For Famine, a total of 95 epidemic events are known so far. It is a keyword.
Table
Table
| Page | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1147-00-00-Europa | 1147 JL | A pestilence with mortality breaks out (in Germany?) after a famine. | Ipso anno fames maxima facta est [...] Famem etiam pestilentia et mortalitas subsecuta est intolerabilis. | This year (1147) was a great famine [...] A pestilence and a mortality succeed dramatically to famine. | Chronica regia Coloniensis, p. 32. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1151-00-00-Erfurt | 1151 JL | Famine and pestilence in Erfurt | Fames valida et pestilencia hominum. | A strong famine and an epidemic among humans. | Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 177 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1167-08-15-Rome | 14 August 1167 JL | The army of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa suffers from an epidemic while being near Rome, interpreted as divine punishment for treatment of the Pope. | Sed Deus ab alto cuncta prospectans iniuriam summi regis genitrici eiusque vicario beato Petro illatam nequaquam tulit impune. Extimplo siquidem nebula quedam pestilens ac fetida totum pene exercitum attaminavit, primoque Coloniensem archiepiscopum compluresque episcoporum, duces ac quosque in exercitu prepotentes inficiens sine mora extinxit; eademque mortifera lues regem quasi vitabundum cum reliquiis recedentem prosecuta, nunc hos, nunc illos et illos diversis in locis miro divine ulcionis iudicio, cuique nigro quodam caractere inter scapulas apparente, exanimavit. | But God, looking down from on high, by no means allowed the injustice inflicted upon the blessed mother of the supreme king and his vicar, blessed Peter, to go unpunished. Immediately, indeed, a certain pestilent and foul mist contaminated almost the entire army, and it swiftly extinguished the Archbishop of Cologne and several bishops, leaders, and those powerful in the army, infecting them without delay; and this deadly plague, pursuing the king as if fleeing, relentlessly struck him with remnants, now here, now there, and those in various places, with a wondrous judgment of divine vengeance, with a certain black mark appearing between their shoulders, causing them to expire. | Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 184 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1224-00-00-Bologna | 1224 JL | Epidemic and price increase in Bologna | Fu gran carestia, e moria à quest' Anno; il formento valeva lire 3., la Farina soldi 44, il Ducato valeva soldi 30; e facendosi lemosina nel Vescovato il Giovedì Santo la Stretta delli Poveri si affogornon 24. Persone. | There was great famine and starvation in this year; wheat was worth 3 lire, flour 44 lire, the Ducato was worth 30 lire; and there was a famine in the Bishop's Palace on Holy Thursday, and the Stretta dell'Poveri was starved 24 people. | Template:Lodovico Ostesani 897–1506, p. 1224 | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1224-00-00-Rus territory | 1224 JL | Famine and plague/pest in the Rus territory. Upraising of magicians in Suzdal’ city. | [6532] В се же лѣто въсташа волъсви в Суждали, избиваху старую чадь къ дьӕволю наоущенью и бѣсованью, глаголюще, ӕко си держать гобино. Бѣ мѧтежь великъ и голодъ по всеи тои странѣ; идоша по Волзѣ вси людьє в Болгары, и привезоша [жито] и тако ѡжиша. Слъıшав же Ӕрославъ волхвы, приде Суздалю; изъимавъ волхвы, расточи, а другъıми показани, рекъ сице «Богъ наводить по грѣхомъ на куюждо землю гладом(ъ) или моромъ, ли ведромь, ли иною казнью, а человѣкъ не вѣсть ничтоже».<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> | In this year (1224), magicians appeared in Suzdal', and killed old people by satanic inspiration and devil worship, saying that they would spoil the harvest. There was great confusion and famine throughout all that country. The whole population went along the Volga to the Bulgars from whom they bought grain and thus sustained themselves. When Yaroslav heard of the magicians, he went to Suzdal'. He there seized upon the magicians and dispersed them, but punished some, saying, "In proportion to its sin, God inflicts upon every land hunger, pest<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>, drought, or some other chastisement, and man has no understanding thereof".<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a> | None | |
| 1227-00-00-Bologna | 1227 JL | Famine, price increase and high mortality in Bologna | Magna fames fuit in civitate Bononiae et per diversas partes et valuit corba frumenti tres libras et fabarum xlviij soldos, speltae soldos xxxiiij et melegae xxviij soldos [...] Fuit magna mortalitas tam in divitibus, quam in pauperibus personis | There was a great famine in the city of Bologna and in different areas and wheat was 3 pound and fabarum 48 Solidi, speltae 34 Solidi and melegae 33 Solidi. [...] Because of a great mortality a lot of poor people died. | Template:Griffoni 1902, p. 9 | Translation needed |
| 1227-00-00-Bologna 002 | 1227 JL | Famine, epidemic and price increase in Bologna; Contado hit even worse; deserted village; Bishop's alms end in mass panic with deaths | In questo anno vi fu una gran carestia in Bologna, come ancora da crudelissima peste, in maniera che molti dei nobili nella città morirono, ma nel contado infiniti perirono; percioche le Castella entire andarono in esterminio [...] in questa penuria in Bologna valse lo staio dell' grano tre lire, la fava soldi vintiotto, la spelta soldi quatordici, et la mollidura soldi quindici, et il duccato d'oro si spendeva per soldi [1]30. Il che mosse il Vescovo della Città il Giovedi Santo a invitare tutti i puoveri a pigliare per carità il pane dove concorse tanta multitudine che ventiquattro per la folta turba morirono: perche ciaschun bramava d'essere il primo, essendo dalla fame. | In this year there was a great famine in Bologna, as there was also a cruel plague, so that many of the nobles in the city died, but countless perished in the countryside; therefore the entire Castella went into extermination [...] in this scarcity in Bologna, the staio dell' grano was worth three lire, the fava bean was worth eight hundred soldi, the spelt fourteen soldi, and the mollidura fifteen soldi, and the dukedom of gold was spent for money 130. This moved the Bishop of the City on Holy Thursday to invite all the people to take bread for charity, where so great a multitude gathered that twenty-four died because of the large crowd: because each one yearned to be the first, being from hunger. | Template:Anonymus, p. 82 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1227-00-00-Bologna 003 | 1227 JL | Famine, price increase and high mortality in Bologna. | Per Bologna et per tutta Italia quest' anno fu grande carestia, et valeva la corba del formento lire tre, intravene che la giobia santa facendosi l'ellemosian al vescovado, gli fu tanta la calcha che gli ne mor circa 20. E fu grande mortalità quest' anno per la cita e morireno molti gentilhomini. | For Bologna and all of Italy, this year was a great famine, and the forage was worth three lire, when the holy jewel was made to the bishopric, there was so much heat that about 20 died. And it was a great mortality this year for the citation and many gentlemen died. | Template:Giacomo del Poggio, p. 34r. | None |
| 1230-1231-00-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia? | 1230 JL | Mass deaths of people caused by starvation | Toгo жe лѣтa [6738] бысть гладъ по всeи земли двѣ лѣтѣ, и помpe множecтвo люди. | That year [1230] there was a famine throughout the land [which lasted] two years. And lots of people died. | Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 54. | Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski |
| 1233-01-00-Piacenza | January 1233 JL | Extreme cold, which is why the river Po froze over from Piacenza to Venice- trade shipments on the ice; wine freezes in vessels, wines, fruit and nut trees die; people freeze to death in their beds; famine, price increase and epidemic | Eodem anno tantum frigus & gelu fuit, quod flumen Padi de mense Januarii taliter glaciatum est, quod omnes gentes utriusque sexus, & aetatis ipsum quasi terram aridam transibant. Et etiam a Venetiis usque Cremonam super faciem Padi mercationes deducebantur. Vinum inter vegetes congelabatur. Caristia subsequitur, & mortalitas oritur: guerrae & perturbationes incipiunt: ficulneae, & oliveta, nucleares arbores, & vineae aruerunt, & homines in lectis congelabantur | In the same year, there was such severe cold and frost that the Po River was so frozen in the month of January that all people of both sexes and all ages could cross it as if it were dry land. Also, from Venice to Cremona, goods were transported over the surface of the Po. Wine froze inside barrels. Scarcity followed, and mortality arose; wars and disturbances began; fig trees, olive groves, nut trees, and vineyards withered, and people froze in their beds | Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 462 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1248-00-00-France | 1248 JL | Illness of Hugo von Digne, probably part of an epidemic in Provence | De mora quam cum fratre Hugone contraxi. Ego vero et socius meus remansimus Areis cum fratre Hugone, a festo beati Francisci usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum. Et gaudebam quia habebam occasionem standi cum fratre Hugone, [p. 456] cum quo tota die de doctrina abbatis Ioachym erat sermocinatio mea. Habebat enim omnes libros abbatis Ioachym et erat maximus Ioachita et unus de maioribus clericis de mundo, sanctitate et scientia incomparabilis. Dolebam vero quod sotius meus graviter infirmabatur quasi ad mortem, et nolebat sibi cavere, et tempus navigandi propter hyemem in deterius mutabatur. Et contrata illa illo anno valde infirma erat propter ventum marinum, et vix poteram respirare de nocte, etiam morando sub divo; et audiebam lupos clamantes et ululantes de nocte in maxima quantitate, non semel neque bis. Et dixi socio meo, qui erat iuvenis valde protervus: «Tu non vis tibi cavere a contrariis et semper recidivas, ego vero cognosco contratam istam valde infirmam, et nollem adhuc mori, quia vellem videre illa que predicat frater Hugo. Quapropter noveris quod, si occurrerit de fratribus nostris societas congrua, ibo cum illis». Et dixit: «Placet quod dicis, veniam et ego tecum». Sperabat enim quod nullus veniret, qui frater esset. Et ecce, Domino faciente, statim venit frater Pontius quidam, sanctus homo, qui nobiscum steterat in conventu Aquensi et ibat Niciam, unde factus fuerat guardianus. Et gavisus est, quando vidit nos. Et dixi sibi: «Volumus venire vobiscum, quia Ianuam ire debemus ad habitandum». Et respondit et dixit: Multum placet michi. Vado ergo ad procurandum ut habeamus navem». In crastino autem post prandium ivimus ad navem, que distabat a loco fratrum per unum miliare. Socius autem meus nolebat venire, sed videns quod penitus recedebam, assumpto guardiano loci, venit post nos. Cumque porigerem sibi manum, ut elevarem eum ad navem intrandam, aborruit et ait: «Absit quod tu tangas me, quia non conservasti michi fidem et bonam societatem». Cui dixi: «Miser, cognosce bonitatem Dei erga te, oquia revelatum est michi a Domino quod, si stetisses ibi, absque dubio mortuus fuisses; et Sapiens in Eccle. VII dicit: Noli esse stultus, ne moriaris in tempore non tuo. Et de quibusdam dicitur in Iob XXII: Sublati sunt ante tempus suum, et fluvius(scilicet mortalitatis humane) subvertit fundamentum eorum». Quid plura? Non credebat iste michi quousque vexatiodedit auditui intellectum. Nam per totam hyemem in conventu Ianuensi ab illa [p. 457] infirmitate quam in Provincia contraxerat non potuit liberari; et in festo beati Mathie intravi mare et a Ianua usque ad locum fratris Hugonis in IIII diebus perveni; et sex fratres de illo loco inveni mortuos et sepultos; quorum primus fuit guardianus loci illius, qui socium meum ad navem associaverat; alter fuit frater Guillielmus de Pertuso, bonus predicator, qui in conventu Parmensi habitavit aliquando; et IIII alii quos nominare necesse non est. Cum autem in reversione mea ad Ianuensem conventum retulissem socio meo de morte istorum fratrum supradictorum, gratias referebat michi, quod eruissem eum de faucibus mortis. Convaluit tandem, et post multos annos ivit ad provinciam ultramarinam, eo anno quo rex Francie transfretavit secundo et Tunicium ivit; et fuit ibi custos et pro custode ad generale capitulum venit quod fuit Assisii celebratum, in quo frater Bonagratia factus fuit generalis minister, et declaratio regule ratribus data. | About the delay that I contracted with Brother Hugh. Indeed, my companion and I remained in Aries with Brother Hugh, from the feast of St. Francis until the feast of All Saints. And I was glad because I had the opportunity to stay with Brother Hugh," [p. 456] "with whom my entire day was spent discussing the teachings of Abbot Joachim. For he had all the books of Abbot Joachim and was a great Joachite and one of the most senior clerics in the world, incomparable in sanctity and knowledge. However, I was saddened because my companion fell gravely ill, almost to death, and he did not want to take care of himself, and the time for sailing worsened due to the winter. And the sea that year was very rough because of the marine wind, and I could barely breathe at night, even staying outdoors; and I heard wolves crying and howling at night in great numbers, not just once or twice. And I said to my companion, who was a very impetuous young man: 'You do not want to take care of yourself against the adversities, and you always relapse, but I know that the sea is very treacherous this year, and I do not wish to die yet, because I want to see what Brother Hugh preaches. Therefore, you should know that if a suitable opportunity arises among our brothers, I will go with them.' And he said, 'What you say pleases me, I will come with you.' For he hoped that no brother would come. And behold, by the grace of the Lord, Brother Pontius immediately arrived, a holy man, who had stayed with us in the convent of Aix and was going to Nice, where he had been appointed guardian. And he rejoiced when he saw us. And I said to him, 'We want to come with you, because we must go to Genoa to live there.' And he replied and said: 'I am very pleased. I will go then to arrange for us to have a ship.' On the next day after lunch, we went to the ship, which was one mile away from the place of the brothers. However, my companion did not want to come, but seeing that I was determined, he came after us, taking the guardian of the place with him. And when I reached out my hand to lift him onto the ship, he recoiled and said, 'God forbid that you touch me, for you did not keep faith with me and maintain a good companionship.' To which I said, 'Unfortunate one, recognize the goodness of God towards you, for it has been revealed to me by the Lord that if you had stayed there, undoubtedly you would have died; and the Wise One in Ecclesiastes 7 says: Do not be foolish, lest you die in your time. And it is said of some in Job 22: They were taken away before their time, and the river (namely, the river of human mortality) subverted their foundation.' Why more? This person did not believe me until vexation gave understanding to his hearing. For throughout the entire winter in the convent of Genoa, he could not be freed from the illness he had contracted in Provence; and on the feast of St. Matthias, I entered the sea, and from Genoa, I arrived at Brother Hugh's place in four days; and I found six brothers from that place dead and buried; the first of whom was the guardian of that place, who had accompanied my companion to the ship; the second was Brother William of Pertuso, a good preacher, who had once lived in the convent of Parma; and the other four need not be named. However, when I returned to the convent of Genoa and recounted to my companion the deaths of those aforementioned brothers, he thanked me for rescuing him from the jaws of death. He eventually recovered, and after many years, he went to the overseas province, in the year when the King of France crossed over for the second time and went to Tunis; and there he became the guardian and came as a guardian to the general chapter held at Assisi, where Brother Bonagratia was elected as the general minister, and the declaration of the rule was given to the brothers | Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 456–457 | None |
| 1250-00-00-Egypt | 1250 JL | Deaths among the French army in Egypt due to plague and famine | 1250 - Sed et prius pestilentia et inedia multi periere. Habuerunt enim caristiam et penuriam comestibilium rerum et victualium, nec talem dispositionem aeris habebant qualem in terra sua. | Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 486 | Translation needed | |
