Plague

For Plague, a total of 614 epidemic events are known so far. It is a disease.

Table

Table

Page	DateStart date of the disease.	SummarySummary of the disease event	OriginalOriginal text	TranslationEnglish translation of the text	ReferenceReference(s) to literature	Reference translationReference(s) to the translation
1186-00-00-Strasbourg	1186 JL	This passage tells of a false prophecy. It was wrongly predicted that a great destructive wind and mortality and price increase would come in autumn. People were very afraid, but nothing happened.	Eine falsche prophecie. Bi disen ziten verschreip ein meister von dem gestirne in alle lant, das in dem herbeste in dem jore noch gotz gebürte 1186 solte kumen ein wint, der alle bürge, hüser und boume dernyder würfe, und donoch ein gros sterbot und dürunge und vil andere wunderliche ding. und sprach och, das alle sternenseher in der cristenheit und in der heidenschaft und alle wise meistere wol erkantent, das diese ding also geschehen muestent. hievon erschrag das volg und mahtent etliche lüte hütten uf dem velde und hüselin under der erden do sü inne wonetent, und men mahte vil crüzegenge und gebet. do nu der herbest kam, do was es guet wetter und geschach der dinge keines die men gewissaget hette. hiebi mag men merken, das der welte wisheit ist eine torheit vor gotte.	A False Prophecy During this time, a master of the stars wrote to all the lands that in the autumn of the year 1186 after Christ's birth, a wind would come that would topple all castles, houses, and trees. This would be followed by a great death, price increase, and many other strange occurrences. He also claimed that all astrologers in Christendom and in pagan lands, as well as all wise masters, had recognized that these things must happen. This caused fear among the people, leading some to build huts in the fields and little houses underground where they could live. Many people made pilgrimages and prayed fervently. But when autumn came, the weather was good, and none of the predicted events occurred. From this, one can observe that the wisdom of the world is foolishness before God.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 648.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1191-00-00-Neapel 0002	1191 JL	After the coronation of Henry VI. he conquered all the land to Naples. The siege of Naples falled because a plague broke out among the soldiers and Henry and his wife Constance fell ill as well. Constance died shortly after that. (Actually she died only the 27th November 1198)	Come lo 'mperadore Arrigo conquistò il regno di Puglia Come il detto Arrigo fu coronato imperadore [1191], e isposata Gostanza imperadrice, onde ebbe in dota il reame di Cicilia e di Puglia con consentimento del papa e della Chiesa, e rendendone il censo usato, e già nato Federigo suo figliuolo, incontanente con sua oste e colla moglie n'andòe nel Regno, e vinse tutto il paese infino a la città di Napoli, ma que' di Napoli non si vollono arrendere, onde Arrigo vi puose l'assedio, e stettevi tre mesi. E nella detta oste fue tanta pestilenzia d'infermità e di mortalità, che 'l detto Arrigo e la moglie v'infermaro, e della sua gente vi morì la maggiore parte; onde per necessità si levò dal detto assedio con pochi quasi inn-isconfitta, e infermo tornò a Roma, e la 'mperadrice Gostanza per malatia presa ne l'oste poco appresso si morìo, e lasciò Federigo suo figliuolo piccolino in guardia e in tutela di santa Chiesa. […]	How the emperor Arrigo conquered the kingdom Puglia As the said Arrigo was crowned emperor [1191], and married empress Gostanza, so he had the kingdom of Sicily and Apulia as a dowry, with the consent of the pope and the Church, and making the fee used, and already Federigo his son was born, He went into the kingdom with his entourage and his wife and conquered the whole country as far as the city of Naples, but the people of Naples did not want to surrender, so Arrigo laid siege to it and stayed there for three months. In the camp there was such a plague of sickness and death that the said Arrigo and his wife fell ill, and most of his people died there; so that he had to leave the siege with a few almost unconquered, and he returned to Rome sick, and the empress Gostanza died a short time later of a disease caught in the camp, and left Federigo his young son in the custody of the Holy Church.	Giovanni Villani 1990,Vol. 1, p. 247.	Translation by DeepL
1204-00-00-Europa	1204 JL	High mortality and disease among cattles and pigs	Et fuit maxima mortalitas et pestilentia bovum et porcorum	And there was the greatest mortality and plague among cattle and pigs	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 35	Translation needed
1230-00-00-Denmark	1230 JL	Severe plague and epizootic. The epidemics are announced by a solar eclipse	Eclipsis solis et pestilentia hominum et iumentorum magna fuit.	Solar eclipse and a great pestilence among men and animals.	Annales Ryenses In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 171	None
1230-00-00-Smolensk MLSKXVv	1230 JL	A two-year heavy plague in Smolensk.	Toго же лѣта [6738] бысть мopъ силeн въ Cмоленсцѣ, cтворища 4 cкуделници и положища в дву16 тысящь, a въ третьеи 7000, a въ четвертои 9000. Ce же было по два лѣта.	This year 1230 there was a heavy plague in Smolensk. They made four mass graves and placed 16,000 in two, 7,000 in the third, and 9,000 in the fourth. This lasted for two years.<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 125.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1246-00-00-Iceland 001	1246 JL	Winter of plague in Iceland in 1246	Sótta vetr.	Plague-winter (in Iceland).	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 190	Translation by Carina Damm
1246-00-00-Iceland 002	1246 JL	Great plague and mortality in Iceland in 1246	Sott mickil ok manndaudr.	Great plague and mortality.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 256	Translation by Carina Damm
1247-00-00-Iceland 001	1247 JL	Great plague and mortality in Iceland in 1247	Sott mickil ok manndaudr.	Great plague and mortality.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 256	Translation by Carina Damm
1247-00-00-Iceland 002	1247 JL	Great plague and mortality in Iceland in 1247	Sott mikill (!) ok manndauðr.	Great plague (!) and mortality.	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 190	Translation by Carina Damm
1250-00-00-Egypt	1250 JL	Deaths among the French army in Egypt due to plague and famine	1250 - Sed et prius pestilentia et inedia multi periere. Habuerunt enim caristiam et penuriam comestibilium rerum et victualium, nec talem dispositionem aeris habebant qualem in terra sua.		Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 486	Translation needed
1257-00-00-England	1257 JL	Starvation und plague during summer.	Jacuerunt terrae incultae, et mortua est prae inedia populi multitude numerosa. […] Annus insuper pestifer letales febres suscitavit, ita ut, si de aliis sileam, apud Sanctum Edmundum in aestate, diebus praecipue canicularibus ingruentibus, plus quam duo milia mortuorum cimiteria spatiosa occuparent.	The lands lay uncultivated, and a great multitude of people died from starvation. […] Additionally, that pestilent year brought about deadly fevers, such that, to mention only one example, at Saint Edmund's in the summer, especially during the dog days, more than two thousand dead occupied the spacious cemeteries.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 660.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1257-00-00-Horning	1257 JL	Plague and mortality due to intemperate weather.	Aeris igitur intemperies, hominum pestem et mortalitatem suscitavit	The intemperate weather caused a plague and mortality among the people.	Chronica Johannis de Oxenedes, p. 215.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-Baghdad 001	1258 JL	Famine and plague in the Middle East.		And in his time there was a very severe famine and a pestilence in all the land of SEN'AR, and 'ATHOR (Assyria), and BETH NAHRIN, and SYRIA and BETH RHOMAYE; for in DAMASCUS a young dove for a sick man was sold for twelve nasraye		None
1258-00-00-Bilbeis	1258 JL	Plague in Syria and Egypt.		In this year (i.e. 1258), plague struck across Syria, the regions of Egypt, and the like […] A fever and cough occurred in Bilbeis such that not one person was spared from it, yet there was none of that in Cairo. Then after a day or two, something similar happened in Cairo. I was stationed in Giza at that time. I rode to Cairo and found that this condition was spreading across the people of Cairo, except a few.		None
1258-00-00-Miðfjörður	1258 JL	Great mortality before Easter in Miðfjörður in northwestern Iceland in 1258	her segir fra mannfalle þui enu mikla er j Midfirde var er till tok Mariu messo sidarre. lette eftir paaska uiku: ok do or sott .cccc. manna j þessum kirkiu soknum at Stad. at Nupe. a Backa. a Mel. j Huamme ok Holum. ok Tiorn.	Here it is said that there was a great loss of life in Miðfjörður, which began on the last feast of Mary. It eased up after Easter week; and 400 people died of plague in these church districts: at Staður, Gnúpá, Bakki, Mel, Hvammur and Hólar, and Tjörn.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 257	Translation by Carina Damm
1258-00-00-Senones	1258 JL	A plague of livestock in Senones (Vosges).	Sed tamen pestilentia pecorum ipso anno finiente non finivit, sed per totum sequentem annum regiones plurimas bobus et vaccis [p. 334] penitus vacuavit.	However, the pestilence of livestock did not end with the close of that year, but continued throughout the following year, utterly emptying many regions of oxen and cows.	Richeri Gesta Senoniensis ecclesiae 1880, pp. 333-334.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Italy	1259 JL	Price increase, famine and epidemics throughout Italy	In questo mentre si ritrouaua tutta l'Italia grandemente afflitta, & per la gran carestia che da ogni parte s'haueua di tutte le cose attenenti al vitto humano, & per la vniuersal pestilentia che da ogni lato regnaua, con miserabile strage d'ogni viuente di qualunque stato, & conditione.	In the meantime, all of Italy was greatly afflicted, and by the great famine on all sides of all things pertaining to human sustenance, and by the universal pestilence that reigned on all sides, with miserable slaughter of every citizen of every state and condition.	Alberti 1541, pp. Dec. II, lib. II, ad a. 1259	Translation by DeepL
1259-00-00-Salzburg	1259 JL	Everywhere a great need, shortage and price increase and thereupon severe plague in Salzburg	1259. Maxima caristia orta est per omnes terras, quam sequitur maxima pestilentia hominum.	In the year 1259, a great scarcity arose across all lands, followed by a severe pestilence among the people.	Template:Annales Sancti Rudperti Salisburgensis, p. 795.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Salzburg 001	1259 JL	Great plague in Salzburg.	et multe civitates exuste, set unde nemo congnoscere quivit. Sequitur etiam maxima pestilencia hominum	and many cities were burned, but no one could understand the cause. A great pestilence among the people followed as well.	Template:Continuatio chronici Magni Presbiteri 1861, p. 529.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-world	1259 JL	In this year there was a great inflation followed by a plague among humans.	1259. Maxima caristia orta est per omnes terras, quam sequitur maxima pestilentia hominum.	1259. The greatest dearth arose in all lands which was followed by the greatest plague among humans.	Annales Sancti Rudberti Salisburgenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 758-810, 795, l. 8f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1259-04-00-Italy	April 1259 JL	Epidemic and high mortality in Italy.	Et eodem anno MCCLIX magna fuit mortalitas, et composui librum de tediis. [...] In supradicto millesimo habitabam in Burgo Sancti Donini et composui et scripsi alium librum Tediorum ad similitudinem Pateccli. Item eodem anno in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de Passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in Dominica Olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit dominus Rubinus de Soragna, barbánus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchisopoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent.	And in the same year 1259, there was a great mortality, and I composed a book about weariness. [...] In the aforementioned year, I lived in San Donino and composed and wrote another book of weariness, similar to Gherardo Patecchio. Also in the same year, in Italy, there was a great mortality of men and women, so much so that during the evening office, we had two dead in the church at the same time. And this curse began in the week of Passion, so that in the whole province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not perform the office on Palm Sunday, as they were affected by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. Then, Master Rubinus of Soragna, the barber of Uberti Pelavicini, and Brother Marchisopoli, whom I heard in confession, died. Also in San Donino, more than three hundred died from that pestilence, and in Milan, many thousands, and similarly in Florence, many thousands; and the bells did not toll, lest they terrify the sick.	Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, pp. 674–675.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1267-00-00-Austria	1267 JL	Great famine and severe plague with many deaths in people and animals in complete Austria	Anno Domini MCCLXVII. pestilencia et fames, ex nationes civitatum et villarum per Austriam surrexerunt, ita ut innumerus populus cum pecore pene omni in terris peste miserabiliter morerentur, que Deum vulgaris plebs affirmavit propter illivitas regis nupcias induxisse.		Iohannes Victoriensis 1340-1343, p. 170	Translation needed
1267-00-00-Thuringia	1267 JL	Many diseases and plague among people and animals in Thuringia and the surrounding area	Similiter in Thuringia et in confinio eius multe egrotationes ac pestilencie hominum et pecudum irruerunt.	Similarly, in Thuringia and its neighboring regions, many illnesses and pestilences befell both humans and livestock	Chronica minor auctore Minorita Erphordensi, p. 675, l. 8	Translation by Martin Bauch
1270-00-00-Tunisia	1270 JL	Charles of Anjou makes peace in Tunisia, partly because the plague hit his army	Reges, tum propter difficultatem urbem munitissimam capiendi, tum propter pestilentiam mortalitatis, que vehementer exercitum affligebat, tale pactum cum rege Tunicii pepigerunt: quod ipse persolveret regibus omnes transfetationis expensas et tributum redderet regi Karulo et filiis suis, quod ipse solebat persolvere annuatim magno principi Federico.		Template:Anonymus 1207–1270, p. 61	Translation needed
1271-00-00-Austria-Hungary	1271 JL	Plague in Austria and Hungary	Eiusdem tempore anni tam inaudita facta est pestilentia in Austria et Ungaria, ut ex tam vehementi pestilentie plaga in fossatis maximis simul et semel mortui homines tamquam peccora infoderentur.		Historia annorum 1264-1279 1851, p. 651, l. 52	Translation needed
1277-00-00-Steterburg	1277 JL	Severe plague among animals	Anno sequenti pestilencia pecorum est exorta, ita ut nobis secundum veram computacionem mille et ducente oves et plus quam centum vacce morerentur; unde in comparandis lacticiniis multa expendere oportebat.		Gesta praepositorum Stederburgensium continuata, p. 728, l. 42	Translation needed
1281-00-00-Bohemia	1281 JL	High mortality caused by severe famine and plague in Southern Europe and Bohemia.	Fuerunt nives, pluvie et inundaciones aquarum magne, et cepit esse fames valida in cunctis inferioribus partibus Europe, et Bohemi quocumque divertebant fame et pestilencia interibant.		Chronicon imperatorum et pontificum Bavaricum 1292-1300, p. 224, l. 53,	Translation needed
1282-00-00-Alsace	1282 JL	Epidemic in Alsace	Item mel in Alsatia finibus pluebat, unde multi olera seu fructus commedere recusabant. Item pestilencia in locis pluribus sequebatur	It rained honey in some places in Alsace, and a lot of people refused to eat vegetables and fruits. And, an epidemic follows in several locations.	Jaffe 1861, Sp. 209	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1282-00-00-Bohemia	1282 JL	Following a great famine a disease spread throughout Bohemia to which so many people fall victim that the graveyards have not sufficient space for the deceased.	De fame maxima, que illis temporibus fuit in Bohemia. [...] Fame igitur urgente tanta pestilencia in terra prevaluit, quantam retroactis temporibus, prout a senibus didici, nullus inibi expertus fuit. [...] ex fetore cadaverum aer inficitur et qui forsan amplius vivere poterat, fetido tabefactus aere subito suffocatur. [...] Cimiteria pro sepultura deficiunt et qui defunctos sepeliant, tedio affecti iam inveniri vix possunt. Magne igitur fovee fodiuntur, in quas multa defunctorum cadavera bigis incessanter adducta proiciuntur.	About the great famine which was at those times in Bohemia. Under the pressure of hunger a plague prevailed in the land and it was so fierce that noone in preceeding times has wittned the like as I have learned from old people. [...] From the smell of cadavers the air got infected and those who could have lived longer did suddenly suffocate, because they were poisoned by the evil smelling air. [...] The graveyards were too small for the funerals and people who were ready to bury the dead were hard to find because they were overwhelmed by disgust. Therefore, large pits were dug to which the many deceased were brought with two horse carriages and into which they were flung.	Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 17f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1282-00-00-Bohemia-Moravia	1282 JL	A great wave of mortality went through Bohemia and Moravia. Heaps of people were burried in large ditches in the fields during winter and spring.	1282. Maxima mortalitas hominum fit per Boemiam et Moraviam. Nam Prage ac Brunne et alibi defuncti innumerabiles, velud fenum in curribus ad agros ducebantur; ibi in fossis profundis catervatim obstruuntur, tempore hyemalis et veris.	1282. A maximum mortality of humans happened throughout Bohemia and Moravia. In Prague and Brno as well as in other places innumerable people died. Like hay they were brought in waggons to the fields and there, in the times of winter and spring, large ditches were filled with heaps of them.	Continuatio Vindobonensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 698-722, 712, l. 24-26	Translation by Christian Oertel
1284-00-00-Hungary	1284 JL	Tatars invaded the land of Hungary, then a great famine and plague started.	Eodem anno Tarthari terram Ungarie que dicitur de Septemcastris intraverunt et multos christianos captivaverunt et occiderunt. Christus autem tutor christianorum, magnam famem in eos et pestilenciam inmisit.	The same year, the Tartars entered the land of Hungary, which is called the land of Seven Castles, and captured and killed many Christians. But Christ, the protector of Christians, sent great famine and pestilence upon them.	Annales Polonorum IV. 899-1327, p. 648, l. 28.	Translation by DeepL
1284-00-00-Iceland 004	1284 JL	Great plague in Iceland in 1284, followed by a lunar eclipse. Out of the three lunar eclipses of that year, the only one visible in Iceland was the Total Lunar Eclipse on 29 June 1284	Sott mikil […] Eclipsis lune.	Great plague […] Lunar eclipse.	Annales vetustissimi. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 50	Translation by Carina Damm
1285-00-00-Augsburg	1285 JL	Severe plague among cattles.	Pestilentia pecudum solito maior per totam estatem duravit, ita ut in Augusta non decima pars vaccarum remaneret viva.	The plague of cattle lasted longer than usual throughout the entire summer, so that in the month of August not even a tenth part of the cows remained alive.	Annales Augustani Minores, p. 10, l. 18.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1285-00-00-Westfjords	1285 JL	Great plague in Iceland (Westfjords) in 1285	Sott mikil vm vest fiorðv.	Great plague in the Westfjords.	Annales vetustissimi. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 50	Translation by Carina Damm
1285-03-00-Italy	March 1285 JL	Plague of fleas in Italy.	Anno siquidem Domini MCCLXXXV, indictione XIII, quem millesimum superius etiam inchoavimus, totus mensis Marcii pulicibus plenus fuit, et ita abundaverunt pulices per totum mensem illum, quod, si essent in media estate, superflui viderentur et essent.	Indeed, in the year of our Lord 1285, in the thirteenth indiction, which we also mentioned earlier, the entire month of March was full of fleas, and fleas abounded throughout that whole month to such an extent that if it were in the middle of summer, they would seem excessive and plentiful	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 839.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1291-00-00-Vienna	1291 JL	Destruction of the crops [through the invasion of King Andreas II. of Hungary and also a plague	Segetes tempore messis tam per pabulum quam per incendium et conculcationem pedum equorum ac hominum penitus devastavit; et talis pestilencia sex septimanis in terra ista duravit, et multo deterius huic terre fecit, quam Bela		Annales Vindobonenses, p. 716, l. 40	None
1292-00-00-Iceland 001	1292 JL	Great plague and high mortality in Iceland in 1292	Kom sua mikil sott um allt land at meiri lutr manna syktiz oc fylgði manndauðr mikill.	There was such a great plague all over the country that a lot of people fell ill and a great mortality followed.	Høyersannáll	Translation by Carina Damm
1292-00-00-Iceland 002	1292 JL	Great plague in Iceland in 1292	Mikil sott a Islandi.	Great plague on Iceland.	Skálholtssannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 197	Translation by Carina Damm
1298-00-00-Poland	1298 JL	Plague among animals in Poland.	Generalis pestilencia animalium in tota Polonia.	A general plague among animals in all of Poland.	Annales Polonorum I. 965-1325, p. 652, l. 31.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1300-00-00-Ensdorf	1300 JL	Severe plague among animals, particularly among cattles.	Hoc anno maxima pestilentia animalium et maxime vaccarum per totum mundum suborta est.	This year, a great plague of animals, especially cows, broke out worldwide.	Annales Ensdorfenses, p. 6, l. 45.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1306-00-00-Iceland	1306 JL	Great plague in Iceland in 1306 and high mortality in the south of the country.	Sótt mikil a Islandi ok manndꜹvðr mikill fyrir svnnann land	Great plague on Iceland and mortality in the south of the country.	Annales vetustissimi. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 53	Translation by Carina Damm
1307-00-00-Poland	1307 JL	After a comet was visible for 80 days there was a great plague among the animals	1307. Cometa visa est 80 diebus et secuta est magna pestis brutorum.	1307. A comet was visivle for 80 days and directly afterwards there was a great plague among the animals	Rocznik Malopolsk, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, p. 171	Translation by Christian Oertel
1308-00-00-Iceland	1308 JL	Great plague in northern Iceland in 1308	Sott mikil fyrir norðan land.	Great plague in the north of the country	Høyersannáll	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Iceland 003	1309 JL	Plague in northern Iceland and pestilence in the south of the country	sott micil og manndaudi fyrir nordan land. [...] hofst sott og nocr manndaudi fyrir svnnan land en drepsott fyrir nordan land.	Great plague and mortality in the north of the country. There was a plague and some deaths in the south of the country, but pestilence in the north.	Gottskálksannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 341-42	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Iceland 004	1309 JL	Great plague in northern Iceland in 1309	Drep sott hin mikla fyrir norðan land.	Great mortal plague in the north of the country.	Annales vetustissimi. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 53	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Iceland 005	1309 JL	Great plague in Iceland in 1309	Sott mikil.	Great plague.	Høyersannáll	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Iceland 006	1309 JL	Mortal plague in northern Iceland in 1309	Drep sótt fyrir norþan land.	Mortal plague in the north of the country.	Skálholtssannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 202	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia Sim	1309 JL	A plague on people, horses and cattle in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia.	Bъ лѣтo 6817 бысть казнь oтъ Бoгa нa чeлoвѣки, моръ нa люди и нa кoни, и нa всякы cкoты	In the year 6817 there was a punishment from God on people, a plague on people and horses and all cattle.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 87.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1310-00-00-Bohemia	1310 JL	Severe plague during the reign of King Henry of Carinthia	Tanta devastationis pestilentia sub Heinrico duce de Chorinthia mulctabatur tota Bohemia quod non solum urbes, villae et personae seculares, sed quod lamenteabile est, viri spirituales aratarentur usquequaque etiam in suis coenobiis et claustrales --- Cotidie premebantur.	So great a plague of devastation afflicted all of Bohemia under Duke Henry of Carinthia that not only towns, villages, and laypeople were harried, but—what is lamentable to say—spiritual men as well were everywhere plundered, even within their own monasteries and cloisters. Day by day they were oppressed	Chronicon Aulae Regia 1301-1339, p. 289.	ChatGPT 5.2
1310-00-00-Iceland 005	1310 JL	Mortal plague in western and southern Iceland in 1310 and smallpox	Drepsott ok manndavðr vm allan vestfirðinga fiorðvng ok svnnlendinga fiorðrung ok bólna sott sva at svmir menn fvnoðo i svndr.	Mortal plague and mortality in all quarters of the Westfjords and in one quarter of the south, and such smallpox that some people decayed into pieces.	Annales vetustissimi. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 53	Translation by Carina Damm
1310-00-00-Mattsee	1310 JL	Human and cattle plague	Pestilentia hominum et pecorum atque pecudum facta est magna.	There was a great pestilence of humans as well as of cattle.	Annales Matseenses 1851, p. 825, l. 7f.	Translation by Annabell Engel
1313-00-00-Trier	1313 JL	Severe plague and famine lasted three years after the death of King Henry VII. in 1313	Etiam pestilentia universalis erat adeo magna, quod multorum pauperum Corpora exanima, fame et pestilentia infecta, in stratis publicis inveniebantur, et a pluribus civitatibus magnae generales foveae in cimiterium consecratae parabantur, et pretia statuebantur, ut ipsa cadavera sepulturae traderentur. Istae plagae, heu! post mortem lamentabilem Henrici imperatoris in flagellum omnium nationum statim esse coeperunt, et plus quam per triennium miserabiliter duraverunt. […]		Gesta Treverorum, p. 235.	Translation needed
1314-00-00-Bohemia	1314 JL	Severe famine and plague among humans and animals	Ex magnitudine grigios et nivis facta est caristia maxima et pestilentia hominum et brutorum animalium infinita multitudo, et facta est tunc miseria inaudita.	Because of great cold and a high amount of snow there was a great increase in prices and a disease (pestilencia) afflicted humans and wild animals in infinite numbers and it caused then a misery formerly unheard of.	Annales Bohemiae brevissimi, p. 720, l. 40.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1314-00-00-Florence	1314 JL	A comet in the sky was predicted by the astrologers as a sign for novelties and pestilence.	Come apparve una stella commeta in cielo. Nel detto anno MCCCXIIII apparve una commeta di verso settantrione quasi a la fine del segno de la Vergine, e durò di VI semmane, e seconde che (p. 268) dissono gli astrologi, significò molte novità e pestilenze ch'appresso furono, e la morte del re di Francia e di suoi figliuoli, che morirono poco appresso.	How a comet star appeared in the sky. In the said year 1314 a comet appeared in the north almost at the end of the sign of the Virgin, and lasted six weeks, and according to what the astrologers say, it signified many novelties and pestilences that followed, and the death of the King of France and his sons, who died shortly afterwards.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 2, pp. 267-268.	Translation by DeepL
1316-00-00-Bohemia	1316 JL	High mortality and plague in Bohemia and all over the world	et secuta est postmodum maxima pestilencia et mortalitas hominum in omnibus partibus mundi, ita ut magne fierent ubique fovee ad sepelienda corpora mortuorum, quia cymiteria illa capere non valebant.	and in the following there was the greatest plague and mortality in all pars of the world so that everywhere large grave pits were dug to bury the bodies of the dead, for which the capacity of the graveyards was not large enough.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 472	Translation by Christian Oertel
1316-00-00-Bohemia 002	1316 JL	In many lands of the world, including Bohemia, there were a number of natural disasters and pestilences among humans and animals.	Iste annus Domini M.CCC.sextus decimus tot in se pestilentias & miserias continet, quod eas audire auris refugit, mens stupescit; [...] Retulit nobis Dominus Petrus Maguntinus Archiepiscopus, quod infra dimidii anni tempus in civitate solum Meczensi quinquis centum millia hominum mortua sunt, nihilominus equos, oves & boves, & universa pecora campi necuit pestilenitia huius anni, oves enim plures quam mille, [...] in grangiis [Aulam regiam] perierunt.	This year of the Lord 1316 includes so many pestileces and miseries that the ear takes flight from the hearing of it, the mind is stupified. [...] Lord Peter, the archibishop of Mainz has reported to us that within half a year in the city of Metz alone five times one hundredthousand humans have died. What is more, the pestilence of this year has killed horses, pigs, sheep and cattle as well as all animals of the fields. More than one thousand sheep [...] have perished at the farms of the monastery [of Aula Regia].	Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aulae Regiae, ed. Dobner 1784, p. 348f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1316-00-00-Bohemia-3	1316 JL	In many lands of the world, e.g. in Saxony, there were a number of natural disasters. Archbishop Peter of Mainz related that in the city of Metz 500.000 humans have died within one year.	anno Domini MCCCXVI cometa in parte aquilonari apparuit. [...] In partibus Saxonie in tantum fluvius Albea excrevit, quod CD et L villas aque vicinas [...] delevit [...]. Et retulit dominus Petrus Maguntinus archiepiscopus, quod in civitate Metensi infra unum annum quinquies C milia hominum mortua sunt, et diversa animalia et peccora campi intereunt huius anni pestilencia.	In the year of the Lord 1316 a comet appeared in the norhern parts. [...] In Saxony the river Elbe grew so much that CD (?) and 50 villages close to the water were destroyed [...]. And Lord Peter, the archibishop of Mainz has reported in the city of Metz within one year fivehundredthousand humans have died and various animals and fruits of the fields perished in this year's plague.	Franciscus Pragensis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler 1884, p. 347-456, p. 383	Translation by Christian Oertel
1316-00-00-Bohemia-4	29 September 1316 JL	In 1316 there was a great plague among the humans in France and Flanders, particularly in Metz where 500.000 humans are said to have died.	Anno domini MCCCXVII [...] Johannes XXI in papam eligitur, et pestilencia maxima hominum in Gallia et Flandria subsequitur, ita ut ville remanerent deserte et specialiter Metis in circa a festa sancti Michaelis usque ad pascha quingenta millis hominum dicantur mortui.	In the year of the Lord 1317 (sic!), John XXI (sic!) was elected as pope and the greatest plague among humans followed imediately in France and Flanders where hardly a village remained undeserted. And particularly Metz, where between around the feast of St Michael and Easter (1317) 500.000 humans are said to have died.	Johannis Neplachonis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. III , Praha 1882 , p. 445-484, 477	Translation by Christian Oertel
1316-00-00-Europe	1316 JL	High mortality of cattles caused by plague in many kingdoms	[…] eodem anno per plure regna pecora bovina valde communiter ex pestilentia morerentur	[...] the same year (1316), throughout several kingdoms, cattle commonly died from pestilence.	Anonymus Leobiensis 1350, pp. 917–18.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1316-00-00-Northwest-Europe	1316 JL	Great Famine in Northwest-Europe, therefore grain export from southern Italy; epidemic also in Italy	Nel detto anno MCCXVI grande pestilenzia di fame e mortalità avenne nelle parti di Germania, cioè nelle Magna di sopra verso tramontana, e stesesi in Olanda, e in Frisia, e in Silanda, e in Brabante, e in Fiandra, e in Analdo, e infino ne la Borgogna, e in parte di Francia; e fu sì pericolosa, che più che il terzo de la gente morirono, e da l'uno giorno a l'altro quegli che parea sano era morto. E 'l caro fu sì grande di tutte vittuaglie e di vino, che se non fosse che di Cicilia e di Puglia vi si mandò per mare gli mercantati per lo grande guadagno, tutti morieno di fame. Questa pestilenzia avenne per lo verno dinanzi, e poi la primavera e tutta la state fu sì forte piovosa, e 'l paese è basso, che l'acqua soperchiò e guastò ogni semanta. Allora le terre affogarono sì, che più anni appresso quasi non fruttarono, e corruppe l'aria. E dissono certi astrolaghi che la cometa ch'apparve, ch'ella dovea venire perché la sua infruenzia fu sopra quegli paesi. E in quello tempo la detta pestilenzia contenne simigliamente i Romagna e in Casentino infino in Mugello.	In the said year (1316) there was a great plague of famine and death in the parts of Germany, that is, in Magna above towards the north, and it spread to Holland, and to Friesland, and to Silesia, and to Brabant, and to Flanders, and to Analde, and even to Burgundy, and to parts of France; and it was so dangerous that more than a third of the people died, and from one day to the next those who seemed healthy were dead. And the cost was so great of all the victuals and wine, that if it were not for the fact that the merchants of Cicilia and Apulia were sent there by sea for the great profit, all died of hunger. This pestilence happened during the winter before, and then the spring and the whole state was so rainy, and the land was so low, that the water overpowered and spoiled every seed. Then the land drowned so, that more years after it scarcely bore fruit, and corrupted the air. And certain astrologers said that the comet that appeared, that it had to come because its infuence was over those countries. And at that time the said pestilence similarly contained the Romagna and Casentino until Mugello.	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 2: p. 285	Translation by DeepL
1316-00-00-Würzburg	1316 JL	Great famine and animal plague in Würzburg.	magna fames erat et pestilentia grandis boum et pecorum.	There was a great famine and a great mortality of cattle and pigs .	Template:Chronicon Wirziburgense, a. 688-1466, p. 821.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1318-00-00-Bohemia	1318 JL	Although there was a peace treaty reached between King John of Bohemia and his rebelling nobles, the length of the preceeding conflict lead to great hunger and a plague.	De concordia inter Johannem, regem Bohemie, et suos nobiles facta et de fame maxima et pestilencia inaudita. [...] nam tali durante discordia nimia famis prevaluit miseria, ita quod infra unius anni spacium, ut experimento didici, in porta Scedelicensi triginta milia hominum sunt sepulta. Consimilis quoque pestilencia in omnibus civitatibus, oppidis et villis exstitit et in universa terra. In omnibus locis fovee fodiebantur, que mortuorum cadaveribus replebantur.	About the peace between John, the king of Bohemia, and his nobles and about the great hunger and unheard-of plague. [...] Because this condemnable conflict endured, there was such a great famine that within one year 30.000 humans were buried at the Sedletz gate as I have learned from my own experience. And similarly, there was a plague in all cities, towns and villages and in all lands. At all places pits were dug which were filled up with the deceased.	Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 247f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1318-00-00-Moravia	1318 JL	Because of the sins of the inhabitants of Bohemia, a plague came to the kingdom killing many thousand people.	Sed et indignacio et ira Dei descendit super Boemos propter peccata populi, ut creditur, et facta est pestilencia et mortalitas hominum pregravida, et mortua sunt multa milia hominum, facteque sunt fovce magne et profunde ad capienda corpora hominum moriencium pre nimia fame, et eciam pestilencia percussi. [...] Cum ergo multa mala longo iam tempore invaluissent et homines thabefacti de omni consolacione desperarent, quia omnes modi concordie fuerunt refutati, et fames ac pestilencia eos absque misericordia affligerent incessanter, clamaverunt ad Dominum omnes unanimiter, magni et parvi, clerici et layci, ut tantis malis finem imponere dignaretur.		Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 474	Translation needed
1320-00-00-Pomerania	25 December 1320 JL	In 1320 there was a great inflation followed by famine and plague in almost all lands (particularlay in Flanders and Bohemia) which caused 15.000 deaths only between Christmas 1320 and Pentecost 1321.	MCCCXX Hic cessauit caristia magna et strages, qua precedentibus tribus annis homines multi in valescente fame et pestilencia magna quasi in vniuersa terra mortui sunt et precipue in Flandria, in Boemia, in monte Kettero a festo natiuitatis Christi usque pentecostes XV milia wlgi solummodo mortui sunt exceptis dinitibus et mediocribus, quorum multi fame et pestilencia perierunt.		Anonymous, Annalen des Klosters Colbatz, in: Pommersches Urkundenbuch 1, 2, ed. Prümers (1877), pp. 467-492, p.486f.	Translation needed
1323-11-01-Avignon	1 November 1323 JL	Gerward, Bishop of the city of Włocławek in Central Poland, dies in Avignon from a ravaging plague	Quum 1323 redire statuisset, Avinione ex peste moritur ibique sepelitur.	And as he was ordered to return in 1323, he died in Avignon from a pestilence and was buried there.	Catalogus episcoporum wladislaviensium 1884, p. 27	Translation by Martin Bauch
1328-02-18-Prague	18 February 1328 JL	After lunar eclipse heavy storm for one month; high mortality and cattle plague in April, after that processions in Prague	Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per hebdomadas quatuor continuatus hanc eclipsim subsequitur; multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth, Bohemie regina, metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero Pragensi indicit et populo; quibus factis notabiliter cessavit quassacio et placatus factus est Dominus populo suo. Hac nece cessante gaudet populus velut ante.		Chronicon Aulae Regia 1301-1339 2, p. 288, lib. 2, cap. 20.	Translation needed
1328-03-00-Bohemia	March 1328 JL	After an eclipse of the moon for four weeks, many humans died and in many parts of the world, there was a plague among the domestic animals.	Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per ebdomadas IIIIor continuatus subsequitur. Post hanc eclipsim mense Aprili moritur hominum multitudo et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth regina metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero et populo Pragensi indicit.	In this year at the full moon of the month of March the moon darkend and the eclipse remained in force for four weeks. After this eclipse in the month of April many humans died and in many parts of the world a plague among the domestic animals showed itself and raged heavily. Then, queen Elizabeth, shaken by the fear of punishment, ordered processions with the relics of the saints and all the clerics and the inhabitants of Prague to be performed.	Franciscus Pragensis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler 1884, p. 347-456, p. 401	Translation by Christian Oertel
1328-03-00-Bohemia-2	March 1328 JL	After an eclipse of the moon a long lasting plague among humans and domestic animals raged in many regions.	Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, quam eclipsim secuntur venti validissimi et pestilencia pecorum atque hominum in diversis partibus.	In this year the full moon of the month of March darkened, this eclipse was followed by a long lasting plague of animals and humans in different regions.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 481	Translation by Christian Oertel
1328-04-00-Bohemia	April 1328 JL	In the month of April 1328 many humans died and there was a plague among domestic animals in many lands.	Multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis.	Many people died in the month of April, and in many parts of the world raged a heavy plague among animals.	Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 288	Translation by Christian Oertel
1330-00-00-Saxony	1330 JL	This year was in Saxony a year of the plague.	In eodem anno obiit Wlatislaus filius Wlatislay et apud Minores tumulatus. Set pater transivit in Saxoniam in anno pestilencie.	In this year died Władysław, son of Władysław I Łokietek and he was buried among the brothers Minor. But his father went to Saxony in a year of pestilence.	Rocznik Malopolsk, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, p. 189	Translation by Christian Oertel
1332-00-00-Iceland	1332 JL	Great plague in Iceland in 1332	Sott mikil.	Great plague.	Annálarbrót frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 220	Translation by Carina Damm
1334-Summer-France	June 1334 JL	In France, Burgundy, and the Champagne raged a plague during the three months of summer. In Paris (where the author stayed) died 16.000 people in one hospital.	Eodem anno mense Mai gelu intolerabile vineas omnes in partibus Almanie. Tantum destruxit, quod post vindemia luxit. In Burgundia vero et in Francia et Campania, ubi tempore vindemie pertransivi, non tantum dampnum factum fuisse conspeci. Aliam autem plagam Deus hoc anno eisdem terris intulit, quia mortalitatis pestilencia plurimos homines tunc percussit. Parysius namque infra tres menses estivales in hospitali regis, quod ante monasterium beate virginis in kathedrali ecclesia situm est, quod dolenter refero, sedecim milia hominum sunt mortua et in cimiterio innocentum sepulta, me etenim in ipso hospitali existente et compassivo animo contuente. Tot sunt in brevi mortui, quod vix erant tot, qui hos tollerent et ad tumulum deportarent.	In the same year in the month of May an unbearable frost destroyed all the vinyards in the German lands so that the grape harvest was in grief. But in Burgundy and in France and the Champagne, through where I passed during grape harvest, I did not see such damage. But God put in this year another load on these lands since a deadly plague killed many people then. For in Paris died during the three months of summer in the royal hospital, which is situated in front of the monastery of the Holy Virgin at the cathedral church, as I report with regrets, 16.000 people, and they were buried at the graveyard of the innocent. In fact, I stayed in this hospital and watched with a compassionate heart. So many died in a short period of time that there were hardly as many who could pick them up and bring them to their graves.	Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 321.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1335-00-00-Bavaria	1335 JL	Emperor Louis IV enters in his fight against King John of Bohemia and Duke Henry of Bavaria the latters land. In the wake of their troops follow violence and diseases.	Ludwicus imperator [...] contra Iohannem Bohemorum regem et Heinricum ducem Bawarie [...] intravit Bawarie. In ascensu eandem terram atrocibus incendiis et rapinis conturbavit. Pestilentia hominum facta est magna.	Emperor Louis enters Bavaria [in his fight] against King John of Bohemia and Duke Henry of Bavaria. In their ascension into this land terrible fires and raids shook [this land]. A great plague among humans was made.	Annales Matseenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 823-837, 828f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1338-00-00-Silesia	1338 JL	Around the year 1338 there were a great number of locusts, which were followed by a pestilence and starvation.	Item, circa annum domini MCCCXXXVIII venerunt locuste maxime multitudinis [...]. Subsequentibus vero nostris temporibus aliquando pestilencia, aliquando fames fuerut.	Around the year of the Lord 1338 there arrived locusts of the greatest numbers [...]. they were followed in our times sometimes by a pestilence, sometimes by starvation.	Ludolf of Sagan, Catalogus abbtum Saganensium, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 173-528, 167.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1339-00-00-Italy	1339 JL	Severe famine and strange plague for humans and animals with many deaths	Tempore autem Ludovici de Bavaria et Benedicti papa XII, anno Domini MCCCXXXXVIII [recte: 1339] fames vel rabies per universum orbis circulum subito supervenit, et nullus locus vel patria fuit exempta quod talis rabiem famis non gustaret, taliter quod omnes secte pro rabie famis, ut possent vivere, suos antiquos ordines corruperunt. Sic etiam in multis locis, pro bladi superflua caritudine, data est licentia Christianis quod in quadragesima illius pessimi anni, quod libere carnibus uterentur. Nam in omni loco terrarum mensura frumenti, que XX vel XXX solidos valere solebat, in librarum numero supervenit, et tanta famis rabies supervenit in omni loco terrarum, quod multas radices ignotas causa rabiei pro commestione fodiebant, quas olym porci et animalia evitabant. Et hoc vidi et propter hoc testimonium perhibeo veritati. Canes quoque et equi, pro fame, et multa animalia perierunt, quoniam sui patrones pro se ipsis non habebant. Multi enim fame pro verecundia moriuntur, nam ante comedebant herbas et radices pro paupertate, quam ad sui vicini misericordiam pervenire; unde, pro cibo inconsueto, annichilatis eorum viribus, velud pecudes moriuntur. Quam famis rabiem Dei iustam sententiam possumus appellare. Tunc enim corda dumtaxat aliquorum non ad pietatem Christi sed pro avaritia magis in crudelitate manebant, parum curando de Dei amore ac pro sui caritate		Marco Battagli 1912, p. 49	Translation needed
1340-00-00-Klettgau	1340 JL	Plague with high mortality in Klettgau, Tiengen, Kaiserstuhl and Klingnau in period of fasting	Hoc eciam tempore in quadragesima in Kleggow pestilencia hominum grandis et satis prevalida orta est, ita quod citra Tuͥengen et Keiserstůl et Klingnow certatim morerentur et multi periculose infirmarentur.	At this time also, during Lent, a great and quite prevalent pestilence of humans arose in Klettgau, so that without exception around Tiengen, Kaiserstuhl, and Klingnau, people were dying in droves and many were dangerously falling ill.	Template:Johannes von Winterthur, p. 173.	Translation by DeepL
1340-03-00-Florence	March 1340 JL	Beginning of a severe epidemic that lasts into the winter and claims 15,000 lives (1/6 of the city), fewer deaths in the surrounding area, grain imported from there; Processions in Florence	Che incontanente cominciò grande mortalità, che quale si ponea malato, quasi nullo ne scampava; e morinne più che il sesto di cittadini pure de' migliori e più cari, maschi e femmine, che non rimase famiglia ch'alcuno non ne morisse, e dove due o ttre e più; e durò quella pestilenzia infino al verno vegnente. E più di XVm corpi tra maschi e femmine e fanciulli se ne sepellirono pure nella città, onde la città era tutta piena di pianto e di dolore, e non si intendea apena ad altro, ch'a sopellire morti. E però si fece ordine che come il morto fosse recato alla chiesa la gente si partisse; che prima stavan tanto che si facea l'asequio, e a tali la predicta con solenni uffici a' maggiorenti; e ordinossi che non andasse banditore per morti. In contado non fu sì grande la mortalita, ma pure ne morirono assai. Con essa pistolenza seguì la fame e il caro, agiunta a quello dell' anno passato; che con tutto lo scemo di morti valse lo staio del grano più di soldi XXX, e più sarebbe assai valuto, se non che 'l Comune ne fece provedenza di farne venire di pelago [...] [p. 227] Per questa mortalità, a dì XVIII di giugno, per consiglio del vescovo e di religiosi si fece in Firenze generale processione, ove furono quasi tutti i cittadini sani maschi e femmine col corpo di Cristo ch'è a Santo Ambruogio, e con esso s'andò per tutta la terra infino a ora di nona, con più di CL torchi accesi	Suddenly there began a great mortality, so that almost no one who fell ill could escape it; and more than a sixth of the best and dearest citizens, male and female, died, so that there was no family that did not die, and where two or three or more; and the pestilence lasted until the coming winter. And more than fifteen male and female bodies and children were buried in the city, so that the city was filled with weeping and sorrow, and there was nothing else to do but mourn the dead. And so it was ordered that when the dead were brought to the church, the people should leave; they had been so long before the funeral was made, and then they were preached with solemn offices to the mayors; and it was ordered that no bannermen should go out for the dead. In the countryside the death toll was not so great, but there were many who died. The famine and dearth followed, added to that of the previous year, so that with all the death toll, the staio of grain was worth more than 30 money, and it would have been worth much more, if the Commune had not taken steps to bring in more money [...] [p... 227] Because of this mortality, on the eighteenth day of June, on the advice of the bishop and the religious, a general procession was held in Florence, where almost all the healthy male and female citizens were present with the body of Christ, which is in Santo Ambruogio, and with it it went throughout the whole city until the ninth hour, with more than 150 torchi lit	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 226–227	Translation by DeepL
1341-12-22-Pisa	22 December 1341 JL	Price increase and famine lead to a great mortality in Pisa, especially among adolescents and the general captain Fazio Novello della Gherardesca died.	Nel milletrecentoquarantuno, essendo stato grande caro di grano l'anno dinansi che ss'era fatto la piassa del Grano e ffue grandissima fame, di che l'anno 1341 ditto si ffue grande mortalità di giovani. Inella quale mortalità, a d*i vindtidue, 22, di dicienbrew moritte lo ditto conte Fasio, nella chui morte ne menòe Pisa grande duolo e quazi tutta Toschana e ciaschuno lo piansse come se fusse stato suo padre o suo figluolo.	In the year 1341, since there had been a great shortage of grain in the year of the wheat harvest, and there was great hunger, there was a great mortality of young men. In this mortality, on the 22nd day of October, the said Count Fasio died, in whose death there was great grief in Pisa and all of Tosca and everyone mourned him as if he had been his father or his son	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 105.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1342-00-00-Aquileia	1342 JL	Plague in Aquileia	Hoc anno, tempore Augusti pestifer ventus oram Aquilegensis i portus afflavit de spumis maris Adriatici procellosis, qui in districtus illius complexu plurimos in mortem stravit, plurimos in infirmitatibus diucius colligavit.	In this year, during the time of August, a pestilent wind blew from the turbulent shores of the Adriatic Sea into the harbors of Aquileia, which, with the foaming waves of the stormy sea, brought death to many in that area and afflicted many with lingering illnesses.	Iohannes Victoriensis 1340-1343, p. 229.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Europe	1346 JL	This passage describes the spread of the plague beginning in Jerusalem and than moving forward across Europe. The jews were blamed for causing the plague by poisoning the people.	653. Des sulven jares unstund de grote plaghe der mynsheit des (p. 505) ghaen dodes, erst in den Jhersualemeschen landen over mer unde in der heidenscap, de by veftich, sestich, hundert, dusent unde ane tal nedervellen unde waren dot. dat stund nicht sere to claghen, wente se Godes viande sint; mer de sulve grote plaghe quam seder in cristene land. erst wart se vornomen in Pulle, dar na in Ungharen, dar na in Cecilien, in Avignon, dar neghest to Marsilien, dar na in Brancriken, dar na Engheland, dar vele lude storven; dar na in Blanderen, van Blanderen in Norweghen, dar na in Sweden, van Sweden in Denemarken, in Nortjutlande unde uppe Selande, dar na in Prutzen. to Koninghesberch, to Melbinghen was grot sterven. des tech men den ghedosten joden, de sik vor cristene lude helden unde beden dor Got ghuder lude almusen, dat de mit vorghifnisse, de se den luden gheven, dat volk to deme dode brochten. Dat wart van en gheseen unde worden anghetastet unde worden ghebrand; do bekanden se in erme dode, dat it war were, dat se it hadden ghedan, unde dat ir vele were, de in der selven sake in der cristenheit ghinghen, unde segheden, dat de riken joden in den groten steden dat bedacht hedden der cristenheit to vorderfnisse, wente se sint der martere unses heren ghevanghen lude hebben wesen, unde wolden nu koninghe unde heren worden sin over al den cristendom.	653. In the same year (1346), the great plague of humanity, the walking death, began, first in the lands of Jerusalem, across the sea and among the pagans, where fifty, sixty, a hundred, a thousand, and countless people fell and died. This was not much mourned, as they were considered enemies of God. However, this same great plague later came into Christian lands. First, it was observed in Apulia, then in Hungary, then in Sicily, in Avignon, then near Marseille, then in (...?), and then in England, where many people died; next, in Flanders, from Flanders to Norway, then to Sweden, from Sweden to Denmark, in North Jutland and on Zealand, then to Prussia. In Königsberg and Melbingen, there was great mortality. The Jewish converts, who presented themselves as Christian and begged for alms in the name of God, were blamed for bringing the death to the people with giving them poison. They were discovered and persecuted, and many were burned. Under torture, they confessed that it was true—that they had done it, and that many of them across Christendom were involved in this crime. They claimed that the wealthy Jews in large cities had devised this plot to destroy Christianity, as they had long been captives since the martyrdom of our Lord and now wanted to become kings and rulers over all Christendom.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 504-505.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Europe 001	1346 JL	The passage speaks about the origins of the plague, how it arrived to europe with the galleys, how it killed thousands of people and wiped out complete cities. It describes the wonders which happened simultaneosly and notes that the king of Bellemare oscillates between the religions.	Dese ding de scheghen ok in deme 46. jare over mer, dar de peper unde inghever west. to Dathagio an der stat vlot en water; dat wart vormeghet met utermaten vele wormen unde slanghen; de vreten alle de vrucht up, de in deme lande was. en grot deel, we dat water anrurbe, de vil neder unde was dot. vortmer to Imperio, meddes tusschen Kathagium unde Persiam, reghendet vur also snevlocken; dat vur vorbrande stede, borghe unde land, berghe unde dale, manne unde vrowen, unde stene, ast se drughe holt hedden ghewesen. dat vur ghas groten rok van sik; we den rok sach, de ne levede nicht enen halven dach; we ok den mynschen sach, de den rok gheseen hadde, de ne levede nicht langhe. hir van schaghet, dat van twelf galeyden, de in deme lande weren, de den rok gheseen hedden, twe galeyden quemen in Sreken to Ianueum, unde beghunden altohant to stervende, beide de in den galeyden weren unde de lude uter stat, also dat sy kume de galeyden mit kummer brachten van der stat in dat grote mer, unde dreven do to Constantinopolim unde to Peram. do de lude van Constantinopol unde van Pera ghespreken mit den galeyden, do ghinghen se to hus unde storven, unde we de sulven lude sach, de starf ok an der stunde, unde storven binnen den twen steden in korter stunde wol sesteyn dusent volkes. Dar na seghelden de galeyden van Sreken, unde wor se hen kerden, in allen steden leten se jo de suke des stervendes. to left quemen se to Cecilien unde Messinam; dar brechten se ok dat stervend, also dat dar ummelang storven wol der dusent lude, unde en stat binnen Cecilien, de ghenomet was Cratappaim, starf al wuste. dar na quemen de galeyden van Cecilien to Sardineam, unde brechten dat stervend an den galeyden des heren Archassari, de in de hervart scholden, unde storven also degher uth, dat de teynde mynsche nicht levende bles, also dat dar storven der unde vertich dusent volkes, de men in dat mer warp. Dar (p. 508) na quam ene van den twen galeyden to Marsilien, unde brochte dat stervend dar, also dat de stat wuste starf. vortmer des donnerdaghes vor winachten wart to Avinion, des morghens er de sunne upghing, gheseen en vur van deme ostene in dat westene, unde hing boven de stat to Avinion an der lucht. vortmer an deme weghe, als men ghet van Kathelonia to Arrogonia, vellen der grote stene van deme hemmele, jewelik also grot als en tover. des nehmen de lude ute deme lande enen van den stenen unde brachtene deme koninghe des landes up eneme mule to groteme wundere. Vortmer de koning val Bellemare, Albessessu ghenant, en here over ghantz Barbarien, let enen wech maken dor de wustenye, also men reysen mochte to Ianuam. do he ret mit groteme volke unde wolde den wech beseen, do quam en bode eme na unde seghede: 'here, sint dat du uthtoghest, sint ghestorven binnen twen daghen achtentich diner husvrowen; unde alle de in der stat sin, de sterven'. do de koning dat horde, he vruchte sic sere unde sprak: 'dat is Godes wrake; de will, dat wy to cristenen loven komen'. unde sende na sinen hoghesten unde na sinem raatgheveren, unde seghede en, dat he cristen werden wolde. under des quam en schip unde seghede, dat de cristenen ok storven. do dat de koning horde, do wolde he nicht cristen werden.	Similar things also occurred in the year 1346 overseas, where pepper and ginger are grown. Near Cathay, water flooded the land; it was filled with countless worms and snakes, which devoured all the crops. Many people who touched the water fell down dead. Furthermore, in a place called Imperium, between Cathay and Persia, fire rained down like snowflakes; this fire burned cities, castles, lands, mountains, valleys, men, women, and even stones as if they were dry wood. The fire produced a great smoke; anyone who saw the smoke did not live even half a day, and anyone who saw those people who had seen the smoke did not live long either. It is said that of twelve galleys in the area that encountered the smoke, only two arrived in Genoa, where both the crew on the ships and the people in the city immediately began to die, so much so that they barely managed to drag the ships out to the open sea. The ships drifted towards Constantinople and Pera. When the people of Constantinople and Pera spoke with those on the galleys, they went home and died, and anyone who saw them also died, with sixteen thousand people dying in the two cities within a short time. Later, the galleys left and spread the plague in every city they visited. Eventually, they arrived in Sicily and Messina, bringing death, so that about a thousand people soon died in the area. An entire town in Sicily, called Catania, was wiped out. The galleys then reached Sardinia, where they brought the plague to the fleet of Lord Archassari, and they all died so that barely one in ten survived, with around forty thousand people dead and thrown into the sea. One of the galleys then arrived in Marseille and spread death there, causing the entire town to perish. Moreover, on the Thursday before Christmas in Avignon, before the sun rose, a fire was seen in the sky from east to west, hovering over the city. Furthermore, along the road from Catalonia to Aragon, large stones fell from the sky, each as big as a tower. The people took one of these stones from the land and brought it to the king as a great wonder. In addition, the King of Bellemare, also known as Albessessu, a lord over all Barbaria, ordered a road to be built through the wilderness so that people could travel to Genoa. As he traveled with a large following to inspect the road, a messenger came to him and said: ‘My lord, since you set out, within two days, eighty of your noble ladies have died, and everyone in the city is also dying.’ When the king heard this, he was greatly afraid and said, ‘This is God's wrath; He wants us to praise the Christian faith.’ He summoned his highest advisors and declared that he wanted to become a Christian. However, soon a ship arrived, reporting that Christians were also dying. When the king heard this, he no longer wanted to become a Christian.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 506-508.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Florence	1346 JL	The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested.	Della inaudita mortalità. Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8) Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo. Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio. Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13) Di detta matera. Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro.	Of the outrageous mortality It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...] How long the plague lasted in each country As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God. In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others. About this subject The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 5-14.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1346-00-00-Florence 001	1346 JL	Florence was threatened by a famine. The city gathered large supplies of grain from elsewhere, however the problems weren't solved, because many people from the countryside came in the city. In addition to the famine diseases broke out amnong the immigrants and then it distributed also among the urban masses.	Cum ergo fames haud dubie immineret, sollers plane ad hoc civitas, in Africa et Sardinia et Sicilia aliisque locis permultis magna vi frumenti comparata, mari simul terraque importandum curavit. Nec eo tamen modo evitari potuit, quin difficultates permaximae (p. 306) eo anno subirentur. Turba enim ex agro in urbem mendicatura longis agminibus mulierum puerorumque advenerat. Ex finitimis etiam civitatibus quae minus ad hoc providae fuerant multitudo concurrerat, ut infinitus prope numerus hominum esset alendus. Magnumque in his civitatis meritum humanitasque eluxit; non modo enim non reiectus est quisquam advenarum peregrinorumque, sed etiam si tenuis foret, liberalitate gratuita per tantam rei frumentariae inopiam sustentatus, ut prope collatum a civitate beneficium in genus humanum videretur. Multa insuper eo anno tenuioribus indulta, et illud in primis, quod creditorum acerbitas repressa est, lege lata, ne quis nisi certa forma pro aere alieno conveniri posset. Satis enim premi caritate ipsa multitudinem existimavit civitas. Et accedebant ad caritatem morbi, qui multitudinem convenam et urbis insuetam consecuti, urbanam quoque apprehenderant turbam, ut et commiserendum et succurrendum esset.	So, as there was now no doubt about the threat of famine, the city showed its resourcefulness, gathering large supplies of grain in Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and many other places and seeing to their importation simultaneously by land and sea. But these steps were not enough to avoid the enormous difficulties they faced that year. For throngs of women and children from the countryside came (p. 308) into the city in long lines to beg. They were joined by multitudes from the nearby cities which had been less provident in this respect, so that there was almost an infinite number of people to feed. Amid these challenges the city’s great merit and humanity shone forth. For not only was not a single immigrant or foreigner turned away, but even the poor, with gratuitous liberality, were sustained throughout this great dearth of provisions, so that Florence seemed almost to have conferred a benefit on the human race. In this year, moreover, many allowances were made on behalf of the poor, and principally this: that the harshness of creditors was kept in check. A law was passed prohibiting suitors to collect debt except under particular conditions; the city felt that the multitude was oppressed enough already by the famine. And in addition to the famine there were the diseases which broke out among the throng of immigrants unused to the city, then spread among the urban masses, so that mercy and succor were needful.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, pp. 306-308.	None
