and in the Christian world | Item, pestilencia ingrassabatur per totam Sueciam et diversa loca Christianitas. | Furthermore, the plague ravaged all of Sweden and various places in the Christian world. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 224 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1439-00-00-Zwiefalten | 1439 JL | Outbreak of plague all over Swabia and, probably, also in the monastery of Zwiefalten | 1439. Regnavit pestilencia valdissima per totam Alemanniam, ita quod extimacione multorum tertia pars hominum videbatur obiisse | In 1439, a very severe pestilence reigned throughout all of Alemannia, such that by the estimation of many, one-third of the population seemed to have perished. | Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 63 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1439-06-24-Silesia | 24 June 1439 JL | A horrible plague raged in Silesia starting around the feast day of St John the baptist (June 24) and lasting for two months. | Pestis horrenda. Eodem anno circa festum sancti Johannis baptiste exorta fuit valida et horrenda pestilentia in Silesia et aliis regionibus, que duravit ad duos menses. | Horrible plague. In the same year (1439) around the feast of St John the baptist arose a strong and horrible plague in Silesia and other regions which lastest for two months. | Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 53 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1439-11-11-Poland | 10 November 1439 JL | A plague pained the town of Łekno from the feast day of St Martin (November 11) to after christmas. | Item sub anno 1439 pestis urgebat in Lekna sicut ante festum sancti Martini usque post festum Nativitatis Domini. In qua peste terminum vite sue finiverunt: honorabilis dominus Michael plebanus medie partis in Lekna cum sororio suo Mathia de Poszlugowo rectore schole. | Under the year 1439 a plague arose in Lekno shortly before the feast day of St Martin (November 11) until after the feast of the birth of the Lord (December 25). In this plague finshed their lives: the honourable Michael, priest in the middle part of Lekno together with his brother Matthias of Poszlugowo, the headmastesr of the school. | Notae Leknenses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, p. 255 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1448-00-00-Florence | 1448 JL | The plague raged in Florence. Many people fled to other cities. The plague spread to Rome. The passages talks also about the social responses, for instance that people avoided the contact to the infected, even if they were their relatives. | Interea anno Domini MCCCCXLVIII, pestis invadere cepit Florentiam et per biennium civitatem infectem tenuit, que tamen quasi erat evacuata, non solum maioribus et divitibus, sed et plebeis et pauperibus ex urbe egredientibus et per villas et castra refugientibus. Diutina quidem fuit, sed lenta et paucos de medio subtraxit, sicque morbus ille contagiosus a MCCCC anno, quo grassatus est ita ut prope tertiam partem viventium absumeret, usque ad MCCCCLVII, in quo sumus peste a Domino visitati iam per menses quatuor, septies Florentiam occupaverit, videlicet anno MCCCCXI, anno supra Millesimum CCCCXXXVIII demum, ut dictum est, anno MCCCCXLVIII et VIIII civitas Florentina ea contagione infecta est: que cum postea urbem romanam attigisset, in qua presulabatur Nicolaus V cum curia sua, [p. 83] Fabrianum se contulit. Ubi tunc facta inquisitione et processu contra quosdam hereticos, infectos lepra erroris Fraticellorum, qui ibi diu habuerant magnum receptaculum et favorem, obstinati in sua perfidia igni traditi sunt, miracula consueta ostendentes pulveris et cineris. In anno autem isto LVII supra CCCC, pauci adhuc de hac luce subtracti sunt, necdum cessavit; quid autem in futurum erit, novit Deus. Nunquam autem apparet tantum exterruisse homines talis contagio morbi ut nunc, ita quod parentes filiorum et filii parentum obliviscantur infectorum et cum difficultate reperiantur qui necessaria eis administrent tam corpori quam anime, vel procurent ut sacramenta et ecclesiasticam sepulturam habeant. Quamvis autem nulla sit lege prohibitum ad loca divertere ab infectione libera, ex quo morbus est valde contagiosus (ut quotidiana docet experientia), ac eciam conversationem domesticam et locutionem cum infectis et venientibus a locis infectis [effugere] nisi cura animarum eis immineat, quos de necessitate salutis sue oportet per se vel alium idoneum sacramenta ministrare quantumcunque infectis, tantum tamen abhorrere infectos ut necessaria subtrahantur est contra omnem caritatem, humanitatem et xpistianam pietatem. Itaque etsi humane prudentia est et de ratione medicine vitare infectos, tamen contra dilectionem et xpistianam pietatem est subtrahere infectis necessiara seu non ministrare anime et corpori et ita abhorrere eis ministrantes sacramenta et corpori necessaria ut habeantur tanquam ethnici et publicani nec audiantur eorum misse et officia nec patiantur sacerdotes ire ad infirmos, in quo nullo modo debent eis assentire. Communitas autem pie et caritative providit infirmis ex eo morbo illo tempore scilicet anno domini MCCCCXLVIII et nono pestis. Nam tria milia florenorum statuit assignanda archiepiscopo civitatis certo tempore, modo et forma, ut infectis provideretur. Unde quidam optimi iuvenes per civitatem discurrebant, querendo infectos et dando pullos, confectiones et alia necessaria. |
Meanwhile, in the year of our Lord 1448, the plague began to invade Florence and for two years it kept the city infected. The city was almost emptied, not only by the departure of the wealthy and nobles but also by the common people and the poor, who fled from the city to villages and towns. It was indeed prolonged, but slow, and removed only a few people. That contagious disease, which had ravaged since the year 1400, when it nearly consumed a third of the living, until 1457 (the year we are currently in), struck Florence seven times: in 1401, again in 1438, and finally, as mentioned, in 1448 and 1449, when the city of Florence was infected by this contagion. When it later reached the city of Rome, where Pope Nicholas V resided with his court, he withdrew to Fabriano. There, an inquiry and trial were conducted against certain heretics infected with the leprosy of the Fraticelli error, who had long found a haven and favor there. Persisting in their stubborn wickedness, they were handed over to the flames, displaying the usual miracles of ashes and dust. However, in this year 1457, few have been taken from this life, and the plague has not yet ceased. What will happen in the future, God knows. Never before has such a contagious disease so greatly terrified people as it does now, so much so that parents forget their children and children forget their parents when they are infected, and it is difficult to find anyone willing to provide them with the necessities for both body and soul, or to ensure they receive the sacraments and Christian burial. Although there is no law prohibiting people from fleeing to places free from infection, since the disease is highly contagious (as daily experience shows), and it is prudent to avoid domestic interactions and conversations with the infected or those coming from infected areas—except when the care of souls is at stake and they must, for the sake of their own salvation, administer the sacraments either in person or through a suitable intermediary to those infected—it is nonetheless against all charity, humanity, and Christian compassion to withhold necessities from the infected or refuse to minister to their bodies and souls, treating them as outcasts and pagans. It is wrong not to hear their masses and services or allow priests to go to the sick, and no one should agree to such practices. However, the community provided for the sick with piety and charity during this outbreak in the year 1448 and the ninth plague. Indeed, 3,000 florins were allocated to the archbishop of the city at a specific time, in a particular manner, and form, to provide for the infected. As a result, certain noble youths went around the city, seeking out the infected and giving them chickens, remedies, and other necessities. | Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, p. 82-83. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1450-00-00-Rome | 1450 JL | Jubilee year and grave pestilence in Rome | Anno Domini mcdl°. Fuit Rome annus iubileus et magna pestilencia. | The year of our Lord 1450. In Rome there was jubilee year and a great pestilence. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 262 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1451-00-00-Europe | 1451 JL | In the year 1451 there was the greatest plague in virtually all lands of the earth. | A. 1451. Anno domini 1451 fuit maxima pestilencia quasi in omnibus terris. | In the year of the Lord 1451 there was the greatest plague in virtually all lands of the earth. | Notae monachi Sanctae Crucis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 412-414, 412 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1451-00-00-Poland | 8 September 1451 JL | A "notable" plague occurred in Wrocław in 1451. starting around the feast of the birth of St. Mary the Virgin (September 8) and lasting throught the whole winter. | A. 1451. Pestis notabilis. Eodem anno 1451 fuit notabilis pestis Wratislavie et oppidis ac villis hinc inde, incepit circa festum nativitatis Marie et duravit quasi per totam hyemem leniter. | Year 1451. Notable plague. In the same year 1451 there was a notable plague in Wrocław and the towns and villages from there onwards. It started around the feast of the birth of St. Mary the Virgin (September 8) and lasted in a milder way virtually through the whole of the winter. | Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 62 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1451-00-00-Sochaczew | 13 July 1451 JL | In the Year 1451 a plague raged in Sochaczew (Central Poland) and other towns of the region starting at the feast of St Margarethe (July 13) and lasting until the feast of St Michael (September 29) and beyond. | Anno domini 1451 pestilencia in Sochaczew bene viguit et aliis eciam in partibus ita, ut una die quadraginta ponebatur in unam foveam. Cuius inicium a festo sancte Margarethe stans ad festum sancti Michaelis et ultra etc. | In the year of the Lord 1451 a plague raged well in Sochaczew and elsewhere in those parts in such a way that on one day fourty [people] were buried in one grave. It started at the feast of St Margarethe (July 13) and lasted until the feast of St Michael (September 29) and beyond. | Notae Plocenses et Sochaczevienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 118-124, 121 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1452-00-00-Messina | 1452 JL | A nun wants to move to another monastery in the diocese of Messina in 1479 as plague has emptied her orignal monastery. | ob raritate monialium in eodem monasterio causante peste que inibi diutius viguit mortuarum. | Because of the scarcity of nuns in the same monastery, caused by the plague that persists there for a long time, resulting in many deaths. | Esch 2014, p. 523, footnote 63. | None |
| 1452-00-00-Ratibor | 1452 JL | The plague reigned in Ratibor in 1452. | Anno MCCCCLII […] Et eodem anno regnabat pestis in districtu Rat. | In the year 1452 [...] and in this year the plague reigned in the district of Ratibor. | Anonymous, Ratiborer Chronik, (ed. Weltzel), in: Zeitschrift des Vereins für Geschichte und Alterthum Schlesiens, vol 4 (1862), pp. 114-126, p. 118 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1452-00-00-Silesia | 24 June 1452 JL | A "notable" plague occurred in Silesia, Poland and "in the mountains" in 1452, starting around the feast of St John the baptist (June 24) and lasting until the end of the year. | Pestis notabilis in Silesia. Eodem anno fuit notabilis pestis in Silesia, in Polonia et in montana. Incepit circa festum Joannis baptiste dure et continuavit leniter usque ad finem anni currentis. | A "notable" plague in Silesia. In this year there was a notable plague in Silesia, in Poland and in the mountains. It started around the feast of St John the baptist (June 24) and continued in a milder way lasting until the end of current year. | Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 63 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1453-08-00-Flanders | 1453 JL | A pestilence breaks out in the region, as a consequence of a dearth caused by war. | Messis tempore non invenit quod colligeret; hinc annona solito carior et, quae communiter sequi solet, pestilentia populum gravare coepit. | At harvest time, not enough people came at the fields. Then prices have been higher than usual, and a pestilence broke out, as it is common in such conditions. | Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 347 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1453-10-08-Wien | 8 October 1453 JL | A commentary to a manuscript by Thomas Ebendorfer mentions that lectures at the university of Vienna are suspended, as plague reigned. | Revisus per Thomam de Haselpach tempore suspensionis lectionum ob sementem pestem. Anno etc. 1453, 8 Octobris | Revised by Thomas of Haselpack as lectures were suspended because of the ravaging plague. In the year 1453 on 8 October. | Brinzei 2022, p. 375. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1455-00-00-Sweden | 1455 JL | Pestilence in Upper Sweden in 1455, concomitant to a severe famine | Item, fames in tantum invaluit in tota Swecia, quod multi fame moriebantur, et multi ex pestilencia, que tunc erat in superiori Swecia. | Furthermore, the famine ravaged the whole of Sweden so violently that many died of starvation, and many of the plague, which was then spreading in Upper Sweden. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 286 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1456-00-00-Florence | 1456 JL | In Florence was a shortage due to the weather and a flooding. The city had to provide food for the population especially for the poor. | Eodem anno per inundationem aquarum, in agris impedientem sationem agrorum et aliam intemperiem supervenientem tempore spicationis in agris satis, defectus magnus modicitatis in segetibus repertus est Florentie, et [in] territorio eius. Creatis autem officialibus habundantie, provisum est competenter de frumentis de diversis locis extra territorium adductis. Sed et pauperibus provisum est, quorum a diu in preteritum nunquam tantus inventus est numerus; quod contigit, quia mercatores et artifices parum negotiantur vel artificia exercent, tum propter guerras impedientes discursum per mare et per terram, tum timore nove impositionis prestantiarum, ne nimis onerentur, tum eciam peste civitatem invadente, etsi lente, tamen in futurum magis de grassatione eius dubitatur. Decretum igitur [p. 98] fuit, ut per quatuor menses precedentes recollectionem frumenti, quingenti floreni mensatim expenderentur a communitate eleemosynaliter erogati pro frumento pauperibus in pane concedendo. Quod optimum fuit tum ut peccata sua civitas, eis plena, eleemosynis redimat, tum ut caritatem ad fratres suos et membra reipublice ostendat, nec non ad prudenter auferendos tumultus et clamores famelice plebis. Quid enim non audeat rabies famis, cum aliquando et matres filios proprios occidere et comedere coegerit, sacra historia ac eciam infidelium hoc referente? | In the same year, due to flooding that hindered the sowing of fields and other adverse weather