| 1252-00-00-Iceland | 1252 JL | Famine in southern Iceland (Kirkjubær á Síðu) in 1252 due to a severe winter. | [...] er hallæri er mikit á komit því að nú er vetrarríki mikit ok er bæði illt til matar ok heyja. | [... ] now there is a great famine, for the winter is now very severe, and there is a shortage of both food and hay. | Kristian Kålund: Sturlunga saga efter membranen Króksfjarðarbók udfyldt efter Reykjarfjarðarbók. 2. København/Kristiania, 1911, p. 123 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1257-00-00-England | 1257 JL | Starvation und plague during summer. | Jacuerunt terrae incultae, et mortua est prae inedia populi multitude numerosa. […] Annus insuper pestifer letales febres suscitavit, ita ut, si de aliis sileam, apud Sanctum Edmundum in aestate, diebus praecipue canicularibus ingruentibus, plus quam duo milia mortuorum cimiteria spatiosa occuparent. | The lands lay uncultivated, and a great multitude of people died from starvation. […] Additionally, that pestilent year brought about deadly fevers, such that, to mention only one example, at Saint Edmund's in the summer, especially during the dog days, more than two thousand dead occupied the spacious cemeteries. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 660. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-00-00-Baghdad 001 | 1258 JL | Famine and plague in the Middle East. | And in his time there was a very severe famine and a pestilence in all the land of SEN'AR, and 'ATHOR (Assyria), and BETH NAHRIN, and SYRIA and BETH RHOMAYE; for in DAMASCUS a young dove for a sick man was sold for twelve nasraye | None | ||
| 1258-00-00-Baghdad 002 | 1258 JL | Great mortality in Baghdad, which spreads due to the odor and contaminated water. | It is said that there were more than 800,000 dead in Baghdad, not including the children thrown in the mud, those who perished in the canals, wells, and basements, and those who died of hunger and fear. Those that survived the killing were struck by an epidemic [wabaˉʾ] from breathing the odor of corpses and drinking contaminated water. The inhabitants frequently smelled onions because of the strong smell. The number of flies increased, filling the air; they would fall on food and spoil it. | None | ||
| 1258-00-00-Syria 001 | 1258 JL | Famine and plague raged in the East. | Cette année, la famine et une maladie dangereuse, désolerent toutes les contrées de l’Orient.[…] Cette meme année, une maladie pestilentielle fit, en Syrie, de grands ravages. Il mourait, à Alep, douze cents personnes par jour. Und grand nombre d’ inhabitants de Damas fut victim de ce fléau | This year, famine and a dangerous disease devastated all the regions of the East. [...] In the same year, a pestilential disease caused great havoc in Syria. In Aleppo, twelve hundred people died per day. A large number of inhabitants of Damascus fell victim to this scourge. | Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks 1845, pp. 77-78. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-04-00-St. Albans | April 1258 JL | Strong famine and disease in St. Albans. | Defi[ci]ente insuper annona, pauperum multitude innumerabilis mortua est. Et inventa sunt passim eorum corpora tumida prae fame et liventia, quina vel sena in porcariis, sterquiliniis, et lutosis plateis, in semetipsis morticina miserabiliter tabefacta. Nec ausi sunt, qui domos habebant, perituros, propter tabem et contagia infirmorum in suam propriam inediam hospitari. Et cum plura corpora mortua invenirentur, factae sunt in cimiteriis amplae fossae et capaces, in quibus reponebantur corpora plurimorum | Additionally, with the failing grain supply, an innumerable multitude of the poor died. Their bloated and discolored bodies, swollen from hunger, were found everywhere, five or six at a time, in pigsties, dung heaps, and muddy streets, miserably decayed into corpses. Those who had homes did not dare to take in the dying, fearing infection and contagion, even at the cost of their own starvation. And since many dead bodies were found, large and spacious pits were dug in the cemeteries, in which the bodies of many were placed. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 690. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-05-00-London | May 1258 JL | Great famine and mortality in London. | Circa idem tempus, tanta fames et mortalitas ingruebat in terra, ut, ascendente summa blade usque ad pretium quindecim solidorum et ultra, et terra nummis esset vacuata, et per plateas innumerorum jacerent morticinia […] Jacuerunt insuper mortui super sterquilinia et in luto, et per plateas marcentes et tumescentes, ita ut vix erat qui mortuos sepeliret, nec audebant aut volebant cives vix aliqui mortuos propter tabem hospitari. | Around the same time, such great famine and mortality struck the land that, with the price of grain rising to fifteen solidi and beyond, and the land being emptied of money, countless corpses lay in the streets. [...] The dead also lay on dung heaps and in the mud, decaying and swelling in the streets, so that there were scarcely any who could bury the dead, nor did the citizens dare or wish to take in the dead due to the contagion. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 701-702. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-Italy | 1259 JL | Price increase, famine and epidemics throughout Italy | In questo mentre si ritrouaua tutta l'Italia grandemente afflitta, & per la gran carestia che da ogni parte s'haueua di tutte le cose attenenti al vitto humano, & per la vniuersal pestilentia che da ogni lato regnaua, con miserabile strage d'ogni viuente di qualunque stato, & conditione. | In the meantime, all of Italy was greatly afflicted, and by the great famine on all sides of all things pertaining to human sustenance, and by the universal pestilence that reigned on all sides, with miserable slaughter of every citizen of every state and condition. | Alberti 1541, pp. Dec. II, lib. II, ad a. 1259 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1259-04-29-Kyoto | 29 April 1259 JL | Prayers and rites were conducted at 22 shrines due to famine and epidemic, with the "Ninnōkyō" being recited for seven days to combat the epidemic. | 廿七日庚子。依飢饉疫疾等御祈。被發遣臨時廿二社奉幣使。去十一日依日吉社火事延引。大納言資季卿以下参之。自今日依疫疾御祈。於諸社七个日被修仁王經御讀經。卅曰癸卯。自今日於仙洞被修仁王經。依疫疾御祈也 | On the 27th day of the Gengzi, due to famine and epidemic diseases, a prayer was conducted. Envoys were dispatched to offer rites at 22 shrines. Due to a fire at the Hie Shrine on the 11th, the event was delayed. Dainagon Sukezane and others attended. From today, because of the epidemic, the "Ninnōkyō" (Sutra of Benevolent Kings) was recited for seven days at various shrines. On the 30th day of the Guimao, the "Ninnōkyō" was recited at Sendō, also as a prayer for the epidemic. | Template:Hyakurenshō百練抄 1897-1901, p. 341. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1259-06-16-Hubei | 16 June 1259 JL | About an edict ordering rice to be released for charitable purposes, because of famine and epidemics in the year before. | 五月辛亥，雨雹。丁已，诏：“湖北诸郡，去年旱潦饥疫，令江陵、常、澧、岳、寿诸州，发义仓米振粜。”辛未，婺州大水，发义仓米赈之。《宋史·理宗纪》四 | On the day Dingsi, an edict was issued: "In the various prefectures of Hubei, due to last year's drought, floods, famine, and epidemics, order was given to the prefectures of Jiangling, Chang, Li, Yue, and Shou to release rice from the charity granaries for relief." | Template:Compendium of Chinese Meteorological Records 2004, p. 493. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1260-00-00-Bologna 002 | 1260 JL | Flagellants in context of famine and epidemic | In questo tempo essendo molestata grandemente la Italia de la fame et de la Peste, hebbero principio le Confraternita, o come si chiamano a Bologna le compagnie dei Battuti | At this time, when Italy was greatly afflicted by famine and plague, the Confraternities, or as they are called in Bologna, the Companies of the Battuti, began. | Template:Pompeo Vizzani, p. 182r | Translation by DeepL |
| 1267-00-00-Austria | 1267 JL | Great famine and severe plague with many deaths in people and animals in complete Austria | Anno Domini MCCLXVII. pestilencia et fames, ex nationes civitatum et villarum per Austriam surrexerunt, ita ut innumerus populus cum pecore pene omni in terris peste miserabiliter morerentur, que Deum vulgaris plebs affirmavit propter illivitas regis nupcias induxisse. | Iohannes Victoriensis 1340-1343, p. 170 | Translation needed | |
| 1276-07-00-Italy | July 1276 JL | Months of continuous rain destroys crops, famine feared; livestock dies, famine, disease and deaths in Rome and throughout Italy | Eodem tempore [1276] quasi per totum mensem Julij, Augusti, Septembris & Octobris Deus tantum pluit super terram in Italia, quod quasi omnes segetes de Plano guastatae sunt & perditae, & timetur multum de caristia temporis in Italia, & propter multas aquas quasi omnes boves & vaccae & oves & caprae mortuae sunt in Italia, & Romae, & in illis partibus magnae fames, infirmitates, & mortalitates hominum et personarum etiam fuerunt | Template:Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 480 | Translation needed | |
| 1280-00-00-Bologna | 25 January 1280 JL | Many apocalyptic events in Bologna, like on 25. January an earthquake and solar eclipse; Two months of rain, floods and consequently a famine and Epidemic with many deaths | L'anno 1280 all 25 di Gennaro in Bologna fu un gran terremoto et nell' hora di non si ecclisÒ il Sole et stete oscurato per lo spatio di due hore, et finito il detto ecclise appareve la luna di color negro, et fù veduto un Dragone per l'aria con la coda lunga volare; et la brina che poco dopo cade fecce seccare le viti, et le scemenze et in quello istesso tempo cominciorno le pioggie che durrono per due mesi continui, facendo l'aque dei fiumi grandissimi danni, et gettando a terra molti ponti percio ne segui la carestia et la Peste che gran numero di gente levò di vita | In the year 1280, on the 25th of January in Bologna, there was a great earthquake, and at the hour of noon the Sun was eclipsed and darkened for the space of two hours, and when the said eclipse was over, the moon appeared black in colour, and a dragon was seen flying through the air with its long tail; And the frost that shortly afterwards fell dried up the vines, and the fruit, and at the same time the rains began, which lasted for two continuous months, doing great damage to the waters of the rivers, and throwing many bridges to the ground, so famine and the Plague followed, which took a great number of people from life. | Template:Anonymus, p. 140 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1281-00-00-Bohemia | 1281 JL | High mortality caused by severe famine and plague in Southern Europe and Bohemia. | Fuerunt nives, pluvie et inundaciones aquarum magne, et cepit esse fames valida in cunctis inferioribus partibus Europe, et Bohemi quocumque divertebant fame et pestilencia interibant. | Chronicon imperatorum et pontificum Bavaricum 1292-1300, p. 224, l. 53, | Translation needed | |
| 1284-00-00-Hungary | 1284 JL | Tatars invaded the land of Hungary, then a great famine and plague started. | Eodem anno Tarthari terram Ungarie que dicitur de Septemcastris intraverunt et multos christianos captivaverunt et occiderunt. Christus autem tutor christianorum, magnam famem in eos et pestilenciam inmisit. | The same year, the Tartars entered the land of Hungary, which is called the land of Seven Castles, and captured and killed many Christians. But Christ, the protector of Christians, sent great famine and pestilence upon them. | Annales Polonorum IV. 899-1327, p. 648, l. 28. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1284-00-00-Iceland 001 | 1284 JL | Famine in northern Iceland in 1284 | Þenna vetur [...] kom mikið hallæri fyrir norðan land. | This winter [...] came a big famine over northern Iceland. | Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík: Hið Íslenzka fornritfélag, 1998, p. 136 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1284-00-00-Iceland 002 | 1284 JL | Plague, epizootic and a famine in Iceland in 1284 | Sott mikil fiardaudi ok do mart folk i sulti ok margir bęir eyddvz. | There was a great plague, death of livestock, and many people died of starvation, and many towns perished. | Flateyjarannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 383 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1284-00-00-Iceland 003 | 1284 JL | Mortality among cattle and famine in northern Iceland in 1284 | Fjárfellir og dóu margir menn af sulti á Íslandi og auðn margra bæja. | Death of cattle and many men died of hunger in Iceland, and many towns were laid waste. | Lárentíus saga biskups. In: Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík 1998, p. 230 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1287-00-00-Iceland | 1287 JL | Famine in Iceland in 1287 | aa þessum timum komu hardla storir vetr margir j samt. ok manndaudr af sullte eftir þat. | At that time, many severe winters came, and mortality due to hunger. | Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 260 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1300-00-00-Iceland | 1300 JL | Plague in northern Iceland in 1300. The source also mentions ash and sandfall, and the fifth eruption of Hekla in July | Land skialfti mikill sua at margir bæir huarfuðu niðr. Halleri mikit fyrir norðan land. mattu tregliga sla fyrir ausku falli oc sandfalli. Hinn fimta idus Julii manaðar kom up hinn fimti jarðelldr sunnan j Heklo felli. Sandr kuam fyrir norðan land oc auskufall oc myrkr mikit. land skialfti fyrir austan ar | An earthquake so great that many towns disappeared. There was a great famine in the northern part of the country, it was difficult to fight due to ash fall and sand fall. On the fifth day of July, the fifth ground fire broke out in the south of Heklufell. Sand came to the north and ash fell and darkness abounded. Earthquake east of the river. | Høyersannall. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 72 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1300-00-00-Iceland 001 | July 1300 JL | Famine in Iceland in 1300. Earthquake, Eruption of Hekla and fall of volcanic ash | Elldr hinn fimti i Heklvfelli .iiij. jdus julij. Lanndskialfti firir sv́nnan lannd. ok myrkr viða vm herǫð. ok sandfall mikit. ok hallę́ri. | Fifth volcanic fire in Hekla. 12th July earthquake in the south of the country, and darkness wide in the district. Great fall of sand, and famine. | Annales regii. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 146 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1310-00-00-Iceland 001 | 1310 JL | Great Famine in Iceland in 1310 | hallæri mikit a Islandi. | Great famine in Iceland. | Flateyjarannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 392 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1311-00-00-Piacenza | 1311 JL | Strong price increase, many deaths caused by famine and a desolation in Piacenza | Eodem anno & anno sequenti fuit fames valida in Placentia, & valuit starius frumenti soldos XXX, starius milii soldos XX, starius milicae soldiso XVI, et starius sicalis soldos XXIV. Et dicto anno innumerabiles per Civitatem Placentiae cadentes mortui sunt fame & pestilentia; & tunc Civitas Placentiae quasi tota fuit depopulata & evacuata Populo et laboratoribus. | Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 488 | Translation needed | |
| 1312-00-00-Italy 001 | 1312 JL | Famine and epidemics in Italy | In Italia, fere per totam, caritas magna annone, vini et omnium escalium, et lues et mortalitas plus virorum quam mulierum et magis locupletum quam egenorum | Cronica Patricii Ravennatis, p. 1166 | Translation needed | |
| 1313-00-00-Iceland 004 | 1313 JL | Great Famine in Iceland in 1313 | þa vard hallhæri mikit. | There was a big famine. | Flateyjarannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 387 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1313-00-00-Trier | 1313 JL | Severe plague and famine lasted three years after the death of King Henry VII. in 1313 | Etiam pestilentia universalis erat adeo magna, quod multorum pauperum Corpora exanima, fame et pestilentia infecta, in stratis publicis inveniebantur, et a pluribus civitatibus magnae generales foveae in cimiterium consecratae parabantur, et pretia statuebantur, ut ipsa cadavera sepulturae traderentur. Istae plagae, heu! post mortem lamentabilem Henrici imperatoris in flagellum omnium nationum statim esse coeperunt, et plus quam per triennium miserabiliter duraverunt. […] | Gesta Treverorum, p. 235. | Translation needed | |
| 1313-05-00-Lombardy | May 1313 JL | Price increase in Lombardy leads to famine deaths and in summer an epidemic throughout Italy | De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam | Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 24 | Translation needed | |