1346-00-00-Orient	1346 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: In the Orient happened an unexplained plague, depopultating many regions. During the siege of Feodosia (Caffa) by the Tartars, their army was afflicted by the disease. The plague, which initially struck the Tartars, spread than also inside the city, because they ordered the plague-stricken corpses to be thrown over the walls of Caffa. The situation deteriorated, and people were expecting the impending judgement Day.	Anno domini MCCCXLVI. in partibus orientis, InfinitaTartarorum et Saracenorum genera, morbo inexplicabili, et morte subita corruerunt. Ipsarumque parcium latissime regiones, Infinite prouincie, regna magnifica, vrbes, Castra, et loca, plena hominurn multitudine copiosa, morbo pressa, et horrende rnortis morsibus, propriis Acollis denudata paruo tempore deffecerunt. Nan (!) locus dictus Thanna, in partibus orientis, uersus Acquilonem Constantinopolitana contrada (I) sub Tartarorum dominio constituta, ubi merchatores ytalici confluebant, cum propter quosdam excessus, superuenientibus Tartaris infinitis, modico temporis Interuollo (!) obsessa, et hostiliter debellata, deserta penitus remaneret. Accidit ut uiolenter christianj merchatores expulsi, Intra menia Terre Caffensis, quam ab olim illa Regione Januenses extruxerant, fugientes christiani sese pro suarum tutione personarum et rerum, Tartarorum formidantes potenciam, Armato Nauigio receptarent. Ha deus. Ecce subito, gentes Tartarorum profane, vndique confluentes, Caffensem urbem circurndantes, incluxos christicolas obsederunt, fere Triennio perdurantes. lbique hostium exercitu Infinito uallati, vix poterant respirare, licet Nauigio Alimenta ferrente illud talle subsidium intrinsecis spem modicam exhyberet. Et ecce Morbo Tartaros inuadente totus exercitus perturbatus longuebat et cottidie Infinita millia sunt extincta videbatur eis, sagittas euolare de celo , tangere et opprimere superbiam Tartarorum. qui statim signati corporibus In iuncturis , humore coagulato in Inguinibus, febre putrida subsequente, expirabant, omni conscilio et auxilio medicorum cessante. Quod Tartari, ex tanta clade et morbo pestifero fatigati, sic defficientes attoniti et vndique stupefacti, sine spe salutis mori conspicientes, cadavera, machinis eorum superposita, Intra Caffensem vrbem precipitari Jubebant, ut ipsorum fectore(!) intollerabili, omnino defficerent. Sic sic proiecta videbantur Cacurnina mortuorum, nec christiani latere, nec fugere, nec a tali precipicio liberari valebant, licet deffunctos, quos poterant marinis traderent fluctibus inmergendos. Moxque toto aere inffecto, et aqua uenenata, corrupta putredine, tantusque fetor Increbuit ut vix ex Millibus vnus, relicto exercitu fingere conaretur qui eciam uenenatus alijs ubique uenena preparans, solo aspectu, loca et homines, morbo Inffieret uniuersos. Nec aliquis sciebat, uel poterat viam lnuenire satutis. Sic undique Orientalibus, et meridiana plaga, et qui in Aquilone degebant, sagita percussis Asperima, que coporibus crepidinem Inducebat, morbo pressis pestiffero, fere onmes, defficiebant, et morte subita corruebant. Quanta, qualisque fuerit mortalitas generalis, Cathaijnj, lndi, Perses, Medi , Cardenses, Armeni, Tarsenses, Georgianj, Mesopotami, Nubiani, Ethijopes, Turchumani, Egiptij, Arabici, Saraceni, Greci et fere toto oriente corrupto, clamoribus, flectibus(!) et singultibus occupati, a supra dicto Millesimo usque ad Millesimo, CCCXLVIIII in amaritudine commorantes, extremum deij Judicium suspicantur.	In the year of Our Lord 1346, in the eastern regions, innumerable races of Tartars and Saracens perished due to an inexplicable plague and sudden death. Vast regions of these parts, countless provinces, magnificent kingdoms, cities, castles, and places filled with a dense population, were struck by the plague and succumbed to the horrific bites of death, being emptied of their inhabitants in a short time. For instance, a place called Thanna, in the eastern parts, towards the north near the territory of Constantinople under Tartar rule, where Italian merchants used to gather, was besieged and attacked by countless Tartars over a short period, and left completely desolate after an onslaught. It happened that the Christian merchants, violently expelled, fled to the fortified city of Caffa, which had been constructed long ago in that region by the Genoese, seeking protection for their lives and belongings. The Tartars, fearing the power of their enemy, surrounded the city and laid siege for nearly three years. Besieged by the massive Tartar army, the inhabitants barely managed to survive, despite some help brought by ships carrying supplies, which offered them only slight hope. Suddenly, the Tartars themselves were struck by disease, and their entire army began to weaken and was daily afflicted, with countless numbers dying. It seemed as if arrows were falling from the sky to strike and humble the pride of the Tartars. The infected showed signs in their joints and groins, with a thickened fluid, followed by a putrid fever, causing them to die despite all medical advice or aid. Exhausted by this disastrous plague, the Tartars, seeing no hope of recovery and stunned by the devastation, ordered the bodies of their dead to be catapulted into the city of Caffa to spread the intolerable stench and weaken the inhabitants. Thus, the Christians could neither hide nor escape nor free themselves from this danger, even though they threw the corpses they could into the sea to be carried away by the waves. The air was soon contaminated, the water poisoned, and the corruption spread so intensely that scarcely one in a thousand survived to flee, those who did often carrying the infection, spreading it wherever they went and infecting people and places simply by their presence. No one knew or could find a way to salvation. Thus, in the eastern regions, the southern lands, and the northern inhabitants, struck by the harshest arrows of disease that ate into the body, almost everyone succumbed and fell to sudden death. The scale and nature of the widespread mortality were such that the Cathayans, Indians, Persians, Medes, Kardians, Armenians, Tarsians, Georgians, Mesopotamians, Nubians, Ethiopians, Turcomans, Egyptians, Arabs, Saracens, Greeks, and nearly the entire East, overcome by cries, weeping, and sobs, suspected the final judgment, remaining in bitterness from the said year 1346 until 1349.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 48–49	Translation by Martin Bauch
1346-04-00-the Horde	April 1346 JL	In 747 H (April 24, 1346 to April 12, 1347), the Black Death spread in the Horde (bilād Uzbak), where many people died in villages as well as towns. Plague then arrived in Crimea where the maximum daily death toll amounted to ca. 1,000, as the author, Ibn al-Wardī, was told by a trustworthy merchant. Afterwards, plague spread to Asia Minor (Rūm) where it killed many people. An Aleppine merchant who had returned from Crimea reported to Ibn al-Wardī that the judge (qāḍī) of Crimea had said that they had counted the deceased and that the number had amounted to 85,000 known plague deaths. The plague reached Cyprus, too, and the death toll was enormously high there as well.			Ibn al-Wardī - Tatimmat al-Mukhtaṣar 1970, vol. 2, p. 489	Translation needed
1347-00-00-Florence 001	1347 JL	Until harvest-time the problems of food shortage still existed in Florence. The first signs of the Black Death were seen in this time, but the plague arose already 2 year earlier in the East. The symptoms were horrible and many people died.	Altero dehinc anno, priusquam segetes maturescerent, eaedem quae superiori tempore difficultates rei frumentariae populum tenuere. Maturis deinde frugibus atque collectis, difficultates illae pristinae cessavere. Variis tamen morborum generibus laborabatur, et pestilentiae, qua postmodum vastata Italia est, signa quaedam horrenda tunc primum apparuerunt. Ea clades biennio fere ante (quantum haberi notitia poterat) in Orientis partibus coorta; mox inde per populos pestilenti contagio evagata, alia subinde appetendo loca, regiones cumulatis funeribus inanierat. Febris erat sopifera et inguinis tumor. Id quasi venenum quoddam robustissimos iuvenes, alioquin sanos, repente invadens, paucissimis interdum enecabat horis. Contagia omnium exitiosa erant. Ea igitur tunc civitatem ingressa imbecilliora primum corpora puerorum puellarumque conficere coepit; inde ad firmiora transgrediens, per omnem sexum aetatemque vagata est.	The next year, up until harvest-time, the People were preoccupied with the same difficulties of provisioning as before; but once the crops ripened and were harvested, these earlier difficulties ceased. Yet they were still suffering from diseases of various kinds, and certain horrid signs of the pestilence which afterwards devastated Italy then became manifest for the first time. As far as one can tell, this disaster had arisen two years earlier in parts of the East, then soon spread with epidemic virulence from populace to populace, seeking out one place after another, emptying whole regions with piles of corpses. It caused a sleep-inducing fever and a swelling in the groin. Like a kind of poison it suddenly attacked the most robust young men, otherwise healthy, and killed them in a few hours. It was the most destructive of all epidemics; and it was this epidemic that entered the city at that time. It began by first consuming the weaker bodies of boys and girls, then passed on to the stronger, spreading through both sexes and persons of every age.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 310.	None
1347-00-00-Florence 002	1347 JL	The great shortage of food in Florence led to disease and illness. The city took measures to reduce poverty, usury and exploitation. In addition, many prisoners were allowed to go out to freedom under certain terms. The conditions in the prisons were so terrible, that it was unavoidable.	Di certe novità e ordini che ssi feciono in Firenze per lo caro ch'era, e mortalità Essendo in Firenze e d'intorno il caro grande di grano e d'ogni vittuaglia, come poco adietro avemo fatta menzione, essendone afritti i cittadini e contadini, spezialmente i poveri e impotenti, e ogni dì venia montando il caro e lla difalta; e oltre a cciò conseguente cominciata infermità e mortalità, il Comune provide e fece dicreto a dì XIII di marzo che niuno potesse esere preso per niuno debito di fiorini C d'oro, o da indi in giù, infino a calen di agosto vegnente, salvo all'uficiale della mercatantia da libre XXV in su, acciò che ll'impotenti non fossono tribolati di loro debiti, avendo la passione della fame e mortalità. E oltre a cciò feciono ordine che nessuno potesse vendere lo staio del grano più di soldi XL; e chi nne recasse di fuori del contado di Firenze per vendere, avesse dal Comune fiorino uno d'oro del moggio; ma non si potéo osservare, che tanto montò la carestia e difalta, che ssi vendea fiorino uno d'oro lo staio, e talora libre IIII; e se non fosse la provisione del Comune, come dicemmo adietro, il popolo moria di fame. E per la pasqua di Risoresso seguente, che ffu in calen di aprile MCCCXLVII, il Comune (p. 484) fece offerta di tutti i prigioni ch'erano nelle carcere, che riavessero pace da'loro nimici, e stati in prigione da calen di febraio adietro; e chiunque v'era per debito da libre C in giù, rimanendo obrigato al suo creditore; e ffu gran bene e limosina, che per la 'nopia è ggià cominciata la mortalità, ogni dì morivano nelle carcere due o tre prigioni; furono gli oferti in quello dì CLXXIII, che ve ne avea più di D in più in grande inopia e povertà. E poi a l'uscita di maggio per sudette cagioni si fece riformagione per lo Comune di Firenze, che chiunque fosse nelle carcere o fosse in bando di pecunia da fiorini C d'oro in su, ne potesse uscire pagando al Comune in danari contanti soldi III per libra di quello fosse condannato o sbandito, e scontando ancora i soldi XVII per libra del debito del Comune che s'avea chi llo volea comperare per XXVIII o XXX per C da coloro che doveano avere dal Comune, che venia la detta gabella di pagare da soldi VII e mezzo per libra. Certi gli pagaro e uscirono di bando e di prigione, ma non furo guari; tanto era povero il comune popolo di cittadini per lo caro e ll'altre aversità occorse.	Of certain measures taken and ordinances made in Florence because of the recent food shortage and the sickness. As we noted a short while ago, there was a great shortage of grain and other foodstuffs in the city and the territory of Florence. The citizens and country folk were afflicted by this shortage, especially the poor and the powerless. Every day this shortage and this lack [of food] grew worse and, what is more, there then began a great sickness and mortality. The commune took things in hand, decreeing on the 23rd of March that until the coming August no one could be arrested for any debt of one hundred gold florins or less, unless by an official of the merchants’ court for twenty-five lire or more—this so that the powerless would not be harassed for their debts, since they were already suffering from hunger and sickness. Moreover, they issued an ordinance that no one could sell a staio of grain for more than forty soldi. And anyone who brought grain to sell from beyond the contado of Florence would receive one gold florin per moggio from the commune. But these ordinances could not be obeyed because the shortage and the lack [of food] so worsened that grain was being sold at one gold florin per staio, and sometimes at four lire per staio. And were it not for the provisions of the commune, which we mentioned earlier, the popolo would have died of hunger. The following Easter, which came in the month of April 1347, the commune made an offering of all jailed prisoners who had been in prison since the previous February and who were able to make peace with their enemies, and of prisoners who had been imprisoned for debts of one hundred Lire or less ([although] they remained obliged to their creditors). This was good and charitable, since the shortage had already provoked sickness and two or three prisoners were dying every day in the jails. On that day, one hundred seventy-three prisoners were offered, and there were more than five hundred others in great want and poverty. And then at the end of May, for the abovementioned reasons, a reform was made by the Commune of Florence—whoever was in jail or under ban for one hundred gold florins or more could get out by paying the commune three soldi for every one lira of the sum for which they had been condemned or banned, forgiving the seventeen soldi per lira of their debt to the commune, for there were those who were willing to buy [this debt] at twenty-eight or at thirty per one hundred from those who were creditors of the commune and this because the said gabelle stood to pay 7% soldi per lira. Some paid and were released from ban and from prison but they (p. 137) were very few, so poor were the common popolo of citizens as a consequence of the shortage and the other adversities which had occured.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, pp. 483-484.	None
1347-00-00-Iceland 001	1347 JL	Fourth smallpox epidemic in Iceland in 1347	Bolna sótt hin fiorða vm allt land. sva mikil at engi var sva gamall at slika myndi. var sva til reiknat at nær .cccc. manna andaðiz i henni milli Hvitskeggs huams ok Bótz ár. sva ok vm Floann ok Aulfusit með sama móti. Gekk sóttin fyrir sunn an land þetta arit enn it siðarra fyrir norðan. for hon sva gersamliga yfir sveitirnar at hon tok naliga hvern yngra mann enn fertugan. ok marga ellri. ok iafnvel var bolan a bórnunum þeim er moðirin fæddi viðr andlát sitt.	Fourth smallpox pandemic in the entire country. So severe that no one was old enough to remember something comparable. It was thus counted that close to 400 men died between Hvítskeggshvammur and the Bót river. So [it happened] also around Flói and Ölfusá in the same manner. The plague went through the south of the country this year, while the last one went through the north. It [= the plague] swept unremittingly through the districts so that it took almost every younger man under forty. and many elder ones. and there were even buboes on the children who were born during their mother's death.	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 213	Translation by Carina Damm
1347-00-00-Iceland 002	1347 JL	Smallpox in Iceland in 1347	Bolna sott for um allt landit ok andadiz fioldi mannz.	Smallpox swept through the entire country and many people died.	Annálarbrot frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 223	Translation by Carina Damm
1347-00-00-Iceland 003	1347 JL	Smallpox with high mortality in Iceland in 1347	Jtem bolna sott mickil vm allt Jsland. ok andadizst fiolde folks.	Then [there was] a great smallpox [plague] all around Iceland. And many people died.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 274-75	Translation by Carina Damm
1347-00-00-Kuyavia	1347 JL	Severe plague in Kuyavia and after that Jews were being burned all over Germany	Anno Domini 1347 fuit gravis pestilencia et tunc Iudei per totam Almaniam fuerunt cremati, quia dicebantur christianum populum intoxicasse, ut fuit compertum.	In the year of our Lord 1347, there was a great plague, and at that time, the Jews throughout Germany were burned because they were accused of poisoning the Christian people, as it was determined.	Annales Cuiavienses II, p. 889	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1347-00-00-Lombardy	1347 JL	Cold weather followed by famine. Then outbreak of the Black Death in parts of Lombardy, especially in rural areas, but also in Varese; plague spares Milan, Novara, Pavia, Cuneo and Vercelli. Source is notorious for confused, imprecise and contradictory chronology<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	Dixeram supra quod tunc temporis nix erat magna et fuit verum; nam duravit super facie terre usque ad finem raensis martii vel quasi, propter quam campestria tantum fastidium frigoris et undacionis susceperunt quod biada, nive recedente, ut plurimum mortua aparebant. Ex qua multe terre habitatoribus private fuerunt, maxime in montanis partibus; deinde, fame cessante, cepit morbus prosiliens a partibus ul'tramarinis partes inferiores invadere; et primo Bononiam applicuit, videlicet anno MCCCXLIIII, in qua civitate infiniti perierunt, omni defensione et medela destituta. Due partes autem corporum dicebantur periisse. Invasitque pestilencia Januam ubi simili modo perierunt; invasit Parmam in qua multi defecerunt. Servavit Mediolanum, Papiam, Novariam, Cumas, Vercellas, set discurrando occupavit Lombardiam a dicto anno usque annum MCCCXLVII, ubi iterum super districtu Novarie vigebat; nam in dicto districtu Momum vacuavit, Bellanzagum similiter et in Burgomanerio ', ubi conversationem habebam, ubi dicti viri belligeri habitabant, perlerunt dieta clade in tribus mensibus prò completis centenaria xxvii virorum, computatis mulieribus et parvulis, nec in aliìs terris tunc insilivit novariensibus; in comitatu autem Mediolani in partibus Varixii, Anglerie, Gallarate et circumstanciis ut supra, sine numero perierunt. Cessavit itaque dieta pestilentìa moriendi, tamen in aliquibus locis discurrendo.	I mentioned above that at that time there was a great snowfall, and it was true; for it lasted on the surface of the earth until the end of March or nearly so. Because of this, the fields suffered so much from the cold and flooding that, when the snow melted, most of the crops appeared dead. As a result, many lands were deprived of their inhabitants, especially in the mountainous regions. Then, as the famine ceased, a disease began to spread from the overseas regions, invading the lower areas. It first struck Bologna in the year 1344 (sic!), where countless people perished, lacking any defense or remedy. It was said that two-thirds of the population died. The pestilence then invaded Genoa, where many similarly perished, and then Parma, where many died as well. Milan, Pavia, Novara, Como, and Vercelli were spared, but the disease spread throughout Lombardy from that year until 1347 (sic!), when it again raged in the district of Novara. In that district, it emptied Momeliano, Bellinzona, and Borgomanero, where I lived, and where the mentioned warriors lived. In three months, 2,700 men perished, including women and children, and the disease did not attack other lands in Novara at that time. However, in the surroundings of Milan, in the regions of Varese, Angera, Gallarate, and the surrounding areas, countless people perished. Thus, the aforementioned pestilence ceased in its deadliness, though it continued to spread in some places	Cognasso 1926-39, p. 53.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-00-00-Naples	1347 JL	Louis I of Hungary went on pilgrimage to Apulia to confirm the barons and to escape the plague which already raged in Naples.	[…] E partita del Regno la detta compagna, se n'andò il re il Puglia in pellegrinaggio al Monte Santo Agnolo e San Nicolò di Bari, e per sagire i baroni e paese di Puglia alla sua signoria, e per cessare la pistolenza della mortalità, che già era cominciata a Napoli grandissima.	After this company departed the regno, the king went on pilgrimage to Puglia, to Monte Santo Angelo and San Niccolò di Bari, to confirm the barons and the land of Puglia under his lordship and to escape the pestilence of sickness which had already begun and was already great in Naples.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, p. 548.	None
1347-08-00-Florence	August 1347 JL	A comet was seen as a sign of evil things, such as the death of kings and potentates and mortality. The predictions turned out to be true, as the forthcoming events have shown, especially in the Orient during this time.	Come in cielo aparve una commeta. Nel detto anno, del mese d'agosto, aparve in cielo la stella commeta, che ssi chiama Nigra, nel segno del Tauro, a gradi XVI nel capo della figura e segno del Gorgone, e durò XV dì. Questa Nigra è della natura di Saturno, e per sua infruenzia si cria, secondo che dice Zael filosofo e strolago, e più altri maestri della detta scienzia, la quale significa pure male e morte di re e di potenti; e questo dimostrò assai tosto in più re e reali, come inanzi leggendo si troverà; e ingenerò grande mortalità ne' paesi ove il detto pianeto e segno signoreggiano; e bene il dimostrò inn-Oriente e nelle marine d'intorno, come dicemmo adietro.	How a comet appeared in the heavens. In August of that year (1347) the comet called Nigra appeared in the heavens in the sign of Taurus, at sixteen degrees in the head of the constellation and sign of Gorgon and stayed there for fifteen days. This Nigra is of the nature of Saturn, whose power creates it, according to Zael, philosopher and astrologer, and many other masters of this science. It is a sign of evil things - the deaths of kings and of potentates; this was soon revealed [by what happened to] many kings and royals - as one will find by reading ahead. It brought great mortality to the lands where the planet and the sign rule. And events in the Orient and on nearby shores, which we have recounted, demonstrate this well.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, p. 510.	None
1347-09-00-Catania	September 1347 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Catania with detailed description of symptoms and social disintegration. Prominent victim of the plague is Duke Giovanni d'Aragona, Regent of the Kingdom of Trinacria/Sicily at the time.	Quid dicemus de civitate Cataniae, quae oblivioni tradita est? Tanta fuit pestis praedicta exorta in ea, quod non solum pustulae illae, quae "anthraci" vulgari vocabulo nuncupabantur, sed etiam glandulae quaedam in diversis corporum membris nascebantur, nunc in pectine, aliae in tibiis, aliae in brachiis, aliae in gutture. Quae quidem a principio erant sicut avellanae, et crescebant cum magno frigoris rigore, et in tantum humanum corpus extendebant et affligebant, quod diutius in se potentiam non habens standi, se ad lectum perferrebat, febribus immensis incitatus, et amaritudine non modica contristatus. Quapropter glandulae illae ad modum nucis crescebant, deinde ad modum ovi gallinae vel anseris, et quorum dolores non modici, et humorum putrefactione urgebant dictum humanum corpus sanguinem expuere; quod sputum, a pulmonibus infecto perveniens ad guttur, totum corpus humanum putrefaciebat: quo putrefacto, humoribus deficientibus, spiritum exalabant. Quae quidem infirmitas triduo perdurabat; quarto vero die ad minus a rebus humanis praedicta humana corpora erant adepta. Catanienses vero perpendentes talem aegritudinem sic brevi finire tempore, sicuti dolor capitis eis superveniebat, et rigor frigoris, omnia peccata eorum primo et ante omnia sacerdotibus confitebantur, et deinde testamenta eorum conficiebantur. Tanta erat in praedicta civitate condemnsa mortalitas, quod iudices et notarii se ad testamenta facienda ire recusabant. Et si ad aliquem infirmum accederent, ab eo procul omnino stabant. Sacerdotes ullatenus ad domos infirmorum accedere timore proximi mortis trepidabant. Tanta erat immensa mortalitas in civitate praedicta, quod iudices et notarii in conficiendis testamentis, nec sacerdotes ad peccatorum confitenda peccamina poterant totaliter continuo vacare. Patriarcha vero praedictus, volens de animabus Cataniensium providere, cuilibet sacerdoti, licet minimo, totam, quam habebat ipse episcopalem et patriarchalem licentiam, de absolvendis peccatis tribuit atque dedit. Quapropter omnes, qui deficiebant, secundum veram opinionem ad locum Dei tutam infallibiliter erant recepti. Dux vero Joannes praedictus timens mortem supradictam, nolens civitatibus et locis appropinquare habitatis propter aeris infectionem, per loca nemorosa et inhabitata, circumquaque se hinc inde continue versabatur. Sed dum hinc inde nunc ad aquam salis, quae est in nemore Cataniensi, nunc ad quamdam turrim, quae vocatur "Lu Blancu" per sex milliaria a civitate Cataniae distantem, nunc ad quandam ecclesiam sancti Salvatoris de Blanchardu in nemore civitatis praedictae, se quasi latitando discurreret, pervenit ad quamdam ecclesiam, seu locum per dictum Ducem noviter constructum [p. 568] vocatum sanctu Andria, qui locus est in confiniis nemoris Mascalarum; in quo dum incolumis ac sanus existeret, ex quadam sibi superveniente infirmitate mortuus extitit. Corpus cuius fuit sepultum in maiori Catanensi Ecclesia, in eo videlicet tumulo, ubi corpus quondam Friderici Regis patris sui fuerat conditum et humatum. Et hoc anno Domini MCCCXLVIII, de mense Aprilis primae Indictionis. Quae quidem mortalitas duravit a mense Septembris dictae primae Indictionis usque ad mortem Ducis supradicti paulo ante vel post. Talis itaque gravis fuit mortalitas in nullo dispar sexu, in nulla aetate dissimilis, generaliter cunctos iugiter affecit, ut etiam quos non egit in mortem, turpi macie exinanitos afflictosque dimisit atque relaxavit. In qua mortalitate fuit dictus Patriarcha mortuus, et sepultus in maiori Catanensi Ecclesia, anima cuius in pace quiescat.	What shall we say of the city of Catania, which has been consigned to oblivion? Such was the plague that arose there that not only did those pustules called "anthraces" in the common tongue appear, but also certain swellings in various parts of the body—now on the chest, some on the shins, others on the arms, and others in the throat. These, at first, were like hazelnuts, and they grew with a great chill and afflicted the human body so severely that, unable to stand any longer, the person would collapse onto the bed, overcome by intense fevers and burdened with great bitterness. As a result, those swellings would grow to the size of a walnut, then to the size of a hen's egg or even a goose's egg, and the pain was unbearable. The rotting of bodily fluids caused the afflicted person to spit blood; this sputum, infected from the lungs and reaching the throat, would completely decay the entire body. Once the body had decayed and the fluids had been drained, the person would exhale their spirit. This disease would last three days; by the fourth day, at the latest, the person would succumb. The people of Catania, observing that such an illness would end so quickly, often experienced severe headaches and chills. In this state, they confessed all their sins, first and foremost, to priests, and then prepared their wills. The mortality in the aforementioned city was so severe that judges and notaries refused to go to prepare the wills. And if they did approach any of the sick, they kept a great distance. Priests, too, were afraid to approach the homes of the sick out of fear of their own impending deaths. The mortality in the city was so immense that judges and notaries could not keep up with preparing wills, nor could priests attend continuously to the confession of sins. The Patriarch, seeing the need to provide for the souls of the people of Catania, granted to each priest, even the humblest, the full authority of his episcopal and patriarchal license to absolve sins. Because of this, all who died were, according to true belief, received into the secure presence of God. Duke Giovanni [di Randazzo/d'Aragona, 1317-1348], fearing the aforementioned plague and not wanting to approach inhabited cities or places due to the infection of the air, moved about continuously through forested and uninhabited areas. Wandering from one place to another, he would sometimes go to the Salt Spring in the forest near Catania, sometimes to a tower called "Lu Blancu," six miles from the city of Catania, or to a church called S. Salvatoris de Blanchardu in the forest of the aforementioned city. While wandering in hiding, he eventually came to a church or location newly constructed by the Duke, called S. Andrea, which is situated on the borders of the Mascalarum forest. While living there in good health, he was overtaken by a sudden illness and died. His body was buried in the major church of Catania, in the very tomb where the body of Frederick, King and his father, had been buried and laid to rest. This happened in the year of our Lord 1348, in the month of April, during the first Indiction. This mortality lasted from September of the same first Indiction until shortly before or after the death of the aforementioned Duke. Such a grave mortality affected all, regardless of sex or age, and struck everyone continuously. Even those whom it did not bring to death were left emaciated and afflicted with a wretched gauntness, ultimately releasing them in a weakened state. During this mortality, the aforementioned Patriarch also died and was buried in the major church of Catania, and may his soul rest in peace.	Michele da Piazza 1791, pp. 567-568.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-10-00-Messina	October 1347 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Messina, Sicily on board of Genoese ships.	Caput XXVII. De repentina mortalitate orta in Regno Sicilie & quo tempore duravit, & quid actum eo tempore extitit [...] Accidit ergo, quod de mense octobris anno dominice incarnationis MCCCXLVII circa principium mensis octobris prime indictionis, duodecim galee januensium, divinam fugientes ulcionem, quam Dominus noster pro eorum iniquitatibus desuper eis transmiserat, applicuerunt in portum civitatis Messane, talem secum morbum ossibus infixum deferentes, quod si quis cum aliquo ipsorum locutus fuisset , erat infirmitate effectus letali, quam mortem nullatenus evadere poterat inmediate. Signa vero mortis ianuensium et messanensium cum eis participantium talia erant. Quod propter infectionem hanelitus inter eos mixti universaliter alloquentes , adeo unus alterum inficiebat , quod quasi totus dolore concussus videbatur, et quodammodo conquassatus; ex cujus doloris conquassatione, et hanelitus inficatione oriebatur quedam pustula circa femur , vel brachium ad modum lenticule. Que ita inficiebat et penetrabat corpus, quod violenter spuebant sanguinem: quo sputo spuendo per triduum, incessanter sine aliqua cura curabili vitam expirabant; et non tantum moriebantur quicumque eis conversabantur, ymmo quicumque de rebus eorum 63) emeret, tangeret, seu affectaret. Messanenses vero cognoscentes dictam eorum repentinam mortem eis incurrere propter januensium galearum adventum, eos de portu et civitate predicta cum festinantia maxima expulerunt. Remansitque dicta infirmitas in civitate predicta, ex qua sequuta extitit immensa mortalitas. Et in tantum unus alium habebat exosum, quod si filius de morbo predicto infirmabatur, pater sibi adherere penitus recusabat; et si ad eum ausus esset appropinquare, adeo infectus erat morbo predicto, quod mortem nullatenus evadere poterat, quin per triduum suum spiritum non exalaret. Et non tantum solus ipse de domo moriebatur, sed omnes familiares in eadem domo astantes, catuli, et animalia in dicta domo existentia patrem familias mortui sequebantur. Et intantum mortalitas ipsa Messanensibus invaluit, quod petebant multi sacerdotibus confiteri sua peccata, et testamenta conficere, et sacerdotes, judices et notarii ad domos eorum accedere recusabant; et si aliqui ipsorum ad eorum hospitia ingrediebantur pro testamentis, et talibus conficiendis, mortem nullatenus repentinam poterant (p 83) evitare. Fratres vero Ordinis minorum et Predicatorum et aliorum ordinum accedere volentes ad domos infirmorum predictorum, et confitentes eisdem de eorum peccatis, et dantes eis penitentiam juxta velle sermus. divinam justitia, adeo letalis mors ipsos infecit, quod fere in eorum cellulis de eis aliqui remanserunt. Quid ultra? Cadavera stabant sola in hospitiis propriis, nullus sacerdos, filius, sive pater, atque consanguineus ausus erat in eisdem intrare, sed tribuebant bastatiis non modicam pensionem pro cadaveribus in sepultura deferendis predictis. Hospitia defunctorum remanebant aperta, et patentia cum omnibus jocalibus, pecunia, et thesauris; adeo ut si quis ingredi vellet, aditus a nullo proibitus erat. Nam tanta subito pestilentia exorta est, ut ministri quoque primum non sufficerent, deinde non essent. Quapropter Messanenses hunc casum terribilem et monstruosum intuentes, migrare de civitate quam mori potius elegerunt; et non solum in urbem veniendi, sed etiam appropinquandi ad eam negabatur. In aeris et in vineis extra civitatem cum eorum familiis statuerunt mansiones. Aliqui vero et pro majori parte in civitatem Catanie perrexerunt, confisi quod beata Cataniensis Agatha virgo eosdem tali infirmitate liberaret. Inclita regina Helisabeth regina Sicilie, existens in civitate Catanie, don Fridericum filium suum, qui in civitate Messane tunc temporis aderat, ad se festinante jussit venire; qui cum galeis venetorum Cataniam festinanter applicuit.	Chapter XXVII: On the sudden mortality that arose in the Kingdom of Sicily, the duration of that time, and what happened during that time Therefore, it happened that in the month of October in the year of our Lord's Incarnation 1347, around the beginning of October, twelve Genoese galleys, fleeing divine retribution which our Lord had sent upon them for their sins, docked at the port of the city of Messina. They brought with them a disease so deeply embedded in their bones that if anyone spoke with any of them, they were struck with a fatal illness from which they could not escape immediate death. The signs of death among the Genoese and those of Messina who interacted with them were such that, because of the infection from their breath, mingling with them universally, one infected another so that it seemed as if they were entirely shaken by pain, and in a way crushed by it; from this crushing pain and the infection from their breath, there arose pustules around the thigh or arm, like a lentil. These pustules infected and penetrated the body so violently that they coughed up blood; and with this coughing up of blood for three days, constantly without any cure, they expired; and not only did those who interacted with them die, but also anyone who bought, touched, or desired any of their belongings (page 563). The people of Messina, recognizing that this sudden death was befalling them because of the arrival of the Genoese galleys, expelled them from the port and the aforementioned city with the greatest haste. The aforementioned disease remained in the aforementioned city, resulting in immense mortality. To such an extent did one hate another, that if a son fell ill from the aforementioned disease, the father entirely refused to stay near him; and if he dared to approach him, he was so infected by the aforementioned disease that he could not escape death and would expire within three days. And not only did the individual in the house die, but all the family members present in the same house, including pets and animals in the house, followed the head of the dead family. The mortality increased so much among the people of Messina that many asked priests to confess their sins and make their wills, but priests, judges, and notaries refused to go to their houses; and if any of them entered their houses to make wills and other such documents, they could not avoid sudden death. Friars of the Order of Minors and Preachers and members of other orders, wishing to go to the houses of the aforementioned sick people, confessing their sins and giving them penance according to divine justice, were so lethally infected that almost none of them remained in their cells. What more? Corpses lay alone in their homes, no priest, son, father, or relative dared to enter them, but they paid considerable sums to others to bury the bodies. The houses of the deceased remained open and unguarded with all their jewels, money, and treasures; so that if anyone wished to enter, the entrance was prohibited by no one. Such a sudden pestilence arose that at first there were not enough servants, and eventually, there were none. Therefore, the people of Messina, seeing this terrible and monstrous event, chose to migrate from the city rather than die; and not only was it forbidden to come into the city, but also to approach it. They set up camps in the air and vineyards outside the city with their families. Some, and for the most part, went to the city of Catania, believing that blessed Agatha of Catania would free them from such an illness. The noble Queen Elisabetta, Queen of Sicily, residing in the city of Catania, hastily summoned her son Federico, who was then in the city of Messina, to come to her; and he hurried to Catania with Venetian galleys.	Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83	None
1347-10-00-Messina2	October 1347 JL	Procession to counter the outbreak of the Black Death in Messina fails.	Cap. 29: Quomodo Messanenses adcesserunt ad beatam Maria de Scalis cum sacerdotali officio; et que signa, et miracula apparuerunt ibidem et de mortalitate in civitate Catanie, et de morte Ducis Joannis. Messanenses vero de hujusmodi mira visione territi, miro modo sunt universaliter effecti timidi. Quapropter ad beatam Virginem de Scalis per miliaria sex a civitate Messane distantem, scalciatis pedibus, cum processione sacerdotali, comuniter ambulare statuerunt. Ad quam appropinquantes Virginem, omnes unanimiter in terris fixerunt devotissime genua, cum lacrimis, Dei et beate Virginis clamantes subsidium; et ingredientes in ecclesiam supradictam, devotis orationibus, et sacerdotali cantilena divina clamantes, miserere nostri Deus, quamdam ymaginem matris Dei sculpitam, ibidem antiquitus constitutam, propriis manibus appreenderunt. Quam in civitatem Messanem elegerunt ingredi facere, propter cujus visionem et ingressionem putabant demonia a civitate eicere, et a tali mortalitate penitus liberari. Propter quod elegerunt quendam sacerdotem ydoneum dictam ymaginem super quodam equo in brachiis suis honorifice apportare. Et reveretentes ad dictam civitatem cum ymagine supradicta, dicta sacra Dei mater, dum vidit et appropinquavit da dictam civitatem, adeo sibi exosam reputavit, et totaliter peccatis sanguinolentam, quod post tergum reversa, non tantum intrare noluit in civitatem, sed ipsam aborruit oculis intueri. Propter quod tellus aperta extitit in profundum, et equus, super quo dicta Dei matris ferebatur ymago, fixus et immobilis extitit sicut petra, et precedere, vel retrocedere non valebat.	Chapter 29: How the People of Messina Approached the Blessed Mary of the Stairs with Priestly Devotion; the Signs and Miracles that Appeared There; and the Plague in the City of Catania, Along with the Death of Duke John. The people of Messina, terrified by such a miraculous vision, were universally struck with great fear. Therefore, they resolved to walk barefoot, in a solemn priestly procession, to the Blessed Virgin of the Stairs, located six miles from the city of Messina. When they approached the Virgin, they all fell unanimously to their knees on the ground with great devotion, crying out with tears for the help of God and the Blessed Virgin. Entering the aforementioned church, they prayed devoutly and sang divine hymns with priestly chants, calling upon God with the words, "Have mercy on us, O God." In the church, they took hold of a carved image of the Mother of God, which had been placed there in ancient times. They decided to bring this image into the city of Messina, believing that her presence and entry into the city would drive out demons and completely free the city from the plague. To this end, they selected a suitable priest to carry the image with reverence in his arms on horseback. However, as they returned to the city with the sacred image, the Holy Mother of God, upon seeing and approaching the city, found it so abhorrent, deeming it bloodstained with sin, that she turned her face away. Not only did she refuse to enter the city, but she also avoided even looking at it. Because of this, the earth opened to a great depth, and the horse carrying the image of the Mother of God became fixed and immovable, like a rock, unable to advance or retreat.	Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83.	None
1347-10-00-Messina3	October 1347 JL	Most plague refugees from Messina fail to enter Catania and spread the Black Death to Siracusa, Agrigento and Trapani.	Quid ultra? Adeo fuerunt abominabiles & timorosi, quod nemo cum eis loquebatur, nec conversabant, sed fugiebant velociter eorum visionem, eorum anelitus penitus recusantes, & quasi in derisione omnibus Cataniensibus sunt effecti. Et si aliquis eorum cum aliquo loquebatur, respondebat sibi vulgariter, non mi parlari ca si Missinisi, & nemo eos hospitabatur. Domos pro eorum habitaculis ad conducendum penitus non inveniebant. Et nisi quod Messanenses aliqui in civitate Catanie cum eorum familia habitantes eos clam hospitabantur, fuissent quasi omni auxilio destituiti. Disperguntur itaque Messanenses per univerfam insulam Sicilie, & pergentes in civitatem Siracusie, adeo illa egritudo sic infecit Siragusanos, quod diversos immo immensos letaliter interfecit; terra Xacce, terra Trapani, & civitas Agrigenti.	What more? They were so abominable and feared that no one would speak to them or interact with them; instead, people fled swiftly from their sight, completely avoiding their breath, and they became a subject of mockery to all the people of Catania. And if any of them spoke to someone, they would be answered rudely, "I don’t speak to those from Messina." No one would give them shelter. They could not find houses to rent as living quarters. If it had not been for some Messinese families living in the city of Catania who secretly hosted them, they would have been completely without help. Thus, the Messinese dispersed throughout the entire island of Sicily, and when they reached the city of Syracuse, the plague so thoroughly infected the Syracusans that it lethally afflicted many, even in great numbers. The lands of Sciacca, Trapani, and the city of Agrigento were similarly affected.	Michele da Piazza 1791, p. 566.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-12-25-Avignon	25 December 1347 JL	Great mortality in the south of France, especially in Avignon.	Quo eciam tempore maxima mortalitas viguit in Grecia in Thurchia ac Lompardia Tussia ac in provincia Waschonia et in Francia, quod ville et civitates alique dicebantur incolis destitute. Nam in civitate Avenionensi a festo nativitatis domini [25.12.1347] usque ad festum omnium sanctorum [01.11.1348] cclxxx milia hominum decesserunt, inter quos sex cardinales duces fuerunt transeuntium de hoc mundo ad patrem.	During this time, there was also enormous mortality in Greece, Turkey, Lombardy, Tuscany and the province of Vashonia [Gascony] as well as in France, so that houses and cities were named that were without inhabitants. For in the city of Avignon, 280,000 people died from the Feast of the Nativity of the Lord [25 December 1347] to the Feast of All Saints [1 November 1348], including six cardinals who passed from this world to the Father.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 65.	None
1348-00-00-Apulia 001	1348 JL	King of Hungary left Apulia because of the plague and Joanna, wife of Duke Louis of Taranto returned to Naples and resubdued the country.	112.) Qualiter rex Ungarie recessit ab Apulia propter pestilenciam. Reverso autem propter pestilenciam Ungaro Iohanna relicta Andree fratris sui uxor de auxilio pape Neapolim revertitur, et eiectis Ungari fidelibus terra sibi iterum subiugatur, Wernhero de Urselingen Swevo, qui primo Ungaro adhesit et ab eo propter quandam suspicionem sibi falso impictam, ut dixit, licenciatus fuit, eidem Iohanne propter pecuniam assistente. Tribunus enim Urbis, fautor Ungari, disparens eo tempore non erat potens in Urbe. Vendidit autem ipsa Iohanna, quantum in ea fuit pape civitatem Avinionensem pro multa pecunie quantitate.	113.) How the King of Hungary left Apulia because of the plague. After the Hungarian had gone home on account of the prevailing plague, Joanna, the widow of his brother Andrew and wife of Duke Louis of Taranto, returned to Naples with the help of the pope, expelled the followers of the Hungarian, and resubdued the country, being assisted for money by Werner of Urslingen, a Swabian, who had formerly served the Hungarian (p. 171), but had been dismissed by him on account of what he said was an unjust suspicion. The tribune of Rome, the supporter of the Hungarian, had disappeared around this time and no longer had any power in Rome. Queen Joan, however, sold the city of Avignon to the pope for a large sum of money.	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 262	None
1348-00-00-Aquila	1348 JL	About the Black Death in Aquila and beyond.	Lasso questa materia, retorno a l’altra tema, / e comeme de dicere d’una crudele stema: / tamanta fo mortalleta, non è omo a chi non prema, / credo che le duj parti de la genta fo asema. / Ma no fu solu in Aquila, ma fo in ogni contrada, / no tanto fra Cristiani, m’a‘ Sarracini è stata; / sì generale piaga mai no fo recordata / dal tenpo del diluvio, della gente anegata.	I’ll leave this matter behind and change my topic / And it seems like talking about a great infortune / mortality was so great it preoccupied all people / I think two thirds of all people died. It wasn’t only in Aquila, but in all parts [of the world] / not only among Christians, but also with the Muslims. / nobody remembered such a general plague / since people drowned in the time of the deluge.	Buccio di Ranallo, p. 240.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila1	1348 JL	About the fear the Black Death in Aquila spread amongst doctors and how expensive medicine and medical products became.	E corsece uno dubio, ca mai lo odì contare, / che no volia li medeci l’infirmi visitare; / anche vetaro li omini che no lli deia toccare, / però che la petigine se lli potea iectare. Punamo che lli medici all’infirmi no giero, / ma pur de loro, dico, le duj parti morero; / li speziali medemmo che llo soperchio vennero, / de questa granne piaga più che li altri sentero. Mai no foro sì care cose de infermaria: / picciolu pollastregliu quatro solli valia, / e l’obu a duj denari e atri se vennia, / della poma medemmo era gra‘ carestia. Cose medicinali ongi cosa à passato, / ché l’oncia dello zuccaro a secte solli è stato; / l’oncia delli tradanti se‘ solli è conperato, / e dello melecristo altro tanto n’è dato. La libra dell’uva passa tri solli se vennia, / li nocci delle manole duj solli se dagia / dece vaca de mori un denaro valia, / quanno n’aviano dudici bo‘ derrata paria.	As I said even the doctors refuse to see the ill / and yet, I tell you, two third of them died, too / and also the pharmacists selling medicine / felt this great plague more than others. As I said even the doctors refuse to see the ill / and yet, I tell you, two third of them died, too / and also the pharmacists selling medicine / felt this great plague more than others. Never before had medicine been so expensive: / Small, young chicken costed four soldi each / an eggs were sold for two to three soldi / and there was general dearth of apples. Medical products became expensive beyond any limit / one ounce of sugar costed seven soldi / one ounce of dragante (medical resin) rose to six soldi / and medical sugery syrup was even more expensive. One pound of grapes rose to three soldi / almonds were sold for two soldi / Ten blackberries costed one penny / and if you could have twelve it seemed like a good price.	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 240, 242.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila2	1348 JL	About how wax became expensive and was regulated in use during funeral cerimonies while the Black Death ravaged in Aquila.	E della cera, dico, credo che abiate intiso, / se ne fosse u‘ romeio, lo quale vi fo priso: / a lo quarto de l’omini no fora ciro aciso / se omo avesse u‘ firino nella libra dispiso. Fo facto una ordenanza: che li homini acactasse / le ciri delle iclese e co‘ quilli pasasse, / e li altri poverelli canele no portasse: / dalle eclescie tolzéseli e li clirici acordasse. L’uomo che solia avere trenta libre de cera, / co‘ tre libra passavase per questa lor manera, / co‘ meza libra l’uomo che povero era; / acordava li clerici la domane o la sera. LCon tucto ’sto romegio la cera fo rencarata; / a vinti solli la libra li omini à conparata, / a dicidocto e a sidici, a dicisecte è stata, / quanno revende a quinici fo tenuta derrata. Anche a quisto romegio la cera no vastava, / se no fosse quillu ordine che li clerici usava; / con tanto pocatellio lu morto s’ofiziava, / tri volte le canele alla caia apicciava.	And when it comes to wax, as you might have guessed, / there was no remedy to be found: / A quarter of all people had no acces to wax at all / (unclear translation) There was an ordinance: People should accept / the wax from churches, what was assigned to them / and all the other poor should have no candles: / they should take it from tchurches, the clergy agreed. A man who used to have thirty pounds of wax / now had only three pounds in this manner / and a poor man only half a pound of wax. / The funeral took place the same or the next day, as clergy agreed upon. With all this regulation, wax became expensive: / people bought it for twenty soldi a pound / it had been between sixteen and eighteen, / if you could buy it for fifteen, you were lucky. But also with this regulation, the wax was not sufficient, / if the clergy hadn’t established another order: / With so little the funeral had to take place, / that candles were lit only three times during the ceremony.	Buccio di Ranallo, p. 242.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila3	1348 JL	About changing participation of funeral ceremonies while the Black Death ravaged Aquila.	Quanno era l’uomo morto, ch’a santi lu portavano, / infi‘ ch’era a la ’clesia, clirici no cantavano, / e poi ch’erano dentro, così poco pasavano: / duj versi e duj respunzi e poi lu socterravano. Anche fu uno statuto: a l’omo che moresse / chi visse no sonasse che omo nos se inpauresse, / e fore de castellio omo a morto no gesse, / accìo che li corructi la gente no sentesse. Or vi dirrò lu mudo ch’era no correctare: / a un citolu de lacte più se solea fare; / de granni della terra, quanno potia adunare / vinti persone insemora, pariali troppo fare. No se tenia lu modo che sse solia tenere; / lu dì che morio l’omo, faceanolu jacere / perfi‘ a l’altra domane, per più onore avere, / le castella invitavaci che gisse a conparere. Quanno fo ’sta mortauta, nell’ora che moria, / in quel’ora medemma in ecclesia ne gia; / in quillu dì medemmo vigilia non avia, / non era chi guardarelu, però se sopellia.	And when the dead person was taken to church / the clergy didn’t sing until they reached it / and once they were inside, they really did little: / two verses and two responsories and then they buried the dead person. There was another statute: For the dead person / no bells were rung as people might feel afraid / and people shouldn’t leave their homes for funerals / as they shouldn’t smell the dead (?). And now let me tell you about the funeral ceremony: / more people participated in the funeral of a small child / than in those of important people from the city / if there were 20 people, it was already large. And this was so different from before the plague: / if one died, he was lying in his house / for up to two days, as this was more honor / and people arrived also from outside town to pay their respect. During this epidemic, when a person had just died / in the same hour he was taken to church already / there was no wake on the same day / nobody present with the body, but he was buried	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 242-243.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila4	1348 JL	About duration of the illness and help for the sick duringt the Black Death in Aquila.	Una gra‘ pigitate ch’era delli amalati, / era delli parenti che li erano mancati; / non era chi guardarli a tante necessitati; / tri carlini la femena chiedea li dì passati. Facio Dio una grazia delle amalanzie corte, / che uno dì, duj , tri durava male forte, / e quatro allo più alto chi era disposto a morte; / d’aconciarese l’anima le ienti erano acorte. (...) La granne pïetate si fo de li amalati / ca era apocati li omini, non erano procurati; / chi conperava guardia per essere aiutati, / lu dì e la nocte femena, petia tri grillati.	One should piety those ill persons / who had no parents or relatives left / nobody took care of their needs / and helping women costed three carlini each day. A short illness was considered a divine favour / who suffered violently one, two three days / and a maximum of four days until death / people were aware to save their souls. (...) It was pitiful with all the sick people / as so few remained, they were not taken care for / whoever payed people to get help / a women for day and night, paid three carlini	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 243-244.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila5	1348 JL	About practices of making testaments during the Black Death in Aquila.	Tamanta era paura, che onde omo tremava / la morte ciaschesuno ongi iurnno aspectava; / più che del corpo, l’omo de l’anima penzava; / quanno era sano e salvo, chi savio era testava. Or chi vedesse prescia a iudici e notari, / che era nocte e iurnno dalli testamentari; / e illi consideranno petiano asai denari / testemoni medemmo, a trovare erano cari Quanno omo cercavali e quilli demanavano: / ‚E scricto lo testamento?‘ se nno, ca no ci anavano; / si dicea ch’era scricto, allora s’abiavano; / no che daventro intrasero, m’a la porta rogavano. Anche vi mecto in dicere que conmenente è stato, / quanno fo la mortauta, se l’uomo avia testato / con iudici e notari e testemonij rogato, / se tosto non era in carta de coro publicato. Se omo a duji jornni o a tri regia per lu stromento, / de iudici e notari trovava impedimento, / c’alcuno era amalato o era in falimento, / o qualche testemonio gito era al gra‘ convento. Chi volea lo rogo fare relevare, / lo notaro un florino volea adomandare; / tanto petea lo iudice per volerse senare, / l’omo poi accordavase, se non potea altro fare.	So large was fear, that everybod trembled / And expected to die any day / people were more preoccupied with their souls / and made their testaments as they were still healthy. You have seen how hastily people went to judges and notaries / to make their testaments day and night. / and those asked high prices, considering the risk / and it was expensive to find the necessary witnesses. When people searched them and the witnesses asked: / ‚Is the testament written?‘ If no, they didn’t come / if it was written, they agreed to come / but didn’t enter the house, just talked at the door. And I wanted to tell how it was in general / during the mortality when testaments were made / with jugdes and notaries and witnesses asked / if the document wasn’t published immediately. If a man returned after some days to get the testament / he found the judge or notarly not available / as some where ill or already about to die / or some withness had passed away. Who wanted to secure the juridical act / had to pay the notary a florin (gold coin) / so he would ask the judge to sign immediately / people accepted this, there was no other way.	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 244-245.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila6	1348 JL	About the wealthy survivors of the Black Death in Aquila.	Li pochi che remasero, ciascuno ricco era, / per l’anima de‘ morti ne davana a rivera, / li clirici godiano la domane e la sera, / e ariccaro li urdini e tucte monastera. Li laici medemmo gaudiano volentero, / c’aveano delle cose p’ongi loro mistero; / per tanto poco preczo multe cose vennéro, / tre tanto vale mo: credateme ch’è vero. Quanno fo la mortauta, anni mille correa / e trecento e quaranta octo, così be‘ Dio ci dea; / tamanta fo paura che onn’omo temea, / multo altrugio renniose, chi morire credea. Chi facia testamento, null’omo che testava, / né parente né amico già no lli demannava / che cobelli lassaseli, ca no se nne curava, / le cose avia per niente c’a morir se pensava. O quante penetute de questo vi so‘ state, / che non se provedero de ’ste cose passate, / che ricchi potiano essere delle cose lassate, / che invidia hebbero a chi de ciò sono ariccate.	The few who surved were all rich then / for the souls of the deceased they gave a lot / the clergy took advantage of this day and night / and religious house and monasteries got rich. But also lay people profited a lot / to their surprise, they had everything now / prices were suddenly so low for many things. / hardly a third; you can believe me. When the mortality was, in the year thousand / and threehundred and forty eight, as the good Lord decided (?) / as everybody was full of fear / much was given to who had feared to die. One had made a testament, or had ben a witness / had no parent or friend left / who could be made a heir / as he had feared to die in vain. Oh how much penitence was achieved / by those who didn’t accept goods then / how rich could they have got from the inheritance / what envy they had for those who enriched themselves.	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 246-247.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila7	1348 JL	Social and moral effects of the Black Death in Aquila: New marriages and people leaving monastic communities, becoming greedy and mad in the eyes of the chronicler.	Scorta la mortaute, li omini racelaro; / quili che non l’aveano la mollie se pilliaro / e lle femene vidove sì sse remaritaro: / iuvini, vecchie e citule a questo modo annaro. No tanto altre femene, vizoche e religiose, / multe jectaro lo abito e vidile fare spose, / e multi frati dell‘ ordine oscire per queste cose, / omo de cinquanta anni la citula piliose. Tamanta era la prescia dello rimaritare, / che tante per iorno erano, no se poria contare; / non aspectava domeneca multi per nocze fare; / non se facian conzienzia de cose ch’eran care. (...) La iente fo mancata e l’avarizia cresciuta; / danunca era femina ch’avesse dote manzuta; / da l’uomo che più potea da quello era petuta, / peio ci fo che questo, c’alcuna fo raputa. Demente erano uscite da quelle gra‘ paure / della corte malanze con le bianullie dure, / de sadisfare l’animo poco era chi se cure, / a crescere ad ariccare puneano studio pure.	When mortality came to an end, people felt relief / those who had no wife, looked for one / and the widows married again / young, old and children behaved the same way. And other women, even nuns / threw away their clothes and they became brides / and many friars left their order for the same reason / and men of fifty years married young girls. So large was this urge to marry again / so many marriages a day you couldn’t count it: / They didn’t wait for Sundays to marry / and they ignored how expensive everything had got. (...) People had become less, but greed increased; / every women had an extraordinary dowry, / and she married the man who could provide most, worst of all, some were even robbed (?). In a state of madness they had left the great fear / of the rapid disease with the hard buboes / to satisfy their souls if they had been cured / they turned their minds to enrich themselves only.	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 248-250.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila8	1348 JL	A general dearth of foodstuffs and other goods after the Black Death in Aquila.	Chi vedesse la che se vennia a macellio! / Giamaj i‘ nulla citade no llo vidi sì bellio; / tante some ne ’sciano che paria u‘ ribellio; / chi non avia denari, ’cidease lu porcellio. Come fo gra‘ mercato, inanti, delle cose, / così se rencaro, dico, per queste spose; / panni e arigento e quello che allora abesongiose, / eranto tante care che se veneano oltragiose. Secte carlini viddi dare inelli pianilli, / cinque e quatro carlini e sei nelli cercelli, / e quatro e cinque solli jo ci vidi li anelli, / delli panni no dicovi, ca foro cari velli.	And incredible how people ran to the butcher! / They had never been so rich in any city before: / They all ran for meat as if there was a riot / who didn’t have money, killed his own piglings How big demand there was for all things / that’s why it became so expensive for weddings / cloth and all kinds of things you would need / became expensive beyond all limits Seven carlini for shoes / Four to six carlini for round earrings / four to five soldi for a little lamb / and I won’t mention linen, as is was so expensive	Buccio di Ranallo, p. 248.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Avignon	1348 JL	Origins of the Black Death beyond the sea, its way via Naples to Montpellier and Marseille, and its impact in Avignon.	Postea, videlicet anno Domini MCCCXLIX., [p. 422] presertim in partibus ultramarinis et aliis vicinis, qualis a tempore diluvii non est facta, aliquibus terris hominibus penitus vacuatis multisque trieribus in mari cum mercimoniis, habitatoribus extinctis, sine rectore repertis. Marsilie episcopus cum toto capitulo et quasi omnes Predicatores et Minores cum dupla parte inhabitancium perierunt. Quid in Monte Pessulano, in Neapoli et aliis regnis et civitatibus actum sit, quis narraret? Multitudinem moriencium Avinione in curia, contagionem, morbi, ex qua sine sacramentis perierant homines et nec parentes filiorum nec e contra nec socii sociorum nec famuli dominorum curam habuerant, quot domus cum omni suppellectile vacue fuerunt, quas nullus ingredi audebat, horror est scribere vel narrare! Nulla fuit ibi causarum agitacio. Papa inclusus camere habenti ignes magnos continue nulli dabat accessum. Terrasque hec pestis transibat, nec poterant philosophantes, quamvis multa dicerent, certam de hiis dicere racionem, nisi quod Dei esset voluntas. Hocque nunc hic, tunc ibi per integrum annum immo pluries continuabantur.	