conditions during the grain ripening season, there was a significant shortage in the harvest in Florence and its surrounding territory. Officials were appointed to manage the scarcity, and grain was competently procured from various places outside the territory. Provisions were also made for the poor, whose numbers had not been this high for a long time. This situation arose because merchants and craftsmen were engaging in little trade or work, partly due to wars disrupting travel by sea and land, partly out of fear of new tax burdens, and partly because of a plague slowly affecting the city, which was feared to worsen in the future. It was decreed that, for the four months preceding the next grain harvest, 500 florins would be spent monthly by the community to provide grain to the poor in the form of bread. This was seen as beneficial both to help the city atone for its sins, which were abundant, through acts of charity, and to demonstrate care for fellow citizens, as well as to prudently prevent uprisings and outcries from the starving populace. For what would the rage of hunger not dare to do, when history—even sacred texts—reports that, in such times, mothers have been forced to kill and eat their own children? | Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, pp. 97-98. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1457-00-00-France | 1457 JL | A mortality breaks out in France. | Per totam fere Franciam bladorum caristia fuit, quam sequebatur pestilentialis mortalitas. | In almost all France wheat prices were high, and a mortality of pestilence followed. | Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 360 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1457-11-23-Prague | 23 November 1457 JL | 1457, November 23, Ladislaus, king of Bohemia and Hungary and duke of Austria died of the plague in Prague. | Anno Domini MCCCCLVII in die sancti Clementis domnus Ladislaus Bohemie et Hungarie rex et Austrie dux Prage de peste epidemie moritur et in ecclesia Pragensi in sepulcro proavi sui Karoli sepelitur. | In the year of the Lord 1457 on the day of St Clement lord Ladislaus, king of Bohemia and Hungary and duke of Austria died of the plague in Prague and he was buried in the [cathedral] church of Prague in the grave of his progenitor Charles [Emperor Charles IV]. | Calendarium Cracoviense, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, pp. 906-941, 937f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1458-00-00-Genoa | 1458 JL | In Genoa, evil men went during the plague to the sick and robbed them in their homes. If the sick were still alive, they suffocated them. The crime was reported to the king, who stopped it. But in the end, more than 80 people died because of the murderer. | Interea scelus enorme ibi perpetratum est et flagitium inexpiabile fere. Nam cum pestis in urbe grassaretur propter quod pene vacua foret hominibus, quidam ex societatibus ad pia opera deputatis convenerunt in unum numero XLVIII, statuentes inter se visitare morbo infectos ac curam eorum agere et cadavera tradere sepulture, non quidem intentione Deo obsequendi, sed domos infirmorum rebus evacuandi et, uno marsupio facto, statuebant inter se quis quid inde acciperet. Nec illi scelesti et crudeliores feris expectabant infirmorum mortem, sed accelerabant ipsos suffocantes, ut postmodum rapine vacarent. Sed tantum nephas pius Deus non est passus diu manere occultum. Facta enim inter eos quadam dissensione super cuiusdam morte temptanda, unus eorum accedens ad ducem vices regis exequentem, prius sibi vite preservatione postulata et obtenta, confessus est crimen suum et sociorum, narrans octoginta infirmos et ultra per eos suffocatos ante naturalem transitum vite et substantias eorum direptas. Quod audiens dux, caute illos inquiri fecit, et XXVIII ex eis captos suspendi fecit, aliis fugam hinc inde capientibus. | Meanwhile, an enormous crime and almost unforgivable outrage was committed there. For when the plague was ravaging the city, leaving it nearly empty of people, some members of charitable organizations came together, numbering forty-eight, and decided among themselves to visit the sick and take care of them, as well as to bury the dead. However, their intention was not to serve God, but to rob the homes of the sick. They made a pact among themselves, agreeing on how to divide the spoils they would take. These wicked men, even more cruel than wild beasts, did not wait for the sick to die naturally but hastened their deaths by suffocating them so that they could more quickly engage in looting. But God, in His mercy, did not allow such wickedness to remain hidden for long. A dispute arose among them regarding the planned murder of someone, and one of them, seeking to save his own life, approached the leader acting on behalf of the king. After securing a promise of protection, he confessed his crime and those of his companions, revealing that they had suffocated more than eighty sick people before their natural deaths and plundered their possessions. Upon hearing this, the leader carefully ordered an investigation, leading to the capture and hanging of twenty-eight of them, while the others fled in different directions. | Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, p. 100. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1460-00-00-Silesia | 1460 JL | In the year 1460 there was a great mortality in Silesia. | Anno 1460 fuit magna mortalitas in Silesia. | In the year 1460 there was a great mortality in Silesia. | Annales Wratislavienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 680-688, 686 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1461-00-00-Nürnberg | 1461 JL | A plague in Nuremberg and Erfurt and after that in many other places | incepit pestilentia in Nurenberga, anno sequenti in Erfordia et sic continenter per tres annos circumgyravit per multa loca. | A pestilence started in Nuremberg, the next year it was in Erfurt and so it continued to spread for three years in many places. | Chronica S. Aegidii 1711, p. 597 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1462-00-00-Erfurt | 1462 JL | A plague in Erfurt | (1461) incepit pestilentia in Nurenberga, anno sequenti in Erfordia et sic continenter per tres annos circumgyravit per multa loca. | A pestilence started in Nuremberg, the next year it was in Erfurt and so it continued to spread for three years in many places. | Chronica S. Aegidii 1711, p. 597 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1462-00-00-Erfurt2 | 1462 JL | A plague in Erfurt kills 24 nuns. | Anno domini 1462 pestilentia magna fuit, ita ut Erfordiae in claustro novi operis a vigilia Laurentii usque ad vigiliam Mathei apostoli XXIV virgines morerentur, quarum animae sint in domino. | In the year of our Lord 1462 there was a great pestilence, so that in Erfurt in the newly built monastery from the vigil of St. Laurence to the vigil of St. Matthew 24 nuns died, and their souls are with the Lord. | Erfurter Annalen 1834, col. 231. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1462-00-00-Ferrara | 1462 JL | A mortality in Ferrara kills 14.000 people | Eodem millesimo, fu una grandissima moria a Ferrara de sorte che morite circa persone 14000. | In the same year (1462), there was a great mortality in Ferrare of a kind that killed 14.000 persons. | Pardi 1928, p. 45 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1463-00-00-Empire | 1463 JL | A plague is ravaging in the whole Holy Roman Empire, especially in the South | Pestis valida faevit per Bavariam, Austriam, Bohemiam, Sueviam & quasi per totam Germaniam multos mortales absumens. | A strong pestilence ravaged in Bavaria, Austria, Bohemia and Swabia, and almost all over Germany it killed many people. | Staindel 1764, p. 538 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1463-00-00-Erfurt | 1463 JL | Great plague with 4000 deaths in Leipzig and 18 000 in Erfurt lasted half a year | 1463 pestilencia magna […] ubique terrarum, et in Lipczk ultra 4 milia hominum et 18 milia hominum in Herfordia obierunt, et pestis illa in uno loco ad medium annum duravit. | In 1463, there was a great pestilence everywhere on the earth, and in Leipzig, over four thousand people died, and in Erfurt, eighteen thousand people died. And that plague endured in one place for half a year | Cronica brevis (lipsiensem dixeris), sp. 61 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1463-00-00-Görlitz | 1463 JL | A plague ravages in Görlitz and kills many people, including nine friars. | Item anno domini 1463 pestis ingwinaria vel epidemia multum atrociter grassata est in Gorlicz, in qua mortui sunt novem fratres. | Likewise, in the year of our Lord 1463, a contagious plague or epidemic raged very fiercely in Görlitz, in which nine brothers died. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 296. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1463-00-00-Magdeburg | 1463 JL | A mortality strikes Magdeburg. | Im jar 1463 war hir grosse pestilentz. | In the year 1463, there was a large epidemic here. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, p. 405. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1463-07-00-Basel | July 1463 JL | A plague breaks out in Basel. | Anno domini 63 post Margarete incepit pestilentia in minori Basilea primo modicum, post in magna civitate. | The year 1463 began a pestilence in Basel after Margeret's Day (15 July). It broke out first, without being severe in Klein-Basel, then it spread in the city. | Ehrard von Appenwiler chronicle, p. 344. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1463-11-11-Zittau | 11 November 1463 JL | Plague in Zittau but only of short duration. | Anno domini etc. lxiii incepit pestilencia circa nos circa festum Martini et non diu perseuerauit, sed graciose nobiscum mansit | In the year of our Lord etc. 1463, a pestilence began here around the feast of Martin, and it did not persist for long but graciously stayed with us (only for a short time). | Johannes von Guben, p. 82 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1464-00-00-Bologna | 1464 JL | Very stormy and rainy year, the sun shone little in September as the moon was blue at night. There was severe fever, smallpox and seasickness | A dì 17 di dicembre, il lunedì, venne in Bologna gran neve. […] In somma quest’anno fu piovoso et tempestoso e nel tempo del raccolto vendevasi la corba del grano lire due, la spelta soldi 11, la fava soldi 20; fu dell’ uva assai. Il mese di settembre fu con molte maligne nebbie; il solo splendeva poco et era di color smorticcio, siccome è di notte la luna, che si mostrava azzura. Furono gran febbri, vaioli et mali di costa. | Ghirardacci 1915-16, p. 187 | Translation needed | |
| 1464-00-00-Braunschweig | 1464 JL | Plague in which mostly men died and many children | incepit pestilentia satis rara et insolita, quia viri fortes in ea moriebantur et pauce mulieres; de pueris vero valde raro aliqui obierunt. | This plague began in a rather rare and unusual way, because strong men and few women died from it; but very few children. | Chronica S. Aegidii 1711, p. 597. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1464-00-00-Görlitz | 1464 JL | Severe plague the whole summer until autumn, everyone avoided contact with each other in Görlitz | in anno autem lxiiii jn estate incepit viceuersa grauiter, sic quod in duobus diebus plures quam trecente persone in morbo obierunt, aliquando de die 80, aliquando 60, et sic deinceps, et durauit grauiter per totam estatem vsque ad autumpnu, tamen adhuc semper per parum viguit. Pestilencia circumquaque viguit in villis et vbique, sic quod frumenta permanserunt jn agris. Fuit eciam in civitate, quod vna persona aliam refutauit propter pestilenciam, et tants timor fuit inter homines, vt vnus cum alio recusauit loqui; sic contigit nostris in Gorlicz, nolentes eos hospitare nec cibare nec eciam cum eis loqui. | Johannes von Guben, p. 82. | Translation needed | |
| 1464-00-00-Posnan | 1464 JL | In the year 1464 raged the greatest plague which resulted in the destruction of large parts of the city and in the killing of many Jews. | 1464 viguit maxima pestilencia et itidem magna pars civitatis Poznan exusta, ubi multi Iud[ei sunt interfecit]. | In the year 1464 raged the greatest plague and likewise large parts of the city of Poznań were destroyed, when many Jews were killed. | Annales Posnantenses II, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. V, pp. 882-884, 884. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1464-00-00-Prussia | 1464 JL | In this year a plague raged in Gdańsk which claimed 5000 lives before the feast of St Michael (September 29) and further 800 lives between St Michael and the feast of the saints Simon and Judas (October 28). | Eodem anno saeviebat mirum in modum pestis Gedani fueruntque sepulta 5000 hominum ante festum sancti Michaelis apud sanctam Gertrudem, a festo autem sancti Michaelis usque ad festum sanctorum Simonis et Iudae 800 homines. | In this year a plague raged in a peculiar way in Gdansk and there were 5000 humans burried before the feast of St Michael near [the church of] St Gertud, but 800 [humans] from St Michael until the feast of the saints Simon and Judas. | Annales Olivienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. VI, pp. 360-382, p. 367 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1464-00-00-Salzburg | 1464 JL | Great plague in Salzburg | Item 1464 fuit hic pestilentia magna hominum. | Chronicon Salisburgense, p. 431. | Translation needed | |
| 1464-00-00-Silesia | 8 September 1464 JL | A "very notable" plague occurred from before the feast of nativitatis St Mariae (September 8) until the feast of St Martin (November 11). In Wrocław and its surroundings it lasted until the end of the year. | Pestis satis notabilis. Eodem anno fuit pestis notabilis, incepit ante festum nativitatis Marie et duravit satis exacte usque ad festum sancti Martini et quasi ad finem anui currentis in Wratislavia et aliis hinc inde locis. | A veray notable plague. In the same year there was a notable plague which started before the feast of the birth of St Mary the Virgin and lasted quite exactly until the feast of St Marin and in Wrocław and the places from there onwards it lasted virtually until the end of the current year. | Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 81 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1464-00-00-Stockholm | 1464 JL | Severe pestilence breaks out in Stockholm in the autumn of 1464 and lasts for two years in Sweden. 7.000 people die only in Stockholm. | Item, in autumpno eciam istius anni incipiebat Stocholmis et in aliis locis regni gravissima pestilencia regnare. Et dicebatur communiter, quod in solo opido Stocholmensi moriebantur vii milia hominum sexus utriusque; et duravit hec pestilencia in regno continue fere per duos annos. | Furthermore, in the autumn of that year (1464), a very severe pestilence began to ravage Stockholm and other parts of the country. It was generally stated that seven thousand people of both sexes died in the city of Stockholm alone. This pestilence remained uninterrupted in the country for almost two years. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 330. | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1464-00-00-Toruń | 1464 JL | Great plague in Toruń | Anno 1464 magna pestis. | Annales Thorunenses (941–1540), p. 399. | Translation needed | |