| 1314-00-00-Bohemia | 1314 JL | Severe famine and plague among humans and animals | Ex magnitudine grigios et nivis facta est caristia maxima et pestilentia hominum et brutorum animalium infinita multitudo, et facta est tunc miseria inaudita. | Because of great cold and a high amount of snow there was a great increase in prices and a disease (pestilencia) afflicted humans and wild animals in infinite numbers and it caused then a misery formerly unheard of. | Annales Bohemiae brevissimi, p. 720, l. 40. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1314-00-00-Iceland | 1314 JL | Famine in southern Iceland in 1314 | Mann fall sua mikit i svllt fyrir sunnan land af fatæku folki at komu .ccc. lika til Strandar kirkiu i Selvági. á auðru hundraði j Skala hollti ok margt til hverrar kirkiu. | Such a high mortality among poor people caused by a famine in the south of the country that 300 dead bodies came to Strandarkirkja in Selvogur, another hundred to Skálholt and many to each church ... | Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 203 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1315-00-00-Asti | 1315 JL | Famine in Western Europe, caused by incessant rain, causes epidemics and lack of grain and wine; merchants are fleeing back to Asti | Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod anno MCCCXV fuit fames valida in regionibus Alamanniae, Olandiae, Flandriae, Pannoniae, Lorenae, Brabantiae, Franciae, talis, quod similis non est a saeculo audita, quia granum, quod caperet Astensis mina, vendebatur quindecim grossis turonensibus, et pinta boni vini ad mensuram Astensem in supradictis locis vendebatur grossis sex turonensibus: et tantum duravit dicta fames, quod pro aliquo precio furmentum et avena non inveniebatur et vinum. Et haec acciderunt ex abundantia pluviae,quia in diebus illis pluvia de coelo non cessavit. Ex quibus pauperes innumerabiles obierunt fame, et inveniebantur in viis et plateis mortui sicut canes. Post haec epdimia sive mortalitas supervenit tam divitibus quam egenis, ex qua tercia pars virorum et mulierum supradictarum regionum obierant, et maxime rex Franciae qui non regnavit per annum: et tantum duravit, quod quasi non inveniebatur, qui mortuos sepelliret; et hoch verum est, quia multi Astenses habitantes in partibus illis venientes Asti, et fugientes fames illas et pestes, et alii multi de patria illa quasi mortui fame approbabant, et dicebant omnia esse vera, et in fine omnes eiusdem patriae firmiter asserebant, quod ex eadem fame et epidimia tercia pars virorum et mulierum obierunt. | Guglielmo Ventura 1848, Sp. 773 | Translation needed | |
| 1316-00-00-Northwest-Europe | 1316 JL | Great Famine in Northwest-Europe, therefore grain export from southern Italy; epidemic also in Italy | Nel detto anno MCCXVI grande pestilenzia di fame e mortalità avenne nelle parti di Germania, cioè nelle Magna di sopra verso tramontana, e stesesi in Olanda, e in Frisia, e in Silanda, e in Brabante, e in Fiandra, e in Analdo, e infino ne la Borgogna, e in parte di Francia; e fu sì pericolosa, che più che il terzo de la gente morirono, e da l'uno giorno a l'altro quegli che parea sano era morto. E 'l caro fu sì grande di tutte vittuaglie e di vino, che se non fosse che di Cicilia e di Puglia vi si mandò per mare gli mercantati per lo grande guadagno, tutti morieno di fame. Questa pestilenzia avenne per lo verno dinanzi, e poi la primavera e tutta la state fu sì forte piovosa, e 'l paese è basso, che l'acqua soperchiò e guastò ogni semanta. Allora le terre affogarono sì, che più anni appresso quasi non fruttarono, e corruppe l'aria. E dissono certi astrolaghi che la cometa ch'apparve, ch'ella dovea venire perché la sua infruenzia fu sopra quegli paesi. E in quello tempo la detta pestilenzia contenne simigliamente i Romagna e in Casentino infino in Mugello. | In the said year (1316) there was a great plague of famine and death in the parts of Germany, that is, in Magna above towards the north, and it spread to Holland, and to Friesland, and to Silesia, and to Brabant, and to Flanders, and to Analde, and even to Burgundy, and to parts of France; and it was so dangerous that more than a third of the people died, and from one day to the next those who seemed healthy were dead. And the cost was so great of all the victuals and wine, that if it were not for the fact that the merchants of Cicilia and Apulia were sent there by sea for the great profit, all died of hunger. This pestilence happened during the winter before, and then the spring and the whole state was so rainy, and the land was so low, that the water overpowered and spoiled every seed. Then the land drowned so, that more years after it scarcely bore fruit, and corrupted the air. And certain astrologers said that the comet that appeared, that it had to come because its infuence was over those countries. And at that time the said pestilence similarly contained the Romagna and Casentino until Mugello. | Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 2: p. 285 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1316-00-00-Parc | 1316 JL | Great famine and dearth in the Abbey of Parc, Brabant cause mortality and epidemic outbreaks in 1316-1317 | 1316. visa est stella comata. Quam subsecuta est pestilentia universa, fames prevalida, mors quam plurimos prosternens. Emebatur hoc anno et sequenti modius siliginis 24 libris et modius salis totidem; set post decrescendo in quinto anno pro 20 solidis; omnis populus infectus; quidam de vita desperantes languebant, fere plus quam tertia pars moriebatur, nullus quasi mortem amici sui curebat, quia quod debuit ... ita ut omnes fructus corrumperentur. Quantum mors et fames illius duobus annis regnabant et quantos populos destruebant ubique terrarum, sed plus in inferioribus terris, nullus dicere posset. | In the year 1316, a comet was seen. Following this, a universal pestilence occurred, accompanied by widespread famine, causing the death of a great many. In that year and the following, a bushel of wheat was bought for 24 pounds, and a bushel of salt for the same amount; however, after diminishing in the fifth year to 20 shillings. The entire population was affected; some, in despair of life, languished, and nearly more than a third perished. Almost no one cared for the death of their friends because of what was owed... so that all produce would spoil. The extent to which death and famine reigned in those two years and the numerous populations they destroyed everywhere, but more so in the lower lands, could not be expressed. | Annales Parchenses 1859, p. 608 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1316-00-00-Strasbourg | 1316 JL | In 1316 was a shortage, a price increase and a mortality which filled the hospital. | Der grosse Spittel zu Strosburg der stunt zum ersten in Kremergasse bi sant Erhardes cappelle, also es noch heisset "zum alten Spittel". do men nu zalte noch gotz gebürte 1316 jor, do galt ein viertel kornes zu Strosburg 30 sol. und in dem lande 2 lib. d. die türunge werte ein gantz jor. von der dürunge und gebresten kam ein grosser sterbotte, das der spittel und [die] gruben bi sant Erhartz cappellen wurdent alle vol mit doten gefüllet, und hette men zu enge, me gruben zu machen. Dovon wart der spittel uffewendig der stat gemaht, nebent unser frowen brueder closter. | The large hospital in Strasbourg initially stood on Kremergasse near St. Erhard's Chapel, when it was named "to the old Hospital." In the year 1316, a quarter of grain in Strasbourg cost 30 sol., and in the countryside, 2 lib. d. The price increase lasted an entire year. After the price increase and shortage a significant mortality ensued, filling the hospital and the graves near St. Erhard’s Chapel with the dead, to the point where there was not enough space, than it was closed. Because of this, the hospital was moved out of the city, next to the Our Lady's Brothers’ Monastery. | Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 738 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1316-00-00-Würzburg | 1316 JL | Great famine and animal plague in Würzburg. | magna fames erat et pestilentia grandis boum et pecorum. | There was a great famine and a great mortality of cattle and pigs . | Template:Chronicon Wirziburgense, a. 688-1466, p. 821. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1317-00-00-Luebeck | 1317 JL | Great famine all across the North of the Empire, but also in Lübeck and Holstein, with dearth and mortality because of famine and epidemic | In nulla autem praedictarum partium erat locus, in quo tempus esset tollerabilius, quam in civitate Lubicensi, in qua modius siliginis solvebat sex solidos et citra, modius ordei 3 solidos, avenae duos solidos. Et non solum isto anno, sed annis pluribus ante solvebat annona in partibus Slaviae et Holtzatiae et partibus aliss vicinis circa pretium praenotatum. Propter hanc karistiam, quae ante et post duravit fere 15 annis, et propter hominum seditiones et pestilentias eo tempore perierunt et depauperati sunt multi divites et potentes. | However, in none of the aforementioned regions was there a place where the cost of living was more bearable than in the city of Lübeck, where a bushel of wheat was selling for six shillings, and a bushel of barley for three shillings, and oats for two shillings. And not only in this year but in several preceding years, there was a stable grain supply in the parts of Slavia and Holstein, as well as in other neighboring regions, at the mentioned prices. Due to this abundance, which persisted for almost 15 years, and because of human revolts and epidemics during that time, many wealthy and powerful individuals perished and were impoverished. | Annales Lubicenses 1859, p. 426 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1331-00-00-Iceland 001 | 1331 JL | Great Famine in Iceland in 1331 | Hallǫre mikit um atll land. | Great famine in the entire country. | Annales regii. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 154 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1331-00-00-Iceland 004 | 1331 JL | Great Famine in Iceland in 1331 | hallæri micit vm allt land. | Great famine in the entire country. | Gottskálksannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 348 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1331-00-00-Iceland 005 | 1331 JL | Famine in Iceland in the winter of 1331 | Vetur þenna var mjög hörð veðrátta og varð heylitið á búum staðarins en margt kvikfé. [...] Veðráttan tók að harðna og hélt svo sömu harðindum fram. Kom svo að sauðfénaður staðarins datt niður unnvörpum í megurð. | This winter was very harsh and the local farms lost a lot of livestock. [...] The weather began to harden and then continued the same hardiness. It came to pass that the sheep of the place were reduced to nothing through starvation. | Lárentíus saga biskups, A. In: Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík 1998, pp. 432, 435 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1339-00-00-Italy | 1339 JL | Severe famine and strange plague for humans and animals with many deaths | Tempore autem Ludovici de Bavaria et Benedicti papa XII, anno Domini MCCCXXXXVIII [recte: 1339] fames vel rabies per universum orbis circulum subito supervenit, et nullus locus vel patria fuit exempta quod talis rabiem famis non gustaret, taliter quod omnes secte pro rabie famis, ut possent vivere, suos antiquos ordines corruperunt. Sic etiam in multis locis, pro bladi superflua caritudine, data est licentia Christianis quod in quadragesima illius pessimi anni, quod libere carnibus uterentur. Nam in omni loco terrarum mensura frumenti, que XX vel XXX solidos valere solebat, in librarum numero supervenit, et tanta famis rabies supervenit in omni loco terrarum, quod multas radices ignotas causa rabiei pro commestione fodiebant, quas olym porci et animalia evitabant. Et hoc vidi et propter hoc testimonium perhibeo veritati. Canes quoque et equi, pro fame, et multa animalia perierunt, quoniam sui patrones pro se ipsis non habebant. Multi enim fame pro verecundia moriuntur, nam ante comedebant herbas et radices pro paupertate, quam ad sui vicini misericordiam pervenire; unde, pro cibo inconsueto, annichilatis eorum viribus, velud pecudes moriuntur. Quam famis rabiem Dei iustam sententiam possumus appellare. Tunc enim corda dumtaxat aliquorum non ad pietatem Christi sed pro avaritia magis in crudelitate manebant, parum curando de Dei amore ac pro sui caritate | Marco Battagli 1912, p. 49 | Translation needed | |
| 1340-03-00-Florence | March 1340 JL | Beginning of a severe epidemic that lasts into the winter and claims 15,000 lives (1/6 of the city), fewer deaths in the surrounding area, grain imported from there; Processions in Florence | Che incontanente cominciò grande mortalità, che quale si ponea malato, quasi nullo ne scampava; e morinne più che il sesto di cittadini pure de' migliori e più cari, maschi e femmine, che non rimase famiglia ch'alcuno non ne morisse, e dove due o ttre e più; e durò quella pestilenzia infino al verno vegnente. E più di XVm corpi tra maschi e femmine e fanciulli se ne sepellirono pure nella città, onde la città era tutta piena di pianto e di dolore, e non si intendea apena ad altro, ch'a sopellire morti. E però si fece ordine che come il morto fosse recato alla chiesa la gente si partisse; che prima stavan tanto che si facea l'asequio, e a tali la predicta con solenni uffici a' maggiorenti; e ordinossi che non andasse banditore per morti. In contado non fu sì grande la mortalita, ma pure ne morirono assai. Con essa pistolenza seguì la fame e il caro, agiunta a quello dell' anno passato; che con tutto lo scemo di morti valse lo staio del grano più di soldi XXX, e più sarebbe assai valuto, se non che 'l Comune ne fece provedenza di farne venire di pelago [...] [p. 227] Per questa mortalità, a dì XVIII di giugno, per consiglio del vescovo e di religiosi si fece in Firenze generale processione, ove furono quasi tutti i cittadini sani maschi e femmine col corpo di Cristo ch'è a Santo Ambruogio, e con esso s'andò per tutta la terra infino a ora di nona, con più di CL torchi accesi | Suddenly there began a great mortality, so that almost no one who fell ill could escape it; and more than a sixth of the best and dearest citizens, male and female, died, so that there was no family that did not die, and where two or three or more; and the pestilence lasted until the coming winter. And more than fifteen male and female bodies and children were buried in the city, so that the city was filled with weeping and sorrow, and there was nothing else to do but mourn the dead. And so it was ordered that when the dead were brought to the church, the people should leave; they had been so long before the funeral was made, and then they were preached with solemn offices to the mayors; and it was ordered that no bannermen should go out for the dead. In the countryside the death toll was not so great, but there were many who died. The famine and dearth followed, added to that of the previous year, so that with all the death toll, the staio of grain was worth more than 30 money, and it would have been worth much more, if the Commune had not taken steps to bring in more money [...] [p... 227] Because of this mortality, on the eighteenth day of June, on the advice of the bishop and the religious, a general procession was held in Florence, where almost all the healthy male and female citizens were present with the body of Christ, which is in Santo Ambruogio, and with it it went throughout the whole city until the ninth hour, with more than 150 torchi lit | Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 226–227 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1341-00-00-Iceland 003 | 1341 JL | Volcanic eruption of Hekla in 1341. Followed by a great famine and mortality among sheep and cattle. 800 oxen died in the diocese of Skálholt between May and June. | Ellz upp kuama i Heklu felli med myklu sanndfalli ok sua storum brestum at biorgum laust saman i elldinum at naliga heyrdi um allt land sua uar ok dimt medan sanndfallid stod mest yfir. at eigi uar bok liost i kirkium þeim er næst stodu uppkuamu ellzins. hallæri mikid. mikill fiarfellir bædi sauda ok nauta sua at midil fardaga ok Peturs messo fiell at eins fyrir Skalhollti lxxx nauta. | A fire broke out in Mount Hekla with a great fall of sand and such large cracks in the rocks that the fire could be heard all over the country. It was also mostly dark while the sand fell, so there was no light in the churches that were closest to the outbreak of the fire. Great famine. A great mortality of both sheep and cattle, so that between the 'moving days' (=21−27 May) and St. Peter's Mass (29 June), a total of 80 oxen died in Skálholt. | Annálabrot frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 222 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1341-00-00-Pisa | 22 December 1341 JL | Great mortality and famine in Pisa, also the General Captain Fazio Novello della Gherardesca died on the 22th of december | In nel 1341 fu in Pisa mortalità grande di giovani e ricchi e valenti e vi [fu] in prima grande fame; e al colmo d'ogni male a dì 22 di dicembre morì lo conte Fazio del quale menò grande duolo Pisa e tutta Toscana e ciascuno lo pianse come se fusse suo padre o suo unigenito figluolo, e fune bene da dolere chè, al parere d'ognuno, lui ebbe ogni bontà sensa alcuna malvagità. | In 1341, in Pisa, there was a great death toll of young, rich and talented people, and there was great hunger; and at the height of all evil, on the 22nd of December, Count Fazio died, causing great suffering for Pisa and the whole of Tuscany, and everyone mourned him as if he were his own father or his only-born son, and it was a good thing to mourn because, in everyone's opinion, he had all goodness without any evil. | Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, p. 90. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1341-12-22-Pisa | 22 December 1341 JL | Price increase and famine lead to a great mortality in Pisa, especially among adolescents and the general captain Fazio Novello della Gherardesca died. | Nel milletrecentoquarantuno, essendo stato grande caro di grano l'anno dinansi che ss'era fatto la piassa del Grano e ffue grandissima fame, di che l'anno 1341 ditto si ffue grande mortalità di giovani. Inella quale mortalità, a d*i vindtidue, 22, di dicienbrew moritte lo ditto conte Fasio, nella chui morte ne menòe Pisa grande duolo e quazi tutta Toschana e ciaschuno lo piansse come se fusse stato suo padre o suo figluolo. | In the year 1341, since there had been a great shortage of grain in the year of the wheat harvest, and there was great hunger, there was a great mortality of young men. In this mortality, on the 22nd day of October, the said Count Fasio died, in whose death there was great grief in Pisa and all of Tosca and everyone mourned him as if he had been his father or his son | Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 105. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1346-00-00-Florence | 1346 JL | The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested. | Della inaudita mortalità. Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8) Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo. Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio. Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13) Di detta matera. Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro. |