Later, namely in the year of our Lord 1349, especially in overseas regions and other neighboring places, such devastation occurred as had not been seen since the time of the flood, with entire lands emptied of people and many ships left in the sea with their cargoes, their inhabitants extinct, and no leader found. The Bishop of Marseille, with his entire chapter, and almost all the Dominicans and Franciscans, along with half of the inhabitants, perished. Who could recount what happened in Montpellier, in Naples, and other kingdoms and cities? The multitude dying in Avignon, the contagion, the disease from which people died without sacraments, neither parents for their children nor vice versa, nor companions for each other, nor servants for their masters, had care, how many houses were left vacant with all their furnishings, which no one dared to enter— it is horrifying to write or tell! There was no debate of causes there. The Pope, confined to his chamber with large fires continually burning, granted access to no one. And this plague spread across lands, and philosophers, though they spoke much, could not give a certain explanation of these things, except that it was the will of God. And thus, now here, then there, throughout the entire year, indeed repeatedly, it continued..	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 421-422.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1348-00-00-Avignon 004	1348 JL	The Pope Clement VI. made a great indulgence for all the repentant christians in times of the Black Death.	Della 'ndulgenzia diede il papa per la detta pistolenza. In questi tempi della mortale pestilenzia papa Clemento sesto fece grande indulgenza generale della pena di tutti i peccati a coloro che pentuti e confessi la domandavano al loro confessoro, e morivano: e in quella certa mortalità catuno Cristiano credendosi morire si disponea bene, e con molta contrizione e pazienzia rendevano l’anima a Dio.	Of the indulgence given by the pope for the said pestilence. In these times of the deadly plague, Pope Clement the Sixth made a great general indulgence of the punishment of all sins to those who repented and confessed and asked their confessor, and died: and in that certain mortality, each Christian believing himself to be dying, disposed himself well, and with much contrition and patience rendered his soul to God.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 15.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Avignon01	1348 JL	Arivval of the Black Death in many cities and regions of Southern France and Italy and consequences like changing burial habits, collapsing social bonds and abandoned settlements.	Eodem anno (1348) in Avinione, Marsilia, Monte Pessulano, urbibus Provincie, immo per totam Provinciam, Vasconiam, Franciam per omnemque mediterranei maris oram usque in Ytaliam et per urbes Ytalie quam plurimas, puta Bononiam, Ravennam, Venetias, Januam, Pisas, Lucam, Romam, Neapolim, Messanam et urbes ceteras epydimia tam ingens, atrox et seva violenter incanduit, quod in nullo dispar sexu, in etate nulla dissimilis, masculos et feminas, senes et juvenes, plebem et nobiles, pauperes, divites et potentes, precipue tamen plebem et laycos generali fedaque tabe delevit. Interimque lues oborta populum conripuit et depopulata est, ut in plerisque locis ministri sepeliendorum funerum primum multitudine cadaverum gravarentur, post difficulter invenirentur, post non sufficerent, et tandem penitus non essent. Jam etiam magne domus et parve per totas urbes, immo et urbes quam plures vivis hominibus vacue remanserunt et mortuis plene. In urbibus et domibus et campis et locis aliis opes et possessiones copiosissime, sed nulli penitus possessores. Denique tam sevi tabescentium etiam sub tectis et in stratis suis cadaverum putores exalabant, quod non solum in urbibus ipsis vivendi, sed etiam ad ipsas terras et urbes appropinquandi per duo milia passuum non erat facultas hominibus, nis inficerentur, subito (p. 274) corriperentur, post triduum morerentur, et jam nec sepilrentur. Et, ut paucis expediam, tam ingens, tam pestifer ignis epydimalis conflagravit, ut non, quantum hominum in partibus illis absumpserit, sed quantum reliquerit, inquirendum videatur. Vir uxorem et uxor virum, mater filiam et illa matrem, pater filium et e converso, frater sororem et illa fratrum et sororem, et postremo quilibet quemlibet amicum tabescere incipientem contagionis timore reliquit.	In the same year (1348), in Avignon, Marseille, Montpellier, the cities of Provence, indeed throughout entire Provence, Gascony, France, along every coast of the Mediterranean Sea up to Italy, and through many cities of Italy, such as Bologna, Ravenna, Venice, Genoa, Pisa, Lucca, Rome, Naples, Messina, and countless other cities, an epidemic so immense, fierce, and cruelly violent broke out that it spared no one of any sex, age, neither male nor female, nor exempt from any age group, afflicting men and women, old and young, commoners and nobles, the poor, the rich, and the powerful, especially the common people and laypersons, with a general and foul contagion. Meanwhile, the plague that had arisen seized the people and laid waste to them, so that in many places those responsible for burying the dead were first overwhelmed by the multitude of corpses, then one struggled to find them, later there were insufficient of them, and finally they couldn't be found at all. Now, both large and small houses throughout the cities, indeed, even many cities, were left empty of living people and full of the dead. In the cities, houses, fields, and other places, riches and possessions were abundant, but there were no owners anywhere. Finally, such a severe contagion of those wasting away caused the stench of corpses to waft even under roofs and in their beds, such that not only was there no opportunity for people to live in the cities themselves, but even approaching the lands and cities within a distance of two miles was impossible for people, unless they got infected, suddenly seized (p. 274) and died after three days. They were no longer buried. And, to summarize briefly, such a great, such a deadly epidemic fire raged that it seems not only necessary to investigate how many people it consumed in those regions, but how many it left behind. A husband abandoned his wife, and a wife her husband; a mother her daughter, and she her mother; a father his son, and vice versa; a brother his sister, and she her brothers and sisters; and, finally, everyone abandoned anyone at the first sign of the disease's spreading out of fear of contagion.	Heinrich von Herford 1859, pp. 273-274.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Avignon02	1348 JL	About the outbreak of the Black Death in the East and the arrival of the plague in Sicily and Avignon. People flee from the plague because of the infected air.	Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII. Tempore hyemali vel circa principium veris in partibus ultramarinis exorta est mortalitas seu pestilencia tam grandis, quod infinitam et inestimabilem multitudinem infidelium absorbuit et absumpsit. Que derivata ad terras cristicolarum maxime in locis maritimis, precipue tamen in Sicilia, innumerabilem populum prostravit. Fertur, quod in quadragesima circa Marsiliam urbem et Avionem tam crudeliter endinia sevierit, quod infra spacium unius mensis XVI milia hominum obierint. Immo, ut dicitur, tantum in Avione excessit, quod vivi homines non sufficiebant defunctorum corpora tumulare et [p. 276] ideo tandem in fluvium Rodanum certatim proiciebantur. Fertur insuper, quod papa pestem hanc de Avione ad aliam civitatem fugerit. Nichilominus fama testante in Sicilia homines de Messana metropoli et de aliis quam plurimis civitatibus, in quibus mors prevaluit, relictis eis vacuis fugierunt ad montana se transferentes, ut ibi salubri aere hausto contagiosum in civitatibus captum emitterent et eflarent. In Messana urbe Sicilie memorata de LX fratribus Minoribus conventualibus brevi spacio temporis XXX mox mortis furia de medio sublati sunt. Quo viso superstites conventu illo relicto ad loca se alia contulerunt. Predicta, scilicet terre motus et pestilencia, precurrencia mala sunt extreme voraginis et tempestatis secundum verbum salvatoris in ewangelio dicentis: "Erunt terre motus per loca et pestilencia et fames" et cetera.	In the year of our Lord 1348, at the time of winter or early spring, there was such a great mortality or plague overseas that it devoured and destroyed an infinite and incalculable number of unbelievers. It spread in the Christian areas, but mainly in coastal regions, especially in Sicily, where it struck down countless numbers of people. It is reported that during Lent, a plague raged around the cities of Marseille and Avignon that was so cruel that sixteen thousand people died within a month. It is even said that it became so bad in Avignon that there were not enough living people to bury the corpses, [p. 276] and they were therefore finally eagerly thrown into the river Rhône. It is also reported that the pope fled from Avignon to another city to escape this plague. Nevertheless, according to reports in Sicily, people fled from the metropolis of Messina and many other cities where death was rampant, leaving them empty and taking refuge in the mountains to expel the infected air from the cities and breathe it out. In the city of Messina in Sicily, thirty of the sixty Friars Minor of the convent were snatched from life by the fury of death within a short space of time. When the survivors saw this, they left the convent and travelled to other places.These events, namely earthquakes and pestilence, are harbingers of extreme evils and storms, as it says in the Gospel: "There will be earthquakes in various places and pestilence and famine" etc.	Johannes von Winterthur, p. 275-276	None
1348-00-00-Avignon03	1348 JL	All the Carmelites and conventual brothers of the Eremites in Messina were killed.	In predicta pestilencia omnes Carmelite et omnes fratres Heremitarum conventuales in Messana civitate Sicilie memorata morte absumpti sunti.	In the aforementioned plague, all the Carmelites and all the conventual brothers of the Eremites in Messina, the Sicilian city mentioned above, were killed.	Johannes von Winterthur, p. 279.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-00-00-Bohemia	17 January 1348 JL	Following astrological phenomena a formerly unheard of epidemic raged in Bohemia as well as in other parts of the world (Christian and pagan) for 14 years. And there was no hideout from it neither in the lowlands nor on the mountains and many people died.	Eodem anno die XVII Ianuarii fuit eclipsis lune, et coniunccio quorundam malivolorum planetarum, ex quibus coniunccionibus et malis constellacionibus orta est inaudita epidimia seu pestilencia hominum in universo mundo et duravit tam in Boemia quam in aliis mundi partibus per XIIII annos proxime sequentes, et iam ibi, iam illic in terris christianorum et paganorum ubique. Nec erat alicubi refugium, quia sicut in planis sic in montibus et silvis homines moriebantur. In omnibus locis fiebant foveae grandes et plures singulis annis predictis, in quibus moriencium corpora sepeliebantur. Talis pestilencia et ita longa nunquam fuit a seculo.	In the same year on January 17 there was a eclipse of the moon and a malevolent conjunction of the planets and resulting from these conjunctions and bad constellations there was an unheard of epidemic or human plague in the whole world which lasted as well in Bohemia as in other parts of the world for 12 successive years at one time here at another there everywhere in the Christian and pagan lands. There was nowhere a hidout to be found, but as well on the flat land as in the mountains and forests the people died. In all places numerous and large grave pits where made in every single of the above mentioned years, in which the dead bodies where buried. Such a plague that lasted to long had never happend in this age.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 516	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-00-00-Bologna-Bohemia	1348 JL	After descrbing the effects of the Black Death in many parts of Europe, Francis states on Bohemia: Students travelling from Bologna to Bohemia saw a lot of dead and severely ill people. Most of the students died as well already on the way.	Eodem tempore quidam studentes de Bononia versus Boemian transeuntes viderunt, quod in civitatibus et in castellis pauci homines vivi remanserunt et in aliquibus omnes defuncti fuerunt, in multis quoque domibus, qui vivi remanserant et egritudine oppressi, unus alteri non potuit porrigere haustum aque, nec in aliquo ministrare, et sic in magna affliccione et anxietate decedebant. Sacerdotes quoque ministrantes sacramenta et medici egris medicamenta ab ipsis inficiebantur et moriebantur et plurimi sacerdotibus mortuis sine confessione et sacramentis ecclesie de hac vita migraverunt. Facte sunt autem fosse magne, late et profunde, in quibus corpora defunctorum sepeliebantur. In locis quoque pluribus infectus aer plus inficiebatur — qui plus nocet quam cibus corruptus — ex putredine cadaverum, quia non remansit superstes, qui sepeliret. Verumtamen de prefatis studentibus nisi unus fuit Boemian reversus sodalesque sui in via decesserunt.	At that time, certain students who were travelling from Bologna towards (versus) Bohemia saw that few humans remained alive in the cities and castles and in some, all were dead. In many houses, those who survived were so overcome by the disease that one could not carry a drink of water to another nor care for another in any way. Thus they withdrew in great torment and anguish. Priests ministering the sacraments and medics supplying medicaments got infected and died and many priests died without confession and the sacraments of the church and they moved away from this life. And in many places, the air became further infected from the rotting of corpses, becoming a greater threat than spoiled food, as no one survived to bury them. Of these students, only one returned to Bohemia. His companions died along the way.	Francis of Prague, Chronicon Francisci Pragensi, ed. Jana Zachová, Prague 1997, p. 204f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-00-00-Constance	1348 JL	The Jews were accused of poisoning the water in 1348 and as a consequence were killed. In the following year 1349 the flagellants movement arose and traveled through the lands and were forbidden by Pope Clement VI.	Von gottes gepurd MCCC und XLVIII jar kam ein plag uber die juden und burden geczigen, sy hetten basser und prunnen vergift, und burden ir gar vil in vil landen und in steten verprant. Und ist versechenlich, das ir der maist tail sey verbrant borden durch irsz gücz willen etc. (p. 230) Bey den zeitten do man zalt von gottes gepurdt MCCC und XLVIIII jar stund ein fromde bunderliche geschelschaft auff von purgern und von pawren, die giengen durch vil landt und stet mit creuczen und mit vannen und sungen deucze lieder und predigten und gaisleten sich selber vil und vast und vielen nider auf -, peichten und absolvirten selber an ein ander und hielten und geputen vil an ein ander czw halten bunderliche ding und falsch weise und articel wider cristen gelauben und czugen an sich beib und man, arm und reich, das ir zw leczt gar vil bardt und maintenn etlich, ir ber bey zway (p. 231) und vierczig tausent person, aber der vorgenant pabst Clemens der sechst der best bol, das ir beisz nit gerecht was, da gepot er durch alle landt, wer den selben ungelauben fuert und sich offenlich gaislet, das man den vachen und püssen solt, und zergieng da die selb geschelschaft da gar pald.	In the year of Our Lord 1348, a plague came upon the Jews, and they were accused of poisoning water and wells. Many of them were burned in various lands and cities. It is certain that the majority of them were burned because of their wealth. (p. 230) </ br>In the year of Our Lord 1349, a strange and miraculous society arose among the citizens and peasants, who traveled through many lands and cities with crosses and banners, singing german songs and preaching. They whipped themselves severely and excessively, and many of them fell to the ground, confessing and absolving one another. They held and professed many miraculous things, in a false way and contrary to Christian belief. They recruited many women and men, poor and rich, and eventually their numbers grew to over forty-two (p. 231) thousand people. However, Pope Clement VI, realizing that their beliefs were not just, issued a decree throughout all the lands that anyone who followed this unbelief and publicly flogged themselves should be punished. Consequently, this society quickly dispersed.	Konstanzer Weltchronik 1869, pp. 229-231	None
1348-00-00-Europe	1348 JL	Preface to Gabriele de Mussi's report on the plague in 1348. God seeks to punish humanity for its sins, warning of dire consequences for each individual. Filled with fear, the people turn back to the Almighty, repenting for their sins, and in response, God shows mercy and forgives them. However, the disease continues to persist.	In nornine domini amen. Incipit ystoria de Morbo siue mortalitate que fuit anno domini MCCCXLVIII. Compylata per Gabrielem de Mussis placensem. Ad perpetuam rei memoriam Nouerint vniuersi presentes, pariter et futuri, quod omnipotens deus, rex celestis qui uiuorum dominator et mortuorum, in cuius manu sunt omnia, ex alto respiciens, vniuersum genus ad omnia scelera pronum et lubricum,criminibus obuolutum, innumeris perseuerancie delictis, et in omni genere uiciorum inextimabili malitia usque ad Interiora dimersun, omni bonorum gracia denudatum, dei Judicia non exhorrens, ad omnia malla opera prosilleret, tot abhominabilia, tot horribilia ulterius ferre non ualens, clamauit ad terram. Quid agis terra, miserorum captivata cateruis, peccatorum sordibus maculata, tota es Ineffecta quid agis. cur humano sanguine madefacta non postulas ultionem. cur hostes et aduersarios meos pateris. debuisses jam Inimcos meos, producta libie (libidine ?) suffocasse, prepara te ut possis exercere uindictam. Et ego terra, tuo Imperio fundata, postquam jubes, apperiam venas meas et infinitos degluciam criminosos. negabo fructus solitos blada, vina et olea non effundam. § Cumque in celestibus demisso tonitruo irattus uehementer. Judex, ellementa, planetas, sydera, et ordines Angelorum, contra humanum genus ineffabili censura conduceret et singulos animatos in exterminium peccatorum armaret, et quodam crudelitatis impetu prouocaret Inquit meum est exercere Justiciam. Ego sum uita uiuencium.ego mortis cleues (!) gero . ego retribuo, reddens unicuique, quod suum est .manus mee formanerunt celos. lucem fabricauj , mundum constitui , omnibus ornamenta concessi. 0, peccator infelix, et cunctis jnfelicior, etw mini resistere decreuisti, mandata mea, leges et omnes Justicias contempsisti. ubi fides baptismi, et mee redemptionis merces. O, condam mea creatura , non de ea forte consideraueram ut in has plagas et in hoc exitium peruenires, paradixum tibi paraueram, non Infernum, et ecce quo te perduxisti , ubi me descendere compulisti, substinui globos vteri virginalis , famem, sitim, labores , crucis , patibulum et mortem pertuli, quid fecisti Ingratissime, adhuc me postulas crucifigi, debuissem eternis te punire supplicijs, fateor vincit me pietas. En ego tuj misertus fui , et me tumi saluatorem minime cognouisti, Indignus es beatitudinis eterne, te dignum constituisti tormentotum Infernj , egredere de terra mea, te desero draconibus lacerandum. Ibis ad tenebras, ubi perpetuus gemitus, et dencium stridor erit. Jam tue calamitatis terminus adest. desinant vires tue, uanitates et uoluptates quibus te in omnibus dedicasti, conspicio ipsis ad iram nie non modicarn prouocasti. Accedant maligni spiritus, te deuorandi eisdem concedatur potestas, non sit libi libertas vlterius. Ago Judicia, Baudia tua conuertantur jn luctum. prospera conturbentur aduersis. nullus uite ordo. sed sempiternus horror Inhabitet. Ecce mortis yrnago. Ecce caracteres et portas Infernales apperio, fames captivatos prosternat. Pax a mundi finibus euellatur. Scandalla consurgant. Regna adversus regna odio execrabili consumentur. pereat in terris misericordia. clades, pestes, uiolencie, latrocinia, lites, et omnia genera scandalorum nascantur . post hec nutu meo, planete Aerem Infficiant, atque vniuerssam terrarn corrumpant, vbique sit dolor et gemitus. Vndique mortis jacula Impietatis morsibus dominentur. Nemini parcatur.non sexui non etati. pereant cum nocentibus innocentes. Nulli sit ex euadendo libertas. Sed quia pastores mundi quos constitui, greges suos lupis rapacibus dimiserunt et uerbum deij non predicant, cuibis negligentes dominici, et penitenciam minime clamauerunt, duram contra eos exercebo uintlictam. delebo eos a facie terre. et texauros eorum absconditos, inimicus et aduersus possidebit, pacientur cum delinquentibus grauia onera delictorum. Nil proderit eis falax officium et quia plus homines quam deum timuerunt et magis suam graeiam dilexerunt, omnia pessima sustinebunt ypocritarum scelerata, religio suis finibus ellungata (elongata) lugebit. Sacerdotum et tocius ordinis clericalis, falsa et inimica societas suis periclitata deffectibus Interibit. Nulli dabitur requies singulos sagita uenenata percuciet. febres superbos deicient. et morbus Incurabilis fulminabit. Sic sic monitione premissa mortalibus uibrata omnipotentis Iancea, duris aculleis undique destinatis, egressus morbus, totum genus lnfecit humanum. Nempe Orion illa stella crudelis et seua cauda draconis. et gelus ueneni fiallis precipitatis in mare. et Saturni horribilis et indignata tempestas, quibus datum est nocere terre et mari , hominibus et arboribus, ab oriente in occidentem, pestiferis gradibus incedentem, per mundi uaria climata, uenenata pocula detullerunt. bulls igneas infirmantibus relinquentes, ex quibus mortis impetus horribilis discurrens mundi comminans ruijnam, mortales subita percussione consumpsit ut infra patebit. plangite plangite populi manibus, et dei misericordiam inuocate. —	Template:TN	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 45–46	None
1348-00-00-Florence	1348 JL	In this long plague treatise-like passage, the author describes the Black Death in Florence with its symptoms, death toll and consequences. He describes how to behave in order to avoid the disease and be better prepared, although it is not possible to avoid it with certainty. He also advises people to flee infected areas early and to listen to the doctors' instructions.	Negli anni di Cristo 1348 fu nella città di Firenze una grande mortalità di persone umane le quali morivano di male pestilenziale; e molti gran fatti se n’ode dire dalle persone antiche e assai se ne truova iscritti; e fra gli altri ne (p. 230) scrive assai chopiosamente messer / (c. 65v) Giovanni Bochacci inn u·llibro che fecie di ciento novelle, ed è nel prencipio del libro. Di prima chominciò lavgiente a morire di cierto enfiato che venia chon gran doglia e chon repente febre o nell’anguinaia o sotto le ditella o nella ghola, da piè dell’orechie; e viveano quatro o sei dì. Di poi grebbe, e morivano in due dì o meno; e inn utimo e’ si venne tanto a spargiere questo veleno, che si dimostrava in cierte bolle pichole ch’apariano nelle charni per qualunche luogho della persona: e queste erano più pericholose che l’enfiato e di meno rimedio. E di poi, più nel chuore della moria, aparivano a’ più pe·lle charni cierti rossori e lividori, e sputavano sanque od e’ gittavano pel naso o di sotto: e questo era pessimo sengnio e sanza rimedio. E, brieve, e’ chaschavano, e grandi e piccioli, da un dì a un altro: inn una ora si vedea ridere e mottegiare il brighante e nell’ora medesima il vedevi morire! E venne la chosa a tanto, che molti ne morivano pe·lla via e su pe·lle panche, chome abandonati, sanza aiuto o chonforto di persona: solo erano posti quivi perché fussono da’ vicini sotterrati per fuggire il puzo. E tale vi s’andava, che ssi vedea solo in chasa e abandonato, per avere qualche sochorso. Molti per farneticho andavano impazando pe·lla terra; molti se ne gittavano ne’ pozi, a tterra delle finestre e inn Arno; e tale s’uccideva per gran farneticho o per gran pena o dolore. Molti si morivano che non erano veduti e ’nfradiciavano su pe·lle letta; molti n’erano sotterrati che anchora erano vivi. Non si trovava chi gli servisse né chi gli sotterrasse; e più, che se ttu avessi voluto un testimone a un testamento, tu non llo potevi avere, o se pure ne trovavi niuno, e’ voleva sei o otto fiorini. Aresti veduto iª crocie ire per un chorpo, averne dietro tre o quatro prima giungniesse alla chiesa: assai n’erano posti la notte alle reggi di fuori della chiesa e nella via n’erano gittati assai. Molte chose maravigliose si vidono: assai, per vicitare uno infermo, per ghovernallo o ttocharlo, o llui o suoi panni, di fatto chaschare morti. E fra ll’altre chose, dicie messere Giovanni Bochacci che vide due porci grufolare e stracciare cierti pannicielli d’un povero uomo morto, rimasi nella via: di fatto i detti porci chascharono morti su que’ cienci istracciati da lloro. O vedi di quanto pericholo e di quanto rischio questo male pestilenziale è: non si può troppo guardare. Ora, chome voi avete in parte veduto e potuto chonprendere, la moria fu innistimabile, e diciesi, e chosì fu di cierto, che nella nostra città morirono i due terzi delle persone; ché era istimato / (c. 66r) che in Firenze avesse in quel tenpo CXX mila anime, che nne morirono, cioè de’ chorpi, ottantamila. Pensate se fu frachasso! Non è da prenderne gran maraviglia perché questo fusse, ché molte chagioni ci furono da inciendere il malore; e fu maggiore maraviglia, chi chonsiderasse bene ogni chosa, di que’ che chanparono che di que’ che morirono. E lle chagioni furono in parte queste, cioè: in Firenze non si chonoscieva, diciamo pe·lla chomunità, questo male, perché a gran tenpo non era apparito; era Firenze molto ripiena di giente e di più quantità ch’ella fusse mai; l’anno dinanzi era suto in Firenze gran fame, e credo non era nel centinaio venti che avessono pane o biada alchuna, e quelli chotanti n’avevono pocho: (p. 231) vivettesi d’erbe e di barbe d’erbe e di chattive, non lle chonoscieresti oggi, e beevano acqua, e tutto il chontado era pieno di persone che andavano pasciendo l’erbe chome le bestie. Chonsidera chome i loro chorpi erano disposti! Apresso, chom’è detto, e’ non aveano arghomento né riparo niuno; e fu la chosa sì grande e ssì aspra, che ll’uno non poteva atare l’altro di nulla, e per queste chagioni e’ si morirono sanza rimedio. Oggi è avvenuto, per esenpro di questa e di molte altre che spesso sono di poi istate, che ci s’è preso assai ripari, non però che gran danno non faccia; ma pure credo che assai ne chanpano per virtù de’ rimedi, ché dichono e medici che lle reghole ch’essi danno per rimedio di questo veleno è uno armarsi alla difesa. Non è però che uno che sia molto bene armato non possa essere morto, ché gli fia dato d’una lancia o d’una ghiera o d’una bonbarda o prieta che ll’ucciderà; chosì potrà avenire al buon uomo, che fia provveduto contro alla pestilenza, e gli giungnierà una nebbia o un puzo di chorruzione o un fiato d’altro malato che fia più forte di lui e ucciderallo pure. Ma che è? Egli è assai chiaro che a una zuffa mortale à gran vantaggio chi è bene armato, e meno ne muoiono che de’ disarmati; e però vo’ dire che’ rimedi sono buoni. Vuolsi avere chonsiglio chon valenti medici e pigliare per iscritto loro chonsiglio o loro riciette, e quelle osservare diligientemente e non se ne fare punto beffe. Da mme voglio abbi questo chotanto chonsiglio. Tu udirai dinanzi che lla mortalità sia nella città di Firenze un anno o due, perché prima offende la Romangnia o lla Lonbardia che lla città nostra, e quasi per uso l’anno vengniente ell’è in Firenze; o almeno il verno dinanzi tu nne sentirai qualche isprazo o nel contado o nelle pendici della terra, il perché chiaro si prosu/me (c. 66v) la mortalità dovere essere in Firenze. E sappi che di febraio ella comincia a ffarsi sentire dentro, e chosì va crescendo tutto lulglio; e da mezo luglio in llà ed ella s’apicha alle persone da bene e a quelli che sono vivuti regholati, e chomincia a morire meno giente, ma de’ migliori. E quest’è perché il veleno è tanto isparto e tanto t’à chonbattuto, che t’à rotte l’armi e passato dentro; e per la dura della battaglia e’ ti viene a strachare e a pocho a pocho a chorronperti, e ’nfine e’ t’abbatte. E però piglia questo riparo. Chomincia il verno dinanzi a ghovernare te e la tua famiglia tutta per questa via. Prima, fa di quardarti dall’umido quantunche ttu puoi e non patire punto il freddo. Apresso, usa il fuocho ongni mattina prima escha fuori e piglia qualche chosa sechondo lo stomacho che ài: o un pocho di pane e un mezo bichiere di buon vino o di malvagia, o una pillola apropiata a cciò, o un pocho d’utriacha quando fusse piove o umidori, de’ quindici dì due o tre mattine a llato, sul dì, e prima ti levi e dormi un pocho poi; e non mangiare nulla da ivi a ore cinque. Se tti venisse beuto o volessi bere un mezo bichiere di malvagia sarebbe buono, ma non altri vini grossi; o sse avessi lo stomacho debole o frigido, piglia degli otto dì una volta a tai tenpacci una barba di gengiovo (p. 232) in chonservo e bei un mezo bichiere di malvagia, e sta di poi cinque ore che ttu non mangi altro. O ttu piglia un gherofano o un pocho di ciennamo o uno ghughiaio di tregiea o quatro derrate di zafferano o due o tre noci chotte e due o tre fichi sanza pane o qualche chosetta, sechondo che sse’ chonsigliato. E quello vedessi ti faciesse noia lascialo istare; e se llo stomacho istà meglio digiuno, non gli dare impaccio. Non uscire fuori troppo avaccio: quand’è nebbia e piova istatti al fuocho. Desina all’ora chonpitente, mangia buone chose e non troppo; levati chon buono apitito, quarti dalle frutte e da’ funghi, non ne mangiare, o pocho e di rado. Esercita la persona, ma non chon faticha, che ttu non sudi e non n’abbi ’ansare o a sciorinarti de’ panni; quarti dal chiavare e dalle femine, non ti impacciare chon niuna in quell’anno. Non mangiare e non bere se non n’ài voglia; e quando avessi in sullo stomacho, lascialo prima digiestire e di poi ista un’ora prima mangi o bei. quarti dalla ciena, pocho mangia e buone cose; non mangiare porcho in niuno modo; usa, se ài buono istomacho, l’acieto e ll’agresto, ma non tanto ti desse noia a smaltire. Fa di stare sobrio del chorpo e che ttu escha il dì due volte il meno: se fussi istiticho e duro del chorpo, fatti uno arghomento degli otto dì o de’ quindici dì. / (c. 67r) Non ti raviluppare troppo nel dormire, levati al levare del sole. E ’n questa forma passa il verno. E tenendo questo o migliore istile, tu verrai a purghare lo stomacho overo il chorpo tutto, per modo che lla churrezione dell’aria non troverrà materia d’apicharsi. Alla primavera o veramente di marzo tu sentirai dove è buono fuggire. Aspetta che de’ tuoi cittadini si muovano: non volere essere de’ primi, ma, partitone quatro o sei piglia partito e va dove ne vanno i più e in sì fatta città che pel tuo danaio tu truovi ciò che bisongnia alla santà del corpo. Non essere isciocho, o per masserizia o per niuna chagione, di rinchiuderti in chastella o in ville o in lluoghi che non vi sia e medici buoni e medicine che nne interviene che l’amicho si muore e spende nella fine due tanti che gli altri ed essene fatto beffe, sanza il dolore e i·rripitio dell’animo che mai te ne puoi dare pacie. Non sono tempi da masserizia, ma da trarre il danaio d’ongni luogho che ttu puoi; e spendi larghamente nelle chose che bisongnia, sanza niuna masserizia che ssia però che non si guadangniano se non per ispenderli per chanpare o vuoi per vivere e per onore, o nelle brighe o in simili casi. E però ti chonforto del fuggire presto e quest’è il più sichuro ischanpo ci sia. Fa d’avere de’ denari: e non giuchare, ché potresti rimanere sulle secche, e a que’ tenpi se ne truovano molto pochi che te ne prestassono per molti rispetti. Sì che sia savio: provediti tanto dinanzi rauni treciento fiorini il meno, e non ne tocchare mai niuno se non abbisogni e non dire che ttu gli abbia, ché ti sarebbono chiesti. E togli chasa agiata pe·lla tua famiglia, e non punto istretta, ma chamere d’avanzo. E nella istate usa chose fresche: buoni vini e picholi, de’ polli e de’ chavretti e de’ ventri o peducci di chastrone choll’acieto o llattugha, o de’ ghanberi, se nne puoi avere. Istatti il dì di meriggio al frescho: non dormire se puoi farlo, o ttu dormi chosì a sedere. Usa d’un lattovaro che fanno fare i medici di ribarbero, danne a’ fanciulli ché uccide i (p. 233) vermini. Mangia alchuna volta la mattina un’oncia di chassia, chosì ne’ bucciuoli, e danne a’ fanciulli: fa d’averne in chasa e frescha e del zuchero e dell’acquarosa e del giulebbo. Se ài sete il dì bei di quello rinfreschati i polsi, le tenpie e al naso choll’acieto ben forte. None istare dove sia molta giente e spezialmente in luogho rinchiuso chome in loggie o in chiese o in simili luoghi. Chon chi venisse dell’aria chorrotta o che avesse infermi in chasa o fusse morto di sua giente, non istare / (c. 67v) cho·llui se none il meno che ttu puoi, non dimostrando ischifarlo per modo s’aveggha, acciò non isdengniasse o non pigliasse ischonforto. Fuggi quanto puoi maninchonia o pensiero: usa dove si faccia chose da diletto e dove tu possa pigliare ispasso chon piacere e chon allegreza, e non pensare punto di chosa ti dia dolore o chattivo pensiero. Chome ti venisse, fuggilo, o in pensare ad altro o dove si ragioni di darsi piaciere o dove si faccia alchuna chosa che tti piaccia o ttu giuocha, quando tai chasi t’avenissono, e di pochi danari per volta: non passare di perdere uno fiorino; e se llo perdi, lascialo andare sanza pensarvi e non volere per quel dì rischuoterti, ché potresti, dove vuoi fuggire pensiero e dolore, andarlo cierchando. Se ài chavallo, vatti a ssollazo e per la terra e di fuori la mattina pe·llo frescho e lla sera. Istà chasto il più che ttu puoi. Fuggi ongni chosa putidra e ll’aria ivi apresso, non vi istare tieni in diletto e in piaciere la tua famiglia e fa cho·lloro insieme buona e sana vita, vivendo sanza pensiero di fare per allora masserizia, ché assai s’avanza a stare sano e fuggire la morte. Al presente non iscriverrò più avanti sopra la detta materia, perché nel vero i medici fidati e che chonoschono la tua natura sarebbono quelli che meglio t’amaestrerrebbono di tale provedimento; e però, chom’è detto, il chonsiglio si vuole avere da lloro, nonistante che lle sopra iscritte chose sieno utili e buone a oservalle ne’ detti tenpi.	In the year of Christ 1348 there was a great mortality in the city of Florence among the people who died of a pestilential disease. Many stories about it are told by old people, and many are written down; and among others, Giovanni Boccaccio tells about it in detail in a book of a hundred novellas, and it is at the beginning of the book. At first people began to die of a swelling, accompanied with great pain and sudden fever, either in the groin, under the armpits, or in the neck, below the ears; they lived four or six days. Afterwards the disease grew worse, and they died in two days or less; finally this poison spread so far that it showed itself in certain small bumps which appeared on the skin anywhere on the body: and these were more dangerous than the swellings and more difficult to treat. Later, in the heart of the epidemic, certain redness and bruises appeared on the skin of many people, and they spat blood or bled from the nose or underneath: and this was a very bad sign and without cure. In short, they fell, big and small, from one day to the next: one hour you would see someone laughing and joking and the next hour you would see him die! It got to the point that many died in the streets and on the benches, like abandoned people, without help or consolation from anyone: they were only left there to be buried by the neighbours to avoid the smell. And it happened that people left, because they were alone and abandoned at home, to get some kind of help. Many wandered madly through the country because of delirium; many threw themselves into wells, from windows and into the Arno; and some killed themselves because of great delirium or great pain or suffering. Many died without being seen, rotting in their beds; many were buried even though they were still alive. There was no one to serve them or bury them; and what is more, if you needed a witness for a will, you could not get one, or he asked for six or eight florins. Crosses were seen brought for a body, and three or four followed it before it reached the church: many were deposited at night on the lattices outside the church, and many were thrown away in the street. Many marvellous things were seen: many who visited, nursed or touched a sick person, either him or his clothes, fell down dead. Among others, Giovanni Boccaccio relates that he saw two swine rooting and tearing certain rags of a dead poor man who had remained in the street: and immediately the said swine fell down dead on the rags they had torn. Oh, see how dangerous and risky this pestilential disease is: one cannot protect oneself enough. Now, as you have partly seen and understood, the mortality was immeasurable, and it is said, and so it certainly was, that in our city two-thirds of the people died; for it was estimated that there were 120,000 souls in Florence at that time, of whom 80,000 died. Think what an uproar that was! It is not very surprising that this happened, for there were many causes which increased the evil; and it is more surprising, when all is well considered, how many survived than how many died. The reasons were partly these: in Florence this disease, let us say for the community, was not known, as it had not appeared for a long time; Florence was very populous, more so than ever; the year before there was great famine in Florence, and I believe there were not a hundred people that had bread or corn, and those that had had little: they lived on herbs and roots and bad things that would not be recognised to-day, and they drank water, and all the surrounding country was full of people eating herbs like beasts. Think about what state their bodies were in! In addition, as I said, they had no remedies or defences; and the evil was so great and so violent that they could not help each other in anything, and for these reasons they died without remedy. Now it is so, in consequence of these and many others that have often taken place afterwards, that many precautions have been taken, not that it no longer does much harm; but still I believe that many survive by the power of the remedies, for the doctors say that the rules they give to ward off this poison are a kind of defence. This does not mean that one who is very well armed cannot die, for he may be struck by a spear thrust or a bullet or a stone that kills him; so it may happen to the good man who has taken precautions against the plague that a mist or a stench of putrefaction or a breath of another sick person stronger than himself may strike him and still kill him. But what is that? It is clear that in a mortal fight he who is well armed has a great advantage, and dies less than the unarmed; therefore I would say that the remedies are good. One should seek advice from good doctors and get their advice or prescriptions in writing and follow them conscientiously and not make fun of them. I would like you to take this advice to heart. You will hear that mortality lasts a year or two in the city of Florence, because it first strikes Romagna or Lombardy before it reaches our city, and almost always the following year it is in Florence; or at least in the winter before you will hear a whiff of it, either in the surrounding countryside or in the suburbs, so it is clear that mortality will come to Florence. And know that it begins to make itself felt in February, and so it grows into July; and from the middle of July it affects the wealthy people and those who have lived well, and fewer people die, but of the best. This is because the poison has spread so widely and has affected you so badly that it has broken through the armour and got inside; and because of the hardness of the battle it will tire you out and gradually wear you down, and finally it will strike you down. Therefore, take these precautions. In winter, begin to protect yourselves and your whole family in this way. First, beware of dampness as much as possible and do not endure cold. Then use fire every morning before you go out, and take something according to your stomach: a little bread and half a glass of good wine or malmsey, or a suitable pill, or a little theriac, if it is raining or damp, two or three mornings of fifteen days, during the day and before you get up, and then sleep a little; and eat nothing till five hours later. If you are thirsty or wish to drink half a glass of malmsey, that would be good, but no other strong wines; or if you have a weak or cold stomach, once in eight days at such times take a pickled ginger root and drink half a glass of malmsey, and then eat nothing else for five hours. Or take a clove leaf or a little cinnamon or a spoonful of trigonella or four grains of saffron or two or three boiled nuts and two or three figs without bread or anything else, as you are advised. And if you realise that it is not good for you, leave it alone; and if it is better for the stomach to remain sober, do not strain it. Don't go out too early: stay by the fire in fog and rain. Eat at the proper time, eat good things and not too much; get up with a good appetite, avoid fruit and mushrooms, do not eat them, or eat only a little and rarely. Exercise, but not strenuously, so that you do not sweat and do not feel the need to dry your clothes; avoid sexual intercourse and women, do not mix with them this year. Do not eat or drink if you do not feel like it; and if you have something in your stomach, let it digest first and then wait an hour before eating or drinking. Eat little and good things in the evening; do not eat pork in any way; if you have a good stomach, use vinegar and verjuice, but not so much that it gives you difficulty in digesting. Keep your body light, and see that you get out twice a day: If you are constipated and hard in body, take a treatment of eight or fifteen days. (c. 67r) Don't get too entangled in sleep, get up at sunrise. In this way spend the winter. And if you keep up this or a better style, you will so cleanse your stomach or your whole body that the bad air will find no clue. In spring, or really in March, you will realise where you should flee to. Wait till your fellow-citizens move: do not be the first, but after four or six have gone, go where most go, and to such a town where you will find for your money all that is necessary for the health of the body. Do not be foolish, either for miserliness or for any other reason, to shut yourself up in castles or villages or places where there are no good doctors and medicines, for it happens that the friend dies and ends up spending twice as much as the others and is laughed at, without the pain and trembling of the soul that never leaves you in peace. These are not times for miserliness, but to get money from wherever you can; and spend generously on what is necessary, without miserliness, for it is only earned to spend on survival or on life and honour, or on difficulties or similar cases. Therefore, I encourage you to escape early, and that is the safest escape there is. Make sure you have money: Don't gamble, because you could lose it all, and at these times there are very few who would lend it to you for many reasons. So be wise: Take care in advance to collect at least three hundred florins, and do not touch them unless it is necessary, and do not say that you have them, for they would be demanded of you. And take a spacious house for your family, not too cramped, but with extra rooms. And in summer use fresh things: good wine and small, chickens and goatlings, and the bellies or feet of mutton with vinegar or lettuce, or crabs if you can get them. Keep cool at midday: do not sleep if you can avoid it, or sleep sitting up. Use a lotion that doctors make with rhubarb, give it to children as it kills worms. Eat an ounce of cassia sometimes in the morning, in the buds, and give it to the children: keep it fresh in the house together with sugar and rose-water and syrup. If you are thirsty during the day, cool your wrists, temples and nose with strong vinegar. Do not stay in places with many people, especially in closed rooms such as loggias or churches or similar places. Do not stay with someone who comes from a contaminated area or has sick people in the house or whose relatives have died, as little as possible without showing it, so as not to offend or discourage them. Flee as much as you can from melancholy or sorrow: Stay in places where you can find joy and entertainment, and don't think about things that cause you pain or bad thoughts. When they come, flee from them by thinking of something else or by staying in places where there is pleasure or where people do things you like or where you can play, but only with little money: do not lose more than a florin; and if you lose it, let it go without thinking about it and do not try to recover that day, because where you want to flee sorrow and pain, you go in search of it. If you have a horse, go out in the morning and evening for pleasure. Be as chaste as possible. Flee from everything foul and the air in the neighbourhood, do not stay there. Keep your family in joy and contentment and lead a good and healthy life together, without thinking of miserliness, for it is enough to stay healthy and avoid death. I will not write further on this subject for now, because in truth, trustworthy doctors who know your nature are the ones who can give you the best advice; therefore, as I said, advice should be sought from them, although the things mentioned above are useful and good to observe in the times mentioned.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 229-233	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1348-00-00-Florence 001	May 1348 JL	Great mortality in Florence with a mortality rate of more than 60%.	In detto tempo una grandissima morìa fu in Firenze, che si stima morisse in detta pestilenzia più di 60 per cento, ch'è una scurità.	In this time (1349) was a large dying in Florence, it is estimated that more than 60 per cent died in this plague, what is an uncertainity.	Filippo di Cino Rinuccini: Ricordi storici 1840, p. 325	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-00-00-Florence 002	1348 JL	Fruosino was a good and new man and he died before the plague and his son Niccolò, who was a bad lad, died with all his sisters during the plague.	Il detto Fruosino ebbe poco, però che fu maltrattato e io gli vidi tondere i boldroni; e anche, come potea uncicare il danaio, il prestava. Fu grosso e nuovo uomo, e ebbe una moglie che fu nuova donna; ebbe due figliuoli maschi, e più femmine; Zanobi, e Niccolò vocato Bicocco, Morì innanzi a la mortalità del 1348, d'età di bene LXX anni; e Niccolò morì nella detta mortalità, e fu mercè, ch'era uno pessimo garzone, e avrebbe condotto altrui agevolemente a mali termini, e egli fatto mala fine. Le femmine anche tutte morirono;	The said Fruosino had little, because he was badly treated, and I saw him make the beds; and also, if he could scrape together a farthing, he lent it. He was a great and new man, and had a wife who was a new woman. He had two sons and several daughters; Zanobi, and Niccolò, called Bicocco. He died before the plague in 1348 at the age of a good seventy; and Niccolò died during that plague, it was mercy because he was a bad lad and could easily have got others into trouble, and he came to a bad end. All the daughters died too.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, p. 71	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1348-00-00-Florence 003	1348 JL	The woman Monna Bice survived by God's grace the Black Death which only one in a hundred managed to do.	Della detta monna Bice ebbi più figliuoli, maschi e femmine, che vennono a bene, e di que' che nel partorire non vennono a bene, (p. 292) sconciandosi anche in alcuno; ebbe grandissima infermità per la mortalità del 1348, e campò di quello che non ne campò una nel centinaio. Fu grazia di Dio e in iscampo di me, chè di certo ò per opinione, che s' ella fosse morta, io non sarei scampato, per gli accidenti m' avvennono, che che di quella infermità io non sentissi.	I had several children of the aforementioned Monna Bice, both male and female, who came out well, and of those who were not well at birth, some were mutilated. She had a very serious illness during the plague in 1348 and survived, which only one in a hundred managed to do. It was God's grace and my luck, because I'm sure I wouldn't have survived if she had died, because of the things that happened to me, even though I didn't feel anything from that illness.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, pp. 291-292	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-00-00-Florence 004	1348 JL	Plague raged in Florence and surroundings and more than 70 thousand people died alone inside the city.	Proximo dehinc anno pestis iampridem ingressa urbem ita desaevivit, ut supra fidem videatur eius stragem referre. Sexaginta amplius hominum millia defuncta morbo intra urbem constat, et insignes viros, quorum consilio respublica nitebatur, ferme omnes sublatos. In agro autem exinanita cuncta ac paene deserta. Ob eam calamitatem, nihil publice geri eo anno potuit. Tantum adversus latrones, qui per Apennini iugum itinera infestabant, copiae quaedam missae.	By the next year, the plague had long since entered the city and ravaged it to such an extent that the tale of its slaughter seems beyond belief. It is evident that more than 70,000 people inside the city died of the disease, and nearly all the distinguished men on whom the city relied were wiped out. The countryside was entirely emptied out and practically deserted. Thanks to this calamity, no public business could be conducted this year. The only action was to send some troops out against robbers infesting the roads that crossed the Apennine passes.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 314.	None
1348-00-00-Florence 005	1348 JL	During the plague, the society of Orto San Michele became very rich, because people willingly left their money and wealth to the society. With these riches they helped many poor people, but with time greedy people tried to use the money for their own benefit.	Come alla compagnia d'Orto Sa Michele fu lasciato gran tesoro. Nella nostra città di Firenze, l’anno della detta mortalità, avenne mirabile cosa: che venendo a morte li uomini, per la fede che i cittadini di Firenze avieno a l'ordine e alla sperienza che veduta era della chiara, e buona e ordinata limosina che s'era fatta lungo tempo, e facea per li capitani della compagnia di madonna santa Maria d’Orto Sa Michele, sanza alcuno umano procaccio, si trovò per testamenti fatti (i quali testamenti nella mortalità, e poco apresso, si poterono trovare e avere) che’ cittadini di Firenze lasciarono a stribuire a’ poveri per li capitani di quella compagnia più di CCCLM di fiorini d’oro. Che vedendosi (p. 20) la gente morire, e morire i loro figliuoli e i loro congiunti, ordinavano i testamenti, e chi avea reda che vivesse, legava la reda, se lla reda morisse, volea la detta compagnia fosse reda; e molti che non avieno alcuna reda, per divozione dell’usata e santa limosina che questa compagnia solea fare, acciò che 'l suo si stribuisse a’ poveri com'era usato, lasciavano di ciò ch’avieno reda la detta compagnia; e molti altri novolendo che per successione il suo venisse a' suoi congiunti, o a’ suoi consorti, legavano alla detta compagnia tutti i loro beni. Per questa cagione, ristata la mortalità in Firenze, si trovò improviso quella compagnia in sì grande tesoro, sanza quello che ancora no potea sapere. E i mendichi poveri erano quasi tutti morti, e ogni feminella era piena e abondevole delle cose, sicché non cercavano limosina. Sentendosi questo fatto per cittadini, procacciarono molti con sollicitudine d’essere capitani per potere aministrare (p. 21) questo tesoro, e cominciarono a ragunare le masserizie e i danari; ch'avendo a vendere le masserizie nobili de'grandi cittadini e mercatanti, tutte le migliori e lle più belle volieno per loro a grande mercato, e l'altre più vili facieno vendere in plubico, e i danari cominciarono a serbare, e chi ne tenea una parte, e chi un'altra a lloro utilità. […]	A great treasure was left to the society of Orto San Michele. In our city of Florence, during the year of this deadly plague, something remarkable happened: as people were dying, the citizens of Florence, trusting in the order and experience demonstrated by the clear, good, and organized charity that had been practiced for a long time by the captains of the society of Our Lady of Orto San Michele—without any human intervention—left, according to wills (that could be found during the plague and shortly thereafter) more than 350,000 gold florins to be distributed to the poor by the captains of this society. People, seeing their children and relatives dying, arranged their wills, and those who had heirs who survived would pass on their inheritance; if the heirs died, they wanted the society to be their heir. And many who had no heirs, out of devotion to the customary and holy charity that this society used to perform, left what they had as inheritance to this society so that it could be distributed to the poor as was customary. And many others, not wanting their wealth to go to their relatives or associates through succession, bequeathed all their possessions to this society. For this reason, once the plague ceased in Florence, it was found that the society unexpectedly held a great treasure, aside from what could not yet be accounted for. And the poor beggars were almost all dead, and every household was full and abundant with supplies, so much so that they did not seek alms. When the citizens heard about this situation, many eagerly sought to become captains to be able to manage this treasure. They began gathering the goods and money; when they had to sell the valuable possessions of prominent citizens and merchants, they would take the best and finest for themselves at a good price, while the lesser items were sold publicly, and the money was kept by those who held parts of it, each for their own benefit. [...]	Matteo Villani 1995, pp. 19-21.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Genoa	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Infection of four marauding soldiers through a object in Rivarolo near Genoa, where all the inhabitants had already died of the plague.	Nos preterite consumpserunt. presentes corrodunt viscera. et future maiora, nobis discrimina comminantur quod Ardenti studio laborantes percepimus, (p. 51) perdidimus vna hora. Vbi sunt delicate vestes, et preciosa Juventus. Ubi nobilitas et fortitudo pugnancium. vbi seniorum maturitas antiquata, et dominarum purpurata caterua. Vbi thesaurus et preciosi lapides congregati proh dolor omnes mortis Impetu deffecerunt. Ad quern lbimus. qui nimium medebitur. Fugere non licet. latere non expedit. Vrbes, menia, Arua, nemora vie, et omuis aquarum materia, latronibus circumdantur. Isti sunt maligni Spiritus, summi tortores Judicis, omnibus supplicia Inhinita parantes. Quoddam possumus explicare pauendum, prope Januam, tunc exercitu residente euenit. vt quatuor exercitus socij, Intencione spoliandi loca et homines, exercitum dimiserunt . et ad Riparolurn pergentes in littore maris, ubi morbus Interfecerat vniuersos, domos clausas inuenientes, et nemine comparente, domum vnam apperientes, et Intrantes lectulum, cum Lana obuoiutum Inueniunt, aufferunt et exportant. et in exercitum reuertentes, nocte sequenti, quatuor sub lena , in lectulo dormitiui quiescunt. Sed mane facto, mortui sunt Inuenti. Ex quo tremor Inuasit omnes, ut Rebus et vestibus deffunctorum contemptis, nullus postea frui velet. nec eciam manibus atractare.	Template:TN	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 50–51	None
1348-00-00-Germany	1348 JL	Jews were accused of poisoning the water and wells. Thus they were persecuted and burned in many parts in Germany	[115.] De mala fama et infortunio Iudeorum in diversis terris et regionibus. Et infamati sunt Iudei, quod huiusmodi pestilenciam fecerint vel auxerint fontibus et puteis iniecto veneno. Et cre*mati sunt a mari usque ad Alamanniam preterquam Avinionis, ubi ipsos papa Clemens sextus defendit. Post [p. 265] hec tortis quibusdam in Berna, in comitatu Froburg et alibi, et reperto in Zovingen veneno, extinctisque Iudeis in pluribus locis, scriptoque *de hoc consulibus Basiliensis, Friburgensis et Argentinensis civitatum, maioribusque ad defensionem nitentibus Iudeorum, ac quibusdam eciam nobilibus Basilee pro quadam iniuria Iudeis illata ad longum tempus bannitis: ecce irruit populus cum baneriis ad palacium consulum. Quibus territis et querente magistro, quid vellent, responderunt se nolle abire nisi bannitis reversis. Pro quibus illico est transmissum, consulibus non audentibus egredi, quousque venerunt. Adiecitque populus se nolle, quod inibi amplius remanerent Iudei. Et iuratum est per consules et populum, quod in ducentis annis inibi nunquam residerent Iudei. Conveneruntque pluries nuncii meliores earundem trium civitatum, quibus cordi erat reten*cio Iudeorum, set populi timuerunt clamorem. Capti sunt autem undique in partibus illis Iudei. […][p. 266] Et sic modo in uno loco, postea in alio sunt cremati. Alicubi autem sunt expulsi. Quos vulgus apprehendens hos cremavit, aliquos interfecit, alios in paludibus suffocavit. [...]	116. Of the slander and persecution of the Jews in various countries and kingdoms. And the Jews were accused of having caused or aggravated this plague by throwing poison into springs and wells. They were burned from the seashore to Germany, except in Avignon, where Pope Clement VI protected them. After some had been tortured in Bern, in the county of Froburg and in other places and poison had been found in Zofingen, they were murdered in many places and written about to the councillors of the cities of Basel, Freiburg and Strasbourg, and since the rulers sought to protect them and even some nobles of Basel were banished for a long time because of an injustice done to the Jews, the people rushed to the town hall with their banners. The councillors were startled by this and the mayor asked: "What did they want?", to which they replied: "They would not leave until the exiles had returned"; so they were immediately sent for, because the councillors did not dare to leave until they had returned. Then the people said: "They would no longer tolerate the Jews in the city," and the councillors and the people swore that within two hundred years no Jew should live in the city. But the nobles of these three cities, who were anxious to keep the Jews, repeatedly came together, but they feared the clamour of the people. But the Jews were captured everywhere in that region. [...] and so they were burned sometimes in this place, sometimes in that. In some places they were merely expelled, but the people caught up with them, burned some and beat others to death or suffocated them in swamps. [...]	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 264-266.	None
1348-00-00-Iceland	16 April 1348 JL	The bishop of Skálholt, Jón Sigurðsson, dies of a plague in 1348 on the Day of St Magnús Erlendsson, 16 April. Earlier, he had unsuccessfully attempted to reconcile Northern Icelandic peasants with the Bishop of Hólar, Ormr Ásláksson. Harsh winter in Iceland, even fjords are frozen	Vtkuama Jons byskops. Sigurdar sonar. Reid hann til Hola ok ætlade at koma sættargiord j millum Orms byskops ok Nordlendinga. en allr almugi bonda samnadizst saman ok kom til Hola. ok villdu at ongum koste vndir hann leggia edr sættazst vidr þa Orm byskop. Reid Jon byskop sudr kiol ok tok sott þegar hann kom sndr. vm land. ok la framan til Magnus dags ok saladizst þa. var hann framferdugr madr ok mickill hofdinga. Frosta vetr sua mickill a Islande at frere sioinn vmhuerfiss landit so at rida matte af hueriu annnese ok vm alla fiordu.	Arrival of Bishop Jón Sigurðsson (to Iceland). He rode to Hólar and attempted to bring reconciliation between Bishop Ormr and the Northerners. But all peasants gathered together and came to Hólar and did not want at any cost to submit or reconcile with Bishop Ormr. Bishop Jón rode southwards to Keilir and fell sick with a plague when he arrived in the south of the country, and was laid up until Magnus’ Day (= 16 April), and died then. He was a favourable and great man. Such a great winter of frost on Iceland that there was frost around the land, so that it was possible to ride from every point of land and all over the fjord.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 275	Translation by Carina Damm