| 1464-08-00-Głogów | August 1464 JL | Great plague came to Głogów from the west | a.d. 1464 erat magna pestilential in Glogovia et venit a regione occidental vel per Misnam. Et ante duos vel tres annos errant multi vermes, sic quod folia arborum cum fructibus corroderunt, quod ante longa tempora non erat auditum. Et mortui sunt in viglia Mathaei 57 homines, in die Mathaei 68, in die Burckhardi 45, et incipiebat pestis circa festum Assumptionis Mariae et durabat usque ad Adventum. Et frumenta erant in bono foro, et unus florenus (?) emebatur pro marca et 6 grossis, et una auca vel anser emebatur pro 6 denariis, et si quis voluisset 100 habere. Et non pulsabatur tam in civitate quam in summon a festo Assumptionis usque Martini in sabbato. | Annales Glogovienses 1051-1493, p. 22. | Translation needed | |
| 1464-08-00-Poland | 15 August 1464 JL | A great flood around the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary (August 15) caused the death of numerous animals whose corpsed rotted on the fields and infected the air. This led to a pestilence. | Anno [...] eodem circa festum assumptionis b. virginis 1464, magne et continue pluvie fuerunt plus quam per triduum sine cessatione [...]. Quas pluvias maxime inundancie aquarum subsecute sunt, [...] et [...] innumerabilia quasi peccora et alia animalia majora et minora [...] ex violentia et vehemencia aquarum subito veniencium in campis submersa sunt et ex cadaveribus eorum in campis jacentibus et putrefactis adeo aer corruptus et infectus, quod sevissima pestilencie plaga subsecuta fuit. | In this same year around the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary 1464, a great and continuous rain came down without any decrease over the course of three days [...]. This rain attracted the greatest flood of water [...] and innumerable farm animals and other animals, large and small, [...] drowned on the fields through the violence and fierceness with which the water suddenly appeared and by their decomposing cadavers the air was corrupted and became infectious, which entailed a terrible pestilence. | Chronicon abbatum Beate Marie Virgnis in Arena, in: Script. rer. Siles., ed. Stenzel (1839), pp. 156-286, 249. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1464-08-01-Greifswald | 1 August 1464 JL | Cessation of university operations in Greifswald due to the plague | post octavas s. Jacobi apostoli [1.8.], ut actus scholastici omnes suspenderentur usque ad festum s. Bartholomei apostoli [24.8.] propter tempus horribile, quo cepit invalescere pestis epydemie in hoc loco. | Greifswalder Universitätsmatrikeln, p. 27. | Translation needed | |
| 1464-09-08-Wratislavia | 8 September 1464 JL | Plague in Wratislavia | Eodem anno [1464] fuit pestis notabilis, incepit ante festum nativitatis Marie et duravit satis exacte usque ad festum sancti Martini et quasi ad finem anni currentis in Wratislavia et aliis hinc inde locis. | Gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi (1237–1470), p. 81. | Translation needed | |
| 1464-12-00-Naples | December 1464 JL | Plague in Naples | per diversa regni loca et maxime Terre laboris sicut Neapolis, Gayeta, Suexe, Venafri, Sore, Albeti, et per multa alia circumstantia castra et loca fuit magna pestis et pluvie et nives per totum autem mensem decembris [1464], et opus olivarum fuit fertile sed tardum ad maturandum | Notabilia temporum di Angelo de Tummulillis da Sant'Elia, p. 123 | Translation needed | |
| 1465-07-13-Kłodzko | 13 July 1465 JL | Outbreak of a plague in Kłodzko (Glatz) as a consequence some canons regular from St. Augstine's order died | Postea vero, circa festum sancte Margarethe [13.7.1465], notabilis desevit pestilencia, in qua quinque fratres fuerunt infecti, quorum quatuor iacebant supra magna stuba prefata in comodis. Et ad eorum curam gerendam admisse sunt mulieres honeste et virgins devote, ne fratres omnes inficerentur. Et mortui sunt tres ex eis, scilicet Johannes Hofmann presbiter et frater Erasmus Meysner dyaconus et Paulus de Cracovia, plus quam octogenarius, qui eciam obit in peste, tamen in infirmaria antique retro refectorium superior. | Cronica monasterii canonicorum regularium (s. Augustini) in Glacz, p. 178 | Translation needed | |
| 1465-08-11-Stockholm 001 | 11 August 1465 JL | Bishop Kettil of Linköping dies of the plague on 11 August 1465 in Stockholm | Item, eodem anno in octava assumpcionis beate Marie sepultus est Lincopie dominus Katillus episcopus Lincopensis. Qui modicum ante, videlicet in dominica proxima post Laurencii, obiit in castro Stocholmensi a pestilencia, que tunc temporis quasi per totum regnum gravissima regnavit. Qui episcopus tempore obitus sui quasi totum regnum tenuit, quod sibi subiugaverat, preter Finlandiam. | Further, in the same year, on the octave of the Virgin Mary's Ascension Day, Lord Kettil, Bishop of Linköping, was buried in Linköping. He died at Stockholm Castle shortly before, on the Sunday immediately after the feast of St Laurence. He was a victim of the pestilence which raged violently over almost the whole kingdom at this time. At his death, this bishop ruled virtually the entire empire, which he had subjugated except for Finland. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 334 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1465-12-13-Finland | 13 December 1465 JL | Plague death of a laymen in the diocese of Turku in 1465 and penitential issued in Rome on 12 December 1465. Unsatisfied with the layman’s work, the Dominican friar Henricus Bella from the diocese of Turku had once assaulted the later plague victim who had been responsible for the maintenance of the organ bellows. After having received five blows with a stick on the back, the layman was struck down three days later with a pestilent abscess in his left armpit. Considering the absence of bruises after the blows and a plague wave in Southern Finland at that time, it was considered that the layman had died because of the inflamed abscess and not from the priest’s ill-treatment. | Tertio vero die sub assella sinistra dictus laicus apostemate pestilentiali fuit percussus. Cum pestis ibidem vigerit et super verberibus baculi huiusmodi nichil lesionis rubei sive lividi per examinem deputatum extitit eventum sed ex inflatione dicti apostematis ingressus est viam carnis universe. | On the third day, the said layman was struck with a pestilential abscess under the left armpit. With the pestilence raging there, and upon the whippings of the staff, no red or bruised lesion of this kind was found, as was determined by the examination. Rather, from the inflation of the said abscess, it had entered the way of the flesh. | Sara Risberg, Kirsi Salonen, and Riksarkivet. Auctoritate Papae: The Church Province of Uppsala and the Apostolic Penitentiary 1410-1526. Acta Pontificum Suecica 2. Stockholm 2008, p. 116. | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1467-00-00-Głogów | 1467 JL | Severe plague in Głogów, that came from the east | A.d. 1467 fuit magna pestilentia Glogoviae, et ista pestis veniebat ab oriente in oppositum priori pesti, et licet in civitatibus magna fuit, tamen in villis major, sic quod aliqui agri absque seminatione manserunt. In ista pestilential cuilibet seorsum pulsabatur tam in civitate quam in summo. | Annales Glogovienses 1051-1493, p. 22. | Translation needed | |
| 1467-00-00-Poland | 1467 JL | The plague spread almost everywhere in Poland, stimulated by a warm winter | Epidimie peste regiones Polonie fere universe (ora tamen Pruthenica, Pomeranie, Russie et Masovie excepta) quam graviter vexate et fere per universum Polonie Regnum in vicis, urbibus atque villis, discursione mirabilis, dum nonnullas villa preteriret, ceteras inficeret, per nota et ignota capita late vis morbid pervagata est. Tractus enim celi infectior pestem longo durantem tempore, non quidem omnia pervadentem loca, sed hinc et hinc, et primum in urbes, deinde in vicos et rura se diffundentem causabat humiditate et inopia frugum. Singulis enim mensibus frequentes descendebant imbres, insuper et hiema calida et fere sine exemplo, cuius caliditas pestem vehemencius promovebat et usque in dies Quadregesimales produxerat, sub quibus propiciacione Divina quievit lues. | Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae 1462–1480, p. 176. | Translation needed | |