Of the outrageous mortality It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...] How long the plague lasted in each country As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God. In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others. About this subject The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died. |
Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 5-14. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1346-00-00-Florence 001 | 1346 JL | Florence was threatened by a famine. The city gathered large supplies of grain from elsewhere, however the problems weren't solved, because many people from the countryside came in the city. In addition to the famine diseases broke out amnong the immigrants and then it distributed also among the urban masses. | Cum ergo fames haud dubie immineret, sollers plane ad hoc civitas, in Africa et Sardinia et Sicilia aliisque locis permultis magna vi frumenti comparata, mari simul terraque importandum curavit. Nec eo tamen modo evitari potuit, quin difficultates permaximae (p. 306) eo anno subirentur. Turba enim ex agro in urbem mendicatura longis agminibus mulierum puerorumque advenerat. Ex finitimis etiam civitatibus quae minus ad hoc providae fuerant multitudo concurrerat, ut infinitus prope numerus hominum esset alendus. Magnumque in his civitatis meritum humanitasque eluxit; non modo enim non reiectus est quisquam advenarum peregrinorumque, sed etiam si tenuis foret, liberalitate gratuita per tantam rei frumentariae inopiam sustentatus, ut prope collatum a civitate beneficium in genus humanum videretur. Multa insuper eo anno tenuioribus indulta, et illud in primis, quod creditorum acerbitas repressa est, lege lata, ne quis nisi certa forma pro aere alieno conveniri posset. Satis enim premi caritate ipsa multitudinem existimavit civitas. Et accedebant ad caritatem morbi, qui multitudinem convenam et urbis insuetam consecuti, urbanam quoque apprehenderant turbam, ut et commiserendum et succurrendum esset. | So, as there was now no doubt about the threat of famine, the city showed its resourcefulness, gathering large supplies of grain in Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and many other places and seeing to their importation simultaneously by land and sea. But these steps were not enough to avoid the enormous difficulties they faced that year. For throngs of women and children from the countryside came (p. 308) into the city in long lines to beg. They were joined by multitudes from the nearby cities which had been less provident in this respect, so that there was almost an infinite number of people to feed. Amid these challenges the city’s great merit and humanity shone forth. For not only was not a single immigrant or foreigner turned away, but even the poor, with gratuitous liberality, were sustained throughout this great dearth of provisions, so that Florence seemed almost to have conferred a benefit on the human race. In this year, moreover, many allowances were made on behalf of the poor, and principally this: that the harshness of creditors was kept in check. A law was passed prohibiting suitors to collect debt except under particular conditions; the city felt that the multitude was oppressed enough already by the famine. And in addition to the famine there were the diseases which broke out among the throng of immigrants unused to the city, then spread among the urban masses, so that mercy and succor were needful. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, pp. 306-308. | None |
| 1347-00-00-Bologna | 1347 JL | Price increase, famine deaths and rural exodus throughout Europe, but also in Bologna | In questo anno fuo la magiore charestia che se recordi mai huomo alcuno; e del mese de zenaro muntò el formento a soldi 40 la corbe, e del mese de marzo muntò a lire 3 la corbe, e del mese d' aprile muntò a lire 3 soldi x la corbe e stete così infino a recolto. Et trovandosse molto buono racolto de formento, onde per la festa de santo Pietro callò el dito formento in ii sabadi a soldi xx per la corbe, e valse a Fiorenza iii fiorin la corbe, e male se ne posseva avere per li dinari, e molte persone schiosaron per la presia alla chà dal merchado dove se vendeva el formento. Et fuo generale carestia e fame per tuta cristianitade. I contadini veneron a la citade, e per la fame chaschavano per le contrade: grande mortalitatde fuo. Et one domane venìa alle ghiexia grande [S. 564] molte fameie de poveri per avere lemosina, chè continuo ne davano hone domane; fra li quali poveri vedivi morire molti gioveni e puti che murivano de fame in braze alle madre loro, e una grande schiuma li vegnia a la bocha; e questo vidi io scritore in Santo Iacomo di frti Romitani, la quale cosa era una grandissima compassione a vedere | In this year it was the greatest store that any man has ever recorded; and in the month of January he collected fodder at 40 lire, and in the month of March he collected it at 3 lire, and in the month of April he collected it at 3 lire, and stayed like that until the end of the year. And he found a very good harvest of fodder, so that on the feast of Saint Peter he called for fodder on the second Saturday at 20 lire per crown, and it was worth 3 Florins per crown in Florentine, and it was hard to get enough for the money, and many people went to the market where the fodder was sold. And there was general famine and starvation throughout Christendom. The peasants came to the city, and because of hunger, they went out into the countryside: there was great mortality. And one Sunday many families of the poor came to the great guiexia [S. 564] to have lemosina, since they were continually giving them money on Sundays; among the poor you could see many young men and women dying of hunger in the arms of their mothers, and a great froth came to their mouths; and this I saw in Santo Jacomo of the Romitani friars, which was a great pity to see. | Anonymus 1938c, pp. 563-564 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1347-00-00-Bologna 003 | 1347 JL | Price increase, famine deaths and epidemic in Bologna and grain imports of the city | In questo millesimo et anno si fu in queste parte una grande carestia, et qui in Bologna valse la corba del formento lire tre de bolognini; et li nostri signori ne feno venire del formento oltra che cento millia corbe, che'l comparono molto charo et si el feno dare per soldi 36 la corba [...] In lo dicto millesimo si fu in Bologna una grande mortalità et grande fame, chè valse la corba del formento lire tre, soldi x la corba; et morireno in Bologna per la dicta morìa de multi boni homini, tra li quali ce morirono quisti, zoè (List of socially high ranking citizens, scholars and nobles) | In this thousandth and year there was a great famine in these parts, and here in Bologna the forage was worth three lire, three coins; and our lords made the forage come more than one hundred thousand coins, which seem very cheap, and they gave it for 36 coins [... ] In the said thousandth year there was in Bologna a great mortality and great hunger, which made the forage worth three lire, money x the corba; and many good men died in Bologna because of the said death, among whom these died, namely (List of socially high-ranking citizens, scholars and nobles). | Anonymus 1938a, p. 565 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1347-00-00-Bologna 004 | 1347 JL | High mortality, famine and price increase in Bologna | In lo ditto imllesimo fo in Bononia una grande mortalega e de multi boni homini, e fame, che 'l ce valse la corbe del formento libre iii e soldi x. | In the aforementioned year there was a great death in Bologna of many good men, and hunger, which earned us forage in pounds 3 and soldi 10 | Anonymus 1938a, p. 567 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1347-00-00-Bologna 007 | 1347 JL | Famine and epidemic in Bologna with more than 4'000 deaths, also deaths from the upper class (with names). | Fò in Bologna tanta fame, e mortalità, che ne morì più di 4000 persone pizoli e grandi, e assai poveri caschavano de fame per le strade, e molti assai vecchi morivano de fame, perche non posseano avere del Pane per li suoi dinari a benchè molti assai ricchi, è questi sono li capi de li homini che morino di fame, e li nomi soi sono scritti quie de sotta, e prima: Misser Jacomo di Butrigiani Donore di lege. Misser Rainiero Samaritani Chavaliero. El Salvatico Dalfino da Loiano. Misser Bertuzo Soprano Medico. Mattiuzo Bianchetto di Bianchitti. Misser Bornino di Pepoli. Misser Marchium degl' Azigreidi. Misser Lippo di Pepoli. misser Azo di Romagno Dottore. Misser Piero di Bonpieri Dottore. | There was so much hunger and death in Bologna, that more than 4000 people died, both young and old, and many poor people were starving in the streets, and many very old people were starving, because they could not get bread for their money, although many were very rich, and these are the heads of the people who died of hunger, and their names are written here underneath, and before: Misser Jacomo di Butrigiani Donore di lege. Misser Rainiero Samaritani Chavaliero. El Salvatico Dalfino da Loiano. Misser Bertuzo Soprano Medico. Mattiuzo Bianchetto di Bianchitti. Misser Bornino di Pepoli. Misser Marchium degl'Azigreidi. Misser Lippo di Pepoli. Misser Azo di Romagno Dottore. Misser Piero di Bonpieri Dottore. | Pietro Fabio 1359–1424, p. 52 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1347-00-00-Florence | May 1347 JL | Epidemic follows famine in Florence, 4000 dead (mainly women and children); particularly bad in Romagna, Provence, Bologna, Vignone, Pistoia and Prato. The mortality was foretold by astrologers. | Di grande mortalità che ffu in Firenze, ma più grande altrove, come diremo apresso Nel detto anno e tempo, come sempre pare che segua dopo la carestia e fame, si cominciò in Firenze e nel contado infermeria, e apresso mortalità di genti, e spezialmente in femine e fanciulli, il più in poveri genti, e durò fino al novembre vegnente MCCCXLVII ma però non fu così grande, come fu la mortalità dell'anno MCCCXL come adietro facemmo menzione; ma albitrando al grosso, ch'altrimenti non si può sapere a punto in tanta città come Firenze, ma in di grosso si stimò che morissono in questo tempo più di IIIIm persone, tra uomini e più femmine e fanciulli; morirono bene de' XX l'uno; e fecesi comandamento per lo Comune che niuno morto si dovesse bandire, né sonare campane alle chiese, ove i morti si sotterravano, perchè lla gente non isbigotisse d'udire di tanti morti. E lla detta mortalità fu predetta dinanzi per maestri di strologia, dicendo che quando fu il sostizio vernale, cioè quando il sole entrò nel principio dell'Ariete del mese di marzo passato, l'ascendente che ffu nel detto sostizio fu il segno della Vergine, e 'l suo signore, cioè il pianeto di Mercurio, si trovò nel segno dell'Ariete nella ottava casa, ch'è casa che significa morte; e se non che il pianeto di Giove, ch'è fortunato e di vita, si ritrovò col detto Mercurio nella detta casa e segno, la mortalità sarebbe stata infinita, se fosse piaciuto a dDio. Ma nnoi dovemo credere e avere per certo che Idio promette le dette pestilenze e ll'altre a' popoli, cittadi e paesi [p. 486] per pulizione de'peccati e non solamente per corsi di stelle, ma tolera, siccome signore dell'universo e del corso del celesto, come gli piace; e quando vuole, fa accordare il corso delle stelle al suo giudicio; e questo basti in questa parte e d'intorno a Firenze del detto delli astrolagi. La detta mortalità fu maggiore in Pistoia e Prato e nelle nostre circustanze all'avenante della gente di Firenze, e maggiore in Bologna e in Romagna, e maggiore in Vignone e in Proenza ov'era la corte del papa, e per tutto il reame di Francia. |
Of a great mortality which occurred in Florence, although it was greater elsewhere, as we will recount. In this year and season, as seemingly always after food shortages and famines, a sickness began in the city and countryside of Florence. Soon people began to die, especially women and children, and the most among the poor. It lasted until November 1347, but it was not as great as the mortality of 1340 that we described earlier. If we make a rough guess—it is impossible to do otherwise in a city as great as Florence—it seems that this time more than four thousand people died, men and more women and children. More than one in twenty died. It was ordered by the commune that no death be announced and no church bell be sounded during burials, lest people be terrified to hear of so many deaths. This mortality was foretold by master astrologers who stated that during the vernal solstice—that is when the sun entered the sign of Aries last March—the sign of Virgo was rising and Virgo’s ruler Mercury was in the eighth house of Aries, a house signifying death. And were it not for the fact that Jupiter, which brings fortune and life, accompanied Mercury in this house and sign, the mortality would have been endless—if this had pleased God. But we should believe and be certain that the Lord God promises the said pestilences and others to peoples, cities, and lands to cleanse their sins, and [that he does so] not only through the movement of the stars but sometimes—as Lord of the universe and celestial motion—according to his will. And when he wishes, he matches the movement of the stars to his judgment. Let this suffice regarding Florence, its surroundings, and the sayings of astrologers. This mortality was greater in Pistoia and Prato and in the surrounding territories nearer to Florence; it was greater in Bologna and in Romagna; it was greater at Avignon and in Provence, where the papal court was, and throughout the kingdom of France. | Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 485–486. | None |
| 1347-00-00-Florence 001 | 1347 JL | Until harvest-time the problems of food shortage still existed in Florence. The first signs of the Black Death were seen in this time, but the plague arose already 2 year earlier in the East. The symptoms were horrible and many people died. | Altero dehinc anno, priusquam segetes maturescerent, eaedem quae superiori tempore difficultates rei frumentariae populum tenuere. Maturis deinde frugibus atque collectis, difficultates illae pristinae cessavere. Variis tamen morborum generibus laborabatur, et pestilentiae, qua postmodum vastata Italia est, signa quaedam horrenda tunc primum apparuerunt. Ea clades biennio fere ante (quantum haberi notitia poterat) in Orientis partibus coorta; mox inde per populos pestilenti contagio evagata, alia subinde appetendo loca, regiones cumulatis funeribus inanierat. Febris erat sopifera et inguinis tumor. Id quasi venenum quoddam robustissimos iuvenes, alioquin sanos, repente invadens, paucissimis interdum enecabat horis. Contagia omnium exitiosa erant. Ea igitur tunc civitatem ingressa imbecilliora primum corpora puerorum puellarumque conficere coepit; inde ad firmiora transgrediens, per omnem sexum aetatemque vagata est. | The next year, up until harvest-time, the People were preoccupied with the same difficulties of provisioning as before; but once the crops ripened and were harvested, these earlier difficulties ceased. Yet they were still suffering from diseases of various kinds, and certain horrid signs of the pestilence which afterwards devastated Italy then became manifest for the first time. As far as one can tell, this disaster had arisen two years earlier in parts of the East, then soon spread with epidemic virulence from populace to populace, seeking out one place after another, emptying whole regions with piles of corpses. It caused a sleep-inducing fever and a swelling in the groin. Like a kind of poison it suddenly attacked the most robust young men, otherwise healthy, and killed them in a few hours. It was the most destructive of all epidemics; and it was this epidemic that entered the city at that time. It began by first consuming the weaker bodies of boys and girls, then passed on to the stronger, spreading through both sexes and persons of every age. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 310. | None |