1348-00-00-Italy 004	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Describes how the plague came from the city of Feodosia (Caffa) through sailors to Genoa and how it spreads rapidly about complete Italy, killing thousands and leading to mass deaths and panic. The society was overwhelmed by death and grief. The suffering is seen as a punishment from God.	Sane, quia ab oriente in occidentem transiuimus, licet omnia discutere que vidimus et cognouimus probabilimus argumentis, et que possumus deij terribilia Judicia declarare. audiant vniuersi et lacrimis habundare cogantur. Inquit enim conctipotens, delebo hominem quem creaui a facie terre. quia caro et sanguis est , in cinerem et puluerem conuertetur. Spiritus meus non permanebit in homine. Quid putas bone deus, sie tuam creaturam delere, et humanum genus, sic jubes, sic mandas subito depperire . vbi misericordia tua, vbi fedus patrum nostrorum.vbi est uirgo beata, que suo gremio continet peccatores. vbi martirum preciosus sanguis vbi confessorum et uirginum Agmina decorata, et tocius exercitus paradixi. qui pro peccatoribus rogare non desinunt . vbi mors Christi preciosa crucis, et nostra redemptio admirabilis. Cesset obsecro ira tua bone deus, nec sic conteras peccatores, ut fructu multiplicato penitencie. Aufferas omne malum nec cum iniustis iusti clampnentur quia misericordiam vis et non sacrificium. Te audio peccatorem, uerba mein auribus instillantem. Stille jubeo . Misericordie tempora deffecerunt. Deus uocor ulcionum. libet peccata et scelera vindicare. dabo signa mea inorientibus preuenti studeant animarum prouidere saluti. Sic euenit a preffata Caffensi terra,nauigio discedente, quedam paucis gubernata nautis, eciam uenenato morbo infectis Januam Applicarunt quedam venecijs quedam (p. 50) alijs partibus christianorum. Mirabile dictu. Nauigantes, cum ad terras aliquas accedebant, ac si rnaligni spiritus comitantes, mixtis hominibus Intererint. omnis ciuitas, omnis locus, omnis terra et habitatores eorum vtriusque sexus, morbi contagio pestifero uenenati, morte subita corruebant. Et cum unus ceperat Egrotari, mox cadens et moriens vniuersam familiam uenenabat. Iniciantes, ut cadauera sepelirent, mortis eodem genere corruebant. Sic sic mors per fenestras Intrabat. et depopullatis vrbibus et Castellis, loca, suos deffunctos acolas deplorabant. Dic dic Janua, quid fecisti. Narra Sijcilia, et Insule pellagi copiose, Judicia deij. Explica venecia, Tuscia, et tota ytalia, quid agebas. Nos Januensis et venetus dei Judicia reuellare compellimus. Proh dolor Nostris ad vrbes, classibus applicatis, Intrauimus domos nostras. Et quia nos grauis Infirmitas detinebat . et nobis de Mille Navigantibus vix decem supererant, propinqui, Affines, et conuicini ad nos vndique confluebant. heu nobis, qui mortis Jacula portabamus, dum amplexibus et osculis nos tenerent, ex ore, dum uerba uerba loquebamur, venenuni fundere cogebamur. Sic illi ad propria reuertentes, mox totam familiam venenabant . et Infra triduum, percussa familia, mortis Jaculo subiacebat, exequias funeris pro pluribus ministrantes, crescente numero deffunctorum pro sepulturis terra sufficere non ualebant. presbiteri et medici , quibus Infirmorum cura rnaior necessitatis Articulis Iminebat, dum Infirmos uisitare satagunt, proh dolor, recedentes Infirmi, deffunctos statim subsequuntur. O, patres. O, matres, O, filij, et vxores, gros diu prosperitas, Incollumes conseruauit, nec Infelices et Infeliciores, pre ceteris, vos simul, eadem sepultura concludit qui pari numdo fruebamini leticia et omnis prosperitas aridebat . qui gaudia uanitatibus miscebatis, idem tumulus vos suscepit, vermibus esca datos. O mors dura, mors Impia, mors aspera, mors crudelis, que sic parentes diuidis, dissocias coniugatos, filios Interficis, fratres separas , et sonores . plangimus, miseri calamitates nostras.	Since we have traveled from the east to the west, we are permitted to discuss all that we have seen and known with probable arguments and to declare the terrible judgments of God that we can. Let everyone hear and be compelled to overflow with tears. For the Almighty says, "I will destroy the man whom I have created from the face of the earth, because he is flesh and blood, and he will be turned into ashes and dust. My spirit will not remain in man." What do you think, good God, about thus destroying your creation and commanding the human race to suddenly perish in this way? Where is your mercy, where is the covenant with our fathers? Where is the blessed Virgin who holds sinners in her lap? Where is the precious blood of the martyrs, where are the decorated bands of confessors and virgins, and the entire army of paradise? They do not cease to pray for sinners. Where is the precious death of Christ on the cross and our admirable redemption? Cease, I beseech you, your anger, good God, and do not crush sinners so that the fruit of penance may multiply. Remove all evil, and do not let the just be condemned with the unjust, for you desire mercy, not sacrifice. I hear you, sinner, instilling my words in your ears. I command you to stop. The times of mercy have ended. I am called the God of vengeance. I am pleased to avenge sins and crimes. I will give my signs to those in the east, let them strive to ensure the salvation of their souls. Thus it happened that from the aforementioned land of Caffa, a certain ship, governed by a few sailors, even infected with the venomous plague, set sail and arrived at Genoa. Some went to Venice, others to other parts of Christendom. It is incredible to say. When the sailors approached any lands, as if accompanied by malignant spirits, mixing with the people, every city, every place, every land and its inhabitants of both sexes, infected by the contagious pestilence, suddenly collapsed in death. And when one began to fall sick, soon falling and dying, he poisoned the entire household. Those who came to bury the corpses fell by the same kind of death. Thus, death entered through the windows, and with the cities and castles depopulated, the places mourned their dead inhabitants. Tell, Genoa, what have you done? Tell, Sicily, and the numerous islands of the sea, declare the judgments of God. Explain, Venice, Tuscany, and all of Italy, what were you doing. We Genoese and Venetians are compelled to reveal the judgments of God. Oh, sorrow, when we arrived at our cities with our fleets, we entered our homes. And since we were held by a severe illness, with scarcely ten of us out of a thousand sailors surviving, relatives, friends, and neighbors flocked to us from everywhere. Alas for us, who bore the arrows of death, as they held us in their embraces and kisses, while we spoke words, we were compelled to pour out poison from our mouths. Thus, they returning to their homes, soon poisoned their entire household. And within three days, the family struck by the arrow of death lay dead, and those attending the funerals of many could not find enough earth for burials, as the number of the dead increased. Priests and doctors, whose care for the sick was most needed, while striving to visit the sick, oh sorrow, leaving the sick, immediately followed the dead. Oh, fathers, oh mothers, oh sons, and wives, whom prosperity long preserved unharmed, neither the unfortunate nor the most unfortunate were buried together in the same grave. Those who enjoyed equal prosperity and happiness, the same tomb received, given as food for worms. Oh harsh death, impious death, bitter death, cruel death, that thus divides parents, separates spouses, kills sons, and separates brothers and sisters. We, the miserable, lament our calamities.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 49–50	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Italy 005	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes how the plague destabilized the social cohesion and moreover the report see the reason for the plague in a punishment of god. The text calls for repentance and humility to appease God's wrath.	edet plura contexere, et tante Calamitatis uulnera denudare. Contremescat omnis creatura, Judicio deij perterita,et suo creatori, humana fragilitas, non resistat . plus dolor, cordibus accendatur et oculi omnium uberes in lacrimas prorumptur. Audiant vituri (victuri ?) seculi huius calamitatis euentum. Jacebat solus languens in domo. ullus proximus accedebat. Cariores flentes, tantum Angulis se ponebant. Medicus non trabat. Sacerdos attonitus, ecclesiastica sacramenta timidus ministrabat. Ecce vox flebilis Infirmantis clamabat. Misereminj miseremini saltem vox amici mei , quia manus domini tetigit me. Alter Aiebat. O pater cur me deseris, esto non immemor geniture Aliuus. O. Mater ubi es, cur heri mihi pia modo crudelis efficeris. que mihi lac vberum propinasti, et nouem niensibus, vtero portasti. Alter, O, filij, quos sudore et laboribus multis educavi cur fugitis. Versa vice vir et vxor Inuiceni extendebant, heu nobis, qui placido coniugio lectabamur, nunc tristi, proh dolor diuorcio separamus. Et cum jn extremis laboraret egrotus, voces adhuc lugubres emittebat. Accedite proximi et (p. 54) convicinj mel . En siclo, aque gutam porrigite sicienti viuo Ego .Nolite timere. Forsitan viuere plus licebit. tangite me. Rogo, palpitate corpusculum , certe nunc me tangere deberetis. Tune quispiam, pietate ductus remotis ceteris, accenssa in pariete candelam iuxta Caput fugiens lmprimebat(?) Et cum spiritus exalaret sepe mater filium, et maritus uxorem, cum omnes deffunctum tangere recusarent in capsia pannis obuolutum ponebant. Non preco, non tuba, non Campana, nec 1lissa solempniter celebrata ad funus amicos et proximos Inuitabant. 1Iagnos et nobiles ad sepulturam gestabant vifes et abiecte perssone conducte peccunia, quia deffunctis consimiles, pauore percussi , accedere non audebant. Diebus ac noctibus, cum necessitas deposcebat, breuj ecclesie officio, tradebantur sepulcris .clausis frequenter dom'ibus deffunctorum, nullus Intrare, nec res deffunctorum tangere presumebat. Quicquid actum fuerit, omnibus Inotescat, vno post Alium decedente omnes tandem mortis Jaculo deffecerunt. O durum et triste spectaculum vniuersis . quis pia compassione non lugebat. et superuenientis pestis cladis et morbi teribilibus non turbetur. Indurata sunt corda nostra et nullam futurorum memoriam computamus. Heu nobis . Ecce hereditas nostra uersa est, ad Alienos et domus nostre ad extraneos. Addant si uolunt superstiltes , nempe lacrimas singultibus occupatus procedere uon valleo. quia vndique mors, vbique amaritudo describitur . plus et plus lterato, manus ornnipotentis extenditur. Judicium teribile, continuatis temporibus Inualescit. § Quid faciemus, o, bone yhesu animas suscipe deffunctorum. Auerte fadem tuam a pec catis nostrijs . et omnes iniquitates nostras delle. Scimus seimus, quia quicquid patimur peccata nostra merentur. Apprehendite igitur disciplinam , ne quando Irascatur Klominus, et pereatis de via iusta . humilientur ergo superbi. Errubescant Auari, qui pauperum detinent ellemosinas lmpeditas. Invidi caritate calescant. Lusuriosi spreta putredine, honestatis regula decorentur. Effrenes, Irracundi, salutis sue terminos non excedant. Gulosi Jeiunijs temperentur. Et quibus accidia dominatur, bonis operibus Induantur. Non sic, non sic adolesceutes et Juuenes, vestibus delectentur in cultu. Sit fides et equitas In Judicibus: (p. 55) Sit legalitas Merchatorum. Notariorum parua et inordinata eondictio, prius discat, et sapiat , quam scribere meditetur. Religiosorum abiciatur ypocrisis. Ordinetur in melius dignitas prelatorum. Omnis populus viam salutis Impetrare festines. Et dominarum pomposa vanitas, que sic uoluptatibus Imiscetur, freno moderata procedat. contra quarum arroganciam ysayas, suo vaticinio resonabat . pro eo quod elleuate sunt filie Syon , et ambulauerunt extento collo, et nutibus oculorum ibant et plaudebant ambulabant, et pedibus suis, composito grade Incedebant decaluabit dominus verticem filiarum Syon et dominus crinem earum nudabit. In die illa aufferet dominus, ornatum calciamentorum lunullas et torques, monilia, et Armillas, mitras et discriminalia, periscelidas, et niurenullas, et olfactoriola, et in Aures Annullos . et gemas in fronte pendentes, et nmtatoria, et paliola, et linteamina, et acus, et specula, et Syndones, et nittas, et terristra. et erit pro suavi odore fetor, et pro Zona funiculus, et pro crispanti crine caluicium, et pro fascia pectorali cillicium.puicerimi quoque viri tui gladio cadent , et fortes tui in prelio. et moerebuntur atque lugebunt ponte eins . et dessolata terra manebit. hec contra dominarum et Juuenum superbiam elleuatum.	Template:TN	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp, 53–54.	None
1348-00-00-Lübeck	1348 JL	The Master Johan Dannekowe explains the great plague in Magdeburg and Lübeck by a conjunction and a solar eclipse. In addition, the Jews were accused of poisoning people during this time.	666. In deme sulven jare schref mester Johan Dannekowe, de wiseste mester in der kunst astronomia, de to den tyden in Dudeschen landen was, von deme stervende van Meydeborch to Lubeke sinen sunderliken vrunden. he schref: 'wetet van der suke des stervendes, als my dunket, dat de sake desser suke was unde is en eclipsis des manen, de dar was vor der samelunghe der planeten Jovis unde Saturni in deme jare Godes 1345 an unser vrowen nacht in der vastene der bodescap, unde was an deme negheteynden daghe des Merten, an der nacht dar na des sulven jares, unde was desse eclipsis an dem mynsliken (p. 514) tekene, als an deme tekene, dat de libra eder de waghe heited, unde de ascendens des halven eclipsis was des scorpionis tzaghel. dor der stede willen betekende de eclipsis over mynslike slechte unde dor des ascendens willen, dar de planete Mars here over is, betekent he mordent unde sukent, unde na wane dor des schorpionis tzaghels willen betekent he vorghift; unde wente desse vorsproken eclipsis was an der tiid der sammelunghe der grotesten planeten Saturni unde Jovis, als hir vor sproken is, wente se beide warn in deme sulven enen grade, dar umme betekent he langhe warenden anval, als de hoghe mester Ptolomeus sprekt in deme boke quadriperto. mer ik hope, dat Almania van desser betekenunghe nicht vele liden schal, wente aries dat teken is over Almanien, unde Mars de planeta, de dar here is over dat teken aries, was here des ascendentis desses eclipsis. 667. Nu hadden ok de joden grote mestere in der sulven kunst astronomia, de langhe vorgheseen hadden de tiid des stervendes. Do ghewunnen de joden arghe danken, unde wurden des to rade, dat se mit vorghifnisse hemeliker sake unde mit arghen dinghen tolegheden unde hulpen desseme vorbenomenden tokomenden stervende, uppe dat se dar nicht ane vordacht worden unde wolden sik vryen van der eghenscap, dar se inne syn. nu wolde Ghod, dat dit to wetene wart den mechtighen heren in den landen unde den guden steden; de worden des to rade, dat se de undat wreken wolden an den joden, unde sloghen se in manighen landen unde in menigher stat to dode.	666. In the same year (1348), Master Johan Dannekowe, the wisest master in the art of astronomy in the German lands at the time, wrote to his special friends about the plague that affected Magdeburg and Lübeck. He wrote: “Be aware of the cause of this plague, as I see it, which was an eclipse of the moon that occurred before the conjunction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn in the year of our Lord 1345, on the night of the Annunciation of Our Lady, during Lent, on the 29th day of March, and the following night of the same year. This eclipse happened in a human sign, namely in the sign of Libra (the Scales), and the ascendant of the partial eclipse was in the sting of Scorpio. Due to its position, the eclipse signified harm to humanity, and due to the ascendant, which is ruled by the planet Mars, it signifies death and disease, and furthermore, due to the influence of Scorpio's sting, it signifies poison. Because this mentioned eclipse occurred at the time of the conjunction of the great planets Saturn and Jupiter, as was spoken of before, since they both were in the same degree, it therefore indicates a prolonged assault, as the great master Ptolemy speaks of in the book Quadripartite. However, I hope that Germany will not suffer greatly from this omen, since Aries is the ruling sign over Germany, and Mars, the planet that governs Aries, was in the position of the ascendant for this eclipse. 667. Now, the Jews also had great masters in the same art of astronomy, who had foreseen the time of the plague long before. Then, the Jews developed evil intentions and decided to add to the impending plague by means of poison and wicked deeds, to avoid being blamed for it themselves and to free themselves from the distress they were in. But God willed that this knowledge came to the attention of the powerful lords in the lands and the good cities, who resolved to take revenge for this evil on the Jews, and they put many to death in numerous lands and various cities.”	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 513-514.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Middle East 003	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes the spread and the demografical impact of the plague on various regions, including Genoa, Venice and the Orient. It details the victim number in these areas. The plague caused massive losses in populations, with the Saracens being particularly hard-hit.	Hec de Januensibus, quorum pars Septima vix Remansit. Hec de venetis, quorurn In Inquisitione facta super defunctis asseritur, ex centenario ultra Septuaginta. Et ex viginti quatuor medicis excellentibus, viginti, paruo tempore deffecisse& ex alijs partibus ytalie, Sycilie, et Apulie, cum suis circumdantibus plurimum dessolatis congemunt, Pisanij, lucenses, suis acollis denudati, dolores suos exagerant uehementer. Romana Curia, prouincie citra, et vltra Rodanum, hyspania, Francia, et latissime Regiones, Allamaniae, suos exponant dolores, et clades, cum sit mihi in narrando difficultas eximia. Sed quid acciderit Saracenis, constat Relatibus fide dignis. Cum igitur Soldanus plurimos habeat subiugatos, ex sola Babilonis vrbe vbi thronnm et dominium habet, tribus mensibus non elapsis. In MCCCXLVIII. CCCCLXXX.M morbi cladibus Interempti dicuntur, quod quidem Innotuit ex Registro Soldani, abi nomina mortuorum notantur, a quorum quolibet recipit bisancium vnum, quando sepulture traduntur. Taceo Damascum et (p. 52) ceteras vrbes eius, quarum Infinitus extitit numerus deffunctorum. Sed de alijs Regionibus oriientis, que per trienium vis (!) poterunt equitari, cum tanta sit multitudo degentium, ut quando occidens vnum, genera X .M [10,000] Oriens producat. et nos refferunt, Insulatos, credendum et Innumerabiles deffecisse.	Regarding the Genoese, scarcely one-seventh of them survived. Regarding the Venetians, it is reported from investigations of the deceased that out of every hundred, more than seventy died. Of the twenty-four excellent physicians, twenty perished in a short time. Other parts of Italy, Sicily, and Apulia, along with their surrounding areas, mourn their extreme desolation. The people of Pisa and Lucca, stripped of their neighbors, deeply lament their pain. The Roman Curia, provinces on both sides of the Rhône, Spain, France, and the vast regions of Germany express their sorrows and calamities, making it exceedingly difficult for me to recount them all. But what happened to the Saracens is known from trustworthy reports. The Sultan, having many subjects, in the city of Babylon alone, where he has his throne and dominion, in less than three months in the year 1348, is said to have lost 480,000 people to the plague, as noted in the Sultan's registry, where the names of the deceased are recorded, each paying a bisancium for their burial. I omit Damascus and other cities under his rule, where the number of the dead was immense. As for other regions of the East, which could not be traversed in three years due to the great number of inhabitants, when one dies in the West, the East produces ten thousand more. Reports indicate that countless people perished on the islands as well.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 51–52	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Milan	1348 JL	Small outbreak of the plague in Milan with only three dead families	Et a Milano non fue sì grande, chè vi morì in tucto tre famiglie alle quali furono murati usci e finestre, et non andò più innanzi, et misonvi fuocho inelle chase.	And in Milan, it was not so great, because three families died there, whose doors and windows were walled up, and they did not go any further, and put fire in the houses.	Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, p. 97	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Milan 001	1348 JL	In Milan just a small outbreak of the plague with only 3 dead families.	A Melano (p. 147) non vi morì se non tre famiglie, alle case di quelli funno murati li usci e lle finestre, ma fu per tutta Lonbardia.	In Milan (p. 147) only three families died there, the houses of those families had their doors and windows walled up, but it was all over Lombardy.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 147	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Méounes-lès-Montrieux	1348 JL	A report from Francesco Petrarca to the bishop of Padua about the actions of a Carthusian monk in Méounes-lès-Montrieux during the plague of 1348, who was against fleeing the plague and helped his friars dying of the plague without fear. He rebuilt his monastery after the severe plague wave.	Cum pestis hec que omnes terras ac maria pervagata est, ad vos ex ordine venisset et castra in quibus Cristo militas, invasisset, priorque tuus, vir alioquin, ut ipse novi, sancti ardentisque propositi, tamen inopino malo territus, hortaretur fugam, te illi cristiane simul ac philosophice respondisse acrius iret quo se dignum crederet, te in custodia tibi a Cristo credita permansurum; cumque iterum et iterum instaret et inter terrores alios sepulcrum quoque tibi defuturum minaretur, dixisse te illam tibi ex omnibus ultimam curam esse, neque enim tua interesse sed superstitum quali iaceas sepultura; illum postremo cessisse ad penates patrios nec ita multo post morte illuc eum insequente subtractum, te vero incolumem, Eo apud quem est fons vite protegente, mansisse; et cum diebus paucis mors quattuor et triginta qui illic erant, abstulisset, solum in (p. 2212) monasterio resedisse. Illud addebant te nullo morbi contagio deterritum, astitisse fratribus tuis expirantibus et suprema verba atque oscula excipientem et gelida corpora lavantem, sepe uno die tres plures ve tuis manibus indefesso pietatis obsequio sepelisse et exportasse tuis humeris, cum iam qui foderet aut qui iusta morientibus exhiberet, nemo esset; solum te ad ultimum cum cane unico remansisse, totis noctibus vigilantem, modica lucis parte necessarie quieti data, cum interim predones nocturni, quorum feracissima est regio, sepe per intempeste noctis silentia locum invadentes a te, imo a Cristo qui tecum erat, nunc pacificis nunc acrioribus verbis exclusi, nichil damni sacris edibus inferre potuerint; cum vero transisset estas illa terribilis, misisse et ad proxima servorum Cristi loca ut aliquis tibi loci tui custos mitteretur; quo facto ivisse Cartusiam et ab illo, religionis nunc cultore unico in terris, priore loci inter tres et octuaginta priores alienigenas te non priorem, singulari et insolito honore susceptum, obtinuisse ut tibi prior ac monachi darentur quos e diversis conventibus elegisses, quibus desertum morte tuorum monasterium reformares, teque hoc velut eximio triumpho letissimum rediisse.	When the plague that swept over all lands and seas inevitably reached you and invaded your camp, where you were fighting for Christ, your prior, otherwise of pious and ardent zeal, as I know myself, in horror at the unexpected destruction, advised to flee. Yet, you responded to him with Christian and philosophical wisdom, stating that his counsel would be welcome if there were any place impervious to death. Thereafter, he stressed the necessity of departure with no less urgency, to which you responded more firmly, telling him to go wherever he pleased, while you intended to remain steadfast at the post entrusted to you by Christi. And in response to his repeated entreaties, with which he threatened you with many horrors, including the lack of a proper burial, you replied that in the midst of all worries, your concern for how you would lie in the end was the least, for it was not your duty to worry about it; rather, it should concern the survivors. Following this, he finally left for the ancestral household gods, and not long afterward, Death, pursuing him, overtook him there, while you were spared, thanks to your protector, in whom 'the source of life' resides. Certainly, in a matter of a few days, Death claimed thirty-four occupants in that place, and you were the only one left in the monastery. They also added the following: You fearlessly provided aid to your dying brethren, accepting their last words and embraces, washing their lifeless bodies, often carrying three or more of them on your shoulders in unwavering devotion on a single day, and burying them with your own hands, as there was no one else to dig graves or attend to the dying. In the end, when you were alone with only a single dog, you spent whole nights awake and allowed yourself only a modest portion of bright daylight for necessary rest. By that time, nocturnal thieves, who found that area highly fertile, often assaulted that place in the still of the deepest night, but through you, or rather with the assistance of Christ, they were repelled, either by peaceful or sharp words, so that they could not harm the consecrated buildings. However, when that dreadful summer came to an end, you sent a request to the servants of Christ in nearby settlements, asking them to send a guardian for your monastery. Subsequently, you moved to the Chartreuse, where you were received by the prior, who was now the sole representative of the order in that region, and by eighty-three foreign priors, with exceptional and unique honors, even though you were a non-prior. You managed to secure a prior and monks from different convents to revitalize the empty monastery following the death of your brothers.	Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari XVI-XX, pp. 2212–2214	None
1348-00-00-Paris2	1348 JL	List of noble victims of the Black Death across the Holy Roman Empire and France; impact on Paris and the Hundred Years War in Gascony.	Anno Domini M°CCC°XLIX° predicto in pestilencia moriebantur circa finem anni filia Karoli Romani regis et Bohemie, regina Ungarie, item soror eiusdem reigs, uxor Iohannis primogeniti Franci. Item uxor Franci de Burgundia; qui Francus filiam regis Navarnie pulcherrimam de suo genere duxit uxorem. Item primogenitus ducis Brabancie, gener predicti Iohannis. Item et domina de Couzin, filia quondam Lupoldi ducis Austrie, et Conradus de Medeburg maritus eius. Item filia regis Sicilie, uxor Stephani ducis Bavarie, relictis sibi pluribus liberis. Qui Stephanus filiam burggravii in Nurenberg duxit uxorem. Tantaque fuit in Francia et in Anglia pestilencia, quod Parisius et in pluribus locis vix nonus homo dicitur remansisse. Et cessare incepit. Anglus quoque, qui durante pestilencia quievit non inquietando Francum, iterum cessante pestilencia in Wasconia per suos Francum invadit, aliquas municiones expugnans et terram quasi usque ad Tholosam sue subiecens dicioni.	In the year of our Lord 1349, during the aforementioned pestilence, towards the end of the year, died the daughter of Charles, King of the Romans and Bohemia, the Queen of Hungary [Margaret of Luxembourg, died 7 September 1349 in Viségrad], as well as his sister [Jutta/Bonne of Luxembourg, died 11 September 1349 at Maubuisson], the wife of John, the eldest son of the King of France. Also, the wife of the French Duke of Burgundy [Jeann, died 12 December 1348]; this Frenchman married the most beautiful daughter of the King of Navarre from his lineage. Also, the eldest son of the Duke of Brabant, son-in-law of the aforementioned John. Also, the Lady of Coucy, [Catherine of Austria] daughter of Duke Leopold of Austria, and Burggrave Konrad I. of Maidburg, her husband. Also, the daughter of the King of Sicily, [Elisabeth of Sicily] wife of Stephen, Duke of Bavaria, leaving behind several children [died 21 March 1349 in Landshut] . This Stephen married the daughter of the Burggrave of Nuremberg. The plague was so severe in France and England that in Paris and in many places barely one out of nine persons is said to have remained alive. And it began to cease. Also, the English, who during the plague refrained from troubling the French, once the plague ceased, invaded Gascony through their own territory, capturing some fortifications and subjecting the land almost up to Toulouse to their rule.	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 439.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1348-00-00-Piacenza	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes the impact of the plague in various regions, particularly in Bobbio and Piacenza and their surroundings. The plague spread rapidly and the mortality was very high, also among clerics.	morbos et Interitus omnes studeant suis literis apperire. Verum quia placentinus plus de placentinis scriber[e surr hortatus, quid acciderit placencie, MCCCXLVIII. ceteris Inotescat Quidam Januenses, quos morbus egredi compelebat cupientes locis salubribus collocari, transactis Alpibus ad lombardie se planiciem contullerunt. Et quidam Mercimonia defferentes, dum in Bobio hospitati fuissent, vendictis (!) ibi mercibus, accidit ut Emptor et hospes, cum tota familia, pluresque vicini subito Infecti morbo perierunt. Quidam ibi suum volens condere Testamentum notario, et presbitero confessore, ac testibus omnibus auocatis mortuus est . et die sequenti omnes pariter tumulati fuerunt. Et tanta postmodum ibi calamitas Invalavit, ut fere omnes habitatores ibidem repentina mode conciderint. quia post defunctos paucissimi remansserunt. Hec de Bobiensibus, Ceterum in Estate, dicto millesimo, alter Januensis, se transtulit ad territorium placentinum, qui morbi cladibus vexabatur. Et cum esset Infarmato , querens fulchinum de lacruce, quem bona amicicia diligebat, Nunc suscepit hospicio. qui statim moriturus occubuit. § post quem in mediate dictus fulchinus, cum tota familia, et multis vicinis expirauit. Et sic breuiter morbus ille effusus Intrauit placentiam. Nescio ubi possum lncipere. vndique planctus et lamenta consurgunt. Videns continuatis diebus Crucis defferi vexilla, corpus domini deportari, et mortuos absque numero sepeliri. Tantaque feit mortalitas subsecuta, ut vix possent homines respirare.superstites esse sepulturas parabant, deficiente terra pro tumullis per porticus et plateas ubi nunquam extiterat sepultura, fossas facere cogebantur. Accidit quoque frequenter, vt vir cum vxore, pater cum lilio et mater cum filia. demum post modicum tota familia, et plures, conuicini, simul et Eadem fuerint sepultura locati. Idem in Castro arquato, et vigoleno, et Alijs villis, locis, vrbibus et Castellis . et nouissime (p. 53) in valletidonj , ubi sine peste vixerant , plurimi ceciderunt Quidam dictus Obertus de sasso, qui de partibus morbosis processerat, inxta Ecclesiam Fratrum minorum, dum suum vellet facere Testamentum, conuocatis notario testibus et uicinis, omnes cum reliquis, ultra numero Sexaginta, Infra tempus modicum migrauerunt. Hoc tempore Religiosus vir frater Syfredus de Bardis conuentus et ordinis predicatorum, vir utique prudens et magne sciencie, qui Sepulcrum domini visitauerat cum XXIII eiusdem ordinis et conuentus. Item Religiosus vir frater Bertolinus coxadocha placentinus, minorum ordinis, sciencia, et multis virtutibus decoratus, cum alijs XXIIIj or sui ordinis, et conuentus, ex quibus nouem una die. Item ex conuentu heremitarum Vjj. Ex conuentu Carmelitarum, frater Franciscus todischus, cum Sex sui ordinis et conuentus. § Ex Seruis Beate marie IllIor. Et ex alijs prelatis et Rectoribus Ecclesiarum ciuitatis et destrictus placensis, ultra numero LX. Ex nobilibus multi. Ex juuenibus Infiniti. Ex mulieribus presertim pregnantibus , innumerabiles , paruo tempore deffecerunt.	Diseases and Deaths strive to reveal everything through their writings. However, because the Placentine (author) was encouraged to write more about the Placentines, what happened in Piacenza in 1348 should be known to others. Certain Genoese, compelled to leave by disease and desiring to settle in healthy places, after crossing the Alps, came down to the plains of Lombardy. And certain merchants, while they were staying in Bobbio, after selling their goods there, it happened that the buyer and the host, with his whole family and many neighbors, suddenly infected by the disease, perished. One man, wishing to make his will there, died after calling a notary, a priest-confessor, and all the witnesses. The next day, they were all buried together. And afterward, such a calamity prevailed there that almost all the inhabitants suddenly perished, with very few remaining after the dead. This about the people of Bobbio. Moreover, in the summer of the said year, another Genoese moved to the territory of Piacenza, which was afflicted by the ravages of disease. And while he was ill, seeking Fulchino de la Cruce, whom he loved with good friendship, he was received into hospitality. He immediately died. Shortly after, Fulchino himself, with his entire family and many neighbors, expired. And thus the disease briefly spread into Piacenza. I do not know where to begin. Wailing and lamentations arise everywhere. Seeing the procession of crosses day after day, the body of the Lord being carried, and the dead being buried without number. Such a great mortality followed that barely could men breathe. The survivors prepared graves, and as the land for tombs was exhausted, they were compelled to dig pits under porticos and in squares where there had never been burials. It also frequently happened that a man with his wife, a father with his son, and a mother with her daughter, shortly after, the entire family, and many neighbors, were buried together in the same grave. The same happened in the fortresses of Arquato and Vigoleno, and in other villages, places, cities, and castles. Finally, in the valley of Tidone, where they had lived without plague, many fell. A certain man named Obertus de Sasso, who came from plague-stricken parts, while he was making his will near the Church of the Friars Minor, after calling a notary, witnesses, and neighbors, all with the others, over sixty in number, died within a short time. At this time, a religious man, Brother Syfredus de Bardis of the convent and order of preachers, indeed a prudent man of great knowledge, who had visited the Holy Sepulcher with twenty-three others of the same order and convent. Also, a religious man, Brother Bertolinus Coxadocha of Piacenza, of the order of Minors, adorned with knowledge and many virtues, with thirty-four others of his order and convent, nine of whom died on the same day. Also, from the convent of hermits, seven. From the convent of Carmelites, Brother Franciscus Todischus, with six of his order and convent. From the Servants of Blessed Mary, four. And from other prelates and rectors of churches of the city and district of Piacenza, over sixty in number. Many of the nobility. Countless young men. Innumerable women, especially pregnant women, died in a short time.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 52–53	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Poland	1348 JL	The Black Death appears in Poland and other kingdoms (Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany) caused by a polution of the air by the Jews.	Pestis horrenda in Polonia et aliis Regnis ex corruptione aeris per Iudaeos infecti: quam etiam terrae motus subsecutus est. Gravis epidemiae pestis apud Poloniae Regnum saeva mortalitate in universos irruens, non Poloniam tantummodo, sed et Hungariam, Bohemiam, Daciam, Franciam, Almanniam et fere universa Christianitatis et barbarica Regna horrenda lue quassavit.	There was a horrible plague in Poland and other kingdoms which resulted from the infection of the air by the Jews. And directly afterwards the earth shook. There was a grave epidemic of plague in the kingdom of Poland and a terrible mortality burst over them, not only in Poland, but also in Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany and pretty much the whole of Christianity and of the barbaric kingdoms where terribly shaken by the plague.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 252	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-00-00-Southern-Italy	1348 JL	Appearance of the Black Death all across Southern Italy, with precise description of Symptoms	Eo namque tempore, anno videlicet domini MCCCXLVIII, in toto regno Siciliae, et generaliter per totum mundum, pestifera mortalitas perduravit et morbus talis, quod subito apparebat glandula in inguine hominis et infra duos aut tres dies ad tardius hominem occidebat. Sicque in terra ipsa tanta invaluit ipsa mortalitas, quod quasi modicus superfuit populus in eadem; et sic generaliter contigit in singulis civitatibus et casalibus regni hujus et mundi.	At that time, namely in the year of our Lord 1348, a pestilential mortality persisted throughout the entire kingdom of Sicily and generally throughout the whole world, and such a disease that a gland would suddenly appear in a man's groin and within two or three days at most, it would kill the person. And so, in that land, the mortality became so strong that almost only a small portion of the population remained; and this generally happened in every city and village of this kingdom and the world.	Dominico de Gravina 1903, p. 49	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-01-00-Pisa 001	January 1348 JL	Outbreak of a severe plague with a high mortality in Pisa caused by the Genoese galleys.	Negli anni 1348, alla entrata di gennaio, venne a Pisa due ghalee di Genovesi le quali vennono di Romania, et chome furono gunti alla piaza del pesce, qualunque persona favellò a quelli delle decte due ghalee di subito si era amalato et morto, et qualunque favella allo infermo o tochasse di quegli morti, di subito amalava et moriva. Et chosì fu sparto lo grande furore per tucta la cictà di Pisa, in tanto che ogni persona moria; e fue si grande paure che niuno voleva vedere l'uno l'altro, nè llo padre il figliuolo nè llo figliuolo lo padre, nè ll'uno fratello l'altro, nè lla moglie il marito nè il marito la moglie et ongni persona fuggiè la morte; ma pocho valeva chè chiunque dovea morire si moria, et non si trovava persona gli sotterasse. Ma cquello Singniore che fecie il cielo e lla terra e 'l mare, provvide bene a ogni chosa; chè 'l padre, vedendo morire il figliuolo abandonato da ongni persona, ché niuno lo voleva tocchare, nè chucire, nè portare, elli si accusava morto et poi faceva ello stesso lo meglio che potea: elli lo cucìa e poi lo mettea in della cascia e, con aiuto, lo portava alla fossa e elli stesso lo sotterava. E poi, quello che l'aveva portato alla fossa, l'altro dì si moriva. Ma ben ti dico che fu provveduto di dare aiuto l'uno all'altro tanto che, chon tuto che ciascuno morìa solo a tocchare i panni o danari, nondimeno non rimase in chasa niuno morto che non fusse sotterrato, fussi chi volessi, poveri o ricchi. Et decte (p. 97) il nostro sanctissimo Creatore tanta carità l'uno all'altro che si schusavano l'uno dell'altro e dicevano: 'aiutiamli a portare a fossa acciò che a nnoi sia facto lo simile quando noi saremo morti, chè noi saremo portati alla fossa!'. Et questa pistolenza durò insino al maggio: furono cinque mesi duranti nel modo ai udito di sopra; morirono de' cinque e' quattro, et sicchome fu in Pisa, chosì fu per tucto l'altro mondo et u' più e u' meno, et di questo fu qui il principio.	In the year 1348, at the beginning of January, two galleys of Genoese came to Pisa from Romania, and as soon as they were thrown into the square of the fish, any person who spoke to them about these two galleys immediately fell ill and died, and any person who spoke to the sick or touched those dead people immediately fell ill and died. And so great fury spread through the whole city of Pisa, so that every person died; and there was such great fear that no one wanted to see one another, neither the father nor the son nor the son the father, nor one brother the other, nor the wife the husband nor the husband the wife, and every person fled death; but little good came of it because whoever had to die died, and no one could be found to bury him. But that Lord, who made heaven and earth and the sea, provided well for all things: for the father, seeing his son die, abandoned by every person, because no one wanted to touch him, nor to kill him, nor to carry him, he blamed himself for his death and then did the best he could: he sewed him up and then put him in the house and, with help, carried him to the grave and buried him himself. And then, the one who had carried him to the pit, the other day died. But I can tell you that they provided help for each other, so that, since each one died only to touch their clothes or their money, there was no one left in the house who had not been buried, whether they were poor or rich. And he decreed (p. 97) our most holy Creator so much charity to one another that they mocked one another and said: 'Let us help them to take to the grave so that the same will be done to us when we are dead, for we will be taken to the grave! And this gunfight lasted until May: they lasted five months in the manner heard above; they died of the five and four, and as it was in Pisa, so it was for the whole other world and more and less, and this was the beginning here.	Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, pp. 96–97.	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-00-Pisa 002	January 1348 JL	Outbreak of a severe plague with a high mortality in Pisa caused by the Genoese galleys and almost collapse of the social order.	E nel ditto anno milltrecientoquarantotto, di po' questo mutamento, venne una novella a Pisa, come in Cicilia e a Napuli si era incomincciata una grande mortalità di gente, poi venne come s'era incomincciata in Genova. E, alla 'ntrata di gennaio, venne in Pisa due ghaleie delli gienovesi, che veniano di Romania. E come furono giunte alla piassa delli Pesci chiunque favella co lloro subitamente tornava a casa malato e in poghi dì morto, e chiunqua favellava al malato o tocchasse di quelli morti altressì tosto amalava e morto era in poghi dì. E ffu sì sparta la grande corrutione che quazi ogni persona moria. E fue sì grande la paura che ll'uno non volea vedere l'autro, lo padre non volea veder lo figluolo morire, né 'l figluolo lo padre, né ll'uno fratello l'autro, né lla donna lo marito, e ogni persona fuggia la morte <e poco li valea che chiunque dovea morire, si moria>. E non ssi trovava persona che llo volesse portare a ffossa né sotterrare. Ma quello Signore che fecie lo Cielo e la Terra providde bene ogni cosa, che llo padre vedendo morire lo suo figluolo e morto e abandonato da ogni persona, che niuno lo volea tochare né chucire né portare, elli si 'chuzava morto. E poi faciea elli stesso lo meglo ch'ello potea, elli lo chucia e ppoi con aiuto d'altri lo portava a la fossa, elli stesso lo sotterava. E poi l'autro giorno elli e chiunqua l'avea tocchato si era morto. Ma ben ti dico che ffu proveduto di dare aiuto l'uno all'autro, che 'n tutto che cciaschuno moria, chiunque tochasse lui o di suoe cose u denari u panni, non di meno non ne rimase niuno morto in nessuna casa che non ffusse sotterato (p. 146) honoratamenta seconda la qualità sua. In tanta carità diè Iddio che ll'uno uzando coll'autro achuzando se morto, e' dicieano: 'Aiutalli a portare a ffossa, acciò che siamo portati anco noi', e chi per amore e chi per denari. E la persona il più istava malata il più due o tre dì inssine in quattro, ma poghi, e la maggiore parte moriano i più brevi iddì.	And in the said year one thousand three hundred and forty-eight, after this change, news came to Pisa, as in Cicilia and Napuli a great mortality of people had begun, then came as it had begun in Genoa. And, at the beginning of January, two galleys of the Genoese, who came from Romania, came to Pisa. And as soon as they arrived at the Pisces Pass, anyone who spoke with them immediately returned home sick and dead, and anyone who spoke to the sick or touched those who were dead also quickly fell ill and was dead in a few days. And so great was the corruption that every person died. And so great was the fear that the one did not want to see the other, the father did not want to see his son die, nor the son his father, nor the brother the other, nor the woman her husband, and every person fled death <and little did it matter that whoever had to die, died>. And no one could be found who would take him to the grave or bury him. But the Lord who made Heaven and Earth provided all things well, so that the father, seeing his son dead and abandoned by every person, and that no one wanted to touch him, nor to bury him, nor to carry him, he thought himself dead. And then he himself did the best he could, he buried him, and then with the help of others he carried him to the grave. And then on the next day he and whoever had touched him had died. But I can tell you that it was arranged to give help to each other, so that in spite of the fact that everyone died, whoever touched him or his belongings, money or clothes, there was no one left dead in any house who was not buried (p. 146) honorably according to his quality. In such charity did God give that the one killed the other, and they said: 'Help them to be carried to the grave, so that we too may be carried', some for love and some for money. And the person was sick most two or three days in four, but few, and most died the shortest.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 146	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-15-Pisa	15 January 1348 JL	Description of the symptoms, the social consequences and the mortality of the plague in Pisa.	E inssomma la ditta pistolentia e morìa incomincciò sì forte in dela cità a cresciere e a sparggiere, che lla sera si coricava la persona e lla maitina si trovava morta: chie moria d'anguinaia, chi di uno inffiato che apparia al ditello, e ad alchuno aparia a la coscia uno inffiato si chiamava tinccone, e chie isputava sangue ed altri sossi mali. E, favellando favellando, moriano le gient alquanto. E la maggior parte che morto ch'era la persona sì l'ischopriano esciali sopra la carne a modo di cotórsuli larghi, neri come uno fiorino, e chiamavansi faoni, ed erano a veder morti della laide cose del mondo. de' mille l'uno a chie aparia nessuno di questi inffiati o a chi aparia di quelli faoni non ne canpava nullo, né medico non trovava chi vvi volessa andare a churarlo che subito era 'chuzato morto e ssì per paura di sé. E venne tanto a Pisa che li fondachi e lle bottehge delli spetiali. Alchuni citadini fuggiano della cità e andavano per lo contado, e ppoi ritornavano però ch'ella sparse per lo contado al simile modo, non valea niente lo fuggire. E altro non si facea a Pisa, se non di sotterar morti, e non era dì nessuno che 'n Pisa non ssi sotterrasseno tra grandi e picciuli quando dugiento e quando treciento e quando quatrociento e quando cinqueciento per dì. Ed ebbe in Pisa più case di quindici o piò in famigla che non ne rimase nullo, che tutti morìrono. E durò questa pistolentia dal mezzo gennaio sine al settenbre, che poi ch'ella fu restata si trovònno morti piò di settantta per cientonaio di tutte le persone che erano in Pisa, e chie dicie delli diece ne morì li nove. E cosiì fue per lo contado di Pisa e per tutta cristianità e per le terre de saracini, e in terre murate e non murate, benchè maggior pistolentia fusse in un luogo più che 'n uno alto.	And in short, the pistolentia and death began to grow and spread so strongly in the city, that in the evening, people went to bed and found themselves dead: some died of eel, some of an injury that appeared on the finger, and some had an injury that appeared on the thigh, which was called "tinccone", and some were spitting blood and other ills. And, speaking by speaking, they died a little. And most of those who were dead, whose persons were dead, were exhaled from their flesh in the form of large cotórsuli, as black as a florin, and they were called faoni, and they were to be seen dead from the foul things of the world. Of the thousand of them, none of those who had been inhaled or those who had been inhaled were able to find any, nor any doctor who wanted to go and heal them, so that they were immediately killed, and so for fear of themselves. And he came so much to Pisa that the fondachi and the shops of the spetiali. Some of the citizens fled the city and went to the countryside, and then returned, but since they spread out through the countryside in the same way, it was worth nothing to flee. And nothing else was done in Pisa, except to bury the dead, and there was no one in Pisa who did not bury themselves among the great and small, when two hundred and when three hundred and when four hundred and when five hundred per day. And he had in Pisa more houses of fifteen or more in the family that none remained, that all died. And this pistolentia lasted from the middle of January to the end of October, so that when it was over, more than seventy people per hundred of all the people who were in Pisa were found dead, and those who said they were ten died of the nine. And so it was for the county of Pisa and for the whole of Christendom and for the lands of the Saracens, and in walled and unwalled lands, although there was more gunfire in one place than in another.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 146.	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-25-Alsace	25 January 1348 JL	A great earthquake made big damage, especially in Carinthia and a big plague followed. Jews were burned and the flagellants walked around.	Ein schadeber ertbidem noch dem vil unglückes kam. Do men zalte 1348 jor, an sant Bawels tage [25.01.] also er bekert wart, do kam [ein] ertbidem in Elsas, der do nüt schedelich was. aber in andern landen det er grossen schaden, das in etlichen stetten die lüte nydervielent also ob in geswunden were. und dieser ertbideme kam vil tage nohenander, und sunderliche zu Kerneten, do zerviel die grosse stat Villach und me denne hundert bürge. ouch vielent in etlichen landen die berge zusamene und verfelletent stette und dörfer und was dozwüschent was, und verdarp also vil lütes, das dovon vil zu sagene were. und in dem selben jore und in dem nehesten jore donoch, do kam ouch ein grosser gemeiner sterbotte durch alle die welt. von des selben sterbotten wegen wurdent ouch die Juden gebrant und gingent die geischeler, also dovor bi andern sterbotten ist geseit.	A harmful earthquake, followed by misfortune In the year 1348, on the feast day of Saint Paul, as he was converted, a severe earthquake came to Alsace, which was not dangerous there. However, in other lands, it caused great damage, so that in some places people fell down as if they were disappeared. This earthquake came many days in a row, and particularly in Carinthia, where the large city of Villach was devastated, and more than a hundred citizens perished. Many mountains in various lands collapsed, destroying towns and villages, and what was there in between, so many people perished that it is difficult to describe. In the same year and in the following years, a great general mortality came through the whole world. Because of this mortality, Jews were also burned, and the flagellants walked around, what was said for the other plagues before.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 862.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-01-25-Constance	25 January 1348 JL	A great earthquake was followed by many evils and great mortality.	Nam in conversione beati Pauli [ian. 25] terre motus factus est hora vesperarum, qui multos terruit et multa loca subvertit, in ducatu Karinthie Villach oppidum, et multa castra seu ecclesie corruerunt, et multa mala et magna mortalitas postea subsecuta sunt, de quibus infra in locis debitis veritas patefiet, unde hic ad alia transeam.	For at the conversion of St Paul [on 25 January] an earthquake occurred at eventide, which terrified many and devastated many places, including the town of Villach in the Duchy of Carinthia, and many castles or churches collapsed, and there followed many evils and great mortality, about which the truth will come to light later in the appropriate places. However, let us move on to other things here.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 3.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-01-25-Italy	25 January 1348 JL	Earthquakes in entire Italy, in the cities Pisa, Bologna, Padua and strongest in Venice with great damages. They are omens for diaster and pestilence in the named cities and are signs for the Judgement Day. But even more worse the earthquakes were in Friuli, Aquileia and partly in Germany. Usuer admitted their sins and in the city Villach happened many miracles.	Di grandi tremuoti che furono in Vinegia, Padova, e Bologna, e Pisa. Nel detto anno, venerdì notte dì XXV di gennaio, furono diversi e grandissimi tremuoti in Italia nella città di Pisa, e di Bologna, e di Padova, maggiori nella città di Vinegia, nella quale ruvinarono infiniti fummaiuoli, che ve ne avea assai e belli; e più campanili di chiese e altre case nelle dette città s'apersono, e tali rovinarono. E significarono alle dette terre danni e pistolenze, come leggendo inanzi si potrà trovare. Ma i pericolosi furono la detta notte in Frioli, e inn-Aquilea, e in parte dalla Magna, sì fatti e per tale (p. 563) modo e con tanto danno, che dicendolo o scrivendolo parranno incredibili; ma per dirne il vero e non errare nel nostro trattato, sì cci metteremo la copia della lettera che di là ne mandaro certi nostri Fiorentini mercatanti e degni di fede, il tinore delle quali diremo qui apresso, scritte e date inn-Udine del mese di febraio MCCCXLVII. (p. 564) […] Per li quali miracoli e paura i prestatori a usura della detta terra, convertiti a penitenzia, feciono bandire che ogni persona ch'avessono loro dato merito e usura andasse a lloro per essa; e più d'otto dì continuarono di renderla […] (p. 565) Nella detta città di Villaco molte maraviglie v'apariro, che lla grande piazza di quella si fesse a modo di croce, della quale fessura prima uscì sangue e poi acqua in grande quantità. […] (p. 566) E nota, lettore, che lle sopradette rovine e pericoli di tremuoti sono grandi segni e giudici di Dio, e non sanza gran cagione e premessione divina, e di quelli miracoli e segni che Gesù Cristo vangelizzando predisse a' suoi discepoli che dovieno apparire alla fine del secolo.	Template:TN	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 562-566.	None
1348-01-25-Styria	25 January 1348 JL	After an earthquake around the 25th of January a plague spread from France to Styria and Carinthia and flagellants appeared.	A.D. 1348 circa conversionem sancti Pauli factus est terre motus magnus, maxime in Stiria et Karintia, et secuta est pestilencia hominum in partibus Gallie, et se paulatim extendit usque ad partes Stirie et Carinthie. [...] et ibant viceni per ecclesias nudati et usque ad femoralia flagellantes se et procidentes omnes cum cantu.	A.D. 1348 around the feast of the conversion of St Paul the earth shook violently the most in Styria and Carinthia, and after this there was a plague among the humans in France, and it gradually expanded to Styria and Carinthia. [...] And they went in twenties through the churches naked down to their trousers and they flagellated themselves and they all fell down singing.	Kalendarium Zwetlense, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 689-698, 692, l. 18-25	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-03-00-Béziers	4 March 1348 JL	A mortality, the Black Death breaks out in Arles and all over the world. 90 percent of the people die.	E en l'an mil CCCXLVIII, la primieyra semmana de carema (4 March), comenset a Bezes la gran mortalitat, et comenset costa le porge d'en Sicart Taborieg, mercadier, costa en P. Perus, qu'es de peyra al cap de la carieyra franceza, et moriron totz los senhors cossols, els clavaris, els escudiers, et apres tanta de gent, que de mil non y remanian cent.	In the year 1348, the first week of Lent (March 4), the great mortality began in Bezes, and the death of Sicart Taborieg, merchant, cost P. Perus, who is from Peyra in head of the French career, all the noble men, the claviers, the squires died, you learned so many people, that out of a thousand there were not a hundred left.	Le libre de memorias de Jacme Mascaro, p. 41.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1348-03-03-Constance	3 March 1348 JL	Jews were burned in Constance and Swabia, because they were accused of poisoning the people. This accusations was according to the author wrong. In addition the flagellants appeared.	Item anno domini 1348 an dem dritten tag im Mertzen wurdent die Juden verbrent ze Costentz, und wurdent och gar an mengen stetten in Schwaben verbrent. Und beschach das darumb, daß der erst groß tod angefangen hatt und zich man die Juden, sy trügent gift umb und dorumb stürbent die lüt. Es befand sich aber darnach, das den Juden unrecht beschach, dan der selb sterbet darnach vil lang weret, nachdem und sy verbrent wurden und och verschickt und verbotten. Und in dem gemelten jar giengen die lüt, die sich selbst geiselten.	In the year of Our Lord 1348, on the third day of March, the Jews were burned in Constance, and they were also burned in many towns in Swabia. This happened because the first great plague had begun, and people accused the Jews of carrying poison, which they believed was causing people to die. However, it was later found that the Jews were wronged, as the plague continued for a long time after they were burned, exiled, and banned. And in the same year, the people who flogged themselves also appeared.	Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 55	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-04-00-Crimea	April 1348 JL	News about the Black Death (wabāʾ) in other countries kept reaching Damascus in early 749 H (the year starts in April 1348): Terrible things were told about Crimea where a great number of people had reportedly died. Afterwards the plague, it was told, was transmitted to the lands of the Franks. The majority of the inhabitants of Cyprus were said to have died from the plague.		Reports came in succession of the outbreak of the plague in the border regions of the lands. It was mentioned concerning the land of al-Qirm (the Crimea) that there was a dreadful event and great mortality among its people. Then it was reported that it spread to the lands of the Franks, to the point that it was said that most of the people of Cyprus died, or nearly so. Likewise, a great calamity occurred in Gaza at the beginning of …	Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.	ChatGPT 5.2
1348-04-00-Egypt	April 1348 JL	The Black Death in Egypt and other countries in 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349): People were taken by surprise by the epidemic (wabāʾ) whose death toll was high. The odors of death met them. People died quickly of the disease after buboes had appeared at their earlobes (marrāq).	...		al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 4 (1970), pp. 126-127; 143.	Translation needed
1348-04-00-Middle East	April 1348 JL	From April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented plague hit the Middle East, and lasted about a year, and one third of Greater Syria’s and Egypt’s population died.		The Black Death in the Middle East: In the year 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented wave of plague hit the Middle East. It was the sixth plague which affected the Middle East in the Islamic period. It was called the Kinship Plague (Ṭāʿūn al-Ansāb) since the decease of a person was often followed by the death of some of his or her relatives. People developed pustules, spat yellow blood and died within 50 hours. When people started spitting blood they would bid farewell to their friends, close their shops, their burial would be prepared, and they would die in their homes. The daily death toll reached a maximum of ca. 500 in Aleppo, more than 1,000 in Damascus, and ca. 20,000 in Egypt. Mostly women, youths, poor people, and riffraff died. The plague wave lasted about a year, and ca. one third of Greater Syria’s (Shām) and Egypt’s population died.	Ibn Ḥabīb - Tadhkirat al-nabīh 1976-1986, vol. 3 (1986), pp. 110-112	Translation by Undine Ott
1348-04-08-Perugia	8 April 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Perugia; description of contempory medical responses and cultural coping mechanisms	Adi 8 d'aprile cominciò in Perugia la moria grande, che a chi veniva male non vivea più che due giorni. Cominciò questa mortalità in Toscana , et spezialmente a Pisa. Fo questa mortalità generale quasi che per tutto il mondo. Si facevano grandissime processioni , discipline et orazioni. Fecero qui da noi alcuni medici notomia : trovarono che vicino al cuore nasceva una biscica piena di veneno: facevano sanguenare per la vena del cuore, et si facevano fuochi grandi, et si cibava chi potesse di cose buone et delicate : non bastavano i cimiteri et le sepolture per li corpi morti. Ognuno usava triaca, et chi non poteva usasse la scabbiosa o marobio o erbella , et embuono et asenso o ruta , santonico, et sopratutto si costuma sempre di portare erbe odorifere , et ordinarono un succo con molte cose aromatiche da portar sempre al naso.	On the 8th day of April the great mortality began in Perugia, and whoever fell ill did not live more than two days. This mortality had begun in Tuscany, and especially in Pisa. This mortality was almost universal throughout the whole world. Very great processions, acts of penance, and prayers were carried out. Some physicians here among us performed dissections and found that near the heart there arose a swelling filled with poison. They practiced bloodletting from the vein of the heart, and great fires were made. Those who were able ate good and delicate foods.The cemeteries and burial places were not sufficient for the dead bodies. Everyone used Theriac, and those who could not obtain it used scabiosa, horehound, or agrimony, as well as incense or rue, santonica, and above all it became customary always to carry fragrant herbs. They also prepared a juice made from many aromatic substances to keep constantly at the nose.	Fabretti 1850, p. 68.	ChatGPT 5.2
1348-04-08-Perugia1	8 April 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Perugia; remarkable information from Paris and all across the known world via the papal court in Avignon	Adì 8 de aprile nel dicto millesimo comenzó in Peroscia una grande mortalità de peslilenzia, de modo chi se abatteva non viveva olirà doi dì ; et era infirmila si venenosa che non se trovava frate ne prcite che glie volesse confessare ne comunicare gli infirmi , ne chi glie volesse sepellirc ; et de ciò morirono grande quantità de cinerei. Comenzó la dieta mortalità in Toscana , et maxime in Pisa , la quale remase quasi inabitata ; et la dieta mortalità fu quasi per tutto ci mondo generalmente , maxime nelle terre de la marina , et anco in Francia ; però che vennero lettere al nostro comuno de Peroscia che in Parigi, adi 13 de marzo 1348, dentro nella cita erano stati sepulti 1573 homini boni citadini, sensa numerare le donne , mammoli e povere persone , delle quale non se ne teneva conto. Per questa cagione lo re de Francia e la regina se ne fuggirò ad uno castello lontano da Parigi cinque miglia chiamato Leonis , et lì morì la dicta regina con uno suo figlio, et certe nepote et molti altri baroni. Anco in un'altra cita pure de Francia, chiamata Noydes , la quale faceva vinte milia homini, et non ce ne remascro vivi 200. Anco in Avignone erano morte cinquantaquattro milia persone. Più oltra scrissero molti grandi principi e signori al Papa , fra li quali fu ci principe de Cypri, da Maiorica, da Alexandria, da Normandya,da Schiavonya, da Capadócia e da molte altre parte , come da Armenya maiure et in Cicilia , qualmente in questi tali paesi non ce era rimasta viva quasi alcuna persona , et che le bestie silvatiche andavano per le cita ; et dice che anco era grandissima mortalità in Turchya , in Costantinopoli e per tutto lo Oriente; et per tutta la Sicilia erano quasi tutti gli pesce de l'acque venenate , et chi ne mangiava moriva. .	On the 8th of April in the said year, a great mortality due to pestilence began in Perugia, so much so that those who fell ill did not live beyond two days; and the illness was so poisonous that no friar or priest could be found who would confess or administer communion to the sick, nor anyone who would bury them; and because of this, a great number of people died without sacraments. This mortality began in Tuscany, and especially in Pisa, which was left almost uninhabited; and this mortality was generally all over the world, especially in coastal lands, and also in France; for letters came to our commune of Perugia that in Paris, on the 13th of March 1348, 1573 good citizens were buried within the city, not counting the women, children, and poor people, of whom no account was kept. For this reason, the King of France and the Queen fled to a castle five miles away from Paris called Leones, and there the said queen died with one of her sons, some nephews, and many other barons. Also, in another city in France called Noyon, which had twenty thousand inhabitants, not even two hundred remained alive. In Avignon, fifty-four thousand people died. Moreover, many great princes and lords wrote to the Pope, among whom were the prince of Cyprus, from Majorca, from Alexandria, from Normandy, from Slavonia, from Cappadocia, and from many other places, such as Greater Armenia and Sicily, stating that in these countries almost no one was left alive, and that wild animals roamed the cities; and they said that there was also a great mortality in Turkey, in Constantinople, and throughout the East; and throughout Sicily, almost all the fish in the waters were poisoned, and whoever ate them died	Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 148	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-04-08-Perugia2	8 April 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Perugia; remarkable information from Paris and all across the known world via the papal court in Avignon	in questa nostra cita de Peroscia, alli 8 de aprile, comenzó la peste in Peroscia talmente, che per fina al mese de agosto proximo fuoro numerati esser morti in dieta cita cento migliaia de persone, cioè fra la cita et ci contado; et tutti quelli che morivano confessi e contriti , li era concessa dal papa indulgenzia plenaria insino alla festa de santo Agnolo de setembro; et non se trovava chi sepellissc gli morti. Stavano tutte le gente de le cita e de castella ode ville in processione et in discipline e letanie (p. 149) e li medici fecero la nottomya de alcuni corpi che de cio morivano , et trovaro che atorno al cuore nasceva una bessica picola piena de veneno, del quale moriva et atossicava le persone : anco trovaro clic dicto umore generava molte vermi pessimi e mortali ; onde che gli medici predicti trovarono questo remedio quale preserva e mantiene la vita dell' homo sana da tale infirmità; cioè prima che se purgasse et mangiasse de buoni cibi et bevesseno buono vino e sutile, usassero fuochi con fiamma de legnia seche, con manco fumo che sia possibile , maxime de legni odoriferi , como genepri o altri simili ; sanguinarse de la vena del cuore; davano li dicti medici per cessare questo veneno a quelli che erano infetti de tale infirmità, che l'homo usasse de prendere tyriaca, et chi non aveva tyriaca usasse la scabiosa, o marobio, o erbella, o ysopo, volesse o cotto o crudo ; et per confondere et occidere gli verme che nascano de ciò, pigliassero asenzo o ruta o erba vermenaria o santonico : et generalmente dissero che ciascuno devesse portare sempre erbe odorifere per odorare, et ogni altra cosa che desse odore : et ordenaro una palla odorifera fatta coninvolte cose aromatice , quale se devesse portare sempre al naso, puoi alle anguenaglie: et quasi per tutte le parte del corpo nascevano molte nascenze, le quale tutte erano piene de veneno. Et fu la magiore mortalità che se recordasse già mai; et fu sì terribile che non bastavano li cimiterii nè sepolture de le chiese per sepelire gli morti, et per gli cimiterii furono fatti pozze molto cupe, et tutte se rempivano de corpi morti, et ad ogni modo non bastavano.	In this our city of Perugia, on the 8th of April, the plague began in Perugia such that by the end of the following August, a hundred thousand people had been counted dead in the said city and its countryside. And to all those who died confessed and contrite, the Pope granted plenary indulgence until the feast of Saint Michael in September; and there was no one to be found to bury the dead. All the people of the cities, castles, and villages were in processions, doing penance and prayers. The doctors performed autopsies on some bodies that died from this and found that around the heart a small blister full of poison would form, which caused death and poisoned the people. They also found that this fluid generated many very bad and deadly worms; therefore, the aforementioned doctors found this remedy to preserve and maintain a healthy life from such an illness: first, to purge oneself and eat good food and drink good and light wine, use fires with flames from dry wood, with as little smoke as possible, especially from fragrant woods like juniper or others similar; to bleed from the vein of the heart. The said doctors recommended to stop this poison in those infected by this illness, that one should use theriac, and if they did not have theriac, they should use scabiosa, or horehound, or erba bella, or hyssop, either cooked or raw; and to destroy and kill the worms that came from this, they should take wormwood, or rue, or verminaria, or santonica: and generally, they said that everyone should always carry fragrant herbs to smell, and anything else that gives off a scent. They ordered an aromatic ball made with various aromatic things, which should always be carried to the nose, then to the groin: and almost all over the body, many swellings would form, which were all full of poison. And it was the greatest mortality ever remembered; and it was so terrible that neither the cemeteries nor the burial grounds of the churches were sufficient to bury the dead, and in the cemeteries, very deep pits were made, and all were filled with dead bodies, and even then, it was not enough.	Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 148	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-04-10-Gaza	10 April 1348 JL	The Black Death in Gaza: Some ten thousand people died of plague in the course of one month in Gaza in the beginning of 749 H (April-May 1348) according to a report (muṭālaʿa) the gouvernor (nāʾib) of Gaza had sent to Damascus.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.	Translation needed