| 1467-00-00-Poland 001 | 1467 JL | An severe plague spread almost everywhere in Poland and caused many deaths | Annus hic in omnes fere regiones Regno Polonie subiectas, sed in regionem precipue Maioris Polonie, Masovie, Russie et Podolie, sed et in partem Slesie pestiferum epidimie virus usque in Ianuarium mensem diffundens multos mortales extinxit et plures villas et opida in solitudinem redegit. Annone insuper caritas regiones Polonicas pervaserat, pervasura amplius, nisi plures homines pestilencia absumpsisset. Eam insuper multitude murium adiuvabat, qui sive ex hieme calida et sicca nullas nives et paucos imbres fundente sive ex constellacione celesti adeo ebuliverant, ut frugibus, que in horreis condebantur, demolitis, in agros decurrerent et hiemalia frumenta in superficie et radice delerent. | Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae 1462–1480, p. 205. | Translation needed | |
| 1467-10-02-Frankfurt | 2 October 1467 JL | Procession because of plague in Frankfurt. | Anno 1467 2 octobris habebatur valde venerabilis processio pro pestilentia. | On October 2, 1467, a very venerable procession was held for the plague. | Rorbach Liber gestorum 1884, p. 216. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1467-10-16-Augsburg | 16 October 1467 JL | 11 thousand people died of the plague in Augsburg | 1467: Caeterum a festo S. Galli praesentis anni usque ad diem sanctorum apostolorum Simonis et Judae sequentis anni undecim milia hominum per civitatem Augstburgensem peste periisse, in acta relatum est. | Annales Augstburgenses, sp. 1664. | Translation needed | |
| 1468-00-00-Parma | 1468 JL | After a severe plague in Parma, the doctors were blamed for the deaths and were arrested. | Eodem anno in Lombardia in civitate Parma non parva sed horrida viguit pestis cui nunquam simile audisse, necaudire credo. Nulla caritas, nullus amor in Parmensibus erat, sed omnis inhumanitas & crudelitas in eis regnabat. […] Per urbes subiratores officialium libant, & si pauperum porcos reperiebant illos interficiebant & vendebant. Ex dictarum cranium procinarum comestione magno regnate calido, prout regnabat, mille hominess interfecti perierunt. Cum ergo regnat pestis tanquam mortem porcinis fugite carnes. Cessante epidemia medici, qui pestilentiatis [p. 183] medebantur ab officialibus detenti & incarcerate fuerunt illisque imputabant mille latrocinia & homicidia commissa & pecunias quas cum magno labore & periculo lucrati fuerant eis eripuerunt. | Heinrich Meibom, pp. 182–183. | Translation needed | |
| 1474-00-00-Silesia | 1474 JL | A Polish-Bohemian force fought against Wrozław in 1474, but they died of polluted air and of thirst. | Der Bresler Feinde waren alle Elemente entgegen und zuwider; die Luft wahr ihnen vergiftet, dass sie ohne Zahl dahin fielen; das Wasser verschwandt und gefror zu Grunde [...] das Erdreich war so fest gefroren, dass sie ihre Todten nicht begraben möchten. | The enemies of Wrocław were opposed by all the elements; the air was poisoned so that they fell without number; the water disappeared and froze into the ground [...] the ground was frozen so solid that they could not bury their dead. | Pol ###, II, p. 106. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1479-00-00-Görlitz | 1479 JL | A plague ravages in Görlitz and Bautzen and kills many friars. | Item anno domini 1479 simili modo pestis ingwinaria in Görlitcz multos de terra rapuit et precipue de conventu Gorliczensi decem fratres sed de conventu Budissinensi viginti fratres. | Likewise, in the year of our Lord 1479, a similar plague or epidemic in Görlitz seized many from the land, especially from the Görlitz convent, where ten brothers died, but from the Bautzen convent, twenty brothers. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 296. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1482-00-00-Frankfurt | 1482 JL | Plague in Frankfurt. | Anno 1482 pestilentia epidemica Francofordiam graviter afflixit. | In the year 1482, an epidemic plague severely afflicted Frankfurt. | Rorbach Liber gestorum 1884, p. 223. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1482-08-29-Frankfurt | 1482 JL | Plague in Frankfurt and a procession. | Anno 1482 war ein proceßion contra pestem uf decollationis Johannis, darin waren 101 schuler von unser lieben Frawen schul, von der Leonhardsschul 81, von der Pharschulen 126, Barfüsermünch 22, Prediger 35, Carmeliter 30, alle weltliche pfaffen und der ganz rat. | In the year 1482, there was a procession on 29 August, there were 101 pupils of the school of Our Lady, 81 from the St. Leonhard's school, 126 from the parish's school, 22 Franciscan monks, 25 Dominicans, 30 Carmelites and all the secular clergy and the whole city council. | Johann Heise 1884, p. 225. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1484-00-00-Stockholm | 1484 JL | Pestilence in Sweden. Only in Stockholm, 15.000 people fall victim to the plague. | Item, eodem tempore viguit pestilencia in Suecia et maxime Holmis, ita quod famabatur, ut xv milia obierunt hominum ex sola civitate Stokholmensi. | Furthermore, at the same time, a plague epidemic was raging in Sweden and especially in Stockholm; and it was so severe that it was rumoured that 15,000 people died in the city of Stockholm alone. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 362. | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1484-07-25-Magdeburg | 25 July 1484 JL | A mortality strikes Magdeburg and the surroundings, higher social strata and young women particularly affected. | Im selben jar (1484) war auch hir gros sterben, war ein landtsterben, und fing an umb Jacobi und werhete bis auf Michaelis. In diesem sterben storben viel vornehmer leut und sonderlich viel jungfrawen. Andere schreiben, dis sterben hab angefangen umb pfingsten und gewerhet bis Martini. | In the same year (1484) there was a great dying here, and throughout the country. It began around St James' Day and ended on St Michael's Day. Many noble people and especially many young women died as a result of this plague. Others wrote that the deaths began around Pentecost and lasted until St Martin's Day. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, p. 417. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1484-08-06-Głogów | 6 August 1484 JL | In 1484 a great plague raged in Głogów, in Lower Silesia from the feast of St Sixtus (August 6) to the advent of the Lord (December). | A(nno) d(omini) 1484 exorta est pestis magna in Glogovia, qualis non fuit per multos annos nec habetur in memoria hominum, et incepit circa festum Sixti et duravit usque ad adventum domini; et in ista peste mortui sunt homines parvi et magni, in summo sepulti sunt 332, qui obierunt in summo, in arena, in piscatia, in strata lapidea, sed in civitate mortui sunt sine numero, qui sepulti sunt apud s. Joannem, Nicolaum, cruciferos et apud monachos et alibi. | Annales Glogovienses, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 46. | Translation needed | |