| 1347-00-00-Lombardy | 1347 JL | Cold weather followed by famine. Then outbreak of the Black Death in parts of Lombardy, especially in rural areas, but also in Varese; plague spares Milan, Novara, Pavia, Cuneo and Vercelli. Source is notorious for confused, imprecise and contradictory chronology<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> | Dixeram supra quod tunc temporis nix erat magna et fuit verum; nam duravit super facie terre usque ad finem raensis martii vel quasi, propter quam campestria tantum fastidium frigoris et undacionis susceperunt quod biada, nive recedente, ut plurimum mortua aparebant. Ex qua multe terre habitatoribus private fuerunt, maxime in montanis partibus; deinde, fame cessante, cepit morbus prosiliens a partibus ul'tramarinis partes inferiores invadere; et primo Bononiam applicuit, videlicet anno MCCCXLIIII, in qua civitate infiniti perierunt, omni defensione et medela destituta. Due partes autem corporum dicebantur periisse. Invasitque pestilencia Januam ubi simili modo perierunt; invasit Parmam in qua multi defecerunt. Servavit Mediolanum, Papiam, Novariam, Cumas, Vercellas, set discurrando occupavit Lombardiam a dicto anno usque annum MCCCXLVII, ubi iterum super districtu Novarie vigebat; nam in dicto districtu Momum vacuavit, Bellanzagum similiter et in Burgomanerio ', ubi conversationem habebam, ubi dicti viri belligeri habitabant, perlerunt dieta clade in tribus mensibus prò completis centenaria xxvii virorum, computatis mulieribus et parvulis, nec in aliìs terris tunc insilivit novariensibus; in comitatu autem Mediolani in partibus Varixii, Anglerie, Gallarate et circumstanciis ut supra, sine numero perierunt. Cessavit itaque dieta pestilentìa moriendi, tamen in aliquibus locis discurrendo. | I mentioned above that at that time there was a great snowfall, and it was true; for it lasted on the surface of the earth until the end of March or nearly so. Because of this, the fields suffered so much from the cold and flooding that, when the snow melted, most of the crops appeared dead. As a result, many lands were deprived of their inhabitants, especially in the mountainous regions. Then, as the famine ceased, a disease began to spread from the overseas regions, invading the lower areas. It first struck Bologna in the year 1344 (sic!), where countless people perished, lacking any defense or remedy. It was said that two-thirds of the population died. The pestilence then invaded Genoa, where many similarly perished, and then Parma, where many died as well. Milan, Pavia, Novara, Como, and Vercelli were spared, but the disease spread throughout Lombardy from that year until 1347 (sic!), when it again raged in the district of Novara. In that district, it emptied Momeliano, Bellinzona, and Borgomanero, where I lived, and where the mentioned warriors lived. In three months, 2,700 men perished, including women and children, and the disease did not attack other lands in Novara at that time. However, in the surroundings of Milan, in the regions of Varese, Angera, Gallarate, and the surrounding areas, countless people perished. Thus, the aforementioned pestilence ceased in its deadliness, though it continued to spread in some places | Cognasso 1926-39, p. 53. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-02-00-Avignon | February 1347 JL | Famine and afterwards mortality in Avignon (fasting period until Whitsun). | Anno Domini MCCCXLVII in quadragesima et inter pascha et pentecosten circa Avionem propter gwerrarum rabiosam inundacionem circumquaque exortam fames exicialis et prevalida facta est, propter quam innumerabiles populi morte repentina extincti dicebantur. In tantum eciam mortalitas famem horrendam subsecuta seviebat, quod in plateis, vicis et in sterquiliniis prostrati miserabiliter iacuerunt. | In the year of our Lord 1347, during Lent and between Easter and Pentecost, near Avignon, due to the violent outbreak of war, a devastating famine arose everywhere, causing countless people to be struck down by sudden death. Such a terrible mortality ensued from the famine that people were said to be dying innumerable deaths. To such an extent did the deadly famine rage, that people miserably lay prostrate in the streets, alleys, and dung heaps. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 270. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1348-00-00-Avignon02 | 1348 JL | About the outbreak of the Black Death in the East and the arrival of the plague in Sicily and Avignon. People flee from the plague because of the infected air. | Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII. Tempore hyemali vel circa principium veris in partibus ultramarinis exorta est mortalitas seu pestilencia tam grandis, quod infinitam et inestimabilem multitudinem infidelium absorbuit et absumpsit. Que derivata ad terras cristicolarum maxime in locis maritimis, precipue tamen in Sicilia, innumerabilem populum prostravit. Fertur, quod in quadragesima circa Marsiliam urbem et Avionem tam crudeliter endinia sevierit, quod infra spacium unius mensis XVI milia hominum obierint. Immo, ut dicitur, tantum in Avione excessit, quod vivi homines non sufficiebant defunctorum corpora tumulare et [p. 276] ideo tandem in fluvium Rodanum certatim proiciebantur. Fertur insuper, quod papa pestem hanc de Avione ad aliam civitatem fugerit. Nichilominus fama testante in Sicilia homines de Messana metropoli et de aliis quam plurimis civitatibus, in quibus mors prevaluit, relictis eis vacuis fugierunt ad montana se transferentes, ut ibi salubri aere hausto contagiosum in civitatibus captum emitterent et eflarent. In Messana urbe Sicilie memorata de LX fratribus Minoribus conventualibus brevi spacio temporis XXX mox mortis furia de medio sublati sunt. Quo viso superstites conventu illo relicto ad loca se alia contulerunt. Predicta, scilicet terre motus et pestilencia, precurrencia mala sunt extreme voraginis et tempestatis secundum verbum salvatoris in ewangelio dicentis: "Erunt terre motus per loca et pestilencia et fames" et cetera. | In the year of our Lord 1348, at the time of winter or early spring, there was such a great mortality or plague overseas that it devoured and destroyed an infinite and incalculable number of unbelievers. It spread in the Christian areas, but mainly in coastal regions, especially in Sicily, where it struck down countless numbers of people. It is reported that during Lent, a plague raged around the cities of Marseille and Avignon that was so cruel that sixteen thousand people died within a month. It is even said that it became so bad in Avignon that there were not enough living people to bury the corpses, [p. 276] and they were therefore finally eagerly thrown into the river Rhône. It is also reported that the pope fled from Avignon to another city to escape this plague. Nevertheless, according to reports in Sicily, people fled from the metropolis of Messina and many other cities where death was rampant, leaving them empty and taking refuge in the mountains to expel the infected air from the cities and breathe it out. In the city of Messina in Sicily, thirty of the sixty Friars Minor of the convent were snatched from life by the fury of death within a short space of time. When the survivors saw this, they left the convent and travelled to other places.These events, namely earthquakes and pestilence, are harbingers of extreme evils and storms, as it says in the Gospel: "There will be earthquakes in various places and pestilence and famine" etc. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 275-276 | None |
| 1348-00-00-Europe 001 | 1348 JL | These passages describe the catastrophic events of the year 1348 in Europe, including the plague and an earthquake. They mention predictions about political upheavals, famine and other catastrophies. | Item, Anno fequenti 48. in Avinone & in vicinis ibi partibus in Marfilia & in Italia ac multis citra & ultra maritimis regionibus, etiam in Francia, Anglia, Vngaria, Carinthia, Austria, Bauaria, Suevia, Alsatia, & in partibus Rheni & aliis plerisque Germaniae partibus, & praecipue in locis aquosis, & in alpibus, cacuminibus & conuallibus partium montanarum tam maxima pestilentia feu mortalitas (p. 469) fuit hominum, quod plerumque una in hospitio moriente persona, ceteri cohabitantes homines, ut sepius quasi subito, moriuntur. Anno Domini 1348. in die conuersionis Sancti Pauli circa horam vespertinam uniuersalis terrae motus adeo magnus fuit, quod hinc inde & praecipue in partibus Carinthiae & maritimis multae munitiones & domus & praefertim lapideae corruerunt. Anno domini 1348. multa mirabilia contingent, ut Astrologus maximus attestatur, unus solus erit dominus, Romanum Imperium exaltabitur, magna rixa erit in terra, Tyrannus Rex Francie cadit cum Baronibus fuis, magna effusio sanguinis fiet, erit magna fames & mortalitas hominum, haec iam in multis partibus Alemanniae, magnus calor in aestate, magna siccitas, vindicabitur vindicta noui Regis, transfigurabitur Regina Veneris, pulues Lonistae & animalia venenosa abundabunt & multa mirabilia in aere apparebunt. |
Moreover, in the following year 1348, in Avignon and its surrounding areas, in Marseille, Italy, and in many regions both on this side and beyond the seas, also in France, England, Hungary, Carinthia, Austria, Bavaria, Swabia, Alsace, and the regions of the Rhine and many other parts of Germany, especially in watery places, in the Alps, the peaks, and the valleys of mountainous areas, there was such a great plague or mortality among humans that often when one person died in a household, the other inhabitants frequently died suddenly as well.
In the year of our Lord 1348, on the day of the Conversion of Saint Paul, around the evening hour, there was a universal earthquake so great that here and there, especially in Carinthia and coastal areas, many fortifications and houses, particularly those made of stone, collapsed. In the year of our Lord 1348, many wonders occurred, as the great astrologer attests: there will be only one lord, the Roman Empire will be exalted, there will be great strife on the earth, the tyrant King of France will fall with his barons, there will be great bloodshed, there will be great famine and mortality of people — this has already occurred in many parts of Germany. There will be great heat in the summer, great drought, vengeance will be exacted by the new king, the Queen of Venus will be transformed, the dust of Lonista will abound, and poisonous animals will be plentiful, and many wonders will appear in the air. |
Chronicon Wirziburgense breve 1735, pp. 468-469. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1348-00-00-Europe 002 | 1348 JL | These passages describe the catastrophic events of the year 1348 in Europe, including the plague. They mention predictions about political upheavals, famine and other catastrophies like extreme weather. | De magna pestilencia. Item eodem tempore et anno immediate sequenti in curia Romana Avinionis et in vicinis ibi partibus in Marsilia et Ytalia ac multis maritimis citra et ultra marinis regionibus, eciam in Francia Anglia Ungaria Karinthia Austria Bawaria Swevia et Alsacia ac in partibus Reni et aliis plerisque Germanie partibus, et precipue in locis aquosis et in alpibus cacuminibus et convallibus partium montanarum (p. 474) tam maxima pestilentia seu mortalitatis hominum tanta fuit et est, quod plerumque una in hospicio moriente persona ceteri cohabitantes homines et sepius quasi subito moriuntur. De eventibus lamentosis sub anno subscriptio. Anno domini m.ccc.xl.viii. multa mirabilia contingent, ut astrologus maximus attestatur. Unus solus erit dominus. Imperium Romanum exaltabitur. Magna rixa erit in terra. Tyrannus Rex Francie cadet cum baronibus suis. Magna effusio sanguinis. Papa dissipabitur cum cardinalibus suis. Erit magna fames et mortalitas. Hec vero iam in multis partibus Lombardie. Magnus calor in estate. In hieme magna siccitas. Semina corrumpuntur. Vindicabitur vindicta novi regis. Transfigurabitur regina veneris. Pulices locuste et animalia venenosa habundabunt, et multa mirabilia in aere apparebunt. |
On the Great Pestilence. Likewise, at the same time and in the following year, in the Roman court at Avignon and in nearby areas, in Marseille and Italy, and in many maritime regions on both sides of the sea, also in France, England, Hungary, Carinthia, Austria, Bavaria, Swabia, Alsace, and in the regions along the Rhine and other parts of Germany, and especially in watery places and in the peaks and valleys of the mountainous regions, there was such a great plague or mortality of people that often, when one person died in a house, the other cohabitants and people would soon die almost immediately. On the Lamentable Events of the Year Described Below. In the year of our Lord 1348, many marvelous events occurred, as the greatest astrologer attests. There will be one sole lord. The Roman Empire will be exalted. There will be a great conflict in the land. The tyrant King of France will fall with his barons. There will be a great bloodshed. The Pope will be dispersed with his cardinals. There will be great famine and mortality. This has already occurred in many parts of Lombardy. There will be great heat in the summer. In winter, there will be great drought. Seeds will be corrupted. The vengeance of a new king will be exacted. The Queen of Venus will be transformed. Fleas, locusts, and venomous animals will abound, and many marvels will appear in the sky. |
De chronicis temporum hominum modernorum 1843, pp. 473-774. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1348-00-00-Florence | 1348 JL | In this long plague treatise-like passage, the author describes the Black Death in Florence with its symptoms, death toll and consequences. He describes how to behave in order to avoid the disease and be better prepared, although it is not possible to avoid it with certainty. He also advises people to flee infected areas early and to listen to the doctors' instructions. | Negli anni di Cristo 1348 fu nella città di Firenze una grande mortalità di persone umane le quali morivano di male pestilenziale; e molti gran fatti se n’ode dire dalle persone antiche e assai se ne truova iscritti; e fra gli altri ne (p. 230) scrive assai chopiosamente messer / (c. 65v) Giovanni Bochacci inn u·llibro che fecie di ciento novelle, ed è nel prencipio del libro. Di prima chominciò lavgiente a morire di cierto enfiato che venia chon gran doglia e chon repente febre o nell’anguinaia o sotto le ditella o nella ghola, da piè dell’orechie; e viveano quatro o sei dì. Di poi grebbe, e morivano in due dì o meno; e inn utimo e’ si venne tanto a spargiere questo veleno, che si dimostrava in cierte bolle pichole ch’apariano nelle charni per qualunche luogho della persona: e queste erano più pericholose che l’enfiato e di meno rimedio. E di poi, più nel chuore della moria, aparivano a’ più pe·lle charni cierti rossori e lividori, e sputavano sanque od e’ gittavano pel naso o di sotto: e questo era pessimo sengnio e sanza rimedio. E, brieve, e’ chaschavano, e grandi e piccioli, da un dì a un altro: inn una ora si vedea ridere e mottegiare il brighante e nell’ora medesima il vedevi morire! E venne la chosa a tanto, che molti ne morivano pe·lla via e su pe·lle panche, chome abandonati, sanza aiuto o chonforto di persona: solo erano posti quivi perché fussono da’ vicini sotterrati per fuggire il puzo. E tale vi s’andava, che ssi vedea solo in chasa e abandonato, per avere qualche sochorso. Molti per farneticho andavano impazando pe·lla terra; molti se ne gittavano ne’ pozi, a tterra delle finestre e inn Arno; e tale s’uccideva per gran farneticho o per gran pena o dolore. Molti si morivano che non erano veduti e ’nfradiciavano su pe·lle letta; molti n’erano sotterrati che anchora erano vivi. Non si trovava chi gli servisse né chi gli sotterrasse; e più, che se ttu avessi voluto un testimone a un testamento, tu non llo potevi avere, o se pure ne trovavi niuno, e’ voleva sei o otto fiorini. Aresti veduto iª crocie ire per un chorpo, averne dietro tre o quatro prima giungniesse alla chiesa: assai n’erano posti la notte alle reggi di fuori della chiesa e nella via n’erano gittati assai. Molte chose maravigliose si vidono: assai, per vicitare uno infermo, per ghovernallo o ttocharlo, o llui o suoi panni, di fatto chaschare morti. E fra ll’altre chose, dicie messere Giovanni Bochacci che vide due porci grufolare e stracciare cierti pannicielli d’un povero uomo morto, rimasi nella via: di fatto i detti porci chascharono morti su que’ cienci istracciati da lloro. O vedi di quanto pericholo e di quanto rischio questo male pestilenziale è: non si può troppo guardare. Ora, chome voi avete in parte veduto e potuto chonprendere, la moria fu innistimabile, e diciesi, e chosì fu di cierto, che nella nostra città morirono i due terzi delle persone; ché era istimato / (c. 66r) che in Firenze avesse in quel tenpo CXX mila anime, che nne morirono, cioè de’ chorpi, ottantamila. Pensate se fu frachasso! Non è da prenderne gran maraviglia perché questo fusse, ché molte chagioni ci furono da inciendere il malore; e fu maggiore maraviglia, chi chonsiderasse bene ogni chosa, di que’ che chanparono che di que’ che morirono. E lle chagioni furono in parte queste, cioè: in Firenze non si chonoscieva, diciamo pe·lla chomunità, questo male, perché a gran tenpo non era apparito; era Firenze molto ripiena di giente e di più quantità ch’ella fusse mai; l’anno dinanzi era suto in Firenze gran fame, e credo non era nel centinaio venti che avessono pane o biada alchuna, e quelli chotanti n’avevono pocho: (p. 231) vivettesi d’erbe e di barbe d’erbe e di chattive, non lle chonoscieresti oggi, e beevano acqua, e tutto il chontado era pieno di persone che andavano pasciendo l’erbe chome le bestie. Chonsidera chome i loro chorpi erano disposti! Apresso, chom’è detto, e’ non aveano arghomento né riparo niuno; e fu la chosa sì grande e ssì aspra, che ll’uno non poteva atare l’altro di nulla, e per queste chagioni e’ si morirono sanza rimedio. Oggi è avvenuto, per esenpro di questa e di molte altre che spesso sono di poi istate, che ci s’è preso assai ripari, non però che gran danno non faccia; ma pure credo che assai ne chanpano per virtù de’ rimedi, ché dichono e medici che lle reghole ch’essi danno per rimedio di questo veleno è uno armarsi alla difesa. Non è però che uno che sia molto bene armato non possa essere morto, ché gli fia dato d’una lancia o d’una ghiera o d’una bonbarda o prieta che ll’ucciderà; chosì potrà avenire al buon uomo, che fia provveduto contro alla pestilenza, e gli giungnierà una nebbia o un puzo di chorruzione o un fiato d’altro malato che fia più forte di lui e ucciderallo pure. Ma che è? Egli è assai chiaro che a una zuffa mortale à gran vantaggio chi è bene armato, e meno ne muoiono che de’ disarmati; e però vo’ dire che’ rimedi sono buoni. Vuolsi avere chonsiglio chon valenti medici e pigliare per iscritto loro chonsiglio o loro riciette, e quelle osservare diligientemente e non se ne fare punto beffe. Da mme voglio abbi questo chotanto chonsiglio. Tu udirai dinanzi che lla mortalità sia nella città di Firenze un anno o due, perché prima offende la Romangnia o lla Lonbardia che lla città nostra, e quasi per uso l’anno vengniente ell’è in Firenze; o almeno il verno dinanzi tu nne sentirai qualche isprazo o nel contado o nelle pendici della terra, il perché chiaro si prosu/me (c. 66v) la mortalità dovere essere in Firenze. E sappi che di febraio ella comincia a ffarsi sentire dentro, e chosì va crescendo tutto lulglio; e da mezo luglio in llà ed ella s’apicha alle persone da bene e a quelli che sono vivuti regholati, e chomincia a morire meno giente, ma de’ migliori. E quest’è perché il veleno è tanto isparto e tanto t’à chonbattuto, che t’à rotte l’armi e passato dentro; e per la dura della battaglia e’ ti viene a strachare e a pocho a pocho a chorronperti, e ’nfine e’ t’abbatte. E però piglia questo riparo. Chomincia il verno dinanzi a ghovernare te e la tua famiglia tutta per questa via. Prima, fa di quardarti dall’umido quantunche ttu puoi e non patire punto il freddo. Apresso, usa il fuocho ongni mattina prima escha fuori e piglia qualche chosa sechondo lo stomacho che ài: o un pocho di pane e un mezo bichiere di buon vino o di malvagia, o una pillola apropiata a cciò, o un pocho d’utriacha quando fusse piove o umidori, de’ quindici dì due o tre mattine a llato, sul dì, e prima ti levi e dormi un pocho poi; e non mangiare nulla da ivi a ore cinque. Se tti venisse beuto o volessi bere un mezo bichiere di malvagia sarebbe buono, ma non altri vini grossi; o sse avessi lo stomacho debole o frigido, piglia degli otto dì una volta a tai tenpacci una barba di gengiovo (p. 232) in chonservo e bei un mezo bichiere di malvagia, e sta di poi cinque ore che ttu non mangi altro. O ttu piglia un gherofano o un pocho di ciennamo o uno ghughiaio di tregiea o quatro derrate di zafferano o due o tre noci chotte e due o tre fichi sanza pane o qualche chosetta, sechondo che sse’ chonsigliato. E quello vedessi ti faciesse noia lascialo istare; e se llo stomacho istà meglio digiuno, non gli dare impaccio. Non uscire fuori troppo avaccio: quand’è nebbia e piova istatti al fuocho. Desina all’ora chonpitente, mangia buone chose e non troppo; levati chon buono apitito, quarti dalle frutte e da’ funghi, non ne mangiare, o pocho e di rado. Esercita la persona, ma non chon faticha, che ttu non sudi e non n’abbi ’ansare o a sciorinarti de’ panni; quarti dal chiavare e dalle femine, non ti impacciare chon niuna in quell’anno. Non mangiare e non bere se non n’ài voglia; e quando avessi in sullo stomacho, lascialo prima digiestire e di poi ista un’ora prima mangi o bei. quarti dalla ciena, pocho mangia e buone cose; non mangiare porcho in niuno modo; usa, se ài buono istomacho, l’acieto e ll’agresto, ma non tanto ti desse noia a smaltire. Fa di stare sobrio del chorpo e che ttu escha il dì due volte il meno: se fussi istiticho e duro del chorpo, fatti uno arghomento degli otto dì o de’ quindici dì. / (c. 67r) Non ti raviluppare troppo nel dormire, levati al levare del sole. E ’n questa forma passa il verno. E tenendo questo o migliore istile, tu verrai a purghare lo stomacho overo il chorpo tutto, per modo che lla churrezione dell’aria non troverrà materia d’apicharsi. Alla primavera o veramente di marzo tu sentirai dove è buono fuggire. Aspetta che de’ tuoi cittadini si muovano: non volere essere de’ primi, ma, partitone quatro o sei piglia partito e va dove ne vanno i più e in sì fatta città che pel tuo danaio tu truovi ciò che bisongnia alla santà del corpo. Non essere isciocho, o per masserizia o per niuna chagione, di rinchiuderti in chastella o in ville o in lluoghi che non vi sia e medici buoni e medicine che nne interviene che l’amicho si muore e spende nella fine due tanti che gli altri ed essene fatto beffe, sanza il dolore e i·rripitio dell’animo che mai te ne puoi dare pacie. Non sono tempi da masserizia, ma da trarre il danaio d’ongni luogho che ttu puoi; e spendi larghamente nelle chose che bisongnia, sanza niuna masserizia che ssia però che non si guadangniano se non per ispenderli per chanpare o vuoi per vivere e per onore, o nelle brighe o in simili casi. E però ti chonforto del fuggire presto e quest’è il più sichuro ischanpo ci sia. Fa d’avere de’ denari: e non giuchare, ché potresti rimanere sulle secche, e a que’ tenpi se ne truovano molto pochi che te ne prestassono per molti rispetti. Sì che sia savio: provediti tanto dinanzi rauni treciento fiorini il meno, e non ne tocchare mai niuno se non abbisogni e non dire che ttu gli abbia, ché ti sarebbono chiesti. E togli chasa agiata pe·lla tua famiglia, e non punto istretta, ma chamere d’avanzo. E nella istate usa chose fresche: buoni vini e picholi, de’ polli e de’ chavretti e de’ ventri o peducci di chastrone choll’acieto o llattugha, o de’ ghanberi, se nne puoi avere. Istatti il dì di meriggio al frescho: non dormire se puoi farlo, o ttu dormi chosì a sedere. Usa d’un lattovaro che fanno fare i medici di ribarbero, danne a’ fanciulli ché uccide i (p. 233) vermini. Mangia alchuna volta la mattina un’oncia di chassia, chosì ne’ bucciuoli, e danne a’ fanciulli: fa d’averne in chasa e frescha e del zuchero e dell’acquarosa e del giulebbo. Se ài sete il dì bei di quello rinfreschati i polsi, le tenpie e al naso choll’acieto ben forte. None istare dove sia molta giente e spezialmente in luogho rinchiuso chome in loggie o in chiese o in simili luoghi. Chon chi venisse dell’aria chorrotta o che avesse infermi in chasa o fusse morto di sua giente, non istare / (c. 67v) cho·llui se none il meno che ttu puoi, non dimostrando ischifarlo per modo s’aveggha, acciò non isdengniasse o non pigliasse ischonforto. Fuggi quanto puoi maninchonia o pensiero: usa dove si faccia chose da diletto e dove tu possa pigliare ispasso chon piacere e chon allegreza, e non pensare punto di chosa ti dia dolore o chattivo pensiero. Chome ti venisse, fuggilo, o in pensare ad altro o dove si ragioni di darsi piaciere o dove si faccia alchuna chosa che tti piaccia o ttu giuocha, quando tai chasi t’avenissono, e di pochi danari per volta: non passare di perdere uno fiorino; e se llo perdi, lascialo andare sanza pensarvi e non volere per quel dì rischuoterti, ché potresti, dove vuoi fuggire pensiero e dolore, andarlo cierchando. Se ài chavallo, vatti a ssollazo e per la terra e di fuori la mattina pe·llo frescho e lla sera. Istà chasto il più che ttu puoi. Fuggi ongni chosa putidra e ll’aria ivi apresso, non vi istare tieni in diletto e in piaciere la tua famiglia e fa cho·lloro insieme buona e sana vita, vivendo sanza pensiero di fare per allora masserizia, ché assai s’avanza a stare sano e fuggire la morte. Al presente non iscriverrò più avanti sopra la detta materia, perché nel vero i medici fidati e che chonoschono la tua natura sarebbono quelli che meglio t’amaestrerrebbono di tale provedimento; e però, chom’è detto, il chonsiglio si vuole avere da lloro, nonistante che lle sopra iscritte chose sieno utili e buone a oservalle ne’ detti tenpi. |
In the year of Christ 1348 there was a great mortality in the city of Florence among the people who died of a pestilential disease. Many stories about it are told by old people, and many are written down; and among others, Giovanni Boccaccio tells about it in detail in a book of a hundred novellas, and it is at the beginning of the book. At first people began to die of a swelling, accompanied with great pain and sudden fever, either in the groin, under the armpits, or in the neck, below the ears; they lived four or six days. Afterwards the disease grew worse, and they died in two days or less; finally this poison spread so far that it showed itself in certain small bumps which appeared on the skin anywhere on the body: and these were more dangerous than the swellings and more difficult to treat. Later, in the heart of the epidemic, certain redness and bruises appeared on the skin of many people, and they spat blood or bled from the nose or underneath: and this was a very bad sign and without cure. In short, they fell, big and small, from one day to the next: one hour you would see someone laughing and joking and the next hour you would see him die! It got to the point that many died in the streets and on the benches, like abandoned people, without help or consolation from anyone: they were only left there to be buried by the neighbours to avoid the smell. And it happened that people left, because they were alone and abandoned at home, to get some kind of help. Many wandered madly through the country because of delirium; many threw themselves into wells, from windows and into the Arno; and some killed themselves because of great delirium or great pain or suffering. Many died without being seen, rotting in their beds; many were buried even though they were still alive. There was no one to serve them or bury them; and what is more, if you needed a witness for a will, you could not get one, or he asked for six or eight florins. Crosses were seen brought for a body, and three or four followed it before it reached the church: many were deposited at night on the lattices outside the church, and many were thrown away in the street. Many marvellous things were seen: many who visited, nursed or touched a sick person, either him or his clothes, fell down dead. Among others, Giovanni Boccaccio relates that he saw two swine rooting and tearing certain rags of a dead poor man who had remained in the street: and immediately the said swine fell down dead on the rags they had torn. Oh, see how dangerous and risky this pestilential disease is: one cannot protect oneself enough. Now, as you have partly seen and understood, the mortality was immeasurable, and it is said, and so it certainly was, that in our city two-thirds of the people died; for it was estimated that there were 120,000 souls in Florence at that time, of whom 80,000 died. Think what an uproar that was! It is not very surprising that this happened, for there were many causes which increased the evil; and it is more surprising, when all is well considered, how many survived than how many died. The reasons were partly these: in Florence this disease, let us say for the community, was not known, as it had not appeared for a long time; Florence was very populous, more so than ever; the year before there was great famine in Florence, and I believe there were not a hundred people that had bread or corn, and those that had had little: they lived on herbs and roots and bad things that would not be recognised to-day, and they drank water, and all the surrounding country was full of people eating herbs like beasts. Think about what state their bodies were in! In addition, as I said, they had no remedies or defences; and the evil was so great and so violent that they could not help each other in anything, and for these reasons they died without remedy. Now it is so, in consequence of these and many others that have often taken place afterwards, that many precautions have been taken, not that it no longer does much harm; but still I believe that many survive by the power of the remedies, for the doctors say that the rules they give to ward off this poison are a kind of defence. This does not mean that one who is very well armed cannot die, for he may be struck by a spear thrust or a bullet or a stone that kills him; so it may happen to the good man who has taken precautions against the plague that a mist or a stench of putrefaction or a breath of another sick person stronger than himself may strike him and still kill him. But what is that? It is clear that in a mortal fight he who is well armed has a great advantage, and dies less than the unarmed; therefore I would say that the remedies are good. One should seek advice from good doctors and get their advice or prescriptions in writing and follow them conscientiously and not make fun of them. I would like you to take this advice to heart. You will hear that mortality lasts a year or two in the city of Florence, because it first strikes Romagna or Lombardy before it reaches our city, and almost always the following year it is in Florence; or at least in the winter before you will hear a whiff of it, either in the surrounding countryside or in the suburbs, so it is clear that mortality will come to Florence. And know that it begins to make itself felt in February, and so it grows into July; and from the middle of July it affects the wealthy people and those who have lived well, and fewer people die, but of the best. This is because the poison has spread so widely and has affected you so badly that it has broken through the armour and got inside; and because of the hardness of the battle it will tire you out and gradually wear you down, and finally it will strike you down. Therefore, take these precautions. In winter, begin to protect yourselves and your whole family in this way. First, beware of dampness as much as possible and do not endure cold. Then use fire every morning before you go out, and take something according to your stomach: a little bread and half a glass of good wine or malmsey, or a suitable pill, or a little theriac, if it is raining or damp, two or three mornings of fifteen days, during the day and before you get up, and then sleep a little; and eat nothing till five hours later. If you are thirsty or wish to drink half a glass of malmsey, that would be good, but no other strong wines; or if you have a weak or cold stomach, once in eight days at such times take a pickled ginger root and drink half a glass of malmsey, and then eat nothing else for five hours. Or take a clove leaf or a little cinnamon or a spoonful of trigonella or four grains of saffron or two or three boiled nuts and two or three figs without bread or anything else, as you are advised. And if you realise that it is not good for you, leave it alone; and if it is better for the stomach to remain sober, do not strain it. Don't go out too early: stay by the fire in fog and rain. Eat at the proper time, eat good things and not too much; get up with a good appetite, avoid fruit and mushrooms, do