1348-04-20-Venezia	20 April 1348 JL	Arivval of the Black Death in Venice, Avignon, Marseille and Messina, with estimated victims. Two fishermen infect Lyons. The plague is present several years and slowly moves North towards Germany and its regions up to the Baltic Sea	Venetiis una die, scilicet resurrectionis dominice, 900 homines preter parvulos absumptos fuisse, proditum est. In Avinione a Kalendis Februarii usque ad Kalendas Octobris centum milia perierunt. Retrospicias ad annos istius tricesimum primum et tertium annum Karoli IV. In Marsilia perpauci viventes remanserunt et in Messana. Duo piscatores per Rodanum de partibus inferioribus cum piscibus ascendentes, Lugdunum subintrabunt, et continuo vicus quietis eorum inficiebatur, et a minimo usque ad maximum, a puero usque ad senem decrepitum, viri et mulieres, simul omnes, illorum duorum pestifera contagione morientes, sic quod nec unus superfuit, perdebantur. Habuti autem lues hec cursum suum per annos multos, et a meridie lente diffundebatur in aquilonem, sic quod anno Domini 1350, venit in Theutoniam et plures ejus provincias, puta Westphaliam, Saxoniam, Slaviam, Daciam etc.	In Venice, it was reported that on one day, namely Easter Sunday, 900 people, excluding children, were consumed. In Avignon, from the first of February to the first of October, one hundred thousand perished, looking back thirty-one years to the third year of the reign of Charles IV. In Marseille, very few remained alive, as in Messina. Two fishermen from the lower parts of the Rhone, ascending with fish, entered Lyon, and immediately the quarters were infected with quiet disease, and from the least to the greatest, from child to decrepit elder, men and women together, all dying from the contagious pestilence of those two, so that not one survived, they perished. This plague had its course for many years, spreading slowly from south to north, so that in the year of our Lord 1350, it reached Germany and many of its provinces, such as Westphalia, Saxony, the Baltic Coast, Denmark, and others.	Heinrich von Herford 1859, pp. 273-274.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-04-20-Ventimiglia	20 April 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death causing the death of two canons of the cathedral of Ventimiglia and the city's bishop, as noted in a contemporary necrologue	In nomine Domini amen. MCCCXLVIII die XX mensis aprilis. Incepta mortalitate in civitate Vintimilii magna, interemit honorabilium virum Dominum Iohannem Berrettam praepositum, et Petrum canonicum dictae civitatis.In tempore huius eccidii Bonifacius Villaco episcopus Vintimilii mortuus est.	In the name of the Lord, amen. In the year 1348, on the 20th day of the month of April, when a great mortality had begun in the city of Ventimiglia, the honorable man Giovanni Berretta, provost, was killed by it, as well as Peter, a canon of the said city. During the time of this calamity Bonifacius Villaco, bishop of Ventimiglia, also died.	Rossi 1859, pp. 136-137	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-05-00-Levantine coast	May 1348 JL	The Black Death at the Levantine coast (sawāḥil): The inhabitants of Damascus, after having heard about plague (wabāʾ) in the Levantine coastal plain and other regions, feared it might reach their city, too, and many people might die of the disease (dāʾ). For this reason, al-Bukhārī's (d. 870) hadith collection was recited in Damascus after Friday prayer on June 6, 1348. The judges and a group of people were present. Prayers of supplication were spoken, asking God to bring the pandemic to an end. On June 9, surah "Nūḥ" from the Quran was recited 3,363 times.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.	Translation needed
1348-05-02-Perugia	2 May 1348 JL	During the Black Death in Perugia the relics of St. Florentius are found and carried around town in procession	Adi 2 di maggio 1348 fu ritrovato il corpo di S. Fiorenzo che stava sotto l'aitar grande di detta chiesa, et alli 4 del detto mese si trovarono tutte le religiosi alla detta chiesa di S. Fiorenzo, et con molta devozione fu portato quel, santo corpo in processione per la città acciò Dio cessasse così gran pestilenzia. Fu poi riposto detto corpo ch'era senza il capo sotto l'aitar grande, dove al presente si conserva.	On the 2nd of May, 1348, the body of St. Florentius was found beneath the main altar of said church, and on the 4th of the same month, all the religious gathered at the said church of San Fiorenzo, and with great devotion, that holy body was carried in procession through the city so that God would cease such a great pestilence. That body, which was without the head, was then placed back beneath the main altar, where it is currently preserved	Fabretti 1850, p. 68	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-05-11-Savona	11 May 1348 JL	Severe plague in Savona and Francesco Petrarca laments the death of his friend Francesco Albizzi, who presumably died there because of the plague in April 1348	Saona nocens atque impia [...] Pro quo quid aliud optem tibi? [..] (p. 982) Quicquid vel mortium vel morborum per omnes terras ac maria pestifer hic annus effudit, in te solam confluat; queque aliis annua, tibi pestis eterna sit.	O harmful and impious Savona […] what else should I wish for you? […] Whatever deaths or diseases this pestilential year has poured out across all lands and seas, may it all flow upon you alone; and whatever plague is yearly for others, may it be an eternal plague for you	Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, pp. 980–982	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-05-31-Gaza	31 May 1348 JL	In the beginning of Rabīʿ I, 749 H (the month began on May 31, 1348) news about the Black Death in Gaza reached Aleppo while the author stayed there. The daily death toll had reportedly amounted to more than 1,000. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa then traveled on to Ḥoms which had already been affected by the plague; ca. 300 people died on the day of his arrival. He went on to Damascus whose inhabitants had fasted for three days [July 22 to 24] and on Friday set out for the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām). God subsequently reduced the burden of plague lasting on them. The daily death toll in the city had amounted to 2,400. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa traveled on to ʿAjlūn, and then to Jerusalem where the plague wave had already come to an end.		In the first days of the month of Rabīʿ I in the year forty-nine news reached us in Aleppo that plague had broken out in Ghazza and that the number of dead there exceeded thousand a day. I went to Ḥims and found that the plague had already struck there; about three hundred persons died on the day of my arrival. I went to Damascus and arrived on a Thursday; the people had been fasting for three days. On Friday they went to the Mosque of the Footprints, as we have related in the first book. God alleviated their plague. The number of deaths among them had risen to two thousand four hundred a day. Then I went to ʿAjlūn, and then to Bait al-Muqaddas [Jerusalem], where I found the plague had ceased.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), pp. 319-320.	None
1348-06-00-Damascus	31 May 1348 JL	Black Death in Damascus from May 31 to June 28, 1348) with every day more than 100 people died; especially women.		The Black Death in Damascus: In the month of Rabīʿ I 749 H (May 31 to June 28, 1348), every day more than 100 people died of plague (amrāḍ al-ṭawāʿīn) in Damascus; especially women died.	Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.	Translation by Undine Ott
1348-06-00-Trento	June 1348 JL	Social and Psychological Reactions to the Outbreak of the Black Death in Trento.	et ego nondum bene liberatus sum a malo glandulae, et stans summo mane propter absentiam aliorum clericorum ad fenestram sacristiae S. Vigilii vidi quandam mulierum euntem ad sepulchrum viri sui, et in fovea volutari; tamquam volutaretur pecus sine feretro, vel alio cantore; et dico quod propter accidentia secunda crevit tantus timor inter gentes, quod multi divites fugiebant cum familiis eorum per villas, et relinquebant domus proprias, et Christiani evitabant se invicem, tamquam lepus leonem, vel sanus leprosum, et dico tam de patre vel de matre contra filium, et e converso, vel de sorore contra fratrem, et e converso, vel de propinquo contra propinquum, quam de illis qui non noverant se: quia aliquos vidi nolentes accedere ad sepulturam filiorum propter timorem, et multi confitebatur in sanitatem, et die noctuque dimittebatur corpus Christi, et Oleum sanctum super altaribus, et quasi nullus sacerdis volebat sacramenta portare, nisi illi qui cupiditate lucri torquebantur, et fratres et sacerdotes in Tridento nisi unum evadere vidi, vel etiam de frequentantibus ad infirmos: omnia cimiteria plebium de Tridento, in tam modico tempore plena fuerunt, quod opportunum erat funera sepeliri extra sacrarium, et in fovea una multoties ponebantur quinque vel sex funera; et quandoque aperiebatur bis una fovea in die una.	I myself am not yet fully recovered from glandular illness, and standing early in the morning at the window of the sacristy of St. Vigilius due to the absence of other clerics, I saw a certain woman going to the grave of her husband and rolling in the pit; as if she were a beast rolling without a bier or any singer. And I say that because of subsequent events, such great fear grew among the people that many wealthy individuals fled with their families to villages, abandoning their own homes, and Christians avoided each other like a rabbit avoids a lion, or a healthy person avoids a leper. This applied to fathers and mothers against their children, and vice versa, or sisters against brothers, and vice versa, or relatives against relatives, as well as those who did not know each other. For I saw some unwilling to approach the burial of their own children out of fear, and many confessed in good health, and day and night the body of Christ and the holy oil were left on the altars, and almost no priest wanted to carry the sacraments, except those driven by the desire for profit. Among the friars and priests in Trento, I saw only one escape, even among those tending to the sick. All the cemeteries in the parishes of Trento were so quickly filled that it became necessary to bury the dead outside the consecrated ground, and in one grave, five or six bodies were often placed; and sometimes one grave was opened twice in a single day.	Giovanni da Parma 1837, p. 51	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-00-Trento1	June 1348 JL	Mortality of specific groups of people during Black Death in Trento; changes in the economy in the aftermath.	In Sancto Vigilio interierunt Clerici praebendati 40, quorum fuere canonici 14, mansionariae ambo bis vacaverunt in sex mensibus. De mulieribus praegnantibus dico quod de illis quae fuerunt praegnantes tempore illius infirmitatis non evaserunt in Tridento sex quia omnes moriebantur. Et dicebatur quod dicta infirmitas circuivit totum mundum tam inter paganos, Turcas, Judaeos, quam inter Christianos, sed (p. 52) non fuit tantum uno tempore, quia in aliquibus locis fuit in Autumno, in aliquibus in hieme, in aliquibus in vere, et in aliquibus in aestate; et citius moriebantur juvenes quam senes, et magis domicellae, et quanto erat pulchrior domicella, tanto citius moriebatur, et magis mulieres quam viri, et semper quod audivi ubique incipiebat mortalitas secunda a domicellabus, et tantum a pulchrioribus, quod bene sic fuit in Tridento, quia vidi tres domicellas, quae pulchrae fuissent in Curia Regis, una die mori quando supradicta incepta fuerunt, et tunc temporis non inveniebantur laboratores, et segetes remanebant per campos, quia non inveniebantur collectores. Et millesimo CCCXLIX dabantur uni laboratori XIII vel XIIII vel XV soldi, et quasi non inveniebant pro illo pretio; dabantur uni mulieri VI vel VII vel VIII solidi tantum pro una die: vendebantur plaustrum vini parvi valoris XL vel XLV vel quinquaginta libris denar. parvorum. Boni vini vendebantur ad plaustrum, sed ego vidi vendi unum plaustrum alicujus boni vini minutim dico ad rationem centum librarum, et dico de vino Tridentino, plura non scribo, quia multa alia possent scribi. Duravit infirmitas secunda in Tridento, mensibus sex, et sic per totum mundum secundum quod audivi. Magis moriebantur medici, quam aliii, et vii meliores, prout vidi, et ab aliis partibus audivi, quia secundae infirmitati non inveniebantur medicina, vel remedium nisi a solo Deo, cui est honor et gloria in saecula saeculorum. Amen.	In Saint Vigilius, 40 prebendary clerics died, of whom 14 were canons, and both mansions were vacated twice within six months. Regarding pregnant women, I say that of those who were pregnant during that time of illness, not six survived in Trento, because all died. It was said that the aforementioned illness spread throughout the whole world, among pagans, Turks, Jews, as well as among Christians, but not all at the same time. In some places, it occurred in autumn, in others in winter, in some in spring, and in others in summer. Young people died more quickly than the elderly, and maidens more so, and the more beautiful the maiden, the quicker she died, and more women than men. I always heard that the second wave of mortality started with the maidens, especially the more beautiful ones, which was certainly the case in Trento. I saw three maidens who would have been beautiful at the royal court die in one day when the above-mentioned sickness began, and at that time, laborers were not to be found, and the crops remained in the fields because there were no gatherers. In 1349, a laborer was paid 13, 14, or 15 soldi, but they were almost impossible to find even for that price; a woman was paid 6, 7, or 8 soldi for one day. A cartload of low-quality wine was sold for 40, 45, or 50 pounds of small coins. Good wine was sold by the cartload, but I saw a cartload of good wine being sold bit by bit for the equivalent of 100 pounds, and I am referring to Trento wine. I write no more because much more could be written. The second wave of illness in Trento lasted six months, and so it was throughout the world as I heard. More doctors died than others, and the seven best, as I saw and heard from other parts, because there was no medicine or remedy for the second illness except from God alone, to whom be honor and glory forever and ever. Amen.	Giovanni da Parma 1837, pp. 51-52.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-02-Trento	2 June 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Trento; detailed description of symptoms of plague and chances of survival.	Item eodem millesimo et indictione die 2 junii incepit quaedam mortalitas in Tridentino, quae fuit quintuplex, primo fuit febris (p. 51) continue, secundo glandularum, quae veniebant in inguinibus, vel sub brachiis, tertio carbunculorum, quarto sputi sanguinis quod appellatur antras, quinto mali dormiae, sexto quod appellatur malum S. Christophori, et per certo mortui sunt in Tridento de sex personis quinque, et non fuit aliqua familia in Tridento, quae non minueretur et multae familiae in totum interierunt, et de multis parentelis nulla persona remansit, itaque multae domus, et quasi omnes erant sine habitationibus, adhuc multae personae insaniebant, et quasi nullus qui infirmibatur, vivebat ultra 3 vel 4 aut quintam diem, sed si evadebat ultra xx. dies, liberabatur, sed major pars moriebatur tertia vel secunda vel prima die, vel subito, quia multae personae tradebantur mortuae ipsis euntibus per viam, tamquam fuissent pira matura. De sputo sanguinis nullum vidi vel audivi evadere, et qui liberabantur ab aliis infirmitatibus, quasi de pro maiori parte defectuosi remanebant, vel non poterant liberari vix post longum tempus.	In the same year and indiction, on June 2, a certain plague began in Trento, which was fivefold. First, there was continuous fever (p. 51), second, swelling of the glands, which appeared in the groin or under the arms, third, carbuncles, fourth, spitting of blood called anthrax, fifth, severe insomnia, sixth, what is called St. Christopher's disease. Certainly, out of six people, five died in Trento, and there was no family in Trento that was not diminished, and many families were entirely wiped out, and among many relatives, no person remained. Consequently, many houses, almost all, were without inhabitants, and many people went mad. Almost no one who fell ill survived beyond the third, fourth, or fifth day, but if they survived beyond twenty days, they were freed. However, the majority died on the third, second, or first day, or suddenly, because many people were found dead while walking on the road, as if they were ripe pears. Of those who spit blood, I saw or heard of none who survived, and those who were cured of other ailments remained almost entirely impaired or could barely recover after a long time.	Giovanni da Parma 1837, pp. 50-51	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-17-Pistoia	17 June 1348 JL	Effects of the Black Death on governmental acitivies in Pistoia, Tuscany.	In Dei nomine amen. Anno nativitatis dominice MCCCXLVIII° Indictione prima die xvii° iunij Item, cum difficile sit immo quasi impossibile, ex infirmitate et mortalitate hominum existente, posse opportuna collegia communis Pistorij in sufficienti numero congregare [...] videtur et placet dicto Consilio providere, ordinare et reformare quod toto tempore presentium officiorum predictorum, quod esse debet hinc ad diem viii] mensis augusti proximi futuri, sufficiat congregari de numero dictorum vigintiquatuor (deputatorum super provisione expensarum communis Pistorij) duodecim ad minus et de numero dictorum duodec (deputatorum super custodia et munitione castrorum) sex ad minus, ad deliberandum et providendum que dicta officia habent deliberare et providere. Et sic possint dicto numero predicto tempore providere et deliberare, sicut congregata essent in solito et opportuno numero.	In the name of God, amen. In the year of our Lord's birth 1348, first indiction, on the 17th day of June. Furthermore, since it is difficult, indeed almost impossible, due to the illness and mortality of people, to be able to gather the appropriate assemblies of the commune of Pistoia in sufficient numbers [...] it is deemed and agreed by the said Council to provide, ordain, and reform that for the entire duration of the present offices, which should last from now until the 8th day of the upcoming month of August, it will be sufficient to convene twelve out of the twenty-four members (appointed for the provision of the commune's expenses of Pistoia) and at least six out of the twelve members (appointed for the custody and fortification of the castles) to deliberate and provide for what these offices are to deliberate and provide. And thus, they may be able to provide and deliberate during the said period with the said number, as if they were gathered in the usual and appropriate number.	Chiappelli 1887, p. 4	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-24-Constance	24 June 1348 JL	Persecutions of Jews in the total kingdom of Arelat, except the city Avignon, because they were accused for being the reason for the plague.	De cremacione Iudeorum, et in quibus terre locis, et propter quid. Anno eodem a festo Iohannis baptiste [24.06.] usque ad festum omnium sanctorum [01.11.] Iudei per totum regnum Arelatensem, excepta civitate Avinionensi, quam papa comparaverat scilicet Clemens vi., qui Iudeos ibi degentes defendebat, omnes cremati sunt et occisi usque ad oppidum Solodorensem, in quo eciam cremati sunt, propter mortalitatem que viguit predicto anno et sequenti, que Iudeis adscribebatur. Nam dicebatur et fama communis hoc habuit et ipsi idem fatebantur, hoc idem prout in gestis anni sequentis patebit, quod fontes intoxicassent. Unde Constantienses tunc preceperunt, ut sui aquam de lacu et non de fontibus haurirent, et quod Iudei fontibus et puteis uterentur tantum Christianorum, puteos Iudeorum fimo ac lapidibus obruentes.	Concerning the burning of the Jews and in which places on earth and for what reason. In the same year (1348), from the feast of John the Baptist [24 June] to the feast of All Saints [1 November], all the Jews throughout the kingdom of Arelat, with the exception of the city of Avignon, which had been acquired by Pope Clement VI and in which the Jews residing there were protected, were burnt and killed, until the city of Solothurn, where they were also burnt, on account of the plague which raged in that and the following year and was attributed to the Jews. For it was said and it was generally believed, and the Jews themselves admitted, and this will be shown in the following years, that they had poisoned the springs. Therefore the people of Constance at that time ordered that they should draw their water from the lake and not from the springs, and that the Jews should only use the Christians' springs and wells, while the Jews' wells were blocked up with faeces and stones.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p.68.	None
1348-06-29-Damascus	29 June 1348 JL	The number of plague deaths in Damascus increased in the month of Rabīʿ II 749 H (June 29–July 28, 1348). More than 200 people died per day, and the removal of the dead bodies was delayed. Poor people suffered the highest losses. On July 3, 1348, the Friday preacher prescribed to recite prayers and supplications asking for the plague to abate. The abolition of taxes (ḍamān) on funeral services by the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) Sayf al-Dīn Arghūn-Shāh al-Nāṣirī was proclaimed on July 14. On July 21, it was announced that the inhabitants of Damascus should fast for three days, and on day four abase themselves before God at the suburban Mosque of the Footprint (Qadam) and implore him to end the plague; afterwards, people set out for the desert to recite prayers of supplication, including Jews, Christians, and Samaritans, high and low, etc.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 503-504	Translation needed
1348-07-00-Damascus	July 1348 JL	In the days of the Black Death, in late July 1348, the governor of Syria Arghūn-Shāh ordered the inhabitants of Damascus to fast for three days and to close the food stalls in the market. People fasted from July 22 to 24. Afterwards, the elites and the other social strata flocked to the Umayyad Mosque to recite ritual prayers, supplications and invocations of God. They spent the night there, and at dawn the morning prayer was said. Then all the inhabitants of the city – men, women and children – went out to the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām), the amirs on bare feet. Muslims, Jews, and Christians all took part, carrying their respective Books and imploring God. At the mosque, people abased themselves before God and supplicated him. At noon they returned to the city and the Friday prayer was said. God, then, reduced their suffering. The daily death toll in Damascus did not reach 2,000 whereas in Cairo it amounted to 24,000.		Anecdote: I witnessed at the time of the Great Plague at Damascus in the latter part of the month of Second Rabīʿ of the year 49, a remarkable instance of the veneration of the people of Damascus for this mosque. Arghun-Shah, king of the amirs and the Sultan's viceroy, ordered a crier to proclaim through Damascus that the people should fast for three days and that no one should cook in the bazaar during the daytime anything to be eaten (for most of the people there eat no food but what has been prepared in the bazaar). So the people fasted for three successive days, the last of which was a Thursday. At the end of this period the amirs, sharifs, qadis, doctors of the Law, and all other classes of the people in their several degrees, assembled in the Great Mosque, until it was filled to overflowing with them, and spent the Thursday night there in prayers and liturgies and supplications. Then, after performing the dawn prayer [on the Friday morning], they all went out together on foot carrying Qur'ans in their hands — the amirs too barefooted. The entire population of the city joined in the exodus, male and female, small and large; the Jews went out with their book of the Law and the Christians with their Gospel, their women and children with them; the whole concourse of them in tears and humble supplications, imploring the favour of God through His Books and His Prophets. They made their way to the Mosque of the Footprints and remained there in supplication and invocation until near midday, then returned to the city and held the Friday service. God Most High lightened their affliction; the number of deaths in a single day reached a maximum of two thousand, whereas the number rose in Cairo and Old Cairo to twenty-four thousand in a day.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 1 (1853), pp. 227-229	None
1348-07-05-Venezia	4 July 1348 JL	Adjustments to the judicial system due to the plague raging in Venice. Many notaries and other legally relevant persons have died or left the city. The latter are ordered to return to Venice, otherwise they will lose their offices. The same threat is made to the doctors.	Cum multe persone et quasi sine numero sint que cotidie veniant ad curias et proprii et examinatorum et occaxione huius casus occurssi pro mortalitate presentis temporis [...] Et quia multi notarii et infiniti, qui receperunt rogamina testamentorum et cartarum aliarum plurium sunt morti [...] Et quia officia nostra occaxione notariorum et scribarum et eciam aliorum nostrorum officialium multum deffectum portabant, qui sunt extra Venecias et venire non curant, consulunt, quod publicata presenti parte, omnes cancellarii, notarii et scribe omnium nostrorum officiorum tam clerici quam layci qui exiverunt de terra a duobus mensibus citra tenenantur venisse Venecias infra octavam diem […] sub pena perdendi officia qui haberent [...] Quia civitas nostra multum deffectum portat in facto infirmorum occaxione medicorum qui exiverunt de Veneciis.	There are many people, almost innumerable, who daily come to the courts, both their own and those of examiners, and due to this circumstance arising from the mortality of the present time [...] And because many notaries and countless others who have received requests for wills and various other documents are deceased [...] And because our offices suffered greatly due to the absence of notaries and scribes and also other officials of ours, who are outside Venice and do not care to come, it is advised that with this part published, all members of chanceries, notaries, and clerks of all our offices, both clerics and laymen who left two months ago, are bound to have come to Venice within eight days [...] under the penalty of losing the offices they held [...] Because our city suffers greatly in the matter of the sick due to the absence of physicians who left Venice...	Orlando 2007, pp. 325-327	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-07-10-Venezia	10 July 1348 JL	Plague has subsided in Venice; to prevent a resurgence of the epidemic, it is forbidden to bring the deceased or (potentially) sick people into the city.	Quoniam per misericordiam nostri altissimi Creatoris satis nostra civitas ab ista pestilencia liberata videatur, et sit faciendum divino auxilio mediante, quod sic maneat liberata, et corpora multa mortua extra Venecias moriencia se faciunt adduci Venecias, quod est causa coruptionis [...] Et quoniam plurimi infirmi qui veniunt Venecias inducere possunt corruptionem, quod absit, consulunt quod nullus forenssis tam homo quam femina et tam magnus quam parvus, infirmus vel qui videretur infirmis, sit qui vellit, ullo modo possit venire Vencias de aliqua parte vel loco tam nobis subiecto quam non nobis subiecto	As our city appears to be sufficiently freed from this pestilence through the mercy of our highest Creator, and it is necessary, with divine assistance, to ensure that it remains so, and since many bodies, dead or dying outside Venice, are being brought to Venice, which is a cause of corruption of the air [...] And as many sick people who come to Venice could bring about corruption of the air, may it be far from us, they advise that no foreigner, whether man or woman, great or small, sick or appearing to be sick, in any way, should be allowed to come to Venice from any place or location, whether subject to our authority or not subject to our authority	Orlando 2007, pp. 332-333	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-08-00-Gaza	August 1348 JL	The Black Death's death toll in Gaza		Then we went to Ghazza and found most of it deserted because of the numbers that had died during the plague. The qāḍī told me that only a quarter of the eighty notaries there were left and that the number of deaths had risen to eleven hundred a day.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), p. 322	None
1348-08-00-Jerusalem	August 1348 JL	After the Black Death had ended in Jerusalem, the Friday preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn b. Jamāʿa hosted a banquet which the author was invited to: While the plague had lasted, ʿIzz al-Dīn had vowed to host a feast when the epidemic will have abated and he will not have prayed over a deceased person for one day. Most of the notables and dignitaries (ashyākh) Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Jerusalem had died during the plague.		Anecdote: The preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn gave a banquet one day and invited me among his guests. I asked him the reason for it. He told me that during the plague he had sworn he would give a banquet if the plague were to cease and a day were to pass during which he did not pray over a corpse. Then he said: 'Yesterday I did not pray over a corpse so I arranged the banquet as I had promised.' I found that some of the shaikhs I had met in al-Quds [Jerusalem] had departed to be with God Most High. May He have mercy on them! Only a few of them were left like ...	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), pp. 320-321	None
1348-08-00-L'Aquila	August 1348 JL	Price increase during the arrival of the plague in L'Aquila	May non forno sì care cose da infirmarìa: / Piccolo pollastrellio quattro solli valìa, / Et l'ovo a dui denari et ad tre se mettìa, / ET delle poma ancora era gran carestìa.		Cronaca Aquilana rimata di Buccio di Ranallo di Popplito di Aquila, p. 181	Translation needed
1348-08-01-Italy	1 August 1348 JL	Dating in a letter of Francesco Petrarca refers to fear of plague in the north of Italy	Apud superos, in Gallia Cisalpina ad dexteram Padi ripam, Kalendis Sextilibus anno ab ortu Eius quem an tu rite noveris incertum habeo, MCCCXLVIII.	Among the living in this part of Gaul on the right bank of the Po, on the first of August in the year 1348.	Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le familiari XX-XXIV, p. 237	None
1348-08-07-Damascus	7 August 1348 JL	On August 7, 1348 the number of plague deaths in Damascus and its surroundings reached almost 300. Around September 10 (in mid-Jumādā II 749 H), the number of deceased further increased; both elite and common people died; the exact death toll remained unknown. On August 18, the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) ordered all dogs in the city to be killed. On September 27 [or, according to one manuscript: October 3], 42 deceased were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque alone; the mosque didn’t provide enough space for all the corpses, so some had to be placed outside the Sirr Gate.	... ...	On Thursday, the 10th of Jumada al-Awwal, after the noon prayer, the preacher performed a funeral prayer for sixteen deceased individuals all at once. This greatly alarmed and terrified the people, as death was striking many, and the death toll in the town and its surroundings reached nearly three hundred. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return. After the prayer, another funeral prayer was performed for fifteen deceased individuals at the Great Mosque of Damascus, and at the Mosque of Khalil, a prayer was performed for eleven souls. May Allah have mercy on them. On Monday, the 21st of the same month, the deputy of the Sultanate ordered the killing of dogs in the town. These dogs had become numerous throughout the town, and there were reports of them attacking people and blocking their way during the night. The defilement of places by these dogs had become widespread, making it difficult to avoid. Many had compiled sections of the hadiths regarding their killing and the differences among the scholars on this issue. Umar, may Allah be pleased with him, used to command in his sermons to slaughter pigeons and kill dogs. Malik, in the narration of Ibn Wahb, stated that it is permissible to kill dogs in a town where they cause harm, provided the Imam permits it for the public interest. On Friday, the second of the month of Rajab, after the Friday prayer at the Umayyad Mosque, a funeral prayer was performed for someone absent, who was Judge Alauddin, the son of Judge Shubha. Then, a funeral prayer was performed for forty-one deceased individuals all at once. The interior of the mosque could not accommodate them, so some of the deceased were taken outside to the gate of Al-Sirr. The preacher and the naqeeb (head of a group) went out and prayed for all of them there. It was a significant and solemn moment, a great tragedy. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return	Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 504-506.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-09-00-Alexandria	September 1348 JL	In September or October 1348, the Black Death had abated in Alexandria and Cairo. The maximum death toll in Alexandria had been 1,080, while it had been 21,000 in Cairo. Everyone from among the city elites Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Cairo had died.		Then I travelled to al-Maḥalla al-Kabīra, then to Naḥrarīya, then to Abyār, then to Damanhūr, and then to Alexandria. I found the plague had abated after the number of deaths had risen to a thousand and eighty a day. Then I went to Cairo and was told that during the plague the number of deaths there had risen to twenty-one thousand a day. I found that all the shaikhs I had known were dead. May God Most High have mercy upon them!	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), p. 323	None
1348-09-00-Cairo	September 1348 JL	A pilgrimage caravan left Cairo for Mecca in Rajab 749 H (September 26 to October 24, 1348). The Black Death accompanied it until it reached the Ayla pass (ʿAqaba).		When I arrived in Cairo I found that the Grand Qāḍī ʿIzz al-Dīn, son of the Grand Qāḍī Badr al-Dīn, son of Jamāʿa, had set out for Mecca in a huge caravan called Rajabī, because it leaves in the month of Rajab. I was told that the plague was among them until they reached the pass of Aila where it ceased.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), p. 324.	None
1348-10-00-Damascus	7 October 1348 JL	On October 7, 1348 the number of people who had died of plague and were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus reached 150 or more; not included were inhabitants of the outskirts of the city and members of the protected religious minorities (ahl al-dhimma) whose bodies were not brought to the Umayyad Mosque. It was said that on many days, casualties in the outskirts of Damascus (ḥawāḍir al-balad) reached more than 1,000. On October 7, a dust storm reached Damascus; people prayed to God and ask for this to be the end of the plague; things only got worse afterwards, though. On Miʿrāj Night (October 21), not as many people as usual gathered in the Umayyad Mosque because so many people had died of plague and many more were occupied caring for the sick and the deceased. In the beginning of Shaʿbān 749 H (the month began on October 25), many people were infected with plague (fanāʾ), and often there would be a bad smell in the city.	... ...		Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 507-508.	Translation needed
1349-00-00-Austria	1349 JL	In 1349, after an earthquake, the Plague arrived in Austria together with flagellants. Around the feast of St John the baptist the disease was so severe that in Vienna 500 funerals were held per day. The disease spread because wells and other waters had been poisoned by the Jews who where persecuted all over the country.	A.D. 1349 incepit pestilencia scilicet post terre motum, et pestilenciam quidam prevenientes per ecclesias nudati usque ad cingulum acutis flagellis usque ad effusionem sanguinis se flagellantes decurrebant cum cantu de passione Domini, plurimos aspicientes in lacrimas commovebant. [...] Mox circa festum Iohannis baptiste facta est pestilencia qualis nunquam audita vel visa est, ita ut in civitate Wiennensi una die 500 funera haberentur, et tamen omnes rite sacramentalibus procurati per triduum et quasi dormiendo et cum magno fetore leniter decesserunt; ulcera habentes quidam circa genitalia sicca, quidam vesicas in cute. De quibus suspicati sunt quidam, Iudeos hoc in ulcionem inter christianos effecisse, quodam pulvere fontes et omnes aquas per necessarios eciam christianos infecisse; de quibus plurimi sunt exusti et in superioribus partibus omnes Iudei occisi et iugulati sunt; eciam in Chrems circa festum sancti Michahelis omnes Iudeorum domus aduste sunt, paucis Iudeis evadentibus. Quapropter dux Albertus, fautor Iudeorum, omnes adiacentes villas iussit spoliare. Iems nebulosa, ver optimus et floridus.	A.D. 1349 the pestilence began, namely after the earthquake. And before the pestilence, certain people, going through the churches naked to the waist, ran about scourging themselves with sharp whips to the shedding of blood, singing of the Passion of the Lord, moving many onlookers to tears. [...] Soon, around the feast of St John the Baptist, there arose a pestilence such as had never been heard of or seen, so that in the city of Vienna 500 funerals were held in a single day. And yet all were duly provided with the sacraments, and within three days they died gently, as if falling asleep, though with a great stench. Some had dry ulcers around the genitals; others had blisters upon the skin. Concerning this, some suspected that the Jews had brought it about among the Christians in vengeance, having infected the wells and all waters with a certain powder, even through Christians employed for this purpose. Of these, many were burned, and in the upper regions all the Jews were killed and slaughtered. Likewise in Krems, around the feast of St Michael, all the houses of the Jews were burned, only a few Jews escaping. Wherefore Duke Albert, a supporter of the Jews, ordered all the neighbouring villages to be plundered. The winter was foggy; the spring most excellent and full of blossoms.	Kalendarium Zwetlense, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 689-698, 692, l. 26-40	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1349-00-00-Austria-01	1 January 1349 JL	Around New Year of 1349 flagellants appeared in Austria and they remained active until Easter, when the plague diminished. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters.	Anno 1349 circa circumcisionem Domini usque in pascham viri 40, 60 vel 100 coadunati per ecclesias discurrentes cum flagellis se denudantes usque ad cingulum publicas egerunt penitencias, cantando de passione Domini, quatenus pestilencia que tunc in quibusdam locis prevaluerat cessaret. Incusati autem Iudei, quod fontes et aquas eciam fluentes quibusdam pulveribus toxicassent, unde in superioribus partibus undique autem iugulati, et in Chremsa adusti sunt una cum domibus eorum.	In the year 1349 from around New Year and until Easter 40, 60 or 100 assembled men spread over the churches and beat themselves naked down to the belt requesting penitence in public and singing about the passion of the Lord until the plague, which in those places prevailed, ebbed away. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters, also flowing ones, with powders. That is why they were killed in the upper parts [of the country] and in Krems they were burned together with one of their masters.	Continuatio Zwetlensis quarta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 684-689, 685	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Austria-02	1349 JL	In 1349 flagellants arose in Austria and when they were no longer active a great plague raged the land with unheard of mortality.	Eodem anno flagellatores surrexerunt, qui flagellaverunt se, et ibant de civitate in civitatem, et de villa in villam. Et finita ista secta, venit pestilentia sive mortalitas magna et inaudita, quod sepe una die sepeliebant mille homines nisi in una civitate, et in rure sepeliebantur homines in campis et talis pestilentia nunquam visa fuit, nec visa est.	In this year the flagellants arose, who beat themselves and they went from city to city and from village to village. And when this sect was finished a plague arrived or a great and unheard of mortality by which often in one day thousand people were buried in just one city, and in rural areas the people were buried in the fields and so great was the plague that it was never seen before nor is it seen.	Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis quinta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 735-742, 736	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Austria-Bavaria	1349 JL	In many places in Austria and Bavaria many people died of a most cruel plague, e.g. in Mühldorf am Inn in Upper Bavaria died on the feastday of St Michael (September 29) 1.400 people. The Jews were made responsible for the plague and in Salzburg, Munich and other places they were persecuted.	1349. Sevivit crudelissima pestilencia, que interemit forsam terciam partem hominum, quia in Wyenna decesserunt qualibet die due vel tres libre hominum, et una die quatuor libre, una die 960. In Patavia vero moriebantur qualibet die quinque vel sex solidi, et una die 9 solidi, una die 300 minus 30 homines. Lustrabat autem hec pestilencia totum orbem, non simul et semel, sed successive. Cum itaque pestis et decessus hominum prochdolor nimis atrociter lustrasset multos provinciarum fines, venit in Barbariam, videlicet in Muldorf; ubi, ut dicebatur, a festo Michahelis preteriti anni decesserunt 1400 de pocioribus ibidem hominibus. Item in Prawnau sepius uno die moriebantur 16, et in Monaco, et in Lantzhuta, et in aliis quam pluribus civitatibus et oppidis in tantum sevivit mors, quod ab effluxis temporum motibus enormiori peste nemo cogitaret. [...] Ob hanc nemppe nephariam infamiam in Saltzburga et Monaco et in aliis infinitis civitatibus Iudei fuerant cremati, cesi, secti et quomodolibet aliter trucidati et occisi. Et in Praunaw dicebatur eciam, quod Iudei redegerint feculenciam venenosorum animalium in pulveres, et impleverint sacculos in longitudine et latitudine duorum digitorum, et submerserint aquis puteorum et etiam foncium scaturiencium; et tales sacculi pleni intoxicacionibus a christianis per expurgacionem foncium fuerunt inventi.	1349. A most cruel plague raged through the land, which eliminated maybe one third of the people; as in Vienna died every day two libre (480) or three libre (720) people and one day four libre (960), one day 960 [the editor assumes that 1 libram = 240 people, one solidum = 30 people equalling it to the value of the respective currency]. In Passau died every day really five (150) or six (180) solidi and one day nine solidi (270), one day 300 minus 30 people. But this plague did not wander the whole world at the same time and all at once but sucessively. Because the pestilence and the deceased people caused too much hardness, many wandered over the borders of the province and went to Bavaria namely to Mühldorf, where, it is said, at the feast of St Michael of the last year 1.400 of their best people died. In the same way died often on one day 16 in Braunau; and in Monaco and in Landshut and in numerous other towns and villages raged such a death that in the fluent movement of time noone knows of a more enormous plague. [...] Because of this the infamous Jews in Salzburg and Monaco and in innumerable other towns were burned, slaughtered, cut down and in whatever other way massacred and killed. And in Braunau it was also said that the Jews made poisonous animal faeces to powder and that they filled them into small bags of two finger length and width and dumped them into the wells and other gushing waters; and such bags full with poisons were found by the Christians and carried away for the cleansing of the water.	Annales Matseenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 823-837, 829f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Constance	1349 JL	Great mortality in Constance.	1349. Anno 1349 in dem winter was gar ain grosser tod zu Costentz.	1349. Anno 1349, there was a great plague in Constance during the winter.	Konstanzer Chronik, p. 325	None
1349-00-00-Cracow	1349 JL	Flagellants came from Hungary during that year and a great plague broke out in Cracov	Anno Domini 1349 flagellatores nudi venerunt de Ungaria. Eodem anno perstilencia magna erat in Cracovia.	In the year 1349 nude flagellants came from Hungary. In the same year there was a great pestilence in Cracov,	Notae Cracovienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 5, p. 905	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Florence	1349 JL	After the plague the citizens in Florence were still in shock and listless. But peoples of Colle Val d'Elsa and San Gimignano returned to power and castles of the Ubaldini were taken.	Sequenti etiam anno parum aut nihil gestum, consternata adhuc civitate superiori pestilentia. Collenses tantum et Geminianenses domesticis seditionibus laborantes in potestatem florentini populi redierunt. Et circa Apenninum aliquot castella de Ubaldinis capta, quibus latrocinia exercebantur.	In the following year, too, little or nothing was done, as the city was still in shock from the plague. The peoples of Colle Val d’Elsa and San Gimignano, wracked by domestic turmoils, returned to the power of the Florentine People. And in the Apennines several castles of the Ubaldini were taken which had been centers of brigandage.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 314.	None
1349-00-00-Poland	1349 JL	After referring to the spreading of the Black Death in the entry for 1348, Jan Dlugos adds that in 1349 the Black Death reached Poland. After it had killed many people, the remaining took to religious practices and humiliated themselves through flaggelation and other treatments until God had mercy with them.	Pestifer hic annus eciam aput Polonos fuit morboque epidimie passim grassante multi mortales tam de nobilitate quam de plebe consumpti sunt. Dum quoque diuturni mali nullum esset remedium et plures non domos solum, sed opida et villas pestis desertasset, homines ad religionem conversi, credentes id malum propter indignacionem Divinam sceleribus hominum provocatum accidisse, conversi flagellis virgisque se mutuo verberabant aliisque penitencie generibus se affligebant, donec propiciata Divinitas pestiferam auram sustulit et mortalitatis molem cessare fecit.	This year brought the plague to Poland, too, and as it spread everywhere, many people among the gentry as well as among the peasantry died. And when no remedy could be found for this long-lasting vexation, and when the plague not only killed many in houses but also depopulated whole towns and villages, people convinced themselves that all their troubles fell on them as a divine retribution for their crimes and thus they turned to religious practices. So, they flagellated and birched each other, and humiliated themselves with other forms of penance until God showed his mercy towards them and took away the plague and let the acute mortality cease.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 257	None
1349-00-00-Poland-1	1349 JL	In this year there was a great pestilence and people flagellated themselves	Anno Domini 1349 pestilencia magna fuit, et homines se affligebant seu flagellabant.	In the year of the Lord 1349 there was a great pestilence and people beat or flagellated themselves.	Spominki Wladislawskie, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, p. 945	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Prussia	1349 JL	After writing for several chapters about the way of the Black Death over Europe and of the manifestations of the disease, the chronicler adds that it also raged in Prussia and Pomerania	Predicta ergo pestilencia, que circuivit Pene omnes regiones calidas, proch dolor, ad clima nostrum iam pervenit et iam fere in tota Pruzia et Pomerania innumerabiles viros ac mulieres consumpsit et hodierna die consumere non cessat.	The aforementioned plague, which has spread over almost all southern countries — oh horror of horrors! — arrived at our lands as well; in most of Prussia and Pomerania it has consumed innumerable men and women, and it continues to consume them still.	Chronica Oliviensis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica tom. VI, pp. 310-350, p. 347	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Strasbourg	1349 JL	Plague in Strasbourg	[26.] Pervenit autem ad civitatem Argentinam hec pestilentia anno Domini MCCCXLIX. in estate, et moriebantur ibi, ut dicebatur, XVI milia hominum.	[26.] The plague reached the city Strasbourg in the summer 1349 und there died, how it was reported, sixteen thousand people.	Mathias de Nuwenburg: de progenie, origine et gestis bertholdi de Bucheke episcopi Argentinensis 1924-40, p. 534	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1349-00-00-Strasbourg 001	1349 JL	Greatest death ever in all over the world, which was followed by a burning of the jews and the flagellants movement.	In den selben ziten, also men zalte 1349 jore, do was der groeste sterbotte in aller der welte von dem men ie hette gehoert sagen. do wurdent ouch die Juden gebrant durch alle lant. do was ouch eine grosse geischelfart. von disen dingen allen wurt hernoch geseit in dem fünften capitel dis buches.	At the same time, in the year 1349, there was the greatest death in all the world of which one had heard them say. Then the Jews were also burned throughout the land. There was also a great flagellants movement. Of all these things it is still written in the fifth chapter of this book.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 480.	Translation by DeepL
1349-00-00-Strasbourg 002	1349 JL	Great mortality all over the world. In Marseille died more the half of the people. In the summer the plague arrived in Strasbourg and 16 thousend people died. The Jews were blamed for poisoning the water, which brought the plague. As a consequence they were burned in Strasbourg and other cities along the Rhine.	Von dem grossen sterbotte und Judenbrande Do men zalte 1349 jor, do was der groeste sterbotte der vor ie gewas: das sterben ging von eime ende der welte untz an das ander; gynesit und hie dissit des meres. in der heidenschaft was der sterbotte groesser denne in der cristenheit. Menig lant starp gerwe us, daz nieman me do was. men vant ouch menig schif uf dem mere mit koufmanschatz, do inne die lüte alle dot worent und nieman die schiffe furte. der bischof von Marsilien und pfaffen und müniche und alles volg do, das starp me denne das zweitel. In andern künigrichen und stetten starp so vil volkes, das es were gruwelichen zu sagende. der bobest zu Avion lies alles gerihte under wegen und beslos sich in eine kammer und lies nieman zu ime und hette allewegen ein gros für vor ime. und wovon dirre sterbotte [p. 760], das kundent alle wise meistere noch arzote nüt gesagen anders, denne das es were gottes wille. und so der sterbotte ignote hie was, so was er denne anderswo, und werte me denne ein gantz jor. Dirre sterbotte kam ouch gein Strosburg in dem summer des vorgenanten jores, und sturbent do also men schetzete uf 16 tusent menschen. Von diesem sterbotte wurdent die Juden in der welte verlümet und gezigen in allen landen, das sü es gemaht hettent mit vergift die sü in wasser und in burnen soltent geton han, also men sü zech. und derumb wurdent die Juden verbrant von dem mer untz in dütsche lant, one zu Avion, do beschirmete sü der bobest. […] (p. 763) Men brante die Juden An dem samstage, das was sant Veltins dag [14.02.], do verbrante men die Juden in irme kirchofe uf eime hültzin gerüste: der worent uf zwei tusent. Wele sich aber woltent lossen touffen, die lies men lebende. es wurdent ouch vil junger kinde us dem füre genomen über irer muter und vatter wille, die getouffet wurdent. und was men den Juden schuldig was, das wart alles wette, und wurdent alle pfant und briefe die sü hettent über schulde widergeben. aber das bar gut das sü hettent, das nam der rot und teilete es under die antwerg noch margzal. das gelt was ouch die sache (p. 764) dovon die Juden gedoetet wurdent: wan werent sü arm gewesen und werent in die landesherren nüt schuldig gewesen, so werent sü nüt gebrant worden. do nu dis gut geteilet wart under die antwerg, so gobent etliche ir teil an unser frowen werg oder durch got, noch ihres bihters rote. Sus wurdent die Juden gebrant zu Strosburg und des selben jores in allen stetten uf dem Ryne, es werent frige stette oder des riches oder der herren. in etlichen stetten brante men sü mit urteil, in etlichen one urteil. in etlichen stetten stiessent die Juden ire hüser selber ane und verbrantent sich dinne.	Of the Great Plague and the Burning of the Jews In the year 1349, there was the greatest plague that had ever been seen. This plague spread from one end of the world to the other, across seas and lands. It was worse in pagan lands than in Christendom. Many countries were so devastated that no one was left alive. It was common to find ships at sea with the goods where all the people on board were dead, and no one was left to steer the ship. In Marseille, the bishop, priests, monks, and nearly everyone perished—more than half of the population. In other kingdoms and cities, so many people died that it was horrific to recount. The Pope in Avignon abandoned all official duties, locked himself in a chamber, and allowed no one near him, always keeping a large fire burning before him. No wise master or physician could explain this plague except to say it was God's will. When the plague ceased in one place, it would begin elsewhere, lasting more than a year. This plague also reached Strasbourg in the summer of the aforementioned year, where an estimated 16,000 people died. Because of this plague, the Jews were accused and blamed throughout the world. They were charged in all countries with having caused the plague by poisoning wells and springs. As a result, the Jews were burned from the Mediterranean to the German lands, except in Avignon, where the Pope protected them. The Burning of the Jews. On Saturday, the day of Saint Valentine's [February 14th], the Jews in Strasbourg were burned in their cemetery on a wooden platform. About two thousand were burned. Those who agreed to be baptized were spared. Many young children were taken from the fire against the will of their parents and were baptized. All debts owed to the Jews were canceled, and all pledges and documents they held were returned. However, their movable goods were taken by the city council and divided among the authorities. This wealth was also the reason the Jews were killed: if they had been poor and not owed anything to the lords, they would not have been burned. When this wealth was divided among the authorities, some gave their share to the work of the Virgin Mary or for the sake of God, as directed by their confessor. Thus, the Jews were burned in Strasbourg and that same year in all towns along the Rhine, whether they were free cities, under the Empire, or under local lords. In some cities, the Jews were burned with a formal judgment, in others without one. In some places, the Jews set fire to their own houses and burned themselves inside.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, pp. 759-764	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1349-00-00-Strasbourg 003	1349 JL	Great dying in Strasbourg was simultaneously with the flagellants procession. Also about the burial traditions during and after the plague	Der grosse sterbotte. Do men zalte noch gotz gebürte 1349 jor, do was der groeste sterbotte zu Strosburg und durch die welt, also dovor bi der Juden brande ist geseit. Und alle die wile die vorgeschriben grosse geischelfart werte, die wile starp men ouch, und do die abegingent, do minrete sich ouch das sterben. das sterben was so gros, das zu iedem kirspel zu Strosburg alle tage worent 8 liche oder zehen, und das men die spittelgrube die bi der kirchen stunt, muste in einen witen garten machen. die lüte die do sturbent, die sturbent an bülen die sich erhubent under den armen oder an den beynen, und die do sterben soltent, die sturbent am dirten tage oder am vierden. und in weles hus das sterben kam, do horte es nüt uf mit eime. In den selben ziten wart zu Strosburg gebotten, das men keinen doten me sollte in die kirche zu begrebede tragen, noch sollte sü nüt über naht in den hüsern lossen, wan zestunt so sü gestürbent so solte men sü anstette begraben. wan vormols was gewonheit, das men die doten erlichen zu kirchen trug und lies sü in der kirchen untz men selmesse gesang: was der dote guter lüte so trugent in die guten, was er ein gebure so trugent in sine genossen. und do der sterbot ergie, do erloubete men die alte gewonheit wider. do worent die lüte in die nuwe gewonheit kumen, und wenne men einen doten sollte su grabe tragen, so woltes nieman gerne tun von ime selber, und beschametent sich gute lüte, das ir ungenossen sü soltent tragen oder das sü knehten soltent lonen. derumb gebot men es widerumbe. nu was ouch eine gewonheit: [p. 770] wenne man einen doten zu kirchen drug, so stürmete men mit den glocken gegen yme. das selbe det men ouch, so men den doten us der kirchen zu grabe trug. von disem sterbotte sturbent uf 16 tusent menschen zu Strosburg, und starp men doch nüt also vaste zu Strasburg also anderswo.	The great dying In the year 1349, there was the great dying in Strasbourg and across the world, as mentioned earlier in relation to the burning of the Jews. During the time of the great flagellant processions, people were dying continuously, and when the processions ended, the dying began to decrease. The plague was so severe that in every parish in Strasbourg, there were eight to ten funerals each day. The hospital burial pit next to the church became so full that a large garden had to be used for burials. Those who died suffered from swellings under their arms or on their legs, and those who were destined to die usually did so on the third or fourth day. In any house where the plague struck, it did not stop with just one death. During these times, it was decreed in Strasbourg that the dead should no longer be brought into the church for burial, nor should the dead be kept in houses overnight. Instead, as soon as someone died, they were to be buried immediately. Previously, it had been customary to carry the dead to the church with great honor, leaving them there until a requiem mass could be sung. If the deceased was from a noble family, they were carried by their peers; if they were a commoner, their neighbors would carry them. When the plague erupted, these old customs were reinstated. However, people had grown accustomed to the new way of doing things, and when it was time to carry a body to the grave, no one wanted to do it themselves. Good people felt ashamed to ask their neighbors to carry the dead or to pay servants to do it, so the old customs were reintroduced. There was also a tradition: when someone died and was carried to the church, the bells would be rung in mourning. The same was done when the body was taken from the church to the grave. Because of this plague, about 16,000 people died in Strasbourg. However, the dying in Strasbourg was not as high as in other places.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, pp. 769-770.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1349-00-00-Trier	1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death and other disesases, maybe dysentery and fever - all blamed on the Jews. Unusual symptoms of plague.	Isto etiam anno (1349) Deus genus humanus triplici plaga flagellavit: ita quod plusquam medietas hominum cessit ab humanis; primo percussit ipsum epidemia, cui gibbus grevit quacunque corporis parte; et omnes anhelitum ejus capientes celerius interierunt; secundo hemeroida; tertio sacro igne, ita quod corpora in seipsis celerius fuerant consumata; sic quod orbis initio non fuerant tempore periculosiora. Que plaga fuerat Judaeis imposita, sic quod aquam in omni terra intoxicassent, de quo aer infectus, tales plagae in omnia climata pullulassent. [...] (p. 264) Et ista per sequentem annum duraverunt.	In the same year (1349), God afflicted the human race with a triple scourge: so that more than half of humanity departed from the living; first, it struck with an epidemic, which oppressed with a hunchback anyone in any part of the body; and all who caught its breath perished swiftly; secondly, with hemorrhoids; thirdly, with a sacred fire, so that bodies were consumed more rapidly within themselves; thus, since the beginning of the world, there had not been more dangerous times. This scourge had been blamed on the Jews, so as if they could poison water in all lands, from which infected air such plagues spread into all climates. [...] (p. 264) And these plagues continued into the next year.	Gesta Baldewini 1838, pp. 263-164.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-00-00-Zwiefalten	1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Zwiefalten.	Mors pestilencia prima hic populos pressit.	Death by the first plague weighed heavily on the populace here.	Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 62.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-01-27-Damascus	27 January 1349 JL	On January 27, 1349, the Friday preacher Tāj al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Raḥīm al-Qazwīnī died of plague in Damascus after two days of illness. The members of his household were infected, too; his brother Ṣadr al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Karīm died soon afterwards.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 509.	Translation needed