| 1486-08-05-Sweden | 5 August 1486 JL | The Swedish laymen Magnus “Pigerii” (perhaps Birgersson), the servant of the knight Åke from the diocese of Strängnäs, dies of the plague in 1486 in Åkerö. Earlier, Magnus had been attacking Nicolaus Finvidi, a cleric from the diocese of Linköping in Kalmar who, in order to defend himself, had thrown a stone at Magnus. Even though Magnus confirmed on his deathbed Nicolaus’ innocence, Magnus’ relatives obtained that Nicolaus was summoned to appear in court. This penitential issued in Rome in 1486 by regent Julianus, bishop of Bertinoro, refers the case to the local bishop and authorizes him to declare Nicolaus innocent. | Et deinde post aliquot septimanas, antequam ex peste epidemica ibidem tactus nature sue debitum persolvisset, denuo in ultimis suis similiter inquisitus dictum exponentem illius mortis causam minime fuisse neque esse dixit et excusavit. | And then after some weeks, before he had paid his debt by nature, touched there by an epidemic pestilence, again, in his last words, he [= Magnus] was similarly investigated and said that there was no reason for that death, and he apologized. | Sara Risberg, Kirsi Salonen, and Riksarkivet. Auctoritate Papae: The Church Province of Uppsala and the Apostolic Penitentiary 1410-1526. Acta Pontificum Suecica 2. Stockholm 2008, p. 293 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1489-05-00-Lyon | April 1489 JL | While the weather in May is cold and wet, people are affected by severe cough. | Aprilis et Mayus fuerunt pluviosi et aquatici; fuit Mayus frigidus et regnavit tussis in gentibus. | April and May have been rainy and wet; May have been cold and people coughed a lot. | Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, p. 153 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1493-00-00-Savigny | 1493 JL | While the summer weather has been outstandingly dry and hot, a lot of people suffer from a disability called glene, that kills men, women and children. | Viguit infirmitas, quam glene vocamus, mirabiliter, ita quod multi homines, mulieres et pueri ex infirmitate illa, tam in villa Lugduni quam per patriam obierunt. | A disability spread wonderfully, that is called 'glene'. So that a lot of men, women and children died from this disease in Lyon and elsewhere in the region. | Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, p. 167 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1494-06-00-Lyon | June 1494 JL | A plague breaks out in Lyon. | Pestis letalis, que dicitur epidimia, in dicta villa Lugduni, in mense Junii, incepit vigere, adeo quod rex, regina et ceteri principes villam exierunt. Rex, regina, domini duces Aurelianis, Borbonii et ducissa Borbonii iverunt apud Viennam et a Vienna ad Valenciam Dalphinam. | A deadly plague, named epidemia, broke out in the city of Lyon in June, so that the King, the Queen and other prominent persons fled away from the city. The King with the Queen and the Duke and the Duchess of Bourbon went to Vienne, and then from Vienne went to Valence. | Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, p. 171. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1494-08-00-Liège | August 1494 JL | A plague affects the city and the surrounding region. Processions are organized to prevent massive death. | Illis diebus (beginning of August), quia pestis vigebat in certi locis Leodii et circumquaque, et populus timens eam, sicut communi proverbio, ut post guerras et famem communiter sequitur mortalitas, quas idem populus , proh dolor, dolorose expertus, tanquam in navicula fluctuanti navigans, ne in fluctibus undarum procelle pestis demergatur, ad Doinum Creatorem omnium ejusque Matrem omnium criminum ablutricem, omnesque sanctos, tanquam a Dominus pro nobis intercessores, pro corde converus est, ejusque interventu misse speciales in omnibus ecclesiis parochialibus sut celebrate, quique diebus continuis, atque processiones cum delatione Venerabilis Sacramenti, sanctorum sanctarumque imaginum ac aliarum raliquiarum, subsequente popula utriusque sexus devotissime ardentes candelas in manibus gestante, illis diebus quibus fiebant, totam per civitatem processiones, et hoc paulo post, videlicet vicesima tertia septembris. | Chronique du règne de Jean de Horne, pp. 490-491 | Translation needed | |
| 1495-00-00-Vadstena | 1495 JL | Letter of the brother Torsten Johansson of Vadstena monastery to an unnamed “frater amantissime paterque et domine religiose” reporting about plague deaths in Vadstena | [Source needed] | The Russians have invaded Finland. Karelia and a large part of Uusimaa have been ravaged. The plague has claimed victims in Vadstena monastery, and a fire has ravaged a study room at the beginning of the winter with severe losses of printing equipment, books, etc. as a result | Medeltida avskrifter: avskr. papp. Odat. nr 133, RA 0102 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1495-09-11-Vadstena | 11 September 1495 JL | The lay brother Henrik Magnusson dies of the plague in Vadstena Abbey | Item, xi die mensis Septembris, que erat feria sexta infra octavas nativitatis Marie virginis, obiit frater Henricus Magni laicus, anno a professione sua xvi. Obiit ex pestilentia. | Furthermore, on 11 September, the Friday of the octave of the Virgin Mary's nativity [8 September], the lay brother Henrik Magnusson died in the sixteenth year after his consecration. He died of the plague. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 388 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1495-09-12-Vadstena | 12 September 1495 JL | The nun Sister Birgitta dies of the plague in Vadstena Abbey | Item, xii die mensis Septembris obiit soror Birgitta filia Iohannis Vinther consulis Sudhercopensis, ex pestilentia, anno sue professionis secundo | Furthermore, on 12 September, Sister Birgitta, daughter of the councillor Hans Vinter from Söderköping, died of the plague in the second year after her inauguration. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 388 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1495-09-25-Vadstena | 25 September 1495 JL | The Sister Margareta Ottadottir dies of the plague in Vadstena Abbey | Item, in xxv die mensis Septembris obiit soror Margareta Ottadottir focariaetiam ex pestilentia, anno sue professionis, seu receptionis, xlvii. | Furthermore, on 25 September, the cook, Sister Margareta Ottesdotter, also died of the plague, in the forty-seventh year after her inauguration or admission. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 391 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1495-10-00-Sweden | October 1495 JL | Severe plague in almost all of Sweden | Item, isto anno viguit quasi per totam Sueciam magna pestilentia. | Furthermore, that year a severe pestilence ravaged almost all of Sweden. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 390 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1496-00-00-Frankfurt | 1496 JL | Outbreak of syphilis in Frankfurt and moral argumentation. | Infirmitas quae mala Francosa dicitur ad Alemanniam pervenit multosque homines utriusque sexus permultum afflixit et hoc propter peccata hominum. Dicebaturque in proverbio: (p. 66) Nuw gewandt nuw schandt / nuw fündt nuw sundt / nuwe schwor und spott / nuw strafplag von gott. | The illness known as the French disease reached Germany and afflicted many people of both sexes greatly, and this was because of the sins of men. It was said in a proverb: New garment, new disgrace / New finds, new sin / New vows and mockery / New punishment by God. | Collectanea Petri Herp 1884, pp. 65-66. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1496-00-00-Zittau | 1496 JL | Plague in Zittau during summertime kills 3.000 people | Anno salutis 1496 pestifera hic viguit mortalitas et quasi tria milia hominum, ut fama erat, perierunt, et hoc tempore estivali. | In the year of salvation 1496, a deadly plague prevailed here, and as the rumor had it, almost three thousand people perished, and this during the summer season | Johannes von Guben, p. 103 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1496-11-26-Görlitz | 26 November 1496 JL | A friar priest dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague | 1496 tempore pestis obiit fr. Silvester Beheme Sacerdos. | In the year 1496 the friar Silvester Beheme died during a time of plague. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 292. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1496-12-14-Görlitz | 14 December 1496 JL | A friar dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague | 1496 tempore pestis obiit fr. Jeronimus molitoris sacerdos. Eodem die obiit fidelis famulus monasterii qui ambo sepulti sunt in uno sepulcro in cimiterio fratrum et nomen dicti famuli fuit paulus tagelöner. Requiescant ambo in pace Jhesu cristi Amen. | In the year 1496, during the time of the plague, Brother Hieronymus Müller, a priest, died. On the same day, the faithful servant of the monastery also died, and both were buried in a single grave in the cemetery of the brothers. The name of the said servant was Paulus Tagelöner. May both rest in peace. Amen. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, pp. 292-293 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1497-00-00-Lyon | September 1497 JL | An epidemic breaks out in Lyon and in Sain-Bel. | Epidimia, illo anno, viguit in villa Lugduni et pluribus locis patrie Lugdunensis et maxime in villa Sancti-Belli. | An epidemic affected this year the city of Lyon and its surrounding area, especially the city of Saint-Bel. | Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, p. 183. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1497-02-17-Görlitz | 17 February 1497 JL | A Franciscan priest from Görlitz dies during an outbreak of plague | 1497 tempore pestis obiit fr. Baltazar Börger Sacerdos hic sepultur. | In 1497 during an outbreak of plague died frater Baltazar Börger, a priest, and was buried here. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 269. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1500-02-00-Rhône | February 1500 JL | An mortality of pigs breaks out in the Lyonnais and in the Forez. | In mense Februarii, illo anno, fuit magna pestillencia porcorum in pluribus tam patrie Forensis quam Lugdunensis locis. | In February of that year (1500), a great pestilence affected pigs in several places of the Lyonnais and of the Forez. | Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, p. 194. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1502-00-00-Frankfurt | 1502 JL | Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions. | Eodem anno (1502) fuit generalis processio cleri et populi cum venerabili sacramento propter epidemiam (Acta). | In this year (1502), there was a general procession of clergy and people with the venerable sacrament due to the epidemic (Acta). | Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 104. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1508-00-00-Görlitz | 1508 JL | A plague hits in Görlitz kills friars, priests and more than 4000 common people | Anno domini 1508 decem fratres in illo conventu obierunt in peste et unus famulus et decem seculares sacerdotes et ex communi populo utriusque sexus ultra quatuor milia hominum per estatem. | In the year of our Lord 1508, ten brothers in that convent died in the plague, as well as one servant, ten secular priests, and from the common people of both sexes, more than four thousand individuals during the summer. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 297. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1508-06-26-Görlitz | 26 June 1508 JL | A deacon and Franciscan friar dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague. | Anno domini 1508 obiit fr. Michael Grod dyaconus tempore pestis hic sepultus. | In the year of our Lord 1508 during an outbreak of plague died frater Michael Grod, a deacon, and was buried here. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 281. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1508-08-02-Görlitz | 2 August 1508 JL | A sevrvant of the friar's convent in Görlitz dies during an outbreak of plague. | 1508 obijt famulus conventus fidelis Jorge scholtze in peste. | In the year 1508, the servant Jörg Schultze died in the plague. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 284. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1508-08-09-Görlitz | 9 August 1508 JL | A priest and a lay brother die in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague. | 1508 obijt devotus religiosusque pater ac frater Johannes sculteti senior et conventus discretus in peste [...] 1508 obiit fr. Caspar laicus in peste. | In the year 1508, the devout and religious father and brother Johannes Sculteti, the elder, and the discreet convent, died in the plague [...] In 1508, Brother Caspar, a layman, died in the plague.. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 284. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1508-09-05-Görlitz | 5 September 1508 JL | Two more people die in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague. | 1508 obijt fr. nicolaus pistoris predic. et confes. in peste. Sequenti die obiit utilis frater Cristoferus laicus etiam in peste. | In the year 1508 the friar Nikolaus Becker, a preacher and confessor, died from plague. The next day, the lay brother Christopher died from plague. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 285. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1508-09-13-Görlitz | 13 September 1508 JL | A Franciscan deacon diese in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague. | 1508 obijt fr. Jeronimus Jungenickel dyaconus in peste. | In the year 1508 the friar Nikolaus Becker, a deacon, died from plague. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 287. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1508-09-26-Görlitz | 6 September 1508 JL | A priest dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague. | 1508 obijt fr. raphael zelis sacerdos in peste. | In the year 1508 the friar Raphael zelis, a priest, died from plague. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 288. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1508-09-28-Görlitz | 28 September 1508 JL | A novice of the friars in Görlitz dies from plague | 1508 obijt fr. Martinus piliatoris novicius in poest. | In the year 1508 the friar Martin piliatoris, a novice, died from plague. | Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 288. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1516-00-00-Magdeburg | 1516 JL | A mortality strikes Magdeburg. | Im jar 1516 war hir pestilentz. | In the year 1516, there was an epidemic here. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, p. 421 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1519-00-00-Frankfurt | June 1519 JL | Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions during the election of Emperor Charles V. on 19 June 1519 | Et occupavit saevissima pestis omnem Germaniam. Servata est in praesentia principum processio publica pro illo malo pellendo, quod per dei gratiam prospere cessit (Antiquitates) / Eodem anno occupavit sevissima pestis omnem Germaniam et Francofordiam quoque, ut publica sit habita processio hic in electione principum, deferente Alberto archiepiscopo Moguntino venerabile sacramentum (Acta). | And the most severe plague ravaged all of Germany. A public procession was held in the presence of the princes to ward off that evil, which by God's grace, successfully ceased (Antiquitates) / In the same year, the most severe plague afflicted all of Germany, including Frankfurt. A public procession was held here during the election of the princes, with Archbishop Albert of Mainz carrying the venerable sacrament (Acta). | Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 111. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