not eat them, or eat only a little and rarely. Exercise, but not strenuously, so that you do not sweat and do not feel the need to dry your clothes; avoid sexual intercourse and women, do not mix with them this year. Do not eat or drink if you do not feel like it; and if you have something in your stomach, let it digest first and then wait an hour before eating or drinking. Eat little and good things in the evening; do not eat pork in any way; if you have a good stomach, use vinegar and verjuice, but not so much that it gives you difficulty in digesting. Keep your body light, and see that you get out twice a day: If you are constipated and hard in body, take a treatment of eight or fifteen days. (c. 67r) Don't get too entangled in sleep, get up at sunrise. In this way spend the winter. And if you keep up this or a better style, you will so cleanse your stomach or your whole body that the bad air will find no clue. In spring, or really in March, you will realise where you should flee to. Wait till your fellow-citizens move: do not be the first, but after four or six have gone, go where most go, and to such a town where you will find for your money all that is necessary for the health of the body. Do not be foolish, either for miserliness or for any other reason, to shut yourself up in castles or villages or places where there are no good doctors and medicines, for it happens that the friend dies and ends up spending twice as much as the others and is laughed at, without the pain and trembling of the soul that never leaves you in peace. These are not times for miserliness, but to get money from wherever you can; and spend generously on what is necessary, without miserliness, for it is only earned to spend on survival or on life and honour, or on difficulties or similar cases. Therefore, I encourage you to escape early, and that is the safest escape there is. Make sure you have money: Don't gamble, because you could lose it all, and at these times there are very few who would lend it to you for many reasons. So be wise: Take care in advance to collect at least three hundred florins, and do not touch them unless it is necessary, and do not say that you have them, for they would be demanded of you. And take a spacious house for your family, not too cramped, but with extra rooms. And in summer use fresh things: good wine and small, chickens and goatlings, and the bellies or feet of mutton with vinegar or lettuce, or crabs if you can get them. Keep cool at midday: do not sleep if you can avoid it, or sleep sitting up. Use a lotion that doctors make with rhubarb, give it to children as it kills worms. Eat an ounce of cassia sometimes in the morning, in the buds, and give it to the children: keep it fresh in the house together with sugar and rose-water and syrup. If you are thirsty during the day, cool your wrists, temples and nose with strong vinegar. Do not stay in places with many people, especially in closed rooms such as loggias or churches or similar places. Do not stay with someone who comes from a contaminated area or has sick people in the house or whose relatives have died, as little as possible without showing it, so as not to offend or discourage them. Flee as much as you can from melancholy or sorrow: Stay in places where you can find joy and entertainment, and don't think about things that cause you pain or bad thoughts. When they come, flee from them by thinking of something else or by staying in places where there is pleasure or where people do things you like or where you can play, but only with little money: do not lose more than a florin; and if you lose it, let it go without thinking about it and do not try to recover that day, because where you want to flee sorrow and pain, you go in search of it. If you have a horse, go out in the morning and evening for pleasure. Be as chaste as possible. Flee from everything foul and the air in the neighbourhood, do not stay there. Keep your family in joy and contentment and lead a good and healthy life together, without thinking of miserliness, for it is enough to stay healthy and avoid death. I will not write further on this subject for now, because in truth, trustworthy doctors who know your nature are the ones who can give you the best advice; therefore, as I said, advice should be sought from them, although the things mentioned above are useful and good to observe in the times mentioned. |
Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 229-233 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1353-00-00-Iceland | 1353 JL | Great Famine in Iceland in 1353. | hallæri mikit a sio ok landi. | Great famine at sea and on land. | Flateyjarannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 405 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1353-00-00-Poehlde | 1353 JL | Inscription on a church bell to protect from plague and famine, probably referring to the Black Death, from the parish of Poehlde in Lower Saxony. | O Rex aeterne populum Tu laedere sperne / Fulmine peste fame quotiens tonuit sonus a me. | O Eternal King, spare the people from injury by lightning, pestilence and famine as often as my sound is heard. | DI 105, Osterode, Nr. 14† (Jörg H. Lampe), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di105g021k0001408 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1354-00-00-Tunis | 1354 JL | In Tunis and surrounding areas was a plague of locusts, which destroyed the fields and grass. Their decay corrupted the air, leading to mortality and famine. In the following year, the same thing happened in Cyprus, thus the king issued a decree to contain the plague. | De' grilli ch'abondarono in Barberia e poi in Cipri In questo anno abondarono in Barberia, a Tunisi e nelle contrade vicine tanta moltitudine di grilli che copersono tutto il paese, e rosono e consumarono tutta l'erba che trovarono viva sopra la terra, e del puzzo ch'uscia della loro coruzzione corruppono tanto l'aria del paese, che nne seguitò grande mortalità nelli uomini, e grande fama a tutta la provincia. E questa medesima pestilenzia di grilli nel seguente anno accupò l'isola di Cipri per sì sconcio modo, che' campi e le strade n'erano pieni, alti da terra u mezzo braccio e più, e guastarono ciò che v'era di verde. E per cessare la pistilenzia della loro coruzione i re fece per dicreto che ogni uomo grande e popolare, plelato e cittadino e barone e contadino, ne dovesse rassegnare certa misura alli uficiali eletti sopra cciò per lo re, i quali feciono fare per li campi grandi fosse, ove li mettieno e ricoprieno. E per questa legge i villani si dispuosono a ffare loro civanza, e patteggiarono colli uomini ch'avieno a ffare il servigio che comandato e imposto li era, e avieno della misura certo (p. 480) prezzo, e rasegnavalli per nome di colui che li avea pagati alli uficiali diputati sopra ciò, i quali tenieno il conto di catuno; e durò questa maladizione in questa isola parecchi anni. Con tutto l'argomento che ffu utilissimo ad alleggiare i campi e cessare la coruzione, ma grande noia e confusione fu a tutto il paese. |
That year, in Barbaria, Tunis and the neighbouring areas, there were so many crickets that they covered the whole country, eating and destroying all the grass they found on the ground. The stench emanating from their decay so corrupted the air of the land that a great mortality among the people and a great famine followed throughout the province. In the following year this same plague of locusts attacked the island of Cyprus in such a disgraceful manner that the fields and roads were full of them, up to half an arm and more high, and they destroyed all the greenery there was. To put an end to the pestilence of their decay, the king issued a decree that every man, great or small, plebeian or commoner, baron or peasant, should give a certain amount to the officials he chose. These had large trenches dug in the fields, into which they placed the crickets and covered them up again. As a result of this law, the farmers began to set to work and they traded with the men who were to perform the ordered and imposed service and had a certain price for the quantity. They handed them over in the name of the one who had paid them, to the appointed officials who kept a record of each one. This plague lasted for several years on this island. Although the measure was very useful in relieving the fields and stopping the decay, it was a great labour and confusion to the whole country. | Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 479-480. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1355-08-00-Cyprus | August 1355 JL | In Cyprus and Tunis and surroundings were great abundance of locusts, which destroyed the harvest and the fields. It followed a famine and a mortality among the people. | Come abondarono grilli in Cipri e 'n Barberia In questo tempo abbondarono nell'isola di Cipri tanti grilli, che rimpierono tutti i campi alti da terra un quarto di braccio, e consumarono ciò che verde trovarono sopra la terra, e guastarono i lavori per modo che frutto no se ne poté avere in quest'anno. E 'l simigliante avenne questo medesimo anno MCCCLV i molte parti della Barberia, e massimamente nel reame di Tunisi; ed essendo mancato il pane al minuto popolo di Barberia, metteno i grilli ne'forni, e cotti alquanto incrosticati li mangiavano i Saracini, e con questa brutta vivanda mantenieno la misera vita, ma grande mortalità seguitò di quello popolo. |
How crickets were abundant in Cyprus and in Barbaria At that time there were so many crickets on the island of Cyprus that they covered all the fields up to the height of a quarter of an arm and consumed all the greenery they found on the ground. They destroyed the crops to such an extent that no fruit could be harvested that year. Something similar happened in the same year, 1355, in many parts of Barbaria, especially in the kingdom of Tunis. As bread became scarce for the common people of Barbarie, they put the crickets in ovens, and after they were baked and crusted, the Saracens ate them. With this unappetising food they maintained their miserable lives, but great mortality followed among this people. |
Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 703. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1359-07-04-Goettingen | 4 July 1359 JL | Inscription on a church bell to protect from plague and famine, probably referring to the Pestis secunda, from a parish church in Göttingen. | + ANNO · DOMINI · M° · C°C°C° LIX · IN DIE · S(ANCTI) · ODELRITCI + AVE · MARIA · GRACIA · PLENA · DOMINVS · TECVM · B[ENE]DICTA · TV · IN · MVLIERI / BVS · ET · BENEDICTVS · FRVCTVS · VENTRIS · TVI · AMIN · + O · REX · ETERNE · POPVLVM · TV · LEDERE · SPERNE · [FVL]MINE · [PE]STEf) · FAME · / · QVOCIGENS · TINNIT · SONVS · A ME. | In the year of our Lord 1359, on the day of St. Ulrich. Hail Mary, you are full of grace, the Lord is with you. Blessed are you among women, and blessed is the fruit of your womb, Amen. O eternal King, spare the people from injury by lightning, pestilence (and) famine, as often as the sound of me is heard. | DI 19, Stadt Göttingen, Nr. 7 (Werner Arnold), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di019g001k0000709 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1361-00-00-Milano1 | 1361 JL | Outbreak of the Pestis secunda in Milan and surroundings, but also in Brescia, Cremona, Parma and in Lombardy in general. | Anno autem proxime preterito, estivo tempore, cepit morbus in Mediolano et comitatu invalescere et in tantum Invaluit quod, pretermlssis, ut superìus est dictum, omnibus remediis in civitate Mediolani et suburbiis, brevi tempore mortui sunt lxxvii milia virorum et in comitatu tanti, quod numerus ipsorum non posset describi, propter que multe terre in comitatu ut plurimura vacue sunt dimisse, cuius rei causa Domini Mediolani de ipsa civitate cum universis familiis de civitate ipsa Mediolani' recesserunt ad eorum castra divertendo et eciam civitibus. In quibus civitatibus etiam prefati domini Bernabois infiniti propter morbum perierunt, videlicet in Brixia, Cremona, Parma et in aliis universis terris suis Lumbardie ; cuius rei causa homines depauperati sunt dictorum locorum, non tamen in tantum quantum sunt alii civitatum premissarum domini Galeaz, qui propter descripta deducti sunt ad finem et alia. | In the previous year, during the summer, the disease began to spread and intensify in Milan and its hinterland to such an extent that, despite all remedies being applied, as mentioned earlier, 77,000 men died in the city of Milan and its suburbs in a short time. In the surroundings, so many died that their number could not be recorded, resulting in many lands in the county being largely abandoned. Because of this, the lords of Milan, along with their entire families, left the city and moved to their castles and towns. Even in these cities, countless people belonging to the Lord Bernabò perished due to the disease, notably in Brescia, Cremona, Parma, and other lands in Lombardy. This caused the people in these places to become impoverished, though not to the same extent as those in the cities under Lord Galeazzo, who were brought to ruin as described | Cognasso 1926-39, pp. 145-146 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1365-02-00-Apulia | February 1365 JL | A lunar eclipse on 8th of February (actually 6th) predicts cold and wind; almost all people fall ill with fever and cough, affects wide regions like Apulia, Bologna, Marche, Tuscia and Lombardy | Ancora, adì 8 de febraro, la nocte vegnando, la luna divenne tucta sanguinea per assai volte, et ancho si mostrò schura, zoè negra; et durò per spazio d'uno quarto d'una ora o più. Et per questo accidente, a quisti dì, si fu uno fiero et forte tempo, cum grandi venti et grande zelo: et si fu una sì fiera pestilenza de fredo nelle persone de' christiani, cum grande febre et tosse et male assai; et si n'è stadi de morti alchuna parte per questa malatia, et si se pò dire che non rimase nessuno, generalmente, che non sentisse la malatia. Et questo fu per tucte le parte, zoè in la Puglia et in la Marcha, in Thoscana, in Romagna, in Lombardia, et generalmente per tucto; et questo comminzò de febraro et durò di fine al mese marzo, che fu chossì grande et forte tempo et grande malatia | Again, on 8 February, when the night was coming, the moon became completely bloody for many times, and it also became dark, that is, black; and it lasted for a quarter of an hour or more. And for this reason, on this day, there was a fierce and strong weather, with great winds and great zeal: and there was such a fierce plague of cold in the people of the Christians, with great fever and coughing and much evil; and there were many deaths from this disease, and it can be said that there was no one left, in general, who did not feel the sickness. [...] | Template:Anonymus 1938b, p. 211 | None |
| 1370-00-00-Florence | 1370 JL | Due to the bad weather in the previous year, there was a great famine in Florence. This was fuelled by wars in Italy and a mortality of cattle, which is why no livestock came to Florence. | Rubrica 723a - Come' in questo anno fu grande carestia d'ogni cosa. Nel detto anno [1370] fu grandissima carestia, perocchè per la gran pioggia dell'anno passato, e perchè era stata guerra, non s'era raccolto assai abbastanza; di che convenne si mandasse per grano di fuori. E valse quell'anno lo staio fiorentino, tre mesi: ciò fu febbraio, marzo e aprile e parte di maggio, un fiorino lo staio. E quel medesimo anno di vino fu gran carestia, perocchè valse fiorini uno la barile di ricolta, e di state fiorini uno e mezzo il barile. Ancora fu carestia di carne, perocchè quell'anno era stata in Lombardia la guerra e in Toscana e in molte luogora, per la quale cagione non era venuto a Firenze bestiame di Puglia, donde ne solea venire assai. Quell'anno v'ebbe mortalità di bestiame, la qual cosa gittò assai carestia oltre all'altre cagioni di sopra narrate. | Rubrica 723a - How in that year there was a great famine of everything. In the year in question [1370] there was a great famine because not enough grain had been harvested due to the heavy rains of the previous year and the war, so grain had to be brought in from outside. In the months of February, March, April and partly in May, a staio of Florentine grain cost one florin. In the same year there was a great shortage of wine, as a barrel of wine cost one florin and in summer one and a half florins. There was also a shortage of meat, because in that year there was war in Lombardy and Tuscany and in many other places, which is why no cattle came to Florence from Apulia, where they often came from in the past. In that year there was a great death of cattle which, in addition to the other reasons mentioned above, caused a great famine. | Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 275 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1374-03-16-Alexandria | March 1374 JL | Many people, mainly children, died of plague (ṭāʿūn, fanāʾ, wabāʾ) in Alexandria from Shawwāl 775 H (March 16 to April 14, 1374) to Rabīʿ I 776 H (August 10, 1374 to September 8, 1374). Up to 200 people died per day. In Shawwāl, 7,000 people perished within three days. In 775 H (1373), the Nile had failed to reach the necessary gauge (wafāʾ) during the summer flood, and many fields in Egypt could not be cultivated. Prices for grain and other foodstuffs rose in Egypt. Prices remained high also during the following year (776 H: June 13, 1374 to June 1, 1375) despite a sufficient Nile flood and the availability of grain. People became impoverished and died of hunger due to the rise in prices while grain merchants (khazzān) made huge profits. Finally, people revolted against inflation and famine. Plague came on top of famine. In Alexandria, 17,000 people reportedly died of plague, 12,000 of whom were male and female children. [...] |     |