1349-02-09-Strasbourg	9 February 1349 JL	In Strasbourg, three leaders were expelled after the city granted protection to the Jews. Accusations arose that Jews had poisoned wells, leading to to torture, and persecutions. Around 2,000 Jews were burned, except those who converted to Christianity. This event coincided with the rise of the flagellant movement and a severe outbreak of plague.	Die nüwe anderunge zu Strosburg Do man zalt 1349 jor, an sente Appollonien dag [9. Februar] der uf einen [p. 127] mendag geviel, und diese drie meister zu Strosburg worent: her Goße Sturm und her Cuntze von Wintertur und her Peter Swarber ammanmeister, do wurdent sü alle drie verstoßen. und kam daz alsus. Die stat hette gut genomen von den Juden, und hetten sü getrofte uf ein zil und hette in des briefe wol versigelt geben und hetten ouch solichen friden: wer in ut hette geton, er muest es swerlicher hon verbeßert, wan hetters eim kristen geton. deruf ließent sich die Juden und wurdent also hochtragendes mutes, daz sü niemanne woltent vorgeben, und wer mit in hette zu dunde, der kunde kume mit in uberein kummen. darumbe wurdent sü verhaßet von meneglichen. Derzu viel ein gezig uf die Juden, daz sü soltent die bürnen und die waßer han vergiftet. des murmelte daz volk gemeinliche und sprochent, man solt sü verburnen. des wolt der rot nüt dun, man mohte danne beweren uf sü daz es wor were, oder daz süs selber verjehen. dar uf fing man ir etwie vil und kesteget sü sere mit dümende, der verjohent drie weis viere andere sachen, der sü schuldig worent, darumbe man sü radebrehte. doch verjohent sü nie, daz sü an der vergift schuldig werent. […] [p. 130] An der mittewoche swur man den rot, an dem dunrestage swur man in deme garten. an deme fritage ving man die juden, an dem samestage brante man die Juden, der worent wol uffe zwei tusent alse man ahtete. wele sich aber woltent lon toufen, die lies man leben. es wurdent ouch vil junger kinde von dem für genomen uber irre mueter und irre vetter wille, die geteufet wurdent. waz man den Juden schuldig waz, daz wart alles wette, unde wurdent alle pfant und briefe die sie hettent uber schulde wider geben. daz bar gut daz sü hettent, daz nam der rot und teiletes under die antwerg noch marczal. daz was ouch die vergift die die Juden dote. […] Des selben jores zu suneihten erhub sich die geischelfart und daz große sterben zu Strosburg, von dem do vor geschriben stot.	The New Changes in Strasbourg. In the year 1349, on the day of Saint Apollonia [February 9th], which fell on a Monday, these three leaders in Strasbourg were: Herr Goße Sturm, Herr Cuntze von Winterthur, and Herr Peter Swarber, the magistrate. All three were expelled, and it happened as follows: The city had taken goods from the Jews, and they had set a target and given them sealed letters of protection, ensuring them such peace: if anyone had harmed them, they would have to make severe amends, just as if they had harmed a Christian. The Jews relied on this and became so arrogant that they refused to submit to anyone, and anyone who had dealings with them could hardly come to an agreement. Because of this, they became hated by many. Furthermore, an accusation fell upon the Jews that they had poisoned the wells and the water. The common people murmured about this and said that they should be burned. The council did not want to do this unless it could be proven against them or unless they confessed themselves. As a result, many Jews were captured and severely tortured. Some of them confessed to three or four other charges they were guilty of, for which they were broken on the wheel. However, they never confessed to being guilty of poisoning. [...] On Wednesday, the [new] council took an oath, on Thursday they swore in the garden, on Friday they seized the Jews, and on Saturday they burned the Jews, who were estimated to be around two thousand in number. Those who wanted to convert to Christianity were allowed to live. Many young children were also taken from the fire against the will of their mothers and fathers and were baptized. Whatever was owed to the Jews was all gone, and all pledges and documents they had over debts were returned. The movable goods they had were taken by the council and divided among the authorities. That was also the alleged poisoning that killed the Jews. In the same year, during Solstice, the flagellant movement arose and the great mortality in Strasbourg, which has been written about before.	Fritsche Closener 1870, p. 126-130.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1349-03-22-Damascus	22 March 1349 JL	In the year 750 H (March 22, 1349 to March 10, 1350), the number of plague infections in Damascus greatly declined. The number of deceased people with taxable inheritance which the Office of Inheritances (dīwān al-mawārīth) recorded was ca. 20 for 750 H while it had been 500 for 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 21, 1349). Plague did not yet disappear entirely, though: on March 25, 1349, the jurist Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad b. al-Thiqa, his son and his brother all died of plague within one hour. They were buried in one grave.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 509.	Translation needed
1349-04-05-Frankfurt	5 April 1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions and the presence of flagellants.	Die palmarum eodem anno et die exaltationis sanctae crucis fuit statio generalis cappis nigris nudis pedibus propter epidemiam habita Francofordiae. Flagellantes etiam fuerunt hic magno numero (Antiquitates) / Die exaltationis sanctae crucis stacio generalis cappis nigris nudis pedibus propter epidimiam habebatur (Acta).	On Palm Sunday of the same year (1349), and on the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, a general procession was held in Frankfurt for those affected by the epidemic, with people wearing black cloaks and barefoot. There were also a great number of flagellants present (Antiquitates) / On the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, a general procession was held in Frankfurt for those affected by the epidemic, with people wearing black cloaks and barefoot (Acta).	Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 93.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-04-12-Frankfurt	12 April 1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt until early 1350.	Post pascha 1349 tanta pestis fuit Francofordiae quanta numquam audita est antea et innumerabiles homines etiam cicrumquaque absumpti sunt et diem extremum clauserunt. Duravitque pestis illa inguinaria a festo paschae ad hiemem initio anni jubilaei.	After Easter in 1349, there was such a great plague in Frankfurt as had never been heard of before, and countless people perished everywhere, closing their final day. That inguinal plague lasted from Easter to the beginning of the jubilee year in winter.	Collectanea Petri Herp 1884, p. 59.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-04-12-Frankfurt 001	12 April 1349 JL	During the plague was the flagellants movement, jews were killed in Frankfurt and Mainz and the jews burned down the roof of a church in Frankfurt	Item anno domini McccXLIX post festum pasche [12 April 1349] usque in hiemem tunc proxime venientem flagellatores ire inceperunt quasi et ad annum jubileum, et interim maxima hominum multitudo utriusque sexus per diversas mundi partes de pestilencia gravi moriebatur. Item eodem anno domini XLIX in vigilia beati Jacobi apostoli [24. Juli] Judei Frankenfordenses omnes, deinde in die beati Bartholomei apostoli [24. August] tunc proxime venturi Judei civitatis Moguntinensis omnes, tam per ipsorum Judeorum utrobique ignem proprium quam eciam aliunde, ac habitaciones eorundem totaliter per laicorum invasionem sunt perempti et devastati. Item eodem anno XLIX in dicta vigilia Jacobi tectum chori omnino et tectum ecclesie sancti Bartholomei ibidem in parte per hujusmodi Judeorum Frankenfordensium ignem fuerant concremata.	In the year of our Lord 1349, the Flagellants began after Easter [12 April] until the coming winter, as if they were going to the Jubilee. In the meantime, a large number of men and women died of a severe plague in various parts of the world. Also in the same year 1349, on the eve of St James the Apostle [24 July], all the Jews of Frankfurt, and then on the day of St Bartholomew the Apostle [24 August], all the Jews of the city of Mainz, both by their own fire and by the invasion of the laity, were killed and their houses completely destroyed. Also in the same year, 1349, on the eve of the feast of St James [24 July], the roof of the choir and the roof of the church of St Bartholomew in Frankfurt were destroyed by fire from the Jews of Frankfurt.	Annales Francofurtani 1884, p. 2.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1349-05-00-Parma	May 1349 JL	A friend of Francesco Petraca, Paganino da Bizzozzero and his his entire family died because of the plague in Parma	Et hic quidem - quod sine multis lacriminis non dico et cum pluribus dicerem nisi precedentibus malis exhaustos hosce oculos atque omnes, sique sunt, lacrimarum reliquias instantibus reservarem - hic, inquam, pestilenti morbo qui nunc orbem populatur, repente correptus, ad vesperam postquam cenam cum amicis, et quod occidui temporis restabat in nostro tantum sermone et amicitie rerumque nostrarum commemoratione consumpserat, noctem illam inrapida morte subtractus est. Ac nequid de funesta consuetudine laxaretur, triduo inexpleto illum filii omnisque familia consecuti sunt.	And this one now - what I cannot say without many tears (and would say among several, if I did not want to save my eyes exhausted in misfortune and all remaining tears, if there are any, for what is to come), he has, I say, been taken away quite suddenly by the plague, which is just now depopulating the whole earth, and that after he had dined with friends towards evening and then spent the remaining evening hours in conversation with me alone and in the thought of our friendship and our affairs. He endured the following night in extreme pain, but with unflinching courage, and in the morning a sudden death snatched him from us. And so that nothing of the usual course of the disease would be left to us, his sons, indeed his entire family, followed him in less than three days.	Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, p. 1140	None
1349-05-31-Austria	31 May 1349 JL	A plague lasting from Penthecost (May 31st) until the feast of St Michael (September 29th) killed about two thirds of the population of Austria.	A.D. 1349 [...] Pestis vero contagiosa predicta successive pervenit usque ad Wyennam, necnon in omnes terminos, ita ut homines absque estimacione exspirarent, et tercia pars hominum vix remaneret. Ideo propter fetorem et horrorem cadaverum non sinebantur sepeliri in cimiteriis ecclesiarum, sed mox cum fuissent extincta deferebantur ad communem locum in agrum Dei extra civitatem, ubi quinque fovee in brevi profunde et late usque ad summum sunt corporibus mortuorum replete; et duravit hec pestilencia a festo penthecostes usque Michaelis. Non solum Wyennam sed et alia loca circumiacencia crudeliter invasit; monachis et monialibus minime pepercit, cum in Sancta Cruce 53 religiosi de hoc seculo eodem tempore migraverunt.	In the year of the Lord 1349 [...] The earlier mentioned really contagious plague arrived not only in Vienna but in all regions. In this way people [in numbers] beyond estimation died and hardly one third of the people remained. Because if the stench and the horror of the dead bodies they could not be allowed to be buried in the cemeteries of the churches, but soon the deseases were brought to public places them cemetaries outside of the cities, where five deep and wide ditches where filled up to their maximum with the bodies of the dead. And this plague lasted from the feast of Penthecost until [the feast of] St Michael. Not only Vienna but also other surrounding places were cruelly invaded. Monks and nuns were by no means spared, since in Sancta Cruce 53 members of their community passed away.	Continuatio Novimontensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 669-677, 676	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-06-00-Italy	June 1349 JL	Letter from Francesco Petrarca to his friend Ludwig van Kempen in Avignon about the plague in Italy in 1348 (mentioning an Earthquake	Heu michi, frater amantissime, quid dicam? unde ordiar? quonam vertar? undique dolor, terror undique. [...] Utinam, frater, aut nunquam natus aut prius extinctus forem! quodsi nunc optare cogor, quid dicturum putas si ad extremem senectutem venero? ad quam o utinam non venirem; sed veniam, timeo, non ut diutius vivam, sed ut diu moriar. Nosco etenim fatum meum, et sensim intelligo ad quid in hanc (p. 1124) erumnosam et infelicem vitam sim proiectus. Heu michi, frater optime! piget ex intimis ax miseret me mei. [...] (p. 1126) Qua in re benigno sub iudice forsan excuser, si ad examen venerit illud quoque, non leve aliquid, sed millesimum trecentesimum quadragesimum octavum sexte etatis annum esse quem lugeo, qui non solum nos amicis, sed mundum omnen gentibus spoliavit; cui siquid defuit, sequens ecce annus illius reliquias demetit, et quicquid (p. 1128) illi procelle superfuerat, mortifera falce persequitur. Quando hoc posteritas credet, fuisse tempus sine diluvio sine celi aut telluris incendio sine bellis aut alia clade visibili, quo non hec pars aut illa terrarum, sed universus fere orbis sine habitatore remanserit? quando unquam in annalibus lectum est, vacuas domos, derelictas urbes, squalida rura, arva cadaveribus angusta, horrendam vastamque toto orbe solitudinem? [...] (p. 1128) Ubi dulces nunc amici, ubi sunt amati vultus, ubi verba mulcentia, ubi mitis et iocunda conversatio? quod fulmen ista consumpsit, quid terre motus evertit, que tempestas demersit, que abyssus absorbuit? Stipati eramus, prope iam soli sumus. Nove amicitie contrahende sunt. UNde autem sive ad quid, humano genere pene extincto, et proximo, ut auguror, rerum fine? Sumus, frater, sumus - quid dissimulem? - vere soli; (p. 1134)	Woe is me, dearest brother, what shall I say, what shall I do, where shall I turn? Pain is everywhere, terror is everywhere! [...] Would that I, brother, had never been born or had been snuffed out earlier! If I am compelled to wish for this already, what will I say when I have reached the highest old age one day? And may I not even reach that day! But I will reach it, I fear, but not to live longer, rather to die longer. I know my fate, and gradually I understand why I was thrust into this sorrowful and luckless life. Woe is me, dearest brother, I am sickened to my core, and I mourn my [...] (p. 433) Perhaps I will at least be excused by a merciful judge in this matter, if he takes into account that I am not complaining about something trivial but about the year 1348 in the sixth age! It has not only (p. 434) deprived us of our friends, but the whole world of its peoples. And if anything escaped this year, behold, the new year is now mowing down the rest. And if something withstood the storms of the old year, it is now being overtaken by the deadly sickle. Will posterity ever believe that in a time free from flood and world conflagration, wars, and indeed from any visible disaster, nearly the entire globe, not just this or that region, was depopulated? When has such a thing ever been seen or heard through rumors? In which annals was such to be read? There are empty houses, deserted cities, fallow fields, fields covered with corpses, and a horrifying, boundless desolation everywhere in the world! [...] (p. 435) Where are the familiar friends now, where are the beloved faces, where are the charming conversations? Where is the cheerful and intimate companionship with them? What lightning bolt has removed all of this? What earthquake has overturned it? What storm has drowned it, and what abyss has swallowed it? We were surrounded by friends; now we are almost alone. We would have to form new friendships! But where and for what purpose? Since the human race is almost extinct, and, I fear, the end of the world is near. We are, my brother, we are – what should I suppress it! – truly alone!	Template: Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, pp. 1124-1134	None
1349-06-00-Strasbourg 001	June 1349 JL	With the spreading of the plague in Germany, simultaneously the Flagellants movement arose. In the middle of June, 700 of them came to Strasbourg.	[117.] De principio pestilencie et flagellacionis in Alamannia Incipiente autem paulatim pestilencia in Alamannia ceperunt se populi flagellare transeuntes per terram. Et venerunt DCCC de Swevia Argentinam predicto anno XLIX in medio Iunii, habentes inter se unum principalem (p. 272) et duos alios magistros, quorum mandatis omnia parebant. […]	118. The beginning of the plague and scourging in Germany. As the disease gradually spread through Germany, people began to scourge themselves and travelled through the country. In the year 49, seven hundred from Swabia came to Strasbourg in the middle of June. They had a leader and two other masters, whose orders they all obeyed. [...] The masters then went round in a circle and exhorted them to implore the Lord for mercy for the people, for their benefactors, for their enemies, for all sinners, for those in purgatory and many others. [...]	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 271-272	None
1349-06-24-Strasbourg	24 June 1349 JL	The hostilities between the kings of England and France were postponed because of a severe plague	[116.] De indicto conflictu inter regem Anglie et Francie in die Iohannis baptiste. Cum autem indictus fuisset dudum conflictus ad diem beati Iohannis baptiste predicti anni quadragesimi noni [24. Juni 1349] inter Francie et Anglie reges, tanta fuit utriusque regni pestilencia, quod vix tercia pars hominum dicitur remanisse. Propter quod conflictus est prorogatus. […]	116. Of the renewed outbreak of hostilities between the kings of England and France on the day of St John the Baptist. Although the renewed outbreak of hostilities between the kings of France and England had long been announced for the day of St John the Baptist in the year [13]49, a plague raged so severely in both kingdoms that, it is said, barely a third of the people remained alive, and hostilities were therefore postponed. [...]	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 270	None
1349-07-00-Strasbourg	July 1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Strasbourg with 16.000 vicitms, a detailed description of symptoms and course of the disease. The dating of the epidemic is parallel to the presence of flagellants in the city	Do man zalt 1349 jor, do die vorgeschribenen geischeler gen Strosburg koment, do kam ouch ein gemeinre schelme und ein sterben under die lute dar, daz nieman von ime selben gedohte noch von horsagenden, daz so großes sterbe ie do gewere. Und alle die wile daz die geischeler weretent, die wile starb man ouch, und do die abgegingent, do minret sich daz sterben ouch. Daz sterbe was so gros daz gemeinlich alle tage in iegelichem kirspel liche worent 7 oder 8 oder 9 oder 10 oder noch danne me, one die man zuo kloestern begruob und one die man in den spital druog: der waz als unzellich vil, daz man die spitelgruobe di bi der kirchen stuent, mueste in einen witen garten setzen, wann die alte gruobe zuo enge und zuo klein waz. Die lute die do sturbent, die sturbent alle an bülen und an druesen die sich erhubent under den armen und obenan an den beinen, und wen die bülen ankoment, die do sterben soltent, de sturben an dem vierden tage oder an dem virten oder an dem andern. Eteliche sturben ouch dez ersten tages. Es erbet ouch eins von dem anderen: dovon, in welhes hüs daz sterben kam, do hort es selten uf mit eime. [...] (p. 121) Man will ouch, daz von dem sterben zuo Strosburg stürbe 16 dusent lütes, doch starb minr lutes do noch margzahle, alse man sprach, wande in andern steten. Ouch wurdent ettelich lute erneret die die bulen hettent, den sü usgingen und ir genosent.	In the year 1349, when the mentioned flagellants came to Strasbourg, there also came a common epidemic and a pestilence among the people, so great that no one ever remembered or heard of such a great mortality. And all the while that the flagellants were present, people also died, and when they departed, the mortality decreased. The mortality was so great that generally every day in every parish there were 7 or 8 or 9 or 10 or even more deaths, except for those who were buried in monasteries and those who were taken to hospitals: their number was so incredibly high that the pits dug next to the churches had to be moved to a wide garden, because the old pit was too narrow and too small. Those who died did so from swellings and boils that appeared under their arms and the upper part of their legs, and when the boils appeared, those who were supposed to die did so on the fourth day or the third or the second. Some even died on the first day. It also spread from one to another: where the mortality entered a house, it rarely ceased with just one person. [...] (p. 121) It is said that 16,000 people died in Strasbourg, but fewer people died there than elsewhere, as it was said. Also, some people were fed who had the boils, but they diasappeared and they recovered.	Fritsche Closener 1870, pp. 120-121.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-07-05-Strasbourg	5 July 1349 JL	200 flagellants arrived in Strasbourg and made their typical processions.	Von der grossen geischelfart. In dem vorgeschriben jore, do men zalte 1349 jor, als men vaste starp und die Juden brante, 14 tage nach sünigihten [solstice] do koment gein (p. 765) Strosburg uf 200 geischeler, die hettent leben und wise also ich ein teil hie sagen wil. zum ersten so hetten sü gar kosper vanen uf 8 oder 10 von semyt und sydin, und also menige gewunden kertze. die drug men in vor wo sü in stette oder dörfer gingent, und sturmete men alle glocken gegen in, und die geischeler gingent den vanen noch ie zwene und zwene mittenander, und hettent alle mentelin ane und huete uffe mit roten crüzen und zwene sungent vor und denne die andern alle noch.	About the Great Procession of the Flagellants. In the year 1349, when there was great mortality and Jews were being burned, 14 days after the summer solstice, 200 flagellants came to Strasbourg. They were living and behaving in a way I will describe here. First, they carried large banners with 8 or 10 images of saints and angels, and many wrapped candles. They processed through towns and villages, and all the church bells were rung in opposition to them. The flagellants marched in groups of two or three, each carrying a banner, and they all wore mantles and hats with red crosses. They sang in front, and the others followed.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 764-765	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1349-07-22-Frankfurt	22 July 1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt with 2000 people dead and a duration of seven months. Jews were burned troughout Germany	Anno 1349 Alemanniae pestilentia est suborta. Judei sunt cremati. Anno eodem [1349] Judei omnes et domus eorum per totam Allemanniam igne combusti. Anno eodem a die Mariae Magdalenae ad diem purificationis (p. 145) Mariae proxime Francoforti pestilentia totius mundi. Intra 72 dies 2000 et ultra hominum obiere. Secunda quacunque hora sine campanis candelis sacerdotibus 35 una die tumulati.	In 1349, a plague broke out in Germany. The Jews were burned. [...] In the same year, all Jews and their homes were burned throughout Germany. In the same year (1349), on the day of Mary Magdalene up to the day of the Purification of Mary, a plague struck the whole world and near Frankfurt. Within 72 days, 2000 or more people died. Twenty-five priests were buried in a single day, without bells or candles, at any hour.	Acta Francofurtana 1884, pp. 144-145.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1349-08-17-Syria	August 1349 JL	The governor (nāʾib) of Aleppo, Sayf al-Dīn Quṭlīshā, died. News of his death reached Damascus in the beginning of Jumādā II (August 17 to September 14, 1349). Many people rejoiced at his death given his misconduct in Hama during the plague (ṭāʿūn) (before he became governor of Aleppo). It was reported that he had enriched himself on the inheritance of the deceased.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 515-516	Translation needed
1349-09-00-Carpi	September 1349 JL	Letter from Francesco Petrarca to his friend Ludwig van Kempen in which he mentions the plague breaking out again in Carpi	Sicut enim quid cupiam scio, sic nescio quid sperem; quo fit ut mira michi in animo rebellantium cogitationum turba consurgat; ad omnem enim vite mee modum non leve momentum mors aut vita tua est; et vite quidem tue spem michi prestat etas modestia valitudo; terrent morbi contagia renascentis et celum apud vos, ut memorant, rursus infame.	I know what I wish for, but I do not know what I may hope for. Thus, it happens that within me, a peculiar heap of conflicting thoughts rises up. For every aspect of my life, your death and your life are of significant importance to me. Your youth, temperance, and robust nature provide hope that you are alive, while the reemerging plague and the infamous weather conditions reportedly occurring among you terrify me.	Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, p. 1366	None
1350-00-00-Brno	1350 JL	An entry in the town book of Brno (of 1351 July 16) states that a certain Nicolaus died in the preceeding year in the times of the plague.	Nicolaus sepedictus anno preterito tempore pestilencie vitam suam finvivit.	Nicolaus, called "the Lizard", finished his life in the preceeding year in the time of plague.	Miroslav Flodr (ed.), Pamětní kniha města Brna z let 1343-1376 (1379), Brno 2005, p. 120, no 232.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1350-00-00-Constance	1350 JL	Extreme weather and abundant rainfall in 1350 and the following winter was cold until beginning of February. From that on stopped the epidemic.	Ipse autem annus cum magno temperie aeris incepit et permansit usque ad festum beati Andree [30 November], et deinceps pluvia habundabat versus Nicolai [6 December], sed deinceps frigus erat usque ad purificationem [2 February 1351]. Et extunc epithimia seu hominum mortalitas cessavit, que per bigennium viguerat et in tanta generalitate, quod quasi quinta pars hominum alicubi sexta obiit.	The year began with extreme weather and lasted until the feast of St Andrew (30 November), after which there was abundant rainfall until the feast of St Nicholas (6 December), but then cold weather prevailed until the Purification (2 February 1351). From then on, the epidemic or mortality of the people, which raged for two years and was so widespread that about a fifth of the people died, in some places even a sixth.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 75	None
1350-00-00-Germany	1350 JL	The dying by the Black Death ends, but now the jews were burned in Germany because they were accused of poisoning the Christians.	Item in dem selben jubileo [1350], da daz sterben ufhorde, da worden di juden gemeinlichen in disen Duschen landen irslagen und vurbrant. Daz daden di fursten, greben, herren unde stede, ane alleine der herzoge von Osterrich, der enthilt sine juden. Unde gap man den juden scholt, daz si den cristenluden vurgeben hetten, umb daz si also sere gestorben waren. Da wart ir fluchen kundig, daz si selbes in getan hatten uf den heiligen karfridag, want man in der passien leset: "Sanguis eius super nos et super filios nostros. Daz bedudet also: Sin blut ge ober uns under ober unse kinde.	In this jubilee year (1350), when the dying stopped, the Jews were generally slain and burned in these German lands. This was done by the princes, counts, lords and cities, without the Duke of Austria, who kept his Jews. And the Jews were blamed for poisoning the Christians, which is why so many of them had died. Then their curse came true, which they themselves had put on the holy Good Friday, as we read in the Passion: "Sanguis eius super nos et super filios nostros". This means: His blood be on us and on our children.	Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 35.	Translation by DeepL
1350-00-00-Hannover	1350 JL	Inscription about a epidemic with 3000 death.	Turris principium tria c numerant l et evum Gracia romana fuit et pestis triduana Funera flens polis hec tria milia mensibus in sex Tunc stimulus stoycos fuit ut torqueret ebreosi.	The origin of the tower is indicated by the numbers 350 and 1000. (In the same year 1350) there was the Roman indulgence and the plague which lasted three days. The fact that this city mourned 3000 deaths in six months then became the occasion for tormenting the (...) Jews.	DI 36, Stadt Hannover, Nr. 6† (Sabine Wehking), in: https://www.inschriften.net/hannover/inschrift/nr/di036-0006.html	Martin Bauch based on DI 36 (in German)
1350-00-00-Herford	1350 JL	The Black Death and its social consequences like deserted settlements and disintegration of society; symptoms pointing to gastroenteritis before buboes were visible. In cities, mass graves are built. Maybe unusual weather in 1348.	Et in ejus "Principio celum spissa caligine terras / Pressit, et ignavos inclusit nubibus estus" (Ovid, met. VII, 526) hominusque viscera primo torrentur flammisque fatiscunt, ut dicetur anno Karoli IV. tertio [1348]. Ceperuntque nasci in inguinibus hominum vel in aliis locis delicatioribus glandule in modum nucis vel dactili. Quas mox subsequebatur febrium intollerabilis estus, ita ut in triduo homo extingueretur. Sin vero aliquis triduum transegisset, habebat spem vivendi. Erat autem ubique luctus, ubique lacrime. Nam ut vulgi rumor habebat, querentes cladem vitare hinc inde fugerunt. Et relinquebantur domus deserte habitatoribus, solis catulis domos servantibus. Peculia sola remanebat in pascuis, nullo astante pastore. Cerneres pridem villas seu castra repleta agminibus hominum, postera die, universis vel mortuis vel fugientibus, cuncta esse in summo silentio. Fugiebant quoque filii cadavera parentum insepultorum. Parentes obliti pietatis viscera, natos relinquebant estuantes. Si quem antiqua forsitan pietas perstringebant, ut vellet sepelire proximum, restabat ipse insepultus, et dum obsequebatur, perimebatur. Dum funeri obsequium prebebat, ipse funus sine obsequio manebat. Videres seculum in antiquum redactum silentium. Nulla vox in rure, nullus pastorum sibilus. Nulle insidie bestiarum pecudibus. Nulla dampna in domesticis volucribus. Sed corvorum subito nimis multiplicatorum tota die crocitationes super viventes et super mortuos hyatus. Sata transgressa metendi tempus intacta expspectabant messorem. Vinea, amissis foliis, radiantibus uvis, illesa manebat hyeme propinquante. Nullus cernebatur percussor, et tamen visum oculorum superabant cadavera mortuorum. Intra civitates cymitera sepeliendis non sufficiebant unde et in campis sepulturas hominum novas faciebant. Simile quid dictum est anno Justiniani ….	And, as one says about the third year of Charles IV reign (1348), "at its beginning thick fog covered the heavens and the earth, / And sluggish heat was confined in the clouds". And human entrails were first drenched with torrents and burst into flames. And there began to grow in the groins of men or in other delicate places glands resembling nuts or dates. Soon followed by an intolerable heat of fevers, so that within three days a person would perish. But if someone passed three days, they had hope of living. Everywhere there was mourning, everywhere tears. For, as the common rumor had it, those lamenting to avoid disaster fled hither and thither. And deserted houses were left behind, inhabited only by stray dogs. Only wealth remained in the pastures, with no shepherd present. You would see villages or camps recently filled with crowds of people, but on the next day, with everyone either dead or fleeing, everything was in total silence. Even the children fled the bodies of their unburied parents. Parents, forgetful of their natural affection, abandoned their suffering children. If perhaps ancient compassion moved someone to want to bury their neighbor, that person remained unburied themselves, and while they were attending to the burial, they were killed. While they offered funeral rites, their own funeral remained without ceremony. You would see the world returned to ancient silence. No voice in the countryside, no shepherd's whistle. No lurking danger from wild beasts for the flocks. No losses among domestic fowl. But suddenly, the cawing of crows, too numerous, echoed all day over the living and the dead. The crops, surpassing the time of harvest, awaited the reaper untouched. The vineyards, stripped of leaves, with ripening grapes, remained untouched as winter approached. No reaper was seen, yet the corpses of the dead outnumbered the sights of the eyes. Within cities, burial grounds were insufficient for burying, so new human graves were made in the fields. Similar things were said in the year of Justinian ...	Heinrich von Herford 1859, p. 274.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-00-00-Mainz	1350 JL	Great mortality all over the world.	Tunc anno 50. facta est pestilentia generalis per totum mundum, et mortua est ultra quam tercia pars hominum et de omni gente.	In the year 1350 raged in the entire world an general plague. More than one third of all races died from it.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 4.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1350-00-00-Rome-Bohemia	1350 JL	The Plague took place in Bohemia and many who fled to Rome (jubilee year) to escape it died there or on the way.	Anno Domini MCCCL in pluribus terris epydimia sive pestilencia genus humanum devastavit, sed tunc in Boemia eciam locum habebat, quam ob rem multi effugere volentes Romam iter arripuerunt et tamen ipsam non evaserunt. Unde de iis idem potest dici versus: Incidit in Cillam volens vitare Caribdim. Verumtamen securius et melius fuit eis ad animarum salutem in peregrinacione decedere, quam in propria patria in periculis manere. Et quia iste annus erat annus gracie et iubileus, multi Romam transeuntes pro indulgencia et gracia obtinenda de hac vita migraverunt: quidam in urbe Romana, quidam vero ab ipsa recedentes, quidam ad eandem accedentes.	In the year of our Lord 1350, in many lands, an epidemic or plague devastated the human race, and at that time it also took place in Bohemia, for which reason many desiring to escape undertook a journey to Rome, yet they did not escape it. Hence concerning them the same thing can be said as the verse: "He fell into Scylla wishing to avoid Charybdis." However, it was safer and better for them to depart on a pilgrimage for the salvation of souls than to remain in their own country in danger. And because this year was a year of grace and jubilee, many passing through Rome for the sake of obtaining indulgence and grace migrated from this life: some within the city of Rome, some coming from there, some approaching it.	Francis of Prague, Chronicon Francisci Pragensi, ed. Jana Zachová, Prague 1997, p. 212.	None
1350-00-00-Rome-Bohemia-2	1350 JL	Jubilee year in Rome. A grave pestilence happened in all lands. Everybody wanted to evade the plague and receive indulgence in Rome but many died on the way or in the Holy City.	Iste fuit annus gracie et iublileus in Romana, unde per totum hunc annum fuit maximus concursus illuc hominum ex omnibus mundi partibus pro gracia et indulgencia obtinendis. Et quia pestilencia erat gravissima in omnibus terris, omnes volentes penitere et mortem effugere, illuc properabant. Multi eundo et redeundo et ibi morando mortui sunt.	In this year there was celebrated a Jubilee year of grace in Rome and throught the whole year, a great number of people from all parts of the world travelled there to receive grace and indulgence. And since the plague was most grave in all lands everybody hurried to do penance and avoid the death. Many died on the way to and from [Rome] and while staying there.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 520	Translation by Christian Oertel
1350-00-00-Uppland	1350 JL	Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420. High mortality in the Swedish region of Uppland in 1350. Five sixths of the population died	Generalis mortalitas totam Vplandiam deuastauit ita quod sexta pars hominum vix remansit que quidem mortalitas annis precedentibus et succedentibus totum mundum circumiuit.	A general mortality ravaged the whole of Uppland, so that hardly a sixth of the people remained. In fact, the mortality in the preceding and succeeding years had encircled the whole world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Uppsala	1350 JL	Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420 on the plague raging in Uppland in 1350 (MCCL)	Mors CeCat CeLos/ditans orbem spoiliauit.	Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-05-24-Lübeck	24 May 1350 JL	Great plague with high victim numbers all over the german lands. The plague happened due to Gods will and he used the planets and stars as instruments to fulfill it. The plague is the punishment for the sins of the people.	681. In deme sulven jare des somers van pinrsten bet to sunte Mychaelis daghe do was so grot stervent der lude in allen Dudeschen landen, dat des ghelikes ne was ervaren, unde het noch de grote dot, hir umme dat he mene was over vele lant, ok dat he krestich was over vele lude, also dat an vele steden de teynde mynsche kume bles levendich. in der stad to Lubeke storven by eneme naturliken daghe sancti Laurentii (p. 522), van der ener vesper tho der anderen 25 hundert volkes betalt. de lude ghinghen alse doden, unde er sturven vele van angheste unde vruchteden, wente se weren des umbewonet. Wat de sake weren des stervendes unde der anderen, de dar na quemen, dat is Gode bekannt unde is vorbedecket an den vorborghenen schatten siner grundelosen wisheyt; allenen, dat vor is hir beschreven, dat de planeten unde sternen scholden anvlote gheven to deme stervende, dat is war, dat se nicht en synt de erste unde hogeste sake, mer God allenen; de planeten sint men instrumenta unde tekene; vormiddels den werket God unde vullenbringhet sinen willen. Ik love, dat de bosheit der lude, de sik vormeret an der lesten tiit der werlde unde wert jo groter unde groter, si en sake, dar sik umme vormeren ok de wrake der pyne, also de lerer willen der hilgen schrift. unde is dat also, so sint desse stervende, orloghe, vorretnisse unde al de plaghe, de nu scheen, mer de tekene, de Cristus hest ghesproken in den hilgen ewangelien, dat se scholen scheen vor der lesten tiid; wo langhe vore, dat is nicht beschreven, wente Gode is dat alleneghen bekant.	681. In the same year (1350), from Pentecost until St. Michael's Day in the summer, there was such a great death among people in all German lands that nothing like it had ever been experienced. It was considered the Great Death because it spread across many lands and claimed the lives of many people. In many places, barely one in ten people remained alive. In the city of Lübeck died only at one day 2,500 people, from one evening prayer on the feast day of St. Lawrence to the next. People left as dead people, and many also died from fear and dread. The reasons for this mortality and other calamities that followed are known only to God, concealed in the hidden depths of His boundless wisdom. However, it is written here that the planets and stars were thought to have some influence on the spread of the plague, though they were not the primary or highest cause—only God Himself is. The planets are merely instruments and signs through which God works and fulfills His will. I believe that the increasing wickedness of people, which has grown in these latter days of the world and continues to grow, may also be a cause, as the teachings of Holy Scripture suggest, for which God's punishment and wrath increase as well. If this is so, then the deaths, wars, betrayals, and all the plagues we now see are merely signs that Christ spoke of in the Holy Gospels, which are to appear before the end times. How long before, however, is not recorded, as only God alone knows.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 521-522.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1351-00-00-Brno	1351 JL	In a charter from the end of the year 1351 John, Markgrave of Moravia, offers settlers, who are willing to settle down in Brno, which is depopulated by the plague, tax exemption for four years.	[...], qualiter condicio Ciuitatis nostr Brvnne que hactenus per perstilenciam et mortalitatem hominum miserabiliter deuastata et deserta fuit [...].	[...] such is the condition of our city Brno, which has so far been miserably devastated and deserted through the plague and the mortality of the people [...].	Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VIII, p. 95, no. 129	Translation by Christian Oertel
1351-00-00-Znojmo	1351 JL	In a charter from the end of the year 1351 John, Markgrave of Moravia, offers settlers, who are willing to settle down in Znojmo, which is depopulated by the plague, tax exemption for four years.	Presertim, cum ciuitas nostra Znoymensis, que in metis Marchionatus nostri consistit, per pestilenciam et epidemiam pro dolor in tantum sit deuastata his proximis preteritis temporibus et desolata [...].	[...] Especially since our city Zojmo, which is situated at the border of our Margraviate, was devastated by a plague and epidemic and was left in great pain by its inhabitants in recent times [...].	Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VIII, p. 97f., no. 133	Translation by Christian Oertel
1352-00-00-Crete	1352 JL	Genoese came to Crete to conquer the land. The attacks were carried out with great loses and pestilence and infested land made their stay impossible, thus they returned back to Genoa with a stopover in Venice to harm them with infected galleys. More than 8 thousand Italians died in this war.	Come i Genovesi asediarono Gostantinopoli (p. 319) […] E ferma la pace, i Genovesi con tutta loro armata se ne vennono alla Candia per vincere il paese; e volendo porre in terra; ebbono incontro i paesani con IIIC cavalieri, e lle ciurme delle galee, e contradissono la prima scesa. I Genovesi si providono di fare parate, e dietro a quelle missono i balestrieri, e messe le scale in terra, a contradio di nemici presono campo; e stando in terra trovarono il paese corrotto, e avelenata l'aria e la terra di coruzione e sparta dalle galee di Viniziani e Catalani, e anche tra lloro avea dell'infermi e de' fediti, e per questa cagione, e per li molti disagi sostenuti lungamente, pensarono che 'l soprastare era pistolenzoso e mortale, si ricolsono a galea, e missonsi in mare per tornarsi a Genova; e inanzi pervenissono alla patria più di MD uomini della loro armata gittarono i mare morti: e nondimeno lasciarono nel golfo di Vinegia X galee per danneggiare i Viniziani. E del mese d'agosto del detto anno con XXXII galee tornarono a Genova col loro amiraglio, e con DCC prigioni viniziani e con molta preda dell'acquisto fatto sopra i nimici e sopra le spoglie de' Greci. Della quale vittoria, avegna che molto ne montasse in fama il Comune (p. 320) di Genova, più tristizia ch'allegrezza, più pianto e dolore che festa tornò a la loro patria: trovossi all'ultimo di questa maladetta guerra di queste armate, che tra morti in battaglia, e anegati in mare, e periti di pestilenzia, tra l'una parte e l'altra più di VIIIM Italiani vi morirono in quello anno. E quello avenne solo per attizzamento d'invidia di pari stato di due popoli Genovesi e' Viniziani, che catuno si volea tenere il maggiore.	[...] And after the peace treaty, the Genoese came to Crete with their entire fleet to conquer the land; and when they wanted to land, they met the locals with 300 knights and the crews of the galleys, who repelled the first landing attempt. The Genoese prepared themselves, set up defensive positions and deployed archers behind them. They put ladders ashore and captured a camp despite the enemy attacks. Once ashore, they found the land infested and the air and soil tainted by the plague spread by the Venetian and Catalan galleys. There were also sick and wounded among them, and for this reason, as well as the many prolonged hardships, they decided that staying on was dangerous and deadly. They returned to the galleys, set sail and made their way back to Genoa. Before they reached home, however, they threw more than 1500 men from their fleet dead into the sea. Nevertheless, they left ten galleys in the Gulf of Venice to inflict damage on the Venetians. In August of the same year, they returned to Genoa with 32 galleys under their admiral, 700 Venetian prisoners and much booty that they had taken from the enemy and the Greeks. Despite this victory, which brought great glory to the commonwealth of Genoa, this homecoming brought more sorrow than joy, more weeping and pain than festivity to the homeland. At the end of this accursed war of the fleets, there were more than 8000 Italians who died that year among the dead in the battles, the drowned at sea and the victims of the plague on both sides. And this happened solely because of the fuelled jealousy of two peoples of equal rank, the Genoese and the Venetians, each of whom believed themselves to be the greater.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 318-320.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1352-00-00-Italy	1352 JL	Mortality in Italy, which led king Louis I of Hungaryto return to Hungary.	tornato i rre d'Ungheria, per tema della generale mortalità, in suo paese;	The king returned to Hungary, because of the general mortality.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 338.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1352-10-18-Constance	18 October 1352 JL	Great mortality in Constance for a year.	Anno 1352 in die beati Lucae evangeliste (18 October) hub ain großer sterbat an und weret ain ganz jar.	in the year 1352 on the day of Saint Luke the Evangelist (October 18th) a great death began and lasted one year.	Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 60.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1353-00-00-Altusried	1349 JL	Impact of the Black Death on the demographics of the small village of Altusried in the Allgäu region according to tax records from Constance four years later.	Item ante bestilentiam fuerunt ibidem centum et L domicilia, nunc autem tantum sunt ibidem LX vel citra.	Similarly, before the pestilence, there were one hundred and fifty households there, but now there are only sixty or fewer	Haid 1870, sp. 61.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1353-00-00-Poehlde	1353 JL	Inscription on a church bell to protect from plague and famine, probably referring to the Black Death, from the parish of Poehlde in Lower Saxony.	O Rex aeterne populum Tu laedere sperne / Fulmine peste fame quotiens tonuit sonus a me.	O Eternal King, spare the people from injury by lightning, pestilence and famine as often as my sound is heard.	DI 105, Osterode, Nr. 14† (Jörg H. Lampe), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di105g021k0001408	Translation by Martin Bauch
1354-00-00-Tunis	1354 JL	In Tunis and surrounding areas was a plague of locusts, which destroyed the fields and grass. Their decay corrupted the air, leading to mortality and famine. In the following year, the same thing happened in Cyprus, thus the king issued a decree to contain the plague.	De' grilli ch'abondarono in Barberia e poi in Cipri In questo anno abondarono in Barberia, a Tunisi e nelle contrade vicine tanta moltitudine di grilli che copersono tutto il paese, e rosono e consumarono tutta l'erba che trovarono viva sopra la terra, e del puzzo ch'uscia della loro coruzzione corruppono tanto l'aria del paese, che nne seguitò grande mortalità nelli uomini, e grande fama a tutta la provincia. E questa medesima pestilenzia di grilli nel seguente anno accupò l'isola di Cipri per sì sconcio modo, che' campi e le strade n'erano pieni, alti da terra u mezzo braccio e più, e guastarono ciò che v'era di verde. E per cessare la pistilenzia della loro coruzione i re fece per dicreto che ogni uomo grande e popolare, plelato e cittadino e barone e contadino, ne dovesse rassegnare certa misura alli uficiali eletti sopra cciò per lo re, i quali feciono fare per li campi grandi fosse, ove li mettieno e ricoprieno. E per questa legge i villani si dispuosono a ffare loro civanza, e patteggiarono colli uomini ch'avieno a ffare il servigio che comandato e imposto li era, e avieno della misura certo (p. 480) prezzo, e rasegnavalli per nome di colui che li avea pagati alli uficiali diputati sopra ciò, i quali tenieno il conto di catuno; e durò questa maladizione in questa isola parecchi anni. Con tutto l'argomento che ffu utilissimo ad alleggiare i campi e cessare la coruzione, ma grande noia e confusione fu a tutto il paese.	That year, in Barbaria, Tunis and the neighbouring areas, there were so many crickets that they covered the whole country, eating and destroying all the grass they found on the ground. The stench emanating from their decay so corrupted the air of the land that a great mortality among the people and a great famine followed throughout the province. In the following year this same plague of locusts attacked the island of Cyprus in such a disgraceful manner that the fields and roads were full of them, up to half an arm and more high, and they destroyed all the greenery there was. To put an end to the pestilence of their decay, the king issued a decree that every man, great or small, plebeian or commoner, baron or peasant, should give a certain amount to the officials he chose. These had large trenches dug in the fields, into which they placed the crickets and covered them up again. As a result of this law, the farmers began to set to work and they traded with the men who were to perform the ordered and imposed service and had a certain price for the quantity. They handed them over in the name of the one who had paid them, to the appointed officials who kept a record of each one. This plague lasted for several years on this island. Although the measure was very useful in relieving the fields and stopping the decay, it was a great labour and confusion to the whole country.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 479-480.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1355-07-05-Sweden	5 July 1355 JL	Pope Innocent VI approves the plea of Henricus Lamberti, deacon from the diocese of Lund, for a benefice under the altar of Saint Jacobi and Saint Laurentii in the cathedral of Lund with a yield of no more than six silver marks, which was left vacant by the death of Ingemar Johannis at the curia during the plague	Supplicat sanctitati vestre deuotus vester Henricus Lamberti, diaconus Lundensis diocesis, quatenus sibi de beneficio altaris sanctorum Iacobi et Laurentii situati in ecclesia Lundensi, cuius fructus etc. vi marcharum argenti valorem annuum communiter non excedunt, vacante per mortem Ingemari Iohannis, qui in Romana curia tempore pestilencie diem clausit extremum, dignemini prouidere cum non obstantibus et clausulis oportunis ac executoribus vt in forma. Fiat G. Et quod transeat sine alia lectione. Fiat G. Datum Auinione III nonas iulii anno tercio.	Your faithful Henry Lambert, deacon of the diocese of Lund, beseeches for the benefit of the altar of Saints James and Lawrence situated in the church of Lund, the fruits etc. of which by force of silver marks do not exceed the annual value and are vacant by the death of Ingemar Johannis, who closed the last day in the Roman court during the pestilence, deign to provide with non-obstacles and convenient clauses and executors as in form. And that should pass without another reading. Avignon, on the 5 July in the third year.	Diplomatarium Suecanum, S 5491, p. 861	Translation by Carina Damm
1355-08-00-Cyprus	August 1355 JL	In Cyprus and Tunis and surroundings were great abundance of locusts, which destroyed the harvest and the fields. It followed a famine and a mortality among the people.	Come abondarono grilli in Cipri e 'n Barberia In questo tempo abbondarono nell'isola di Cipri tanti grilli, che rimpierono tutti i campi alti da terra un quarto di braccio, e consumarono ciò che verde trovarono sopra la terra, e guastarono i lavori per modo che frutto no se ne poté avere in quest'anno. E 'l simigliante avenne questo medesimo anno MCCCLV i molte parti della Barberia, e massimamente nel reame di Tunisi; ed essendo mancato il pane al minuto popolo di Barberia, metteno i grilli ne'forni, e cotti alquanto incrosticati li mangiavano i Saracini, e con questa brutta vivanda mantenieno la misera vita, ma grande mortalità seguitò di quello popolo.	How crickets were abundant in Cyprus and in Barbaria At that time there were so many crickets on the island of Cyprus that they covered all the fields up to the height of a quarter of an arm and consumed all the greenery they found on the ground. They destroyed the crops to such an extent that no fruit could be harvested that year. Something similar happened in the same year, 1355, in many parts of Barbaria, especially in the kingdom of Tunis. As bread became scarce for the common people of Barbarie, they put the crickets in ovens, and after they were baked and crusted, the Saracens ate them. With this unappetising food they maintained their miserable lives, but great mortality followed among this people.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 703.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1356-00-00-Bad-Hersfeld	1356 JL	Inscription referring to a Mass grave of the Pestis secunda in Hersfeld.	Anno milleno ter c semel l q(uoque) seno / De tumida peste q(ue) tu(n)c viguit ma(n)ifeste / Ex vi divina cecideru(n)t miliae) trina / Hic svbterrata req(ui)esca(n)t pace beata.	In the year 1356, due to the swelling plague, which was apparently in full force at the time, 3000 died by divine force and were buried here. May they rest in holy peace.	DI 91, Hersfeld-Rotenburg, Nr. 34 (Sebastian Scholz und Rüdiger Fuchs), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di091mz14k0003402	Translation by Martin Bauch
1356-00-00-Basel	18 September 1356 JL	There was an earthquake in Basel followed by a plague.	Item anno Domini 1356 in die sancti Luce ewangeliste post meridiem in Basilea super ripam Reni terre motus factus magnus et multa castra subvertit et plures interfecit, et secuta est pestilencia.	In the year of the Lord 1356 at the day of St Luke the apostle after midday the earth shook fiercely in Basel and many castles were destroyed and many [people] were killed and following this there was a plague.	Annales Wratislawienses maiores, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica III, p. 690.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1356-00-00-Brno	1356 JL	An entry in the town book of Brno (of 1356) states that the city officials together with John Henry, the margrave of Moravia, should see to it that the property of those deceased in the recent plague were not transferred to foreigners.	Item cum magnificus princeps, dominus noster naturalis, dominus Iohannes, marchio Moravie, in epidemia seu pestilencia novissime regnante iuratis ac consulibus civitatis, ut cavere deberent, ne testata et legateta moriencium et maxime notabilium personarum per aliquam extraneam personam seu advenam sub obtentu sue gracie, rerum et personarum perdicione aliqualiter distraherentur, strictissime percipisset	When the illustrious prince, our natural lord, Lord John, Margrave of Moravia, during the most recently (1356) ravaging epidemic or plague, strictly commanded the jurors and councilors of the city to ensure that the wills and legacies of those dying, especially of notable persons, should not be in any way taken away by any foreign person or newcomer under the pretext of his grace, resulting in the loss of possessions and persons	Miroslav Flodr (ed.), Pamětní kniha města Brna z let 1343-1376 (1379), Brno 2005, p. 745, no 2258.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1356-00-00-Germany	1356 JL	The Pestis secunda emerges in Germany.	Item eodem anno (1356) insurgit pestilencia magna hominum, ut supra, per totam Alamaniam.	Similarly, in the same year (1356), a great pestilence of people arose, as mentioned before, throughout all of Germany.	Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, p. 110.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1356-00-00-Hesse	1356 JL	The pestis secunda strikes Hesse and Central Germany, in combination with a bad harvest and dearth of foodstuffs.	Item in disem selben jare irhup sich groß jamer, unde qwam daz zweite groß sterben, also daz di lude an allen enden in Duschen landen stoben mit großen haufen an der selben suchte, als si sturben in dem ersten sterben. Unde war ez nit enqwam in disem jare, dar qwam ez in dem andern jare, unde ging alumb. Auch so galt daz korn unde di fruchte sin gelt, daz ez an manichem lande gar hertlichen unde komerlichen wart sten, unde sunderlichen in Hessen, in Westfalen unde dar umb unde anderswo. Item der win galt groß gelt, mit namen so galt ein qwart wines von Elsaßen zu Limpurg funf engelsen, daz ist war, unde der lantwin unde von Rine einen schilling pennige.	In this same year (1356), great sorrow arose, and there came the second great dying, so that people everywhere in the German lands died in large numbers from the same sickness as they did in the first dying. And if it did not happen in this year, it happened in the next year and continued to roam. Also, the price of grain and other crops rose significantly, causing hardship and trouble in many lands, especially in Hessen, Westphalia, and surrounding areas. Moreover, the price of wine rose greatly, for example, a quarter of wine from Alsace cost five "English" in Limburg, that is true, and the local wine and that from the Rhine cost a shilling pennies.	Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 46.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1356-00-00-Kassel	1356 JL	No longer extant inscription from inside a parish church in Kassel, referring to the Pestis secunda.	m c sic trinis cum l v i quoque binis / mund per gyrum regnans epidemia totum / grandi de peste pereunt homines tibi certe / pars hominum bina penetrant coelestia regna.	M C so three (times), with L V I also two (times) (1357), / Through the earth's whole circle a pestilence reigning, / Humans perish from great pestilence, to you reliably / A part of men; in twofold they move into heavenly realms.	Presche 2013, pp. 512-513, taken from an Early modern source compilation, "Hessische Congeries", but evaluated and redated most convincingly.	None
1356-00-00-Mainz	1356 JL	A plague emerges in Germany after a year of inclement weather, cold, and bad harvest.	Anno Domini trecentesimo quinquagesimo 6. crevit vinum tam debile, quod vix homines bibere poterant, et si vinum vetus poterat inveniri, in hoc non poterat tam preciose ... nisi biberetur; et homines, qui poterant hoc habere pro excellenti precio, gavisi sunt quasi gratis haberent; et annona preciosa; et facta est pestilencia in multis partibus terre.	In the year of our Lord 1356, wine grew so weak that scarcely could people drink it, and if old wine could be found, it couldn't be valued as highly... unless it was to be drunk; and people, insofar as they could have this for an excellent price, rejoiced as if they had it for free; and there was a dearth of grain; and a pestilence occurred in many parts of the land.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 4.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1356-00-00-Würzburg	1356 JL	Great plague in Würzburg and Franconia.	De Pestilentia. Anno Domini 1356. fuit pestilentia hominum prima in Herbipoli magna & grauis & circum quaque in Franconia.	Over the plague. In the year of our Lord 1356, was a great and severe human plague first in Würzburg and then all over Franconia.	Template:Chronicon Wirziburgense breve 1735, p. 471.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1356-00-00-Würzburg 001	1356 JL	Great plague in Würzburg and Franconia.	Von ainem sterben In dem jare des heren 1356 ist zu Wirtzburg vnd daselbstumb im land zu Francken ain heftige pestilentz angefallen, die ser vil leüt hinweg genomen hat	About an dying. In the year of the lord 1356 was a great plague in Würzburg and in Franconia, which took the lives of many people.	Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 2 (1994), p. 356.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1356-08-00-Frankfurt	August 1356 JL	Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt with a precise description of symptoms.	Item anno domini McccLVI circa mensem augustum et sequentibus magna in opido Frankenfordensi pestilencia duravit, ac in lectis modico tempore quandoque vix tribus diebus vel circa decumbentes decesserunt. Glauces circa crura vel brachia sua aut tumorem et dolorem circa capita sua vel alibi in corporibus habentes moriebantur.	In the year of our Lord 1356, around the month of August and the following months, a great pestilence persisted in the town of Frankfurt. Those afflicted would often lie in bed for a short time, sometimes barely three days or around that, before succumbing. They would die with bluish discoloration around their legs or arms, or with swelling and pain in their heads or elsewhere on their bodies.	Annales Francofurtani 1884, p. 3.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1356-08-00-Frankfurt01	August 1356 JL	Outbreak of the plague in Frankfurt.	Anno 1356 in augusto tanto pestis insaevit Francofordiae quod mirum fuit. In triduo infecti pesti iverunt viam carnis universae.	In the year 1356, in August, such a severe plague raged in Frankfurt that it was astonishing. Within three days of being infected by the plague, they all passed away.	Collectanea Petri Herp 1884, p. 59.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1356-09-21-Frankfurt	21 September 1356 JL	Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt with a general procession.	Anno 1356 in die sancti Matthaei Francoforti statio generalis propter epidemiam habebatur et 6 5 et 4 calendas octobris in ecclesia sancti Bartholomaei ob pestilentiam missa "recordare" etc., membro quolibet nigra cappa induto candelam caerae manu tenennte, cantabatur.	In the year 1356, on the feast of Saint Matthew, a general assembly was held in Frankfurt due to the epidemic. And on the sixth, fifth, and fourth days before the Kalends of October [September 26th, 27th, and 28th], at the church of Saint Bartholomew, because of the plague, the Mass "Recordare" was celebrated, with each member wearing a black cloak and holding a candle in hand, made of wax.	Collectaneen Schurg 1884, p. 153.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1356-09-26-Frankfurt	26 September 1356 JL	Outbreak of the plague in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions.	Et eodem anno [1356] habita est supplicatio publica propter pestem epidemiae Francofordiae, singulis in manu tenentibus candelam (Antiquitates) / Eodem anno [1356] fuit stacio generalis propter epidemiam, et sexto quinto ac quarto calendas octobris cautatum fuit in ecclesia nostra officium "recordare", quolibet sacerdote candelam ardentem manu tenente (Acta).	And in the same year (1356), a public supplication was held due to the epidemic plague in Frankfurt, with everyone holding a candle in their hand (Antiquitates) / In the same year [1356], there was a general assembly due to the epidemic, and on the sixth, fifth, and fourth days before the Kalends of October [September 26th, 27th, and 28th], the office of "recordare" was sung in our church, with each priest holding a burning candle in hand (Acta).	Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 97.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1357-00-00-Central Germany	1357 JL	A plague along the Rhine, in Hesse, Thuringia and Wetterau.	Eodem anno circa festum ascensionis fuit regina Ungarie et rex Romanus in Maguncia causa peregrinationis cum magna multitudine gentis. Eo quoque tempore fuit divulgatum per (p. 6) totam terram Renensem per litteras auctenticas, quod Antechristus natus esset, et narrabantur infinita signa que fecisset. In nativitate et post eciam dicebatur de multis miraculis de maximo calore qui deberet advenire, et de magnis fluviis et de multis preliis; que Deus avertat! Anno predicto facta est magna pestilentia in multibus partibus Rheni et in Hassia et Thuringia et Wedderabia, et annona preciosa est, quia crevit valde modicum siliginis, sed bonum, et vinum similiter. Eodem anno circa festum Marie Magdalene [Juli 22] eclipsis lune facta est, quia fuit plenilunium, et facta est in quantitate manus, et postea eodem die reintegrata est.	In the same year around Ascension Day, the kings of Hungary and the Roman king stayed in Mainz with a large entourage because of the journey to the East. At the same time, rumours spread throughout the Rhine region through genuine letters that the Antichrist had been born. There was talk of countless signs that he had brought about. At Christmas and afterwards, there was talk of many miracles, of tremendous heat to come, of great masses of water and many wars. God forbid! In the predicted year, a great pestilence occurred in many parts of the Rhine area, as well as in Hesse, Thuringia, and the Wetterau, and grain was scarce because the wheat crop grew very little, albeit good, and similarly with wine. In the same year, a lunar eclipse occurred around Mary Magdalene on 22 July. It was a full moon, the eclipse reached hand-width, but shortly afterwards, on the same day, the moon was full again.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 5-6	Translation by Martin Bauch; None; None;
1357-00-00-Magdeburg	1357 JL	Plague strikes Magdeburg, symptoms of bubonic plague are described and Jews were persecuted, expelled and killed as they were blamed for the epidemic outbreak	Dar na [1350] aver seven jare / wart hir echt ein stervent sware (...) In dem jare wart hir grot stervent in der stadt, und was de suke der lude vor wesen hadde over seven jare, also dat den luden drose worden under den armen edder an dem halse edder boven an den beinen. Dit stervent lede men den joden to, dat ed van orer gift were. Dar umme vordref men de joden, und orer wart vele vordelget	But after that 1350 there was a very heavy mortality here for seven years. ... In that year [1357] there was a great dying in the city. And it was the same thing that had affected the people seven years earlier. People got swellings under their arms, on their necks or on the upper part of their legs. The Jews were blamed for the deaths, saying it was caused by their poison. That is why the Jews were expelled, and many of them were also killed.	Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 3, 223	Translation by Martin Bauch
1357-00-00-Muehlberg	1357 JL	The Cistercian monastery of Mühlberg on the river Elbe remembers in 1359 its nuns deceased in a plague outbreak, probably part of the pestis secunda.	pro remedio animarum suae et progenitorum suorum et parentum ac etiam dominarum singularum et sororum nostrarum conventualium dicti nostri monasterii in moritalitate sive pestilentia, quae nuper videlicet de anno domini millesimo trecentesimo quinquagesimo septimo miserabiliter viguit.	For the remedy of the souls of themselves, their ancestors, and parents, and also of the individual ladies and our sisters of the said monastery, during the mortality or pestilence which recently, namely in the year of our Lord 1357, miserably prevailed.	UB Meissen 1864-67, vol. 2, p. 22, No. 514.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1357-00-00-South Germany	1357 JL	Great mortality in South Germany (Speyer, Bamberg, Augsburg, Regensburg, Constance, Stuttgart, Grüningen).	Mortalitas sive epithuma fuit in dyocesi Spirensi, Babenbergensi, Augustensi, Ratisponensi et eciam in una parte dyoc. Const. in territorio comitum de Wirtenberg circa Stutgarten et Grüningen.	There was a mortality or disease in the diocese of Speyer, Bamberg, Augsburg, Regensburg and also in a part of the diocese of Konstanz in the area of the dukes of Württemberg around Stuttgart and Grüningen.	Heinricus de Diessenhofen 1842, p. 112	Translation by Martin Bauch
1357-00-00-Zwiefalten	1357 JL	Many people die of a plague in the monastery of Zwiefalten	In monasterio Zwiweltun multe persone ex pestilencia hominum morientur	In the monastery of Zwiefalten many persons die of a pestilence of men.	Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 62	Translation by Martin Bauch
1358-00-00-Brabant	1358 JL	The plague that did harm in Brabant and surroundings in autumn spread in winter and reached Friuli, where it raged until March.	Operazioni della moria In quest'anno l'usata moria dell'anguinaia, la quale nell'autunno passato avea nel Brabante e nelle circustante parti de Reno fatti gran danni, e nel verno si dilatò, e comprese e passò nel Frioli faccendo l'uficio suo per infino al marzo, e parte della Schiavonia, (p. 301) ma non troppo agramente; però ch'enfiando sotto il ditello e l'anguinaia, chi passava il settimo giorno era sicuro; vero è che in sette dì assai ne morivano. Ancora no pigliava le città e le ville comunemente, ma al modo della gragnuola, l'una lasciava stare e ll'altra prendea; e durando dove cominciava dalle venti alle ventidue settimane, molta gente d'ogni generazione trasse a ffine.	Effects of the plague This year (1358) the accustomed inguinal plague, which last autumn did great harm in Brabant and the surrounding parts of the Rhine, spread in winter, reaching and passing through Friuli, where it did its work till March, and part of Schiavonia, but not too violently; if it swelled under the arm or in the groin, any one who survived the seventh day was safe; it is true, however, that within seven days many died. Moreover, it did not generally affect towns and villages, but like a hailstorm it left one place untouched and seized another; and where it began, it lasted from twenty to twenty-two weeks, killing many people of all ages.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 300-301	None
1358-00-00-Cologne	1358 JL	A plague along the Rhine, in Cologne, with inclement weather, cold in wintern and dearth of foodstuffs.	Eo tempore est facta pestilencia valida in partibus inferioribus et in Colonia et inibi. Eo tempore antequam vindemia inciperet vinum fuit tam preciosum, quod vinum venale non inveniebatur; sed postea statim quando uve erant collecte vinum optimo foro erat, sicut unquam in decem annis antea factum est: ita ego vidi et audivi. Hyeme sequenti Rhenum est compactum circa tres septimanas.	At that time (1358), a severe pestilence occurred in the lower regions and in Cologne and its vicinity. At that time, before the grape harvest began, wine was so precious that it was not available for sale; but afterward, as soon as the grapes were collected, the wine was of the best quality ever seen in the market, as it was never in the past ten years: so I saw and heard. The following winter, the Rhine was frozen for about three weeks.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 7.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1358-00-00-Italy	1358 JL	There was in Tuscany an abundance of fruit. In winter there were colds, in summer tertiary fever. The wine varieties Valdelsa, Chianti and Valdarno had diseases and in France there was a civil war against the nobles.	E ppiù ad aumento di pace in questo anno fu abondanza di tutti i frutti della terra. È vero che furono nel verno malatie di freddo, e nella state molte febri terzane, e semplici e doppie, sicché se lli uomini fer pace delle loro guerre, non di manco li elementi per li peccati sconci delli uomini loro fecero guerra. Nella quale fu da notare che come l'anno passato la Valdelsa, e il Chianti, e il Valdarno furono di molte infertadi gravate e morie, che così nel presente, che ffu mirabile cosa. E perché (p. 208) per queste paci fossono liete molte province, i reame di Francia in questi giorni ebbe grandi e gravi comozioni di popoli contro a' gentili uomini, che molto guastarono il paese, e tre gran compagne di gente d'arme settantrionali conturbarono forte Italia e lla Proenza. Il perché appare che universale pace non può essere nel mondo, come fu al tempo che 'l figliuolo di Dio umana carne della Vergine prese.	And to further increase peace there was abundance of all the fruits of the earth that year. It is true that in winter there were colds, and in summer many tertiary fevers, single and double, so that if men made peace in their wars, the elements still made war on them because of the shameful sins of men. It was remarkable that, as the Valdelsa, the Chianti, and the Valdarno were severely afflicted with many diseases and deaths last year, the same was the case in the present year, which was astonishing. And although many provinces were gladdened by this peace, the kingdom of France in these days experienced great and serious disturbances of the people against the nobles, which greatly devastated the country, and three great hosts of northern warriors greatly troubled Italy and Provence. From this it follows that there can be no universal tranquillity in the world, as there was at the time when the Son of God took on human flesh from the Virgin.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 207-208	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1358-00-00-Netherlands	1358 JL	The plague raged in Brussels, Antwerp, Leuven and other cities in Brabant. Flanders was spared, because it was earlier hard affected.	Di mortalità d'Allamagna e Brabante Essendo ancora il braccio di Dio disteso sopra i peccatori no corretti né amendati per li suoi terribili giudici a tutto il mondo palesi, e per gastigalli e riducelli a migliore vita, nel detto anno nel tempo dell'autunno ricominciò coll'usata pistolenzia dell'anguinaia a fragellare il ponente, e molto gravò in Borsella, che del mese d'ottobre e di novembre vi morirono più di millecinquecento borgesi, sanza le femine e' fanciulli, che furono assai. Ad Anguersa, e a lLovana, e nell'altre ville di Brabante il simile fé. Non toccò la Fiandra, perché altra volta n'era molto stata gravata, e però Brabante più ne sentì; e per simile modo avenne nella Magna a Basola, e in altre città e castella infino a Buemia e Praga, le quali dalla prima mortalità non erano state gravate.	On mortality in Germany and Brabant Since the arm of God was still outstretched over the unrepentant and uncorrected sinners, and in order to chastise them by his terrible judgments revealed to the whole world and to lead them back to a better life, the usual plague of the groin began to plague the West again in the autumn of the year mentioned. Brussels was particularly hard hit, where more than 1500 citizens died in October and November, not counting the women and children, who were also numerous. The same thing happened in Antwerp, Leuven and other cities in Brabant. Flanders was not affected, as it had been severely affected earlier, which is why Brabant suffered all the more; it happened in a similar way in Germany in Basel and in other towns and castles as far as Bohemia and Prague, which had not been affected by the first plague.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, p. 273.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1358-00-00-Strasbourg	1358 JL	A plague came to Strasbourg, similar to the previous one, thus a new graveyard had to be built.	Ein sterbote. Do man zalt 1358 jor, do kam ein gemein sterben zu Strosburg uf die selbe zit des jores. daz was nüt also groß alse daz vorder, doch was es nüt vil kleiner. daz kam von Niderlant heruf, do kam das erste von Oberlande herabe. zu disen zwein sterboten gebrast armen luten begrebede zu dem munster, darumbe maht man dernoch einen nüwen lichofe bi der steinhütten. daz geschach in dem jore do man zalt von gotz gebürte 1360 jor.	A dying In the year 1358, a widespread plague came to Strasbourg at the same time of year. It was not as severe as the previous one, but it was not much smaller. This plague came up from the lower land, whereas the first one had come down from the upper land. Due to these two plagues, the burial ground for the poor overflowed, and thus a new graveyard was established near the stone cottage. This happened in the year 1360 according to the counting from the birth of Christ.	Fritsche Closener 1870, p. 121.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1358-00-00-Strasbourg 001	1358 JL	A plague which came from the lower land and a new cemetery had to be built.	Ein sterbotte. Do men zalte 1358 jor, do was ein gros sterbotte zu Strosburg. der kam von Nyderlant heruf und das erste sterben kam von Oberlant herabe. in disem sterbotte gebrast armen lüten begrebede zu dem münster, derumb mahte men dernoch einen nuwen lichof zum münster bi der steinhütten, noch gotz gebürde 1360 jor.	A dying. In the year 1358, a great dying was in Strasbourg, which came from the lower land and the first dying came from the upper land. In this plague burial space for the poor people at the cathedral became full, so in 1360, a new cemetery was created next to the church near the stone houses.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 771.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1358-07-25-Constance	25 July 1358 JL	Great mortality in Constance especially along the Danube in Ulm. In addition descriptions of the weather.	Quo eciam mense [July] et precedentibus mortalitas viguit in dyocesi Constant. maxime circa Danubium in Ulma et usque ad lacum in Constantia et aliis locis circum iacentibus. Et duravit ad annum lix. et tunc cepit cessare. Sed a festo sancti Iacobi [25.07.] usque ad annum prescriptum quinquaginta sex scolares in Constancia mortui sunt. Et omnes habuerunt apostemata qui illa pestilencia decesserunt exceptis paucissimis. Et frigus incepit in vigilia [leere Stelle] anni lix. et duravit usque ad purificationem. Et deinceps fuit tempus bonum et temperatum. Et per totum martium nec nix nec frigus fuit sed bene cum serenitate incepit et cum pluvia modica et temperata in fine mensis finivit. Et eius lunacio incepit xiiii. Numero aurei numeri secundum veram computationem que servanda est, nec fallit nisi ad paucas horas precedentis diei. Anno autem lx. erit xv. Et sic ascensive et descensive deinceps, et incipiendum est in ianuario.	In the same month [July] and the preceding months, mortality raged in the diocese of Constance, especially along the Danube in Ulm and as far as Lake Constance in Constance as well as in other neighbouring areas. It lasted until 1359 and then began to subside. However, from the feast of St James [25 July] until that year, fifty-six pupils died in Constance. All those who died from this plague had abscesses, with very few exceptions. And the cold began on the eve of [blank space] of the year 59 and lasted until the Purification. From then on, the weather was good and temperate. Throughout March, there was neither snow nor cold, but it began with clear skies and ended with light and moderate rain at the end of the month. Its lunar phase began on the 14th, according to the golden number, according to the true calculation which must be observed and is only off by a few hours of the previous day. In the year 60, it will be the 15th. And so it continues ascending and descending from then on, and it is to begin in January.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 113.	None
1358-09-14-Leipzig	14 September 1358 JL	A plague is ravaging Leipzig, the canons of St. Thomas pledge to celebrate a special mass to mitigate god's wrath.	Nos Nicolaus dei gratia praepositus, Nicolaus prior totusque conventus canonicorum regularium sancti Thomae in Lypzk notum esse volumus praesentium tenore inspecturis. Quia deus non est placabilis super nequitia populi nisi peccatores fuerint poenitentia ducti, nos igitur propter peccata nostra in magna miseria pro nunc et pestilentia constituti ad mitigandam iram dei astringimus nos voto speciali ex consensu unanimi, ipsi beatae Mariae virgini singulis sabbatis perpetue summam missam de beata Maria virgine cum omnibus horis canonicis sollemniter celebrari, exclusis apostolicis festis et quatuor temporibus anni vel aliis quae variari non possunt, in honorem eiusdem virginis gloriosae, ut deus propitiatus avertat iram suam a nobis et a miseria nunc regnante. Pro quo voto specialiter gavisius dominus Jacobus noster concanonicus ad habendam memoriam sui et fratrum suorum et omnium propinquorum tam in vita quam in morte pro confirmatione et certa roboratione dicti voti suis sumptibus et propinquorum tegmen dormitorii nostri de novo redintegravavit. In cuius voti testimonium sigilla nostra praesentibus sunt appensa anno domini M°.CCC°.LVIII. in die exaltationis sanctae crucis.	We, Nicholas, by the grace of God provost, Nicholas the prior, and the entire convent of the Canons Regular of Saint Thomas in Leipzig, wish it to be known to all inspecting the present document. Since God is not appeased by the wickedness of the people unless sinners are led to repentance, therefore, on account of our sins, now in great misery and afflicted by pestilence, to mitigate the wrath of God, we bind ourselves by a special vow, with unanimous consent, to solemnly celebrate every Saturday in perpetuity a high Mass of the Blessed Virgin Mary with all canonical hours, excluding apostolic feasts and the four Ember Days of the year or other days that cannot be changed, in honor of the same glorious Virgin, so that God, being propitiated, may turn His wrath away from us and from the present reigning misery. In particular support of this vow, our fellow canon Lord Jacob, rejoicing greatly, for the memory of himself and his brothers and all his kin both in life and in death, for the confirmation and firm establishment of this vow, at his own and his relatives' expense, has newly restored the roof of our dormitory. In testimony of this vow, our seals are affixed to this document in the year of our Lord 1358, on the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross.	CDS II 9, p. 91	Translation by Martin Bauch
1359-00-00-Austria	1359 JL	The Jews were persecuted because they were said to have produced the plague prevailing in many places.	1359 [...] Iudei in magna persecutione habebantur propter pestilenciam qui in aliquibus locis prevaluit, quasi ab illis procedat execra[bi]lis toxicacio.	1359 [...] The Jews had a great persecution because of the pestilence which in many places prevailed. It was virtuall produced by them through abominable poisoning.	Continuatio Zwetlensis quarta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 684-689, 688	Translation by Christian Oertel
1359-00-00-Baltic sea	1359 JL	Great plague in the cities by the Baltic Sea, especially long in Stralsund.	698. In deme jare Cristi 1359 des somers was grot stervent in allen steden bi der zee, unde warde to deme Sunde aller lenghest bet na twelften.	698. In the year of Christ 1359 in the summer was a great dying in all cities by the sea, and lasted the longest in Stralsund until after the Twelve Days of Christmas.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, p. 528.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1359-00-00-Melbing	1359 JL	Great plague in Melbing.	700. In deme somere des sulven jares do was so grot pestilencia to den Melbinghe in Prutzen, dat binnen korter tiid sturven dar wol 13 dusent volkes.	700. In the summer of the same year (1359) there was such a great plague in Melbing in Prussia, that around 13 thousand people died in a short time.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, p. 529.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1359-06-18-StGallen	18 June 1359 JL	The Bishop of Constance incorporates villages to the monastery of Sankt Gallen as the ongoing plague has killed so many peasants.	Item quod ex epidimia seu hominum mortalitate, que domino permittente in partibus istis hactenus viguit, multitudo colonorum et aliorum hominum ipsius monasterii utriusque sexus ipsis et dicto monasterio iure servitutis pertinencium de hac luce ad dominum migravit.	Likewise, due to the epidemic or mortality among humans, which, with the Lord's permission, has prevailed in these parts until now, a multitude of peasants and other people, both men and women belonging by right of servitude to the monastery itself, have departed from this life to the Lord	Chartularium Sangallense VII 1993, p. 446, no. 4606.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1359-07-04-Goettingen	4 July 1359 JL	Inscription on a church bell to protect from plague and famine, probably referring to the Pestis secunda, from a parish church in Göttingen.	+ ANNO · DOMINI · M° · C°C°C° LIX · IN DIE · S(ANCTI) · ODELRITCI + AVE · MARIA · GRACIA · PLENA · DOMINVS · TECVM · B[ENE]DICTA · TV · IN · MVLIERI / BVS · ET · BENEDICTVS · FRVCTVS · VENTRIS · TVI · AMIN · + O · REX · ETERNE · POPVLVM · TV · LEDERE · SPERNE · [FVL]MINE · [PE]STEf) · FAME · / · QVOCIGENS · TINNIT · SONVS · A ME.	In the year of our Lord 1359, on the day of St. Ulrich. Hail Mary, you are full of grace, the Lord is with you. Blessed are you among women, and blessed is the fruit of your womb, Amen. O eternal King, spare the people from injury by lightning, pestilence (and) famine, as often as the sound of me is heard.	DI 19, Stadt Göttingen, Nr. 7 (Werner Arnold), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di019g001k0000709	Translation by Martin Bauch
1359-08-02-Kirchberg-SG	2 August 1359 JL	The Bishop of Constance incorporates the parish of Kirchberg, SG and its daugther church in Rickenbach, TG to the monastery of Sankt Gallen as the ongoing plague has killed so many peasants.	Item quod ex epidimia seu hominum mortalitate, que domino permittente in partibus istis hactenus viguit, multitudo colonorum et aliorum hominum ipsius monasterii utriusque sexus ipsis et dicto monasterio iure servitutis pertinencium de hac luce ad dominum migravit, adeo quod de pluribus ipsius monasterii possessionibus propter huiusmodi mortalitatem remanentibus incultis census debitos ex eis habere non valent.	Likewise, due to the epidemic or mortality among humans, which, with the Lord's permission, has prevailed in these parts until now, a multitude of peasants and other people, both men and women belonging by right of servitude to the monastery itself, have departed from this life to the Lord, so much so that, because of this mortality, many of the possessions of the monastery itself, remaining uncultivated, cannot pay the due revenues	Chartularium Sangallense VII 1993, p. 457458, no. 4623.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1359-10-05-Bohemia	1358 JL	The archbishop of Prague, Arnošt of Pardubice, grants an indulgence of 40 days to everybody who will participate in processions held and masses read to appease God and make him relieve the land from the plague which has it in its grip since the previous year.	Cum corporalis infirmitas frequenter animi aegritudinem subsequatur, et e contra correctis et emendatis vitiis plaga propter peccatorum pondus inflicta desinit desaevire. Hinc est, quod, cum mortalitatis pestilentia ob multitudinem . . pecatorum nostrorum, sicut versimiliter formidamus, ante paucos annos transactos et etiam anno proxime praeterito patriam istam invasisset et nobis poenitentiam agentibus et cessantibus a peccando plaga illa cessavit a nobis, nunc vero recidivantibus nobis in peccata dimissa tamquam si canes ad vomitum revertantur, et forsam quod non sine amaritudine cordis adicimus, quia non veriti fuimus maxime peccata cumulare, prioribus pestilentia saevior iterato est reversa. Nam cum priori vice hominibus ipsius pestilentiae morbo infectis poenitentiae spatium ex misericordia Domini concedebatur per triduum, nunc ipso die, quo inficiuntur, ut plurimum moriuntur.	When bodily weakness frequently follows the distress of the soul, and, on the other hand, the wound inflicted due to the weight of sins ceases to rage when the faults are corrected and amended. Hence it is that, when the pestilence of mortality, on account of the multitude of our sins, as we reasonably fear, invaded this country a few years ago and even in the past year, and that plague ceased from us as we repented and refrained from sinning, but now, with us relapsing into forgiven sins, it returns as if dogs return to vomit, and perhaps we say this not without bitterness of heart because we were not afraid to accumulate sins to the utmost, the pestilence is returning with increased severity. For while, in the previous instance, space for repentance was granted to those afflicted with the disease of the pestilence for three days through the mercy of the Lord, now on the very day they are infected, they mostly die	Litera indulgencia contra pestem..., in: Libiri erectionum, vol. I, ed. Borový (1873), pp. 11-13, 12	None
1359-11-01-Bohemia	1 November 1359 JL	A plague in Bohemia and the neighbouring areas.	Eo tempore (1359) circa Omnium Sanctorum fuit pestilencia gravis in Bohemia et in partibus Bohemie et circumsitis.	At that time (1359), around All Saints' Day, there was a severe pestilence in Bohemia and in the surrounding regions of Bohemia.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 8.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1359-12-10-StGallen	10 December 1359 JL	The Bishop of Constance incorporates the church of St. Laurentius in Sankt Gallen to the monastery of Sankt Gallen as the ongoing plague has killed so many peasants.	Item quod ex epidimia seu hominum mortalitate, que domino permittente in partibus istis hactenus viguit, multitudo colonorum et aliorum hominum ipsius monasterii utriusque sexus ipsis et dicto monasterio iure servitutis pertinencium de hac luce ad dominum migravit, adeo quod de pluribus ipsius monasterii possessionibus propter huiusmodi mortalitatem remanentibus incultis census debitos ex eis habere non valent.	Likewise, due to the epidemic or mortality among humans, which, with the Lord's permission, has prevailed in these parts until now, a multitude of peasants and other people, both men and women belonging by right of servitude to the monastery itself, have departed from this life to the Lord, so much so that, because of this mortality, many of the possessions of the monastery itself, remaining uncultivated, cannot pay the due revenues.	Chartularium Sangallense VII 1993, p. 457458, no. 4654	Translation by Martin Bauch
1360-00-00-Damascus	1360 JL	Devasting plague in Damascus and Cairo. The reason is only known to god and gods will is more powerful than natural influence.	Della grande pistolenzia che percosse li Saracini. In questo anno pestilenzia di febri fu in Damasco e al Caro tanto fuori di modo, che sanza niuno riparo quasi generalmente ogni gente uccidea; il perché si credette che lle province di là rimanessono disolate e sanza abitatore, e sse guari tempo fosse durata avenia. Li morti furono tanti, che stimare numero certo o vicino non si poté. La cagione onde mossa a dDio solo, o ccui lo rivela, è manifesta. La naturale nicissità, la quale surge dalla influenza de' cieli e delle stelle, dà luogo alla nicisità soluta che procede dalla sua volontà.	Of the great plague that struck the Saracens In that year, a fever plague raged so violently in Damascus and Cairo that it carried off almost the entire population without any defence. It was believed that the provinces there would remain devastated and uninhabited if the plague continued for much longer. The number of deaths was so great that it was impossible to make an exact or even approximate estimate. The cause of this plague was known only to God or to those to whom he revealed it. The natural necessity arising from the influence of the heavens and the stars gave way to the divine necessity arising from his will.	Matteo Villani 1995,Vol. 2, p. 506	None
1360-00-00-Europe	April 1360 JL	The passage describes the way in which the plague spread, beginning in England in April and May and then spread to France, Lombardy, Romagne, Marche and Majorca. Matteo Villani criticised the persistence of people in their sins and the forgetting of the Judgement Day.	Della pistolenzia dell'anguinaia ricominciata in diversi paesi del mondo, e di sua operazione. In Inghilterra d'aprile e di maggio si cominciò, e seguitò di giugno e più inanzi, la pistolenzia dell'anguinaia usata, e ffuvi tale e tanta, che nella città di Londra il dì di san Giovanni e 'l seguente morirono più di MCC Cristiani, e in prima e poi per tutta l'isola. Gran fracasso fece per simile ne reame di Francia: nella Proenza trafisse ogni maniera di gente. Vignone corruppe in forma che no vi campava persona: morironvi nove cardinali, e più di VIIC plelati e gran cherici, e popolo inumerabile. E di maggio e giugno si stese e percosse la Lombardia, e prima Commo e Pavia, co tanta roina, che quais le recò in desolazione. In Milano misse il capo, dove altra volta nonn-era stata, e tirò a terra il popolo quasi affatto, con grande orrore e spavento di chi rimanea. Vinegia toccò in più riprese, e tolsele oltre a XXM viventi. La Romagna opressò forte e assai quasi per tutte sue terre, ma ppiù l'una che l'altra, e nell'entrata del verno cominciò a restare i Lombardia, e a gravare la Marca, e lla città d'Agobbio forte premette. L'isola della Maiolica perdé oltre alle tre parti de li abitanti. Né lasciò l'alpi delli Ubaldini sanza macolo per molti de' (p. 514) luoghi suoi. E molti paesi del mondo inn-uno tempo erano di questo pistolenzia corrotti, né già quelli a ccui parea che Dio perdonasse no ritornavano a llui per contrizione, partendosi dalle iniquitadi e dalle prave operazioni ostinate, e come le bestie del macello, veggendo l'altre nelle mani del beccaio col coltello svenare, saltavano liete nella pastura, quasi come a lloro non dovesse toccare, ma più dimenticando li uomini il giudicio divino si davano sfacciatamente alle rapine, alle guerre, e al mantenere compagne contra ogni uomo, alle ingiurie de' prossimi, e alle disoluta vita, e a' mali guadagni assai più che nelli altri tempi, corompendo la speranza della misericordia di Dio per lo male ingegno delle perverse menti; e cciò per manifesta sperienza si vide in tutte le parti del mondo dove la detta pistolenzia mostrò il giudicio di Dio.	On the resurgence of the plague of the groin in various countries of the world and its effects In England, the familiar plague of the abdomen began in April and May and continued through June and beyond. It was so devastating that on St John's Day and the following day, more than 1200 Christians died in the city of London, as well as before and after throughout the island. The plague caused similar chaos in the Kingdom of France; in Provence it affected people of all kinds. In Avignon, it raged so strongly that no one there was spared: nine cardinals died, over 700 prelates and great clerics as well as countless people from the populace. In May and June, it spread to Lombardy, first to Como and Pavia, causing such destruction that these cities were almost depopulated. In Milan, where it had not been before, it caused great damage and decimated almost the entire population, causing great fear and terror among the survivors. Venice was hit in several waves and lost over 20,000 people. Romagna was hit hard, almost all towns were affected, some more than others. At the end of the winter, the plague began to subside in Lombardy, while it hit the Marche hard and put the city of Gubbio under severe pressure. On the island of Majorca, over three quarters of the population died. Even the Alps of the Ubaldini were not spared, and many of their towns were badly hit. At the same time, many countries of the world were afflicted by this plague, and those who believed that God had mercy on them did not return to him through repentance, but persisted in their sins and evil deeds. Like cattle for the slaughter, seeing their fellow animals in the hands of the butcher with a knife, they jumped happily to the pasture as if they would not be hit. But people, forgetting divine judgement, shamelessly indulged in robbery, wars and maintaining gangs against everyone, committing injustice against their neighbours, living a dissolute life and seeking ill-gotten gains, far more than at other times. This corrupted the hope of God's mercy by the evil nature of their perverse minds; and this could be observed in all parts of the world, where the aforementioned plague showed the judgement of God.	Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, pp. 514-515.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1360-00-00-Florence	1360 JL	Throughout the summer clear weather and heat, which leaded to abundant harvest of grain, wine and other crops. High mortality in western parts, but also in Italy many diseases with death, for exampel an epidemic of smallpox among children but also among men and women higher age.	Ancora dello stato del tempo e della moria dell'anguinaia Questo anno fu singulare di continovo sereno tutta la state, e di notabile caldo, e ebbe secondo il lungo tempo secco e caldo comunale ricolta di grano e di vino, e degli altri frutti della terra, ma la moria fu (p. 456) grandissima i molte parti occidentali, come narrato di sopra avemo, e lla Italia ebbe molti infermi di lunghe malatie, ed assai morti; e generale infermità di vaiuolo fu nella state di fanciulli e ne' garzoni, ed eziandio nelli uomini e femine di maggiori etadi, ch'era cosa di stupore e fastidiosa a vedere.	About the weather and the inguinal plague This year was characterised by continuously clear weather throughout the summer, accompanied by remarkable heat. Due to the prolonged drought and heat, the harvest of grain, wine and other crops was abundant. However, mortality was very high in many western parts, as described above, and Italy also had many sick with protracted diseases and numerous deaths. In summer there was a general epidemic of smallpox among children and youths, as well as among men and women of advanced age, which was astonishing and unpleasant to see.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 455-456	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1360-00-00-Poland	1360 JL	In this year a great plague broke out in Poland after which all Jews were killed by the Christians in different ways. Some Jews killed themselves and their families.	1360. Fuit magna pestilencia hominum in Polonia. Tunc eodem anno omnes Judey a Christianis necati sunt et occisi, alii vero combusti, alii vero suspensi, alii se ipsos, uxores et filios et filias cum cultellis in gutture necaverunt.	1360. There was a great plague of humans in Poland. Following this, in the same year all Jew were killed and slaughtered by the Christians. Some were burned, some were hanged, some killed themselves and their wives and sons and daughters by cutting their throats with small knives.	Annales Sandivogii, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, pp. 872-880, 880	Translation by Christian Oertel
1360-00-00-Poland 2	29 September 1360 JL	A vast plague occured in Poland as well as in western kingdoms including those of Hungary and Bohemia. In Poland, it started around the feast of St Michael (Sept. 29) and raged in towns, villages and rural areas. In Cracov 20,000 people fell fictim to it. Generally, more than 50% of the people were killed among all layers of society.	1360. Pestis ingens in Polonia. Cladem apud [Poloniam] acceptam gravior clades, tolerabilior tamen et quae humanis sensibus non poterat refelli, insequta est. Pestis enim epidimitica, sive a Divinitate propter multiplices hominum transgressiones, in ultionis locum immissa, sive a siderum disposicione, constellacione et coniunccione, sive ex quacumque alia ignota accidenti causa in universa fere Occidentis regna ebulliens, etiam Polonie, Hungarie et Bohemie regna, provinciasque eis subiectas et vicinas infecit, adeo quoque in civitates, opida, vicos et rura Regni Poloniae grassata est, ut partem maiorem hominum de singulis statibus in sexu utroque per menses sex, quibus continue diffundebat virus suum, absumpserit. Aput Cracowiensem vero solam urbem viginti hominum milia peste huiusmodi decessisse comperta sunt; aput nonnulla vero opida, vicos et rura tam ingentem stragem dedit, ut omnia ad solitudinem redegerit, sed nec extabant, qui cadentibus et deficientibus officium sepultarae impenderent. Absque exemplo mortalitas ipsa ferebatur provenisse, quoniam maiori parte mortalium deleta, opida et rura vacua habitatoribus cernebantur. Cepit autem pestis praedicta circa festum sancti Michaelis, que per febres, bocios, carbunculos et antraces magnam stragem edidit, et interpellatim, non tamen sine augmento serpendo usque ad medium anni insequentis, et postea ita furiose usque ad tres menses suas dilatavit fimbrias, quod in plerisque locis vix dimidietatem reliquerid gencium, in eo vel maxime a superiori, quae ante annos duodecim provenerat, differens, quod prior plures absumpserat populares, hec plures nobiles et locupletes, pueros et mulieres.	Poland now suffers another and more grievous disaster, though one easier to bear, sent, perhaps, by God to punish mankind's many sins, or the result of some special juxtaposition of the stars, or other unknowm cause, a plague-like epidemic which sweeps through almost every kingdom in the West, including Poland, Hungary and Bohemia. It is so severe in towns and villages that, in the course of six months, it kills the greater part of the population, whatever their station of sex. It is said, that in the city of Cracow alone 20,000 people died and in the villages and settlements the mortality was such that the countryside became a virtual wilderness, in which there were not people enough to bury the dead. It started about St. Michael's Day and lasted until half way through the following year, b which time in many places only half the population remained. It differed from the earlier plague of twelve years before in that the latter's fatalities were meinly among the populace, but this time its victims are among the genty and the well-to-do, who suffere the same fevers, abcesses, carbuncles and boils.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 301f.	None
1360-00-00-Sweden	1360 JL	Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420 on the black death in Sweden in 1360. Due to the high mortality among children, it was called barnadöden (= children’s death)	Iterum pestilencia fuit magna que vocabatur barnadødh.	Again there was a great pestilence which was called children's death.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286	Translation by Carina Damm
1360-05-00-Flandern	May 1360 JL	The plague reappeared in Flanders and one third died of it, especially the common people. In the diocese of Liège more than the half of the people died. It raged especially in these countries, which were spared previously. The passages talks about the symptoms and that in Poland the jews were persecuted and killed, because they were accused of being the reason for the plague.	Come mortalità dell'anguinaia ricominciò in diverse parti del mondo Nonn-è da llasciare in oblazione la moria mirabile dell'anguinaia in questo anno ricominciata, simile a quella che prencipio ebbe nel MCCCXLVIII insino nel MCCCL, come narrammo nel cominciamento del primo libro di questo nostro trattato. Questa pistilenzia ricominciò del mese di maggio in Fiandra, che di largo il terzo de' cittadini e oltra morirono, offendendo più il minuto popolo e povera gente che a' mezzani, maggiori e forestieri, che pochi ne perirono, e duròvi insino all'uscita d'ottobre del detto anno, e così seguitò per l'altra Fiandra. In Brabante toccò poco, e così in Piccardia, ma nel vescovado di Legge fé spaventevole dammaggio, però che lla metà di viventi periro. Dipoi si venne stendendo nella bassa Allamagna toccando non generalmente ogni terra, ma quasi quelle dove prima non avea gravate, e valicò nel Frioli e nella Schiavonia; e ffu di quella medesima infertà d'enfiatura d'anguinaia e sotto il ditello come la prima generale, e ssì era passato dal tempo di quella e suo cominciamento a cquello di questa per ispazio di XIIII anni, e anni X della fine di quella a cquesta, essendo alcuna volta tra questo tempo ritocca ora in uno ora in altro luogo, man non grande come questo anno, certificando li uomini correnti nel male che lla mano di Dio nonn-è stanca né limitata da costellazioni nè dda fisiche ragioni. Adivenne nel Frioli e in (p. 449) Ungheria che lla moria cominciata inn-enfiatura tornò in uscimento di sangue, e poi si convertì in febre, e molti febricosi farnetici, ballando e cantando morivano. E in questi tempi occorse cosa assai degna di nota, che in Pollonia, nelle parti confinanti colle terre dello 'mperio, essendo in esse grandissima quantità di Giudei, li paesani cominciarono a mormorare, dicendo che questa pistolenzia loro venia per li Giudei; onde li Giudei temendo a rre loro mandarono de' loro anziani a cchiederli misercordia, e ffecioli gran doni di muneta, e d'una corona di smisurata valuta; lo re conservare li volea, ma lli popoli furiosi no ssi poterono quietare, ma correndo straboccatamente tra' Giudei, e quasi a ultima consumazione, con ferro e ffuoco oltre a XM Giudei spensono, e alla camera del loro re tutti li loro beni furono incorporati.	How the inguinal plague resurged in different parts of the world It should not go unmentioned that the remarkable death of the plague of the groin reappeared this year, similar to the one that began in 1348 and lasted until 1350, as we reported in the first book of this treatise. This plague began in Flanders in May, where more than a third of the citizens died, and it particularly affected the common people and the poor, while the middle class, the wealthy and foreigners suffered few losses. It lasted there until the end of October of the same year and continued throughout Flanders. In Brabant, few were affected, as in Picardy, but it caused devastating damage in the diocese of Liège, where half the population died. It then spread to Lower Germany, not touching every country but mainly those that had previously been spared, and reached Friuli and Schiavonia. It was the same disease with swellings in the groin and under the arm as the first great plague, and fourteen years had passed from the beginning of the first to this, and ten years from the end of the first to this, during which time the plague sometimes reappeared in one place or another, but never so strongly as this year. This confirmed to men that the hand of God is neither tired nor limited by constellations or physical causes. In Friuli and Hungary the plague began with swellings, then turned into haemorrhages, and finally into fever, and many of those suffering from fever died in delusions, dancing and singing. During these times, a remarkable thing happened in Poland, in the border areas of the empire, where there were large numbers of Jews. The natives began to murmur, saying that this plague was coming through the Jews; so the Jews, in their fear, sent some of their elders to the king to beg for mercy, and they made him great gifts of money and a crown of immeasurable value. The king wanted to protect them, but the enraged people could not be pacified and charged against the Jews, killing more than ten thousand Jews with iron and fire and incorporating all their possessions into the royal chamber.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2 pp. 448-449.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1360-10-26-Milan	26 October 1360 JL	Francesco Petrarca does not want to leave Milan, where a severe plague was raging, as he writes to a doctor friend	Illud autem quod ex hox aere semper hactenus laudato, nunc nescio cur infami, me ad patriam tuam saluberrimasque Alpium radices anxius atque solicitus vocas [...] (p. 132) Ut ergo pestem fugiam, que hactenus urbem hanc terruit potiusquam invasit, quot sunt alia, quam diversa mortis spicula, quibus assequitur fugientes et quorum forte plurimis subductum uni caput obicio!	That you are summoning me from this region, which was always praised but is now inexplicably vilified, to your homeland and the splendidly healthy valley floor of the Alps, demonstrates, as always, your faithfulness. [...] (p. 548) How can I escape the plague that has hitherto 'terrified this city more than conquest'? The number of deadly arrows with which it pursues the fleeing is vast, so should I expose my head, which may have barely escaped the multitude, to perhaps just one?	Francesco Petrarca, Le familiari XX-XXIV, pp. 132–133	None
1361-00-00-Avignon	1361 JL	An epidemic in Avignon - with symptoms differing from plague - kills many, seemingly instantaneous, among them clerics and cardinals.	Eo tempore maxime viguet lues horribilis Avinione, ita quod defecerunt minstri palacii pape, et ceciderunt homines mortui ex improviso tam in lectis, in mensis quam in viis et ubilibet; et mortui sunt plures clerici, et octo cardinales obierunt.	At that time, a dreadful plague was rampant in Avignon, to the extent that the attendants of the Pope's palace disappeared, and people fell dead suddenly both in their beds, at their tables, and in the streets and everywhere; and many clerics died, and eight cardinals passed away.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 10.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1361-00-00-Bohemia	1361 JL	In this year many people in Bohemia died because of a famine and because of a plague.	Eodem anno [...] mortua sunt multa milia hominum per fame et alii ex pestilencia, que adhuc vigebat.	In this year [...] many thousand people died because of famine and others because of a plague which ruled until then.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 527	Translation by Christian Oertel
1361-00-00-Milano1	1361 JL	Outbreak of the Pestis secunda in Milan and surroundings, but also in Brescia, Cremona, Parma and in Lombardy in general.	Anno autem proxime preterito, estivo tempore, cepit morbus in Mediolano et comitatu invalescere et in tantum Invaluit quod, pretermlssis, ut superìus est dictum, omnibus remediis in civitate Mediolani et suburbiis, brevi tempore mortui sunt lxxvii milia virorum et in comitatu tanti, quod numerus ipsorum non posset describi, propter que multe terre in comitatu ut plurimura vacue sunt dimisse, cuius rei causa Domini Mediolani de ipsa civitate cum universis familiis de civitate ipsa Mediolani' recesserunt ad eorum castra divertendo et eciam civitibus. In quibus civitatibus etiam prefati domini Bernabois infiniti propter morbum perierunt, videlicet in Brixia, Cremona, Parma et in aliis universis terris suis Lumbardie ; cuius rei causa homines depauperati sunt dictorum locorum, non tamen in tantum quantum sunt alii civitatum premissarum domini Galeaz, qui propter descripta deducti sunt ad finem et alia.	In the previous year, during the summer, the disease began to spread and intensify in Milan and its hinterland to such an extent that, despite all remedies being applied, as mentioned earlier, 77,000 men died in the city of Milan and its suburbs in a short time. In the surroundings, so many died that their number could not be recorded, resulting in many lands in the county being largely abandoned. Because of this, the lords of Milan, along with their entire families, left the city and moved to their castles and towns. Even in these cities, countless people belonging to the Lord Bernabò perished due to the disease, notably in Brescia, Cremona, Parma, and other lands in Lombardy. This caused the people in these places to become impoverished, though not to the same extent as those in the cities under Lord Galeazzo, who were brought to ruin as described	Cognasso 1926-39, pp. 145-146	Translation by Martin Bauch
1361-00-00-Trento	1361 JL	Outbreak of the Pestis secunda in Trento.	Item millesimo CCCLXI. fuit pestis et mortalitas in universo mundo non minor prima peste, sed ejusdem naturae non quo ad quantitatem personarum, quae illo tempore non erant tot, quot in prima peste, sed sic subito et eodem modo quo primo moriebantur.	Likewise, in the year 1361, there was a plague and mortality in the entire world, not lesser than the first plague, but of the same nature, not in terms of the number of people, who were not as numerous as during the first plague, but just as sudden and in the same manner as they died during the first plague.	Giovanni da Parma 1837, p. 52	Translation by Martin Bauch
1361-03-28-Avignon	3 March 1361 JL	The Pestis secunda hits Avignon worse than the Black Death, with 17.000 victims, including 1000 bishops and five cardinals.	Item eodem anno (1361) invaluit iterato pestilencia Avinione magna, ita quod a festo pasce usque ad pentecosten et ad festum Iacobi apostoli moriebantur ibidem circa septemdecim milia hominum, inter quos fuerunt centum episcopi et quinque cardinales. Et ex hac maior fuit disperacio in curia quam supra de pestilencia, que sub papa Clemente.	Likewise, in the same year (1361), a severe pestilence once again ravaged Avignon, to the extent that from Easter until Pentecost and the feast of St. James the Apostle, around seventeen thousand people died there, among whom were one hundred bishops and five cardinals. And from this, there was greater despair in the court than from the previous pestilence during the time of Pope Clement.	Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, p. 88.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1361-06-00-Avignon	June 1361 JL	A plague in Avignon kills many, among them German clerics.	In Iunio facta est maxima pestilencia et mortalitas in curia Romana Avinione. Tunc obierunt ibi multi clerici Alamani.	In June (1361), the greatest pestilence and mortality occurred in the Roman court in Avignon. Many German clerics died there at that time.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 9.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1361-09-18-Avignon	18 September 1361 JL	Great mortality in Avignon and Lombardy and Pope Innocent VI. appoints new cardinals, as many former cardinals have died of the plague.	Item quod papa creavit viii cardinales simul. Item eodem mense et anno lxi. xiiii. kal. octobris papa Innocentius vi. creavit octo cardinales nono anno sui pontificatus simul et semel Avinione. Et ibi novem cardinales moriebantur a principio anni lxi. usque ad festum Mathei apostoli et ewangeliste [sept. 21], et centum et quinquaginta episcopi et septem milia hominum: tanta fuit ibi mortalitas. Sed multo maior in Longobardia, maxime in Mediolano.	The pope also appointed eight cardinals at the same time. Also in the same month and year of 1361, on the 14th calends of October [18 September], Pope Innocent VI appointed eight cardinals simultaneously and uniquely in Avignon in the ninth year of his pontificate. Nine cardinals died there from the beginning of the year 1361 until the feast of St Matthew the Apostle and Evangelist [sept. 21], as well as one hundred and fifty bishops and seven thousand people; such was the mortality there. But it was even greater in Lombardy, especially in Milan.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 125	None
1362-00-00-Brescia	1362 JL	Plague forces troops outside of Brescia to return to Verona	Più la pistilenzia dell'anguinaia avendo aspramente assalito la città di Brescia, ell'oste de' collegati ch'era di fuori, li strinse a partire, e ssi tornarono a Verona, e quindi ciascuna alla terra sua.	The plague hit the city of Brescia so hard that the army of the allies camped outside the city was forced to leave. They returned to Verona, and from there everyone returned to their own homes.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, p. 595.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1362-00-00-Perugia	1362 JL	Outbreak of the Pestis secunda in Perugia	Nel predicto anno e millesimo 1362 fu una grande mortalità de peste quasi per tutto el mondo, et in questa nostra cità de Peroscia ce morì molta gente.	In the aforementioned year and in the year 1362, there was a great mortality due to the plague almost all over the world, and in this our city of Perugia, many people died.	Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 193	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1362-00-00-Pisa	1362 JL	A plague hit the peasants who fled to Pisa. It was a punishment of God.	[…] e per giunta a' detti mali, li villani de' piani ch'erano rifuggiti in Pisa, e stavansi sotto loro carra lungo le mura, furono assaliti dalla pistilenzia (p. 611) dell'anguinaia, assai ne perirono. E cciò somigliava all'intendenti giudicio di Dio, che dentro e di fuori così gastgasse i corompitori della pace e della fede data per soperchio d'astuta malizia.	[...] and in addition to the evils mentioned, the peasants from the plains who had fled to Pisa and were staying under their carts along the walls were attacked by the inguinal plague (p. 610). Many of them died. This appeared to prudent observers as the judgement of God, who punished both within and without the corrupters of peace and given fidelity for their excessive, cunning wickedness.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 610-611	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1362-10-00-Middle East	20 October 1362 JL	A deadly disease (wabāʾ) hit Egypt in 764 H (October 20, 1362 to October 9, 1363), the maximum daily death toll reached 2,000. The disease was then transmitted to Greater Syria.	Mortalitas magna per totum fere mundum	There was a great mortality in almost all of the world.	Ibn Ḥabīb - Tadhkirat al-nabīh 1976-1986, vol. 3 (1986), p. 259	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1362-10-18-Bohemia	18 October 1362 JL	The archbishop of Prague, Arnošt of Pardubice, announces in the statutes of an archiepiscopal synod an indulgence of 40 days for those who sing and take part in a mass against the plague (missa contra pestilentiam) with devotion.	Sane, dilectissimi, pluribus retroactis temporibus saeva pestilencia et nuperrime fames horribiles et valida justo Dei iudicio, ut nostis, innumeros homines peremerunt et nunc iterum ipsa pestilencia terribilis et dira certo rumore volante in vicinis nostris partibus crassatur. [...] eodem die missa contra pestilentiam [...] cum devotione cantetur, cui omnes qui possunt intererunt humiliter misericordiam implorantes divinam, ut jacula pestilentiae a nobis procul amoveat et repellat.	Certainly, beloved ones, in many past times, a cruel pestilence and recently a horrible and powerful famine, through the just judgment of God, as you know, have destroyed innumerable people. And now again, the same dreadful and dire pestilence is spreading in our neighboring regions with a certain rumor flying. [...] On the same day, let the Mass against pestilence [...] be sung with devotion, to which all who can attend humbly implore divine mercy, that the arrows of pestilence may be far removed and repelled from us.	Statutum synodale Arnesti AEpi..., in: Libiri erectionum, vol. I, ed. Borovy (1873), pp. 39f.	None
1363-00-00-Florence	1363 JL	Matteo Villani died on the plague and his son Filippo Villani wants to continue his work.	In questi giorni la pistilenza dell'anguinaia prese il componitore di questa opera Matteo, e trovandolo di sobria e temperata natura e vita il dibatté cinque giorni, in fine il dodecimo dì del mese di luglio divotamente rendé l'anima a dDio. Il quale in tanto possiamo dire meritevolemente essere da laudare, in quanto esso co lo stile ch'a llui fu possibile non sofferse che perissono le cose accorse nel mondo per lo tempo che scrive degne di memoria, quindi aparecchiando materia a' più dilicati e alti ingegni di riducere sue ricordanze in più filice e rilevato stile, qui a mme Filippo suo figliuolo lasciando il pensiere di seguitare sue per infino alla pace fatta colli Pisani, per no lasciare la materia intracisa, e così m'ingegnerò di fare la storia di tempo in tempo, coll'altre cose accorse nell'altre parti del mondo le quali a mia notizia perverranno.	It was during these days that the author of this work, Matteo, was taken by the inguinal plague. Although he was of a sober and temperate nature and lifestyle, he struggled with the disease for five days until he finally returned his soul consecrated to God on the twelfth day of July. We can say that he deserves to be praised because, despite his own sufferings and the suffering that happened in the world during his writing period and was worth remembering, he prepared material so that the finer and more discerning minds could rework his memoirs in an appealing and sublime style. Here I will Filippo, his son, who left me the thought of continuing his work until peace with the Pisans, not leave his work unfinished. I shall endeavour to record events at regular intervals and also to report on what is happening in other parts of the world, as and when I become aware of them.	Filippo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, p. 663	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Florence 001	1363 JL	The brothers of Pagolo died in the mortality and left him alone with the business. He had many debts which made his life full of wories.	Fu di nicistà che ’l detto Pagholo, giovane gharzone, e, sechondo l’età d’allora, fanciullo, provedesse al tutto; e se fu fatichoso e di sollecitudine e di rischio, i’ penso choll’aiuto di Dio dirtene tanto innanzi che ttu arai chagione d’inmaginare il tutto. Questi suoi fratelli morirono di (p. 193) pistolenza nella mortalità fonda del sesantatré, che ffu grande, e andaronsene a piè di Dio inn ispazio di venti dì; e, chome ài inteso, i due erano avillupati nel trafficho del guado e nella tinta, dove egli aveano inviluppati circha di quindicimila fiorini. Il terzo, e primo a morire, avea donna, e viva rimase dopo lui e giovane. Era invillupato questo nell’usure, ché pocho fecie altro; e none si distendea questo suo viluppo pure in Firenze ma per tutto il chontado, e pure chon lavoratori e poveri il forte, e chon grandi / (c. 42v) uomini e potenti, e in Firenze e di fuori. Il detto Pagholo, giovane, soro, solo, sanza alchuno aiuto o chonsiglio se non di suoi amici, a tenpo di mortalità, isbighottito della morte de’ suoi e della paura di sé, trovatosi in gran viluppi di molti crediti a rischuotere e di migliaia di fiorini, sendone morti assai d<e’> creditori e de’ fattori che aveano nel chapo i fatti loro, avendo etiandio a cierchare d’essi non pure in Firenze o nel chontado, ma di fuori, ‘Arezo, al Borgho, a Siena, a Pisa e per altre istrane parti, a ritrarre merchatantia, a venderla, e a svilupare tutto, non fu sanza grande sollecitudine e faticha.	It was necessary for the said Pagholo, a young lad and still a child by the standards of the time, to take care of everything; and although it was laborious, worrying and risky, I think that with God's help I can tell you so much about it that you will understand the whole thing. His brothers died of the plague in the great mortality of 1363, and they went to God within twenty days. As you have learnt, two were involved in the woad trade and dyeing business, where they had invested about 15,000 florins. The third, who was the first to die, had a wife who was left a young widow after him. He was in the usury business and little else; his business extended not only in Florence but throughout the surrounding area, especially with labourers and the poor, but also with rich and powerful people, both in Florence and beyond. The aforementioned Pagholo, young and alone, without any help or advice except from his friends, in a time of mortality, terrified by the death of his loved ones and in fear for his own life, found himself in great entanglements with many debts, which is why he had to risk many loans and thousands of florins. Many of the debtors and administrators who ran their businesses had also died. He not only had to retrieve and sell goods in Florence or the surrounding area, but also outside, in Arezzo, the Borgo, Siena, Pisa and other foreign places, and unravel everything. This was not done without great care and effort.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 192-193.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Florence 002	1363 JL	The plague raged in Florence and killed three brothers of the author's father, but in general the plague was less deadly than that of 1348.	Negli anni 1363 fu in Firenze la mortalità pestilenziale†: fu grande e moricci assai giente, ma non agiunse al quarto di danno che quella del ’48 chome che a nnoi fusse tre chotanti piggiore; ché nella detta moria, chome dinanzi n’è memoria, mori tre fratelli di nostro padre, cioè di Pagolo di Bartolomeo nominati Giovanni, Dino e Chalandro: il dì e ‘l tenpo è scritto innanzi.	In 1363 there was a plague-like mortality in Florence: it was great and many people died, but it did not reach a quarter of the damage caused by that of 1348, although it seemed to us three times worse; for during that plague, as mentioned before, three of our father's brothers died, namely Pagolo di Bartolomeo's brothers Giovanni, Dino and Chalandro: the day and time have already been written down before.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 234	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Florence 003	May 1363 JL	Great plague in Florence and surroundings	In questo tempo fu grande pistolenzia nella città e contado di Firenze	In this year was a great plague in the city and the surroundings of Florence	Filippo di Cino Rinuccini: Ricordi storici 1840, p. XXXIII	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1363-00-00-Florence 004	1363 JL	A son of Matteo died during the plague, others fled to Forlì.	Antonio, l' altro figliuolo che rimase di Matteo, vivette da XV anni ; sì che di lui poco si può scrivere, se non ch' era diverso e di sangue focoso, e temo, fosse andato per vita, avrebbe fatto delle cose ch' avrebbe riscaldato gli orecchi altrui. Morì per la mortalità del 1363, essendo Bernardo e Salvestro a Forlì là fuggiti per la temenza della mortalità ; come molti altri feciono il simile, e chi ne capitò male e chi bene, ma i più bene.	Antonio, Matteo's other son, lived until he was fifteen, so little can be written about him except that he was different and hot-tempered. I fear that if he had lived a longer life, he would have done things that would have made others' ears prick up. He died during the plague in 1363, when Bernardo and Salvestro had fled to Forlì for fear of the plague. Many others did the same, and some were lucky, some were not, but most were lucky.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, p. 46	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Montecalvoli	1363 JL	The siege of Montecalvoli was lifted because the plague struck badly the army and the captain was ill as well.	Come morì messer Piero da Farnese Essendo entrata la furia della pistilenza dell'anguinaia ne l'oste de'Fiorentini, molti n'uccise, molti ne 'ndebolì, molti ne 'nvilì. Il perché essendo levato l'assedio da Montecalvoli, per comandamento de' signori di Firenze, il capitano era in Castello Fiorentino, e quivi lo prese il male dell'anguinaia a dì XVIIII di giugno, e il detto dì n'andò a Sa Miniato del Tedesco, e quivi in su la mezza notte passò di questa vita, e il corpo suo inn-una cassa alle spese del Comune fu recato in Firenze, e posato a Verzaia, aspettando Ranuccio (p. 662) suo fratello per cui era mandato; poi a dì XXV del mese il corpo suo fu recato in Firenze alle spese del Comune con amirabile pompa d'asequio, le quali furono di questa maniera… [...]	How Messer Piero da Farnese Died When the fury of the plague struck the Florentine army, it killed many, weakened many, and demoralized many. After the siege of Montecalvoli was lifted on the orders of the lords of Florence, the captain was in Castello Fiorentino, where he was struck by the disease known as "Anguinaia" (plague boils) on June 19th. On that same day, he went to San Miniato al Tedesco, where he passed away around midnight. His body was placed in a coffin at the expense of the Commune and taken to Florence, where it was laid in Verzaia while waiting for his brother Ranuccio, who had been summoned. Then, on the 25th of the month, his body was brought to Florence at the expense of the Commune with remarkable pomp and ceremony, which proceeded in this manner… [...]	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 661-662	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Pisa	1363 JL	The inhabitants of Pistoia wanted the Paio to take place outside the gates of Pisa, which was complicated by the danger of an attack and the plague, but it was done anyway because people wanted to challenge their enemies	[…] Ben furono di tanto animo i Pistolesi, che dissono, in modo fu inteso dal capitano di Pisani, che mai il detto palio non si correbbe se no ssi corresse sulle porte di Pisa, e così adivenne, come si troverà nella scrittura che per li tempi segue. Temettesi forte non si strignessono alla terra, che sanza dubbio a gran pericolo era, sì per lo sùbito asalto, al quale niuna provisione o riparo era fatto, sì per la pestilenzia dell'anguinaia, ch'assai cittadini tolti avea, molti ne tenea in sul letto, e quelli ch'avea tocchi in vita erano fieboli: la troppa voglia ch'ebbono d'impiccare li avisini, e fare le beffe muccerie, loro tolse il consiglio. […]	[...] The people of Pistoia were so determined that they said, as was understood by the captain of the Pisans, that the palio for the said prize would never take place unless it ran all the way to the gates of Pisa. And so it happened, as will be found in the writings that follow from those times. There was a great fear that they might close in on the town, which undoubtedly was a great danger because of the sudden possible attack, for which no precautions or defence measures had been taken, and also because of the plague known as ‘anguinaia’, which was ravaging many citizens, leaving many bedridden and weakening those who were affected but still alive. The strong desire to hang their enemies and make fun of them clouded their judgement [...]	Filippo Villani 1995, vol. 2, p. 665	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1363-00-00-Poland	1363 JL	At the end of the year 1363 the plague rages the kingdom of Poland and the provinces in its vicinity. Many people die.	1363. Pestis in Polonia. In fine anni huius epidimie morbus invalescens Regnum Polonie et vicinas provincias vexavit, plurimisque mortalibus sua lue extinctis, opida, vicos, et rura in desercionem diuturnam precipitavit.	1363. Plague in Poland. At the end of the year this deadly epidemic grew stronger and raged in the kingdom of Poland and the neighbouring provinces and many humans were extinguished by it. Towns, villages and rural areas were left deserted for a long time.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 322	Translation by Christian Oertel