al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 3 (1970), pp. 253-254; vol. 4 (1970), p. 127-129; 143; vol. 6 (1973), pp. 423-425. | Translation needed | |
| 1382-00-00-Naples | 1382 JL | The army of the Duke of Anjous was defeated near to Naples. There and in many other places, like Ferrara, Bologna and Pisa was a high mortality. | Più, e più volte fu detto, che della gente del Duca d'Angiò, assai ne sono stati sconfitti, morti, e presi. Dicesi ch'è presso a Napoli a otto miglia, o così, e che ivi è mortalità di gente, ed hae grande caro di vettovaglia. In detto anno cominciò la mortalità in più luoghi, in Ferrara, in Bologna, in Pisa, ed in più altri luoghi. |
It has been reported several times that many of the Duke of Anjou's men were defeated, killed and captured. It is said that he is near Naples, about eight miles away, and that there is a high mortality rate there and great scarcity of food. In that year the mortality began in many places, in Ferrara, in Bologna, in Pisa and in many other places. | Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 61. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1383-11-00-Pisa | November 1383 JL | Procession in Pisa because of the plague and concessions to Lucca, moreover a famine | A dì VIJ di novembre si fecie la preccissione per la cità di Pisa, al modo uzato, e ogni volta li signori Ansiani di (p. 323) Consiglo e consiglava del sì, di dare a li luchezi Librafatta per istare in pacie co lloro, e davalelal. E a questo modo diè a li luchezi Librafatta e Asciano e Avane e moute autre castella dallato di verso Lucha, e alli fiorentini diè Pontadera e Calcinaia e dimoute autre chastella dallato di là verso loro. Di che Pisa era rimasa con poghe chastella. E oltr'a questo tenea la cità in grande carestia da vivere. E per questa cagione fu morto dalli pisani colli suoi figluoli | Template:TN | Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 324 | None |
| 1389-00-00-Pistoia | 1389 JL | Grain increased a lot in price and the municipality of Florence had to import grain, otherwise there would have been a great famine. In Pistoia, Arezzo and Città di Castello was a great mortality because of the plague. | Capitolo XXVIII. - Che valse il grano e'l vino in questo anno in Firenze, e come la mortalità fu nel loro contado in più parti. Questo anno fu molto caro il grano in Firenze, alcuna volta valse lo staio lire tre, e 'l vino valse di vendemia dieci fiorini il cogno perché ne fu molto poco,' e tutte l'altre cose furon care mollo, e alli poveri mancò il guadagno, e a' cittadini crebbono le spese, e a gran parte de' cittadini pareva istar male; e se non fosse che 'l Comune, con grande sollecitudine e spese, fece venire di Pelago di mollo grano di più parti del mondo circa di 30 milia moggia, grande moltitudine di gente nella città e nel contado arebbono patito grandissima nicistà di vittuvaglia; ma quel grande riparo li salvò. In questo anno medesimo fu grande mortalità in Pistoia e in tutti li luoghi e intorno a quella; e morivano di posteme pestilenziose e velenose in due o in tre di; e alla città d'Arezzo e in tutto il suo contado cominciarono a morire di pestilenzia, ed ebbevi Castello che vi mori più che 'l terzo delle bocche. E ancora la della mortalità in molte terre d' Italia grandissima; della qual cosa molto isbigottirono i Fiorentini temendo di non averla l'anno vegnente. |
Chapter 28: The development of the value of grain and wine in Florence this year and the mortality in its surroundings. Grain was very expensive in Florence that year. Sometimes a bushel cost three lire, and the wine of the harvest was sold for ten florins a barrel, because there was very little of it. All other things were also expensive and the poor lacked income, while expenses for the citizens increased, causing great inconvenience to many citizens. If the municipality had not taken great care and expense to import large quantities of grain from Pelago and other parts of the world, some 30,000 moggia, there would have been a great famine in the city and the countryside. But these extensive measures saved them. In the same year there was a great mortality in Pistoia and in all the surrounding areas. People died of pestilential and toxic abscesses every two or three days. In the city of Arezzo and its entire surrounding area, they began to die of the plague, and in Castello more than a third of the population died. Mortality was also very high in many other parts of Italy, which worried the Florentines greatly, as they feared they would suffer the same fate the following year. |
Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 88. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1395-00-00-Magdeburg | 1391 JL | A great mortality in Magdeburg, afflichting mostly children, is connected with a dearth and food scarcity caused by Danish-Swedisch war. Mortality had been prevalent since 1391. | In dussem sulven jare (1395) storven vele lude und bi namen untellike kinder. Dat stervent hadde gewart wol veir jar, dat de lude in dusser stad an underlat storven. In dissen veir jaren was strenge tid an korn, an spise, an heringe und an allerleie kopmescop; dat makede ein grot krich de dar was twischen den twey koningen Denemakren nd Sweden. | In the same year (1395) many people died, especially countless children. The mortality had probably lasted four years, during which the people in this city died without ceasing. During these four years there was a great shortage of grain, food, herring and all kinds of goods. This was because of a great war between the two kings of Denmark and Sweden. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, p. 294 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1405-00-00-Odense 001 | 1405 JL | Shortages, famine and pestilence in Odense | a: Anno domini mccccv..... Otthoniæ Petrus Ienson Marsvinus magnis afficit beneficiis sodales prædicatores. ♦ Executores testamenti constituuntur Robertus Richardi, proconsul et aduocatus, et Iohannes Clementis, consul.
b: In 1405 da stoor dyyrtiid, hunger og pest grasserede, gav Peder Marsviin Iensen noget gods til prædikebrøder. ♦ Originalen i Odense hospitals giemme. c: Noch et stk. item refued pergament bref, som er Peder Marsvins testamente. ♦ Dat. 1400. |
In the year of our Lord 1405 ....., Peder Jensen Marsvin in Odense provided the preacher brothers (= Dominicans) with large benefactions. Robert Rikardsen, mayor and bailiff, and Jens Klementsen, aldermen, are appointed executors of the will.
1405, when there were great shortages, hunger and plague, Peder Marsvin Jensen gave some property to the preacher brothers. The original is in Odense Hospital‘s archives. Also a parchment letter, also torn, which is Peder Marsvin's will. Date 1400 |
SRD. I 319, rep. nr. 4732 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1420-08-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia Sim | 15 August 1420 JL | Plague and famine in many towns of Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia | O мopy и гладѣ. Bъ лѣтo 6928 быcть моръ силенъ на Kocтромѣ и въ Яpocлавлѣ, въ Галичѣ, на Плесѣ, въ Pocтовѣ, пoченъ oтъ Уcпeнia Богopoдици; и тако вымроша, яко и жита бѣ жати нѣкомy […] и бысть гладъ по мopy. | About plague and famine. In the year 1420 there was a strong plague in Kostroma and Yaroslavl, in Galich, on Plesa, in Rostov, it began on the Dormition of the Theotokos<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>. And so [they all] died out, that there was no one to gather rye [...] and there was famine after plague. | Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 165. | None |
| 1421-09-08-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia Sim | 8 September 1421 JL | Another wave of plague and famine, probably in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia | Toe же oceни [6929] Ceнтаврiа 8 почя быти болѣзнь коркотная, и на зиму гладъ бысть. | That autumn [1421], on September 8, the plague began and there was famine in the winter. | Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 166. | None |
| 1437-06-00-Würzburg | June 1437 JL | Price increase and a plague in Würzburg | Von grosser theürüng vnd sterben In dem obgemelten 1437. jare galte ein malter korns vmb sant Peters tag stuelfeier sechs pfund, vmb Mitfasten siben, vmb Ostern sechtzehen, sibentzehen vnd achtzehen pfunde. Vnd an dem Freitag den zehen des Maien erforen die weinstocke allenthalben an bergen vnd in thalen. Dannoch, dweil das getraid so theür war, fande man zimlich guten wein, das füder vmb neun vnd zehen gülden zu kaüffen. Vnd fiele im brachmond ein heftiger sterbe an, der weret in das ander jore. Vff sant Marie Magdalene tag starben in der pfar zum dom hie zu Wirtzburg bei [p. 321] dreissig menschen, vnd schluge das korn ser wider ab, also das man vmb vnd nach sant Martins tag ain malter umb funf pfund kauft, vnd sein dis mals zu Wirtzburg bey vier thaüsent menschen gestorben. |
On great famine and death In the aforementioned year 1437, a malter of grain was priced at six pounds around Saint Peter's Day [February 22], seven pounds around Lent [March 10], nine pounds around Easter [March 31], thirteen pounds during the Cross Week [May 5-8], and sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen pounds by Pentecost [May 19]. On Friday, the tenth of May, all the vines died everywhere in the hills and in the valleys. Nevertheless, because grain was so expensive, one found quite good wine available for purchase, costing around nine to ten guilders. A severe plague broke out in June, which continued into the following year. On Saint Mary Magdalene's Day [July 22], thirty people died in the parish of the cathedral here in Würzburg, and the grain was severely damaged, so that around and after Saint Martin's Day [November 11], one could buy a malter for about five pounds and around four thousand people having died in Würzburg this time. |
Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 3 (1999), pp. 320-321. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1438-00-00-Constance | 1438 JL | When the gypsies came to a place, a price increase came shortly after them. In addition, the people fell in the poverty, suffered hunger and a mortality occured. | Und wo sy [Zigeuner] gezogen warent, do kam in nach in dem 1438 jar ain sollich große türy, der nie kain mensch gedacht hett, wan es kam, das man ain viertel kernen gab umb 4 Pfd. heller und des gelichen alle ding, und kament die lüt in groß armut von hunger. Und darnach kam ain großer sterbet, der darnach an dem adern blatt stat. | And wherever they [gypsies] went, there came after them in 1438 such a great price increase that nobody would have thought. When it came, you had to give 4 pounds Heller for a quarter of grain. It was the same with other things. People fell into great poverty and suffered hunger. This was followed by a great dying, which will be described on another page. | Anonymus: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 174. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1439-00-00-Basel | 1439 JL | A plague causes great mortality in Basel during a famine. The death toll is estimated to 8000 dead people, both adults and children. | Anno Domini 1439 fuit magna karistia in Basilea, et etiam cum hoc fuit magna pestilencia et in orribilibus obierunt in numero plus qum octo milia hominum cum pueris; et presertim in ecclesia majori inter canonicos dominus Kaspar thesaurius, dominus prepositus Turicensis, dominus Michahel de Reno prepositus in Sancto Ursicino, et bene viginti cappelanos. | The year 1439 occured a great dearth in Basel. A pestilence broke out simultaneously and more than 8000 persons, adults and children, died dramatically. Among the canons of the cathedral died the treasurer master Kaspar, the prior master Turicensis, master Michael de Reno, prior of Sanctus Ursinus and 20 other canons. | Ehrard von Appenwiler chronicle, pp. 251-252 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1439-07-00-Wallonia | July 1439 JL | Great plague in the country and famine. | En cely temps avoit générale pestilenche par tout paiis, et nonobstant que les biens estoient beaux aux champs, si estoient encors les bleis et frumens bien chiers. | In this time was a pestilence everywhere in the country. And althought the crops were abundant in the fields, wheat and cereal prices were still high. | Chronique de Jean de Stavelot, p. 436 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1440-00-00-Sweden 001 | 1440 JL | The imperial regent Karl Knutsson consults a maiden about his chances of being elected king. She replies that he should become king, and if not, three plagues would come upon Sweden: the first two are war and famine, and the third is pestilence. According to Karlskrönikan, the three biblical plagues hit Sweden in the same year when not Karl, but but Christopher of Bavaria was elected king | Jumfrun swarade ather swa tre plagar skal riket ther förre faa – stort örlog finna i alla endha oc minsta thera gotz ä hwart the wenda – aff hungar skola the lida nödh sa at mange haffua hwaske öll eller brödh – oc otalige warda saa osell at aff hungar skola the swelta i heel – the tridia pestilentia skal offuergaa at mange garda öda staa | The virgin answered so again therefore shall the kingdom receive three plagues – great wars shall be found at all ends, and the least of these shall be everywhere – from hunger they will suffer misery so that many will have neither beer nor bread - and countless will be so miserable that from hunger they will starve to death - the third, pestilence, will pass by, leaving many farms desolate. | Gustaf Edvard Klemming 1866, p. 230–31, col. 6720–6729 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1451-00-00-Sweden | 1451 JL | As foreseen by another virgin, Sweden is hit by a severe plague shortly after the end of Christopher of Bavaria's reign and the begin of Karl VIII's rulership. Since there had also been a war and a famine, the chronicler considers all three prophecies to have been fulfilled. As a consequence of the plague, many farms all over the country are deserted. The number of victims in Stockholm is given as 9,000. | Thz andra jomfrun spadde sannedis tha thz war sa stor pestilencia J stocholm ouer ixM [900] dödde. A landet stodo manga stadz gardana ödhe | The second maiden foresaw truthfully that there was such a great pestilence in Stockolm that over 9,000 [people] died. Many towns were deserted all over the country. | Gustaf Edvard Klemming 1866, p. 290, col. 8485–8488. | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1453-08-00-Flanders | 1453 JL | A pestilence breaks out in the region, as a consequence of a dearth caused by war. | Messis tempore non invenit quod colligeret; hinc annona solito carior et, quae communiter sequi solet, pestilentia populum gravare coepit. | At harvest time, not enough people came at the fields. Then prices have been higher than usual, and a pestilence broke out, as it is common in such conditions. | Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 347 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1455-00-00-Deir Kifa | 1455 JL | There were war, plague, famine, shortage and price increase. | En l’an 1766 [1455] Malik al-Kalif prit la forteresse de Kifa et y régna. […] Il y eut des troubles, des guerres et la terreur, une terrible <épidemie>, la famine et la disette. Tout ce qu’il y avait à manger se vendait au plus haut prix. | In the year 1455 Malik al-Kalif took the fortress of Kifa and reigned there. [...] There were troubles, wars and terror, a terrible epidemic, famine and scarcity. Everything there was to eat was sold at the highest price. | Bar Hebraeus 2013, p. 151 | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1455-00-00-Sweden | 1455 JL | Pestilence in Upper Sweden in 1455, concomitant to a severe famine | Item, fames in tantum invaluit in tota Swecia, quod multi fame moriebantur, et multi ex pestilencia, que tunc erat in superiori Swecia. | Furthermore, the famine ravaged the whole of Sweden so violently that many died of starvation, and many of the plague, which was then spreading in Upper Sweden. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 286 | Translation by Carina Damm |
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