1363-00-00-Strasbourg	1363 JL	Death in Strasbourg.	Ein sterbotte. Do men zalte 1363 jor, do kam in dem summer ein sterbotte szo Strosburg, der werte lange.	In 1363, a dying came to Strasbourg in the summer, that lasted long.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 771.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1363-00-00-Würzburg	1363 JL	A greater and more severe plague than the first one in Würzburg and Franconia.	De alia Pestilentia Anno vero 1363. fuit ibidem in Herbipoli pestilentia secunda maior & grauior prima & etiam quasi in tota Franconia.	Over another plague. In the year 1363, there was a second plague in Würzburg, which was greater and more severe than the first and also nearly in total Franconia.	Template:Chronicon Wirziburgense breve 1735, p. 471.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1363-00-00-Würzburg 001	1363 JL	Great plague in Würzburg and surroundings.	Vnd des selbigen jors ist abermols ain grosser sterbe zu Wirtzburg in der stat vnd vf dem gantzen land herumb gewest vnd sein ser vil leut hinweg gestorben.	And in the same year (1383) was again a great dying in Würzburg in the city and in the surroundings and many people passed away.	Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 2 (1994), p. 362.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1363-06-00-Florence	June 1363 JL	The plague raged in Florence, Venice, Padua, Istria, Slavonia, Egypt, Syria and other parts of the Middle East	Della mortalità dell'anguinaia Nel presente mese di giugno, per vere lettere de' mercatanti fu in Firenze come in Egitto, e in Soria, e nell'altre parti di Levante la pistilenzia dell'anguinaia; gravissimamente offendea e in Vinegia, e in Padova, e nell'Istria, e in Ischiavonia, nonistente che i detti luoghi altra volta toccasse. Anche gravemente ritoccò le terre di Toscana, e quasi tutte comprese, e in Firenze, già stata generale tre mesi per tutto giugno con fracasso d'ogni maniera di gente.	The mortality of the inguinal plague In the current month of June, the inguinal plague was reported to be raging in Florence as well as in Egypt, Syria and other parts of the Middle East, according to reliable reports from merchants. It also caused serious damage in Venice, Padua, Istria and Slavonia, although it had already affected these areas at other times. Tuscany was also severely affected again, almost all places were hit, and in Florence, where it had already been affecting every kind of person for three months, the whole of July, with great noise.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, p. 660.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-06-00-Florence 001	July 1363 JL	In Florence there was great mortality. For this reason, and because the Pisans were well supplied, the Florentines were attacked by the Pisans who caused great damage.	Rubrica 691a - Come li Pisani cavalcarono, e fecero gran danno d'arsioni e di prede. Negli anni del Signore 1363 li Pisani avendo a memoria la ingiuria ricevuta da'Fiorentini, e stimando ch'eglino si poteano vendicare largamente, sì perchè erano forniti di gente, e che la mortalità era grande in Firenze, si mossero del mese di luglio, e vennorsene a Pistoia lo dì S. Iacopo [25.07.]. Ed indi partiti se ne vennero a S. Donnino e a Campi, ed arsero, e fecero grande danno. E così feciono grandissimo danno di preda e di prigioni e d'arsione, e poi si partirono, e tornaronsi a Pisa con grande festa ed allegrezza; e li Fiorentino il contradio per lo danno ricevuto e per la grande mortalità, ch'era allora in Firenze e per tutto il suo contorno.	Rubrica 691a - How the Pisans rode and caused great damage to weapons and booty. In the year of our Lord 1363, the Pisans, remembering the insult they had received from the Florentines, and reckoning that they could take ample revenge because they were well supplied with men and because the mortality in Florence was great, set out in the month of July and came to Pistoia on the day of St James [25.07.]. And then they travelled on and came to S. Donnino and Campi, plundering and causing great damage. And so they did great damage in spoils and prisons and plundering, and then they departed and returned to Pisa with great feasting and rejoicing; and the Florentines were angry with them because of the damage they had suffered and because of the great mortality that was then in Florence and in the whole neighbourhood.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 261.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-07-00-Pisa	July 1363 JL	Pestis secunda in Pisa, which is explained through astrometeorology and description of the symptoms of the plague.	Innel ditto anno milletrecentosessantatré Pisa ebe due grandissimi affanni, cioè guerra e mortalità di gente, grandi e picciuli, maschi e femmine. La morìa fue grande, e 'ncomincciò (p. 187) la morìa del mese di luglio e durò sine a novembre, e moritte molti padri di famigla, tra i quali molti grandi mercanti cittadini e altri assai. E moriano di male di bolle e di soditelli e di anguinaie e di tinchoni e di faoni, e non ffu casa in Pisa né in del suo contado che nnon ritrovasse e quale trovò inel tutto che non vvi rimase persona. E duroè la ditta morìa mesi sei. E li fiorentini ardendo in quello tenpo lo contado, ma ellino non sentiano in quello anno di morìa, ma poi tocchò a lloro. Questa morìa fue sotto la pianeta di Saturno, la qual pianeta pena a ffare lo suo corso anni trenta, e ppoi che ella inchomincciò non restò mai, che ella non cerchasse lo mondo per ogni cità e castella e contado di tenpo in tenpo. E ciercoè Pisa in quindici, 15, anni due volte, senssa l'autro di queste due moriè. Fue la prima del milletrecientosessantatré, 1363, che àe anni quindici, 15, l'una dall'una morìa all'autra, e di questa segonda ne moritta in Pisa più della metà delle persone.	In the said year one thousand three hundred and sixty-three, Pisa suffered two very great afflictions, that is, war and mortality of people, great and small, male and female. The death rate was great, and it began (p. 187) in the month of July and lasted until November, and many fathers of families died, among whom were many great merchant citizens and many others. And they died of blisters and sodomy and anguinaie and tinchoni and faoni, and there was no house in Pisa nor in its countryside that was not found, and which found in all that there was no person left. And the company died for six months. And the Florentines burned the countryside at that time, but they did not hear in that year of his death, but then it was their turn. This death took place under the planet of Saturn, which took thirty years to make its course, and after its fall there never remained that it did not search the world for every city, castle and countryside from time to time. And ciercoè Pisa in fifteen, fifteen, years twice, without the other of these two deaths. Fue la prima del , 1363, che àe anni quindici, 15, l'altra morìa all'altra, e di questa segonda ne moritta in Pisa più della metà delle persone. Template:TN	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 187	Translation by DeepL
1363-09-29-Mainz	29 September 1363 JL	Outbreak of plague in Mainz and other places.	Postea circa festum Michaelis facta est pestilencia in Maguncia et aliis multis locis.	Later, around the feast of Michaelmas, a pestilence occurred in Mainz and many other places.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 12.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1364-00-00-Nizhny Novgorod Sim	1364 JL	A great plague (Black Death) in Nizhny Novgorod and Pereyaslavl (Zalessky).	B лѣтo 6872 быcть моръ великъ в Hoвѣгopoдѣ Hижнемъ, xpaкaxy людiе кpoвью, a инiи железою боляxy, и не долго боляxy, но два дни или три, a инiи единъ день поболѣвше, умирaxy, и толико множество бѣ мертвыxъ, яко не ycпѣвaxy живiи погребати иxъ. Toe же oceни мѣсяца Oктября 23 прествися князь Иванъ Иванoвичъ, братъ великого князя Дмитрея, и положенъ быcть въ apxaггелѣ на Mocквѣ. Toe же oceни и тоѣ и зимы быcть нa люди мopъ великъ въ Пepecлавли, на день умирашe человѣкъ 20 или 30, иногда же 60 или 70, a иногда и до ста и боле. Болеcтъ же бѣ сица: преже яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или под груди или межи крилъ, и тако paзболѣвъся человѣкъ начнет кровью xpaкaти, и огнь зажжетъ и потомъ потъ, таже дрожь, и полежавъ eдинъ день или два, a pѣтко того кои 3 дни, и тако умиpaxy.	In the year 1364 there was a great plague in Nizhny Novgorod, people were coughing/spitting blood, and others suffered from ulceration/swelling of the glands, and soon they fell ill, barely two or three days, and others, after being sick for one day, died. And there were so many dead that the living couldn't bury them. That autumn, in the month of October, on the 23rd [day], Prince Ivan Ivanovich, brother of Grand Duke Dmitry, died and was laid to rest with the Archangel in Moscow. That fall and winter there was a great plague among people in Pereyaslavl [Zalessky], 20 or 30 people died a day, sometimes 60 or 70, and up to a hundred or more. The disease was as follows: first, it was like being hit by bear spear behind the shoulder blade, under the breast, or between the collarbones. And when he gets sick, he starts spitting blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he gets chills. And after lying for one or two days, rarely for three days, they still die.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 95.	None
1364-00-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia Sim	1364 JL	A great plague (Pestis secunda) in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia.	B лѣтa 6872<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>гнѣвомъ Божимъ зa yмноженie грѣxъ нaшиxъ,быcть моръ cилeнъ великъ нa люди въ Hoвѣгopoдѣ въ Hижнемъ, нa yѣздe и нa Capy, и нa Kиши, и пo cтpaнaмъ и пo вoлocтeмъ, oвiи xpaкaxy кpoвiю, a дpyзiи железою, и не долго боляxy, но два дни или три, или единъ день поболѣвше, тaкo умирaxy; нa всякъ жe дeнь мнoзи умирaxy, и толико множество иxъ, яко не пocпѣвaxy живiи мертвыx погребати. Toe же oceни мѣсяца Oктября въ 23 прествися князь Иванъ Иванoвичъ, братъ князя великaго Дмитрея Иванoвичa, и положенъ быcть въ цepкви cвятoгo apxaaггелѣ на Mocквѣ. Toe же oceни и тоe же зимы быcть мopъ великъ нa люди въ гpaдѣ Пepeяcлавли, мepли люди пo мнoгy на день, пo 20, пo 30 на день, иногда на день 60, 70 человѣкъ, a иногды 100, a тaкoвы дни были же пoбoлѣ cтa на день человѣкъ yмиpaлo; a болеcтъ былa тaкoвa: преже кaкъ poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или пpoтивy cepдцa подъ груди или пpoмежъ крилъ, и paзболится человѣкъ, и начнеть кровiю xpaкaти и огнь paзбьетъ, и по ceмъ потъ, потoмъ дрожь имeть, и тако въ бoлecти полежавъ, oвiи день eдинъ поболѣвше умиpaxy, a дpyзiи два дни; a инiи 3 дни, преже мopъ былъ кpoвию xpaчющe мepли, потoмъ железою paзбoлѣвшecя, ти тaкoжe два дни или 3 дни полежавшe умиpaxy; желѣзa же не eдинaкo, но иному на шee, a иному на стегнѣ, oвому подъ пазухою, oвому же подъ скулою, иному же за лопаткою. Не токмо же въ гpaдѣ Пepeяcлавлѣ былo ce, но и пo всѣмъ вoлocтeмъ Пepeяcлавлcкимъ былъ мopъ, и пo ceлoмъ и пo пoгocтoмъ; и пo мaнacтыpeмъ, a преже тoгo былъ мopъ въ Hoвѣгopoдѣ въ Hижнемъ, a пришoлъ съ Низy отъ Бездeжа<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a> въ Hoвгopoдъ Hижнiи, и оттолѣ нa Koломнy, нa дpyгoe лѣтo въ Пepeяcлавлъ, a отъ Пepeяcлавля на дpyгoe лѣто нa Мocквy. Такo въ всѣxъ градѣxъ и странaxъ и въ всѣxъ пpeдѣлaxъ иxъ быль мopъ великыи страшныи. Увы мнѣ! Кaкo мoгy cкaзaти бѣдy тy гpoзнyю и тyгy страшнyю, бывшyю въ великiи мopъ, кaкo вeздѣ тyгa и пeчaлъ гopкaя, плaчь и pыдaнie, и кpикъ, и вoпль, cлeзы нeyтѣшимы; плaкaxycя живыи мepтвыxъ, пoнeжe yмнoжишacя мнoжecтвo мepтвыxъ, и въ градѣхъ мepтвия, и въ сeлexъ, и въ домѣxъ мpътвыя, и въ xpaмѣxъ в y церквеи мepтвыя, мнoгo жe мepтвыxъ, a мало живыхъ, тѣмъ не ycпѣвaxy живiи мepтвыx oпрятывати, нижe дoвoлни бяxy здpaви и дecятepымъ бoлeмъ нa пoтpeбy дa пocлyжитъ. Погрѣбaxy же oвoгдa двa, тpи въ eдинy мoгилy, oвoгдa же 5, 6, инoгдa дo дecяти, ecть же дpyгoици eгдa бoлѣ 10 въ eдинy мoгилy пoклaдaxy, a въ дворѣ индѣ eдинъ чeлoвѣкъ ocтacя, a индѣ мнoзи дворы пусты бѣшa.	In the year 1364, because of the wrath of God [caused by] the multiplication of our sins, there was a very severe plague in Nizhny Novgorod, in the region and in Sara, and in Kisha, and in the surrounding areas and estates, some spit blood, and others [appeared] ulcers, and did not they were sick for a long time, two or three days, or one, and then they died. Many people died every day, and there were so many of them that they were unable to bury the dead alive. This fall, in the month of October, on the 23rd, Prince Ivan Ivanovich, brother of Grand Duke Dmitry Ivanovich, died and was buried in the Church of the Holy Archangel in Moscow. That autumn and that winter there was a great plague among the people in the town of Pereyaslav, many people died a day, 20, 30 a day, sometimes 60, 70 people a day, sometimes 100, and there were days when over a hundred people died. died every day. And the disease was as follows: first, it was like being hit behind the shoulder blade or opposite the heart, under the breast or between the shoulder blades, and the person became sick and started spitting blood and a fire was kindled [in the body], and then he sweated, then he got chills, and so on in pain. lying there, these were sick for one day, and others died for two days, and others for three days. At first the plague was such that they died spitting blood, then they became sick with ulcers and lay in bed for two or three days and died. The ulcers were not the same, but in one it was on the neck, in another on the tendons, in this one under the armpit, in this one under the cheekbone, in another behind the shoulder blade. There was this plague not only in the town of Pereyaslavl, but also in all Pereyaslavl estates, in villages, in rural tax districts, and in monasteries. And before that there was a plague in Nizhny Novgorod, and it came from Niz, from Bezdezh to Nizhny Novgorod, and from there to Kolomna, and the next year to Pereyaslavl, and from Pereyaslavl for the second year to Moscow. So in all the cities and provinces and in all their districts there was a very terrible plague. Oh wretched me! How can I tell about this terrible poverty and terrible weakness that occurred during the great plague, when everywhere there is weakness and bitter sadness, weeping and sobbing, screaming and calling for help, inconsolable tears; the living mourned for the dead, for the dead were multiplied in multitude, dead in the towns, and in the villages, and in the houses, and in the farmsteads, and dead in the churches, and many dead, and few living. Therefore, they were unable to prepare the living dead for burial; they had to be able to stay healthy and serve ten sick people in need. Sometimes they buried two or three in one grave, sometimes 5 or 6, sometimes up to ten, and there were others where they buried more than 10 in one grave. And sometimes one man stayed in the manor, and in other places the manors were [completely] empty.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 102–103.	None
1364-04-25-Mainz	1364 JL	Outbreak of plague in Mainz, with 6.000 vicitms, and along the Rhine.	Item viguit magna pestilencia circa Rhenum durans pene ad festum Marci euangeliste, et mortui sunt in civitate Moguncia sex milia hominum in hac pestilencia et ..	Likewise, a great pestilence ravaged the Rhine region, lasting almost until the feast of St. Mark the Evangelist, and six thousand people died in the city of Mainz during this pestilence.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 13.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1365-00-00-Limburg	1365 JL	The pestis tertia strikes Limburg and Central Germany, mortality is lower than in the previous plague waves, but the local count, Gerlach of Limburg, dies.	Item da man schreip dusent druhondert unde funf unde seszig jar als vur, da was daz große drette sterben. Unde was daz sterben meßlicher dan di ersten sterben, also daz si mit zehen oder zwelf menschen den dag storben in steden als Limpurg unde dem glich sint. Unde starp her Gerlach herre zu Limpurg.	In the year 1365, there was the great third dying. This dying was more moderate than the first two, so that people died at a rate of ten or twelve per day in cities such as Limburg and similar places. And Lord Gerlach, the lord of Limburg, died.	Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 54.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1365-00-00-Limburg01	1365 JL	A minor plague strikes Limburg.	Item in eodem anno erat tercia pestilencia et minima.	Also, in the same year (1365), there was a third and relatively minor pestilence.	Limburger Chronik 1883, Limburger Annalen, p. 112.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1365-00-00-Strasbourg	1365 JL	Price increase and plague during the stay of Englishmen in the Alsace region	Türunge. Donoch in den andern joren kam missewahs und müse die die fruht verossent, das diese türunge wol 6 jor annander werte. und wenne korn underwilen abe fluog in einre ernen, daz ein viertel kam an 8 sol. oder an 10 sol. d., so sluog es in dem jore wider uf, also das ein viertel kornes die 6 jor gewonlichen galt 10 sol. Oder 12 sol. und dicke ein pfunt oder 18 sol. Darzuo koment ouch sterbotte, also daz noch disen [p. 490] Englendern vil unglückes kam in Elsas. aber noch den andern Engelendern die darnoch koment über zehen jor, kam kein breste noch türunge, wie wol es ein grosser volg was und lunger in dem lande logent denne die vördern Engelender. und von den selben andern Engelendern wurt hernoch geseit in dem fünften capitel.	Price increase. After that, in the following years, there was a poor harvest, and the crops were ruined, so that this price increase lasted for about six years in a row. And when grain sometimes fell in price during a harvest, so that a quarter of it cost 8 or 10 shillings, it would rise again that same year, so that a quarter of grain, which usually cost 10 or 12 shillings during those six years, sometimes reached a pound or 18 shillings. Additionally, there was also a plague, so that after the Englishmen great misfortune befell the Alsace. But in the years following the other Englishmen, who came over the next ten years, there was no more plague or price increase, although it was a great people, and they stayed longer then the first Englishmen. More about those other Englishmen will be mentioned in the fifth chapter.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 489-490.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1365-10-00-Cologne	October 1365 JL	Outbreak of plague in Cologne, in Westphalia and Hesse.	In mense Octobri (1365) et infra vel citra sicut hucusque insanuit pestilencia inguinaria, sed maxime in Colonia, in Westvalia, in Hassia et in multis aliis partibus circumcirca.	In the month of October (1365) and in the months before or after, as the groin pestilence has raged so far, but mainly in Cologne, in Westphalia, in Hesse, and in many other surrounding parts.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 14.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1367-00-00-Lübeck	1367 JL	Great plague in Lübeck.	729. In deme sulven jare was grot pestilencia to Lubeke, unde dar sturven merkliker lude van den rikesten vul na so vele als in deme ersten dode.	729. In the same year (1367) was a great plague in Lübeck and many of the wealthiest people died of it, almost as many as in the first death.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, p. 538.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1367-00-00-Moscow and surroundings Sim	1367 JL	A plague in Moscow and its surroundings.	B лѣтo 6874<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> быcть моръ великъ нa люди въ градѣ Мocквѣ и пo всѣмъ вoлocтeмъ Mocкoвcкимъ, пo тoмy же, якоже пpeже былъ въ Пepeяcлавлѣ, и якоже пpeжи cкaзaxoмъ и нaпиcaxoмъ.	In the year 6874 there was a great plague among the people in the town of Moscow and in all the Moscow estates, after the one that had previously occurred in Pereyaslav [Zalessky], and about which I had previously told and written.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 95.	None
1367-04-00-Mainz	April 1367 JL	Description of the symptoms and consequences of the plague in Mainz and a great preceding flood	In mense Aprili [1367] eiusdem anni facta est morbida pestis in Maguncia hominibus quasi generaliter, quia cum frigore incepit tussis et obstipacio incongrua pectoris, eicientes … et multi homines inde moriebantur; eorum autem qui sani manserant aliqui sunt animo delirantes reperti. Quia proximo precedenti tempore fuit tanta inundacio aquarum sicut in viginti annis precedentibus nullus recordatur.	In April of the same year, the plague attacked almost everyone in Mainz. It began with coughing and unnatural spasms of the chest when it was cold; they had sputum..., and many people died from it. And of those who survived in good health, some people were found to be mentally disturbed. Shortly before, there had been a flood as great as no one could remember from the previous twenty years.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 18	None
1367-07-14-Ratzeburg	14 July 1367 JL	A plague is ravaging Ratzeburg and its surroundings.	quod heu propter multiplices deuastaciones et miserabilissimas desolaciones villarum, mansorum et curiarum prepositure et capituli per inmanitatem pestilenciarum cottidie in inualenscencium causatas, vobis et omnibus manifestas.	Alas, because of the many devastations and the most miserable desolations of villages, manors, and estates of the provost and chapter caused by the enormity of the pestilences daily increasing in severity, known to you and everyone.	MUB 1836-1936, vol. 16, p. 226, No. 9923	Translation by Martin Bauch
1367-08-00-Egypt	August 1367 JL	A deadly disease (wabāʾ) hit Egypt in 769 H (August 28, 1367 to August 15, 1368). It lasted about four months. The daily death toll reached 1,000 and more.			Ibn Ḥabīb - Tadhkirat al-nabīh 1976-1986, vol. 3 (1986), p. 312	Translation needed
1369-00-00-Lombardy	1369 JL	The king tried to conquer the Lombardy, but without success. The lords of Meygelon flooded a river (Po?), nearly drowning the emperor's army. A plague also struck the army.	do meinde der keyser, er wolte das lant han, und reysete in dem lande zu Lamparten von ostern untz sant Michels tag, doch gewan er keine stat noch vesten. und die herren von Meygelon verswelletent das wasser genant der Pot, und mahtent es usgona über das velt do der keyser und sin volg lag, das der keyser und das volg kume entrunnent, daz sü nüt erdrunkent. ouch kam gros sterbotte under das volg und sunderliche under die Beheme, der unzelliche vil do was.	The emperor intended to conquer the land and campaigned in the region of Lombardy from Easter until Saint Michael's Day. However, he did not succeed in capturing any town or fortress. The lords of Meygelon flooded the river called the Pot, causing it to overflow onto the field where the emperor and his army were camped. The emperor and his troops barely escaped drowning. Additionally, a great plague struck the army, particularly affecting the Bohemians, resulting in an innumerable number of deaths.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 491	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1369-05-09-Damascus	9 May 1369 JL	Five men stated before a Jerusalem notary sometime between October 12 and 21, 1369 that they knew a shaykh named ʿAlī b. Badr al-Dīn who was a resident of Jerusalem. They stated they knew that the shaykh had left Jerusalem for Damascus while an epidemic (ṭāʿūn) was raging in the latter city and its surroundings. The shaykh had left Jerusalem in the beginning of the month of Shawwāl 770 H (May 9 to June 6, 1369) with a couple of associates and had stayed in Damascus in a Sufi khanaqah for some days. The witnesses stated that he had intended to proceed from Damascus to Aleppo but that his further whereabouts were unknown to them.	بسم اللّه الرّحمن الرّحيم يقول الواضعون خطوطهم آخره من المشائخ والفقراء والعدول إنّهم يشهدون شهادة لا يشكّون فيها ولا يرتابون أنّهم يعرفون الشّيخ عليّ بن الشّيخ بدر الدّين اللذي المقيم بالقدس الشّريف أنّه سافر من القدس الشّريف مع رفاقه ومشائخ وغيرهم إلى دمشق المحروسة في مستهلّ شهر شوّال سنة سبعين وسبع ماية في الطّاعون وأنّه أقام بدمشق في خانقاه القصّاعين مدّة أيّام في خدمة الشّيخ والفقراء بها وأنّه ذكر أنّه متوجّه إلى مدينة حلب لزيارة أخيه وأنّه لم يعلم بعد ذلك له خبر ولا عرف أين يوجد بعد ذلك وبذلك وضعوا خطوطهم مسولين في العشر الأوسط من شهر ربيع الأوّل سنة إحدى وسبعين وسبع ماية أعرف الشّيخ عليّ المذكور أعلاه وأشهد أنّه توجّه إلى دمشق في الطّاعون صحبة المشائخ وغيرهم وأنّه أقام المذكور بدمشق أيّام وذكر عليّ المذكور أنّه يتوجّه إلى حلب لزيارة أخيه كتبه عبد اللّه بن خضر الحنفيّ أشهد بمضمونه كتبه خليل بن محمّد الحنفيّ أشهد أنّ الأمر على ما نصّ وشرح أعلاه وكان الطّاعون بدمشق وضواحيها كتبه عمر بن أبي القاسم الشّافيعيّ أشهد بمضمونه كتبه محمّد بن خليل الشّافعيّ كذلك يشهد عبد اللّه بن محمّد الشّريف	In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate The undersigned elders, the poor and the righteous say that they testify without doubt or doubt that they know Shaykh Ali bin Shaykh al-Shaykh Badr al-Din, who resides in Jerusalem, that he travelled from Jerusalem with his companions and other elders to Damascus at the beginning of the month of Shawwal in the year seventy-seventy-seven, during the plague He stayed in Damascus in the Khanqah al-Qassa'een for a few days in the service of the sheikh and the poor in Damascus. He mentioned that he was travelling to Aleppo to visit his brother and that he did not know after that He did not know his whereabouts after that, and so they put their lines on the tenth of The middle tenth of the month of Rabi al-Awwal in the year seventy-one and seven hundred and seventy-seven I know the aforementioned Sheikh Ali I testify that he travelled to Damascus during the plague in the company of the elders and others and that he stayed in Damascus for a few days and the aforementioned Ali mentioned that he was travelling to Aleppo to visit his brother Written by Abdullah bin Khadir al-Hanafi I testify to its content Written by Khalil bin Muhammad al-Hanafi I testify that the matter is as stated and explained above The plague was in Damascus and its environs Written by Omar ibn Abi al-Qasim al-Shafi'i I testify to its content Written by Muhammad ibn Khalil al-Shafi'i Abdullah also testifies Ibn Muhammad al-Sharif	Arabic Papyrology Database (APD), P.Haram I 30 = P.HaramCat. 229	Translation by DeepL
1369-08-00-Bohemia	August 1369 JL	After having been crowned empress in Rome earlier this year, Elisabeth (of Pomerania) returns to Prague on August 20 where she is ceremonially received. Because there is pestilence in Bohemia, the emperor, Charles IV, returns after the celebration to Lombardy. The pestilence raged during the whole year and with the greatest intensity in the regions towards Austria.	Eodem anno die XX mensis Augusti domina Elizabeth, Romanorum imperatrix, hoc anno, ut supra dicitur, Rome per manus domini pape coronata, Pragam venit et cum omni solempnitate a clero et populo in civitate et ecclesia Pragensi suscipitur. Imperator vero, quia pestilencia erat in Bohemia, postquam reversus est de Lombardia. [...] Eodem anno, ut supra meminimus, permitente Deo propter peccata populi fuit maxima pestilencia in Boemia, et precipue in plaga illa versus Austriam, et duravit per annum integrum. Et cum appropinquaret Pragam et ibidem incepisset eciam invalescere, indicte sunt processiones et ieiunia, et placatus est dominus Deus paciens et multum misericors, et cessavit continuo pestilenciam.	In this year at the 20th day of the month of August, Lady Elizabeth, empress of the Romans, who in this year, as said above, had been crowned in Rome by the hands of the pope, returned to Prague and was received with all solemnity by the clergy and the people in the city and in the church of Prague. The emperor, however, because there was a pestilence in Bohemia, had returned to Lombardy afterwards. [...] In the same year, as mentioned above, by God's permission due to the sins of the people, there was a great pestilence in Bohemia, especially in that region towards Austria, and it lasted for a whole year. And when it approached Prague and began to intensify there, processions and fasts were instituted, and the Lord God, patient and very merciful, was appeased, and the pestilence ceased immediately.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 539f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1370-00-00-Austria	1370 JL	The plague hits Austria again in 1370.	1370 iterum facta est pestilencia magna inter homines.	In 1370 there was again a great plague among humans.	Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis quinta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 735-742, 736	Translation by Christian Oertel
1371-00-00-Avignon	1371 JL	Outbreak of plague in Avignon, both rich and poor German clerics die.	Avinione fuit magna pestilencia, in qua plus quam sexcenti scolares et clerici pro gratia ibidem commorantes de Alamania interierunt. Et ista gratia fuit omnibus pauperibus quasi inutilis, quia quicunqe habuit et dare voluit, gratiam qualemcumque voluit secundum eciam donorum qualitatem impetravit.	In Avignon, there was a great pestilence, in which more than six hundred students and clerics from Germany, who were residing there because of petitions (to the Curia), perished. And trying to obtain these petitions was almost useless to all the poor, because whoever had (money) and wanted to give, obtained grace of any kind according to the quality of their gifts.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 27.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1371-00-00-Bohemia	1371 JL	A grave pestilence occured in this year in all lands as well as in Bohemia whith a great number of dead people.	et immisit Dominus pestilenciam gravissimam in omnibus terris et provinciis Boemie, et mortua sunt infinita milia hominum, et sicuti non fuit.	And the Lord send a grave pestilence to all lands an [to] the provinces of Bohemia, and infinite thousands of people were killed and the are no examples for this.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 545	Translation by Christian Oertel
1371-00-00-Germany	1371 JL	Outbreak of plague in Fritzlar, Westphalia and Strasbourg.	Eo tempore in Hassia opido Fritzlar et in Westvalia erat magna pestilencia epidimiarum, in Argentina pestilentia dissenteriarum.	In that time raged the skin plague in the Hessian city Fritzlar and in Westphalia and the plague of entrails in Strasbourg.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 28.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1371-00-00-Norway	1371 JL	Plague in Norway in the year 1371	Sott for mikil um Noreg.	The plague swept harshly through Norway.	Annálabrot frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 213	Translation by Carina Damm
1371-00-00-Poland	1371 JL	Following an astronomical phenomenon (the sky remained red for the whole of the night) there was a great plague and inflation.	1371. Pestis et caristia magna. Anno domini 1371 visa est magna rubedo in coelo per totam noctem a crepusculo usque ad mane: secuta fuit maxima pestis cum caristia.	1371. Great plague and inflation. In the year of the Lord 1371 there was a great redness seen in the sky for the whole night from dusk till dawn. After this there was a great plague and inflation.	Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 40	Translation by Christian Oertel
1371-00-00-Poland 2	September 1371 JL	Starting in September 1371 a plague raged in Poland for one year and killed many thousand people.	De pestilentia valde magna in Polonia. Tam eisdem duobus annis, prout et in morte regis, in Polonia magna erat pestilentia; sed immediate anno sequenti de mense Septembri coepit esse major pestilentia in Polonia hominum et praecipue juvenum et mulierum, virorum ac virginum et duravit per annum usque ad mensem Septembrim, infra quod tempus multa millia, proh dolor! hominum decesserunt.	A very great pestilence in Poland. In the same two years, and in the same way as in the death of the king, there was a great pestilence in Poland; but immediately in the following year, in the month of September, there began to be a greater pestilence in Poland among humans and especially among young people and women, men and virgins, and it lasted for a year until the month of September, during which time, alas! many thousands of people died.	Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 2, p. 619-756, 652	Translation by Christian Oertel
1371-00-00-Trento	1371 JL	Outbreak of plague in Trento with description of symptoms	Item millesimo CCCLXXI fuit alia pestis de loco in locum, et non simul et semel, in universo et non minor mortalitas aliis duabus et ita subito, et duravit pestis seu mortalitas in Tridento sex mensibus. Item regnavit isto tempore infirmitas carbunculi et glandulae, et quibus veniat ad latus dextrum nunquam vidi vel audivi evadere, ad latus vero sinistram evadebant aliqui, licet pauci, et haec omnia supradicta vidi ego Joannes de Parma Canonicus supradictus, et sic scripsi manu propria ad memoriam praedictorum hominum futurorum de praedictis..	Likewise, in the year 1371, there was another plague that spread from place to place, and not all at once, throughout the entire world, and its mortality was no less than the previous two and just as sudden. The plague or mortality in Trento lasted six months. During this time, the illness of carbuncles and glandular swellings also prevailed, and for those in whom it appeared on the right side, I never saw or heard of anyone surviving. However, on the left side, some did survive, though few. I, Giovanni da Parma, the aforementioned canon, saw all these things and wrote them with my own hand to preserve the memory of these events for future generations.	Giovanni da Parma 1837, p. 52	Translation by Martin Bauch
1371-09-08-Lucca	8 September 1371 JL	Plague affects Lucca	L' 8 settembre del 1371, il giorno di Santa Maria, iniziò in Lucca l'epidemia con l'ingrossamento dell'inguine, bubboni, bolle e piaghe; e durò per quindici mesi, durante i quali molti furono morti, cittadini notabili e buoni mercanti, e molti fuggirono per evitare il contaggio. E vi fu chi morì e chi campò, anche donne e fanciulli, in quantità così grande che metà della popolazione di Lucca e del suo contado fu distrutta; ed il contagio si estese alle altre città, castelli e ville.	On September 8, 1371, the day of Holy Virgin, the epidemic began in Lucca with swelling of the groin, buboes, boils, and sores; it lasted for fifteen months, during which many notable citizens and good merchants died, and many fled to avoid the contagion. There were those who died and those who survived, including women and children, in such great numbers that half of the population of Lucca and its surrounding area was destroyed; and the contagion spread to other cities, castles, and villages.	Giovanni Sercambi 2015, p. 201	Translation by Martin Bauch
1372-00-00-Avignon	May 1372 JL	The Polish prelate John Suchilik of Strzelce leaves Avignon, because of the raging plague there.	Iohannes Suchiwilk [de Strzeleze] [...] Avinionem se personaliter contulit [...]. Subito deinde se ex Avinione propter grassantem illic pestem evolvens, Gneznam feria tercia, mensis Iulii prima die ingressus.	(1372) John Suchilik of Strzelce [...] was personally consecrated in Avignon. Directly afterwards he left Avignon because of the raging plague there and he entered Gniezno on July 1.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 10, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 30.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1372-00-00-Poland	1372 JL	In the year 1372 half the population of Wrozław (30.000 people) died because of plague and inflation.	Et sequenti anno scilicet 1372 fuit maxima pestilencia et karistia aequaliter in clero et populo, ita quod dicebatur communiter, quod plus quam medietas populi esset mortua scilicet a triginta milia hominum, et precedenti anno fuerat sub montibus et in montibus gravissima.	And in the following year 1372 there was the greatest pestilence and inflation as well among the clerics as among the common people. It is commonly said that more than half of the population died, namely 30.000 people and as in the preceding year ist has been very bad under the mountains and in the mountains.	Annales Wratislawienses maiores, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 688-690, 690	Translation by Christian Oertel
1372-00-00-Poland-1	1372 JL	The plague is more virulent than ever in many places. People are unable to keep pace with the burials.	Ingens pestis in Regno Poloniae. [...] eo anno adeo grassabatur per agros, fora, opida, rura atque urbes, ut in plerisgue locis Libitina vix sufficeret.	Tremendous plague in the kingdom of Poland. In this year it raged so severely over the fields, markets, towns, villages and cities that in many places Libitina [the Roman goddess of death, dead bodies and funerals] could hardly be satisfied.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 10, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 31	Translation by Christian Oertel
1373-00-00-Mainz	1373 JL	Outbreak of plague along the Rhine and other parts of Germany, in Mainz 3000 people die.	Tunc multe pestilencie facte sunt in diversis partibus Rheni et aliarum partium Alamanie. In Maguncia mortui sunt tria milia hominum, et erant vina et fruges optimi fori, sicut nulla hominum meminit etas.	At that time (1373), many pestilences occurred in various parts of the Rhine and other regions of Germany. In Mainz, three thousand people died, and wines and grains were of the best quality ever remembered by anyone.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 33.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1373-00-00-Toruń	1373 JL	Great plague in the cities by the Baltic Sea.	In deme sulven jare was grot stervent to Thorun in Prutzen unde in vele anderen steden.	In the same year (1373) was a great dying in Toruń in Prussia and in many other cities.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, p. 549.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1373-00-00-Trento	1373 JL	Outbreak of plague in Trento, children are affected over average, with description of symptoms	Item MCCCLXXIII fuit pestis et mortalitas similis pariter de loco in locum, ideo duravit per biennium ut usque ad finem MCCCLXXIIII, et fuit per hunc modum, quia moriebantur juvenes et senes, mares et foeminae, sed infantes seu pueri plus moriebantur, quia de infantibus et pueris pro certo non remansit de decem unus in Tridento, et sic alibi, quod auditum, itaque non inveniebatur pueri, qui servirent, de adultis dico, quod quando incipiebant infirmari pro majori parte perdebant memoriam, et transacta una die vel secunda recuperabant (p. 53) sensum, et aliqui convalescebant, postea subito moriebantur, neque poterant ordinare facta sua: aliqui vero nunquam convalescebant, et isti moriebantur cum magna discretione et devotione, loquela petendo indulgentiam et licentiam a circumstantibus, et dicta pestis fuit triplex: primo glandulae sub brachiis, vel in inguinibus; secundo carbunculi, tertio dormiae, et qui morituri erant non transibant quintum diem, sed quandoque prima, dico et sic successive usque ut supra.	Likewise, in 1373, there was a plague and mortality that similarly spread from place to place, lasting for two years until the end of 1374. It affected young and old, male and female, but infants and children died the most. For certain, out of ten infants and children in Trento, not one survived, and this was also heard of elsewhere. Consequently, there were no children to serve. Regarding adults, when they began to fall ill, most lost their memory, and after one or two days, they would recover their senses, and some would improve, only to suddenly die thereafter, unable to settle their affairs. Some never recovered and died with great discernment and devotion, speaking and asking for indulgence and permission from those around them. This plague was threefold: first, swellings under the arms or in the groin; second, carbuncles; and third, insomnia. Those who were to die did not survive beyond the fifth day, sometimes dying on the first, and so on successively, as stated above.	Giovanni da Parma 1837, p. 52	Translation by Martin Bauch
1373-07-00-Pisa	July 1373 JL	Outbreak of the plague and great mortality in Pisa, especially adolescents affected, price increase and shortage of grain	Negli anni domini di 1373 a dì ** di luglio, si chominciò in Pisa la mortalità et bastò due anni et due mesi. Et sappiate che morirono fanciulli di 12 anni in giuso più di octanta per ciento, et morirono huomeni et donne grandi quantità assai. Et dappoi si fu grande charo, valze più di 3 fiorini lo staio di grano et si fu grande charo d'ongni biada	In the year 1373 of July, mortality began in Pisa and it took two years and two months. And you know that more than eighty per hundred children from 12 years old died, and men and women died in great quantities. And then there was a great shortage, more than three florins a bushel of grain and there was a great shortage of every kind of grain	Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, p. 209	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1374-00-00-Avignon	1374 JL	Outbreak of plague in Avignon with many dead cardinals.	Eo tempore fuit magna pestilencia Avinione, it ut pene omnes advene ibidem commorantes fugerent a curia, sic eciam papa et cardinales; et mortui sunt multi cardinales et circa 14.	At that time (1374), there was a great pestilence in Avignon, so much so that almost all the newcomers residing there fled from the court, including the Pope and the cardinals; and many cardinals died, around fourteen.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 35	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1374-00-00-Florence	1374 JL	Many relatives from the author died of the plague in Florence and Arezzo. He was in the meantime in Bologna.	37. Questa Orsa, figliuola di me Luca, cavalieri, come piacque a Dio, al tempo della grande pistolenza, passò di questa vita, in Arezzo; ed è sepulta al luogo di frati Minori. E qui in Firenze morì a casa nostra Giancristofano suo marito, a dì .. Di luglio MCCCLXXIIII. […] 39. Nel MCCCLXXIIII, a dì 4 d'agosto, al tempo della grande pistolenza, s'ammalò la sopradetta madonna Felice, in Firenze ed era gravida di otto mesi; ebbe due gavoccioli, cioè da ogni lato, tralla coscia e'l corpo, uno; e fu sopellita colla creatura in corpo, in San Niccolò, in Firenze; e visse forse cinquantadue ore: Iddio la faccia verace perdono; e fu discreta e valente donna. […] Morì l'Orsa mia figliuola in Arezo, e Giancristofano suo marito, e cugino carnale di madonna Felice, venne d'Arezzo chioccio; e come fu stato in casa mia a Firenze tre dÌ, s'ammalò di questi gavocci; e forse cinquanto ore visse; e infra dieci dì la detta madonna Felice morì. Io era in Bologna, quando ebbi queste dolorose e spiacevoli e fortunevoli novelle; ed era a provvisione di Santa Chiesa, [p. 73] con isventure assai senza queste, di ch'io avea e oe turbazione, quanto cavaliere di Toscano: Iodato Iddio sempre. 40. Giovanni mio figliuolo, con quelle più onore che si potea, fece sopellire Giancristofano, in Firenze, al luogo di San Francesco; e nella malattia e nella sepultura si spese assai danari di nostri. Iddio faccia loro misercordia perpetuale per la sua gran benignità. Di .. di luglio 1374.	7. This Orsa, daughter of me Luca, knight, as it pleased God, at the time of the great pistolence, passed from this life, in Arezzo; and is buried at the place of the Friars Minor. And here in Florence her husband Giancristofano died at our house, on dì.. of July 1374. [...] 39. In the year 1374, on the 4th of August, during the time of the great plague, the aforementioned lady Felice, who was eight months pregnant, fell ill in Florence. She developed two swellings (gavoccioli), one on each side between her thigh and body. She was buried in San Niccolò in Florence with the child still in her womb and lived for perhaps fifty-two hours. May God grant her true forgiveness; she was a wise and worthy woman. [...] My daughter Orsa died in Arezzo, and Giancristofano, her husband and a close cousin of lady Felice, came from Arezzo in mourning. After spending three days in my house in Florence, he fell ill with these swellings and lived perhaps fifty hours; within ten days, the said lady Felice also died. I was in Bologna when I received these sorrowful and distressing news. I was there in the service of the Holy Church, with many misfortunes already weighing on me besides these, as any knight of Tuscany would feel. May God always be praised. 40. Giovanni my son, with as much honour as he could, had Giancristofano buried in the place of San Francesco in Florence; and in his illness and burial he spent a great deal of our money. God grant them perpetual mercy for his great kindness. Of .. of July 1374.	Luca di Totto da Panzano: Libro di ricordanze 1861, pp. 72-73	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1374-00-00-Florence 001	1374 JL	The family of Giovanni and of Pagolo fled from the mortality of 1374 to Bologna. They lived there together in a house and shared the expenses.	E frall’altre si vide di lui questo: che pe·lla mortalità del 1374 , sendo fuggiti a Bolongnia tutta / (c. 44v) la famiglia rimasa di Giovanni e tutta la famiglia di Pagholo, insieme inn una chasa abitanti e a una ispesa chonchorenti a chomune, chome che chon vantaggio grande per que’ di Giovanni, nondimeno, tornando a quello ch’i’ vo’ dire, noi savamo chontinui tra uomini, donne, fanciulli e balie e fanti forestieri e chonpangnioni più di venti in famiglia. […]	And among other things, this was shown in his case: during the plague of 1374, when the remaining family of Giovanni and the entire family of Pagholo had fled to Bologna, they lived together in one house and shared the expenses, although there was great advantage for those of Giovanni. Nevertheless, to come back to what I wanted to say, we knew that they totalled more than twenty people in the family, including men, women, children, wet nurses and foreign servants and companions.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 197	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1374-00-00-Florence 002	1374 JL	Great plague in Florence and the family of Pagholo fled to Bologna.	Negli anni Domini 1374 fu nella città di Firenze pestilenza † e grande; e chome dinanzi faciemmo memoria, Pagholo rendé l’anima a Dio in quest’anno, e noi fuggimmo a Bolongnia tutti, chome è scritto.	In the year 1374 was a plague in the city of Florence and great; and as we have already mentioned, in that year Pagholo gave his soul back to God, and we all fled to Bologna, as it was written.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 236.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1374-03-00-Firenze	March 1374 JL	A new plague wave hits Florence and the city loses relatively few people, but the societal impact is severe.	Nel detto anno 1374 era fama d'una mortalità dell'usata pestilenza dello infiato dell'anguinaia, o sotto il ditello, e vivisene tre o quattro dì il più alto. Nel generale era stata in tutte le parti circunstanti d'intorno grandissima, bene che ove maggiore e minore; ma nel generale parve essere morto il terzo della gente, o delle bocche, nelle circunstanze. E molte favole e novelle se ne diceano, come di simili cose s'usa di parlare. Cominciò in Firenze di marzo, e a poco a poco seguito la cosa per modo che a settembre o ottobre quasi poco o nulla v'era della detta pestilenzia; e non fu niuna Terra in Toscana, ove del tanto meno gente morissero che in Firenze: perrochè morirono circa settemila bocche, che ve ne era a quel tempo sessanta milia, o più. Ma diessene ancora la utilità al fuggirla, ove era stata, perocchè la maggior parte' della gente con gli figluoli e mogli uscirono di Firenze, e andarono ad abitare in Terre. E niuno era, che avesse di che fare le spese, che non se ne andasse. Fecionsi molti ordini di non sonare campane, nè porro paghe, nè portare più che quattro torchi, e non vestire più ch'è figluoli di nero. Ancora feciono riformagione sopra [p. 290] a chi fuggìa, che se fosse tratto a ufici, fosse stracciato, se infra dieci dì non venisse all' uficio e coresse in pena di cinquecento lire, e poi avesse divieto agli altri ufici; e intorno a ciò assai cose feciero da non farne menzione; epperò taccio.	In the mentioned year 1374 there were rumors of the usual plague with the swollen groin, or below the armpit, and one lived three or four days at the longest. In general this happened in all areas around [Florence] with great intensity, although some place were hitten harder than others. But most of the time, one third of the people died in the surrounding areas. And one tells a lot of stories about it, as it always happens with these events. In Florence, it started in March, and slowly but surely the disease continued until September or October, when it had burned itself out. And there was no place in Tuscany, where alltogether more people died than in Florence: About 7000 persons died here from an overall population of more than 60.000. And people considered it a good idea to flee the place where the epidemic happened, so a large part of the population left the city with their childern and spouses and went to live in the countryside. And from those that did not leave, no one did more than just buying food. There were issued many regulations, like not ringing the bells, not doing payments, not carrying more than four torches, and not put on more clothing than the sons of black (Monks?). And they made law about people that fled the city: Whoever had left his office unattended was removed from it, if he did not return within ten days and payed a fine of 500 lire. He would furthermore be banned from other offices. Apart from that much more happened which should not be mentioned, and that's why I remain silent.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 289-290.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1374-03-16-Alexandria	March 1374 JL	Many people, mainly children, died of plague (ṭāʿūn, fanāʾ, wabāʾ) in Alexandria from Shawwāl 775 H (March 16 to April 14, 1374) to Rabīʿ I 776 H (August 10, 1374 to September 8, 1374). Up to 200 people died per day. In Shawwāl, 7,000 people perished within three days. In 775 H (1373), the Nile had failed to reach the necessary gauge (wafāʾ) during the summer flood, and many fields in Egypt could not be cultivated. Prices for grain and other foodstuffs rose in Egypt. Prices remained high also during the following year (776 H: June 13, 1374 to June 1, 1375) despite a sufficient Nile flood and the availability of grain. People became impoverished and died of hunger due to the rise in prices while grain merchants (khazzān) made huge profits. Finally, people revolted against inflation and famine. Plague came on top of famine. In Alexandria, 17,000 people reportedly died of plague, 12,000 of whom were male and female children. [...]	... ... ...		al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 3 (1970), pp. 253-254; vol. 4 (1970), p. 127-129; 143; vol. 6 (1973), pp. 423-425.	Translation needed
1374-04-25-Florence	25 April 1374 JL	When the father of Buonaccorso Pitti, Neri, died, Pitti left Florence with his 8 brothers and his mom and fled to Val di Pesa from the raging plague. They returned, when the plague was over.	[39] Io Bonacorso di Neri farò qui appresso ricordo dell'andare per lo mondo ch'io fatto di poi che io rimasi sanza padre che fu l'anno 1374 a dì 25 d'aprile che nostro padre morì, a cui Iddio perdoni. E, sendo egli morto, noi suoi figliuoli che ci trovammo otto insieme colla nostra madre per cagione (p. 11) che la mortalità era a Firenze, ci riducemmo a uno nostro luogo in Val di Pesa che si chiama il Corno, dove occorse che Giovanni nostro fratello si morì che era d'età di 27 anni e anche si morì in casa nostra in quelli pochi dì Niccolò di Cione nostro cugino e morti del segno della pestilenza. E, sendo ristata la mortalità a Firenze, ci ritornammo e trovando che monna Margherita madre del detto Niccolò avea vota la casa dove stavano e portata tutta loro masserizie e roba da vantaggio in casa una sua sirocchia […]	Now I will give an account of the journeys I made to different parts of the world after the death of my father, Neri - may the Lord have mercy on him - on 25 April 1374. When he died, my brothers and myself - eight of us with our mother - left Florence where a plague had broken out and took refuge at Il corno, a country house of ours in Val di Pesa. While we were there, my brother Giovanni, who was twenty-seven years old, died of the plague, and so, a few days later, did our cousin Niccolò, Cione's son. When the epidemic was over, we returned to Florence where we found that Niccolò's mother, Monna Margherita, had stripped the house they lived in and moved all their goods and valuables to the house of her sister […]	Buonaccorso Pitti: Ricordi 1986, pp. 10-11.	None
1374-05-00-Pisa	May 1374 JL	Outbreak of the plague in Pisa with a high mortality, as a consequence several processions.	Del mese di maggio anno preditto incominciò la morìa nella cità di Pisa, morendone alcuno per dì d'anguinaia, tincone, di soditelli, di faoni e d'alti sozzi mali. E poi di giugno cominciava a crescere, e facevasi per la cità dimolte precessione. E poi a dì 30 d'agosto, per comandamento dell'arcivescovo, si fece precissione generale cinque mattine, tenendo li fondachi serrati e digiunando, portando molte reliquie di santi et il sangue di sam Piero. E la ditta morìa durò per la cità e contado di Pisa sine a (p. 258) settembre anni Domini milletrecentosettantaicinque e molti ne morinno, de' cinque li quattro. E del mese di settembre restò altutto.	In the month of May, in the previous year, death began in the city of Pisa, with some dying each day of eels, tincone, soditelli, faoni and other ills. And then in June it began to grow, and there were many precessions in the city. And then on the 30th of August, at the Archbishop's commandment, there was a general precession on five mornings, keeping the docks closed and fasting, carrying many relics of saints and the blood of Saint Piero. And this death lasted for the city and countryside of Pisa until (p. 258) September anni Domini one thousand three hundred and seventy-five and many died, of the five the four. And of the month of September remained all.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, pp. 258–259.	Translation by DeepL
1374-07-25-Florence	25 July 1374 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Benvenuto da Imo about the possible causes of the plague. He sees the plague as the will of God and therefore does not want to flee Florence.	Et demum, quod ad fugam pestis me ad lares tuos cum familia tam fraterne tamque amicabiliter invitas, mecum admiratus sum. Ubi enim fugiam a facie Dei mei? si enim hec pestis divina dispostione totum concutit genus mortalium sive, quod optem, sit talis peccatorum sive alia quecunque summi illius opificis ordinatio; et nostrum non est summum illud frustrare numen, cum ubicunque sit immensum et potens, quid iuvat inde fugere ubi tunc videtur servire sententia, cum, si condemnatus fuero, ubicunque me invenerit, iudicabit? Fallimur, arbitror, omnes, qui putamus Dei ista proculdubio opera indiscreto ictu quasi sagittas in vulgus iactari; illum afficit, seu medicinalis seu ultrix [p. 171] fuerit ista clades, quem percutiendum preordinaverit divina maiestas, que nec loco circunscribitur nec tempore, nec minus hic quam alibi cum voluerit operatur. Si enim, ut physici volunt, aeris foret ista corruptio, cur ubi furit ullum preterit omnino mortalium, quem etsi non extinguat, saltem non attingat? Vivimus omnes in aere isto corrupto, quem volunt physiologi, imo, ut verius loquar, fingilogi, fore venenum nec pudet eos diversitati complexionum ascribere, si quos viderint nullo modo, ceteris morientibus, egrotare; quasi in veneno possit humana complexio intemerata servari. Nescio tamen quo pacto quando in disputationem cum ipsis venitur et queritur: si aer iste, agitabilis et qui ventis continuo circunfertur, infectus est, cur in sola urbe, cur in uno vico, cur in cetera urbis parte, cur eadem in domo hi moriuntur, hi egrotant, hi penitus valent incolumes; et si hoc ascribitur etati, cur hec domos pueros perdit, illa iuvenes, ista senes decrepitos; altera mulieres preservat, altera viros; una superstitem habet maiorem natu, alia vero minorem? Denique fatentur rationem deficere, cum non valent omnibus respondere. Ceterum, ut ad preces tuas redeam, istuc me conaris allicere ubi tu ipse pestem confirmas propter advenarum confluentiam desevire. Credo tantus est ardor amici potiundi quod deceptus amore, tui ipsius immemor, periculi, quod istic imminet, es oblitus, et forte, quod evenire consuevit, ut longe minus presentia terraent quam ea que tumultuante fama percipimus, te rum commovit ut saltem de maiore ad minus periculum me vocares. Quicquid id fuit, gratias ago amicicie atque benignitati tue; ego florenti huic urbi, dum fata erunt, sive bellum sive fames sive pestis insultet, perpetuum inherebo.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 1, pp. 170-171	None
1375-00-00-Avignon	1375 JL	Outbreak of fever in Avignon in connection with dearth.	Tunc eciam fuit Avinione pestilencia calorum innaturalium, unde multi perierunt. Item fuit ibi magna caristia.	At that time (1375), there was also a pestilence of unnatural fever / heat in Avignon, from which many perished. Also, there was a great dearth there.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 38.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1375-00-00-Erfurt	1375 JL	Plague in Erfurt and Thuringia	Tunc fuit pestilencia epidimiarum in Erffordia et in tota Thuringia.	In that time raged in Erfurt and entire Thuringia a plague epidemic.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 39	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1375-00-00-Magdeburg	1375 JL	The plague strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arises and plague pits are opened in different cemetaries of local churches.	In dussem sulven jare was grot stervent hir in der stad und al umme und stunt to Magdeborch wol anderhalf jar, dat men to sunte Johanse nicht graven konde up den kerkhof, sunder men makede grote kulen [p. 268] to dem hilgen geiste, to unser vruwen, to sunte Pawele, to den barvoten, to sunte Augustine und to sunte Marien Magdalenen, dar men se in warp unde begrof.	In the same year there was a great mortality in the city and also in the surrounding area and this remained in Magdeburg for a year and a half. It was not possible to bury people in the churchyard of St Johannes, but large mounds were made at the Heiliggeistkirche, Liebfrauen, St Paul, the Friars, St Augustin and St Maria Magdalena, into which the dead were thrown and buried.	Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 267-268	Translation by Martin Bauch
1376-00-00-Stralsund	1376 JL	Great plague in Stralsund and Wismar.	772. In deme sulven jare was grot pestilencie bi der zee in vele steden, sunderliken to deme Sunde unde to der Wismer.	772. In the same year (1376) a great plague by the sea in many cities, especially in Stralsund and in Wismar.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, p. 556.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1377-00-00-Lübeck	1377 JL	Outbreak of plague in Lübeck	Sed pessimus incursus predonum ubique surrexit, et fuit magna pestilencia in Lubecke.	But the worst onslaught of brigands arose everywhere, and there was a great pestilence in Lübeck.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 42.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1378-00-00-Dorpat	1378 JL	Great plague in the diocese of Dorpat.	796. In deme sulven jare was grot pestilencie in deme stichte van Darpte, also dat kume de seeste minsche blef levendich.	796. In the same year (1378) was a great plague in the diocese of Dorpat, so that only a sixth of the people stayed alife.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, p. 563.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1378-00-00-Swabia	1378 JL	Outbreak of plague in Swabia and surrounding regions.	Circa tempus predictum fuit pestilentia in Suevia et circa circumsita.	Around the mentioned time (1378), there was a pestilence in Swabia and in the surrounding areas.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 43.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1379-00-00-Avignon	1379 JL	Great plague in Avignon	In autumpno fuit magna pestilencia epidemie … et terris circumsitis, et venit…	In autumn was a great plague in Avignon and surrounding areas, and it came...	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 45	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1379-00-00-Nuremberg	1379 JL	Great plague in Nuremberg and Bamberg that led to insects flying densely in the air.	801. By der tiid in deme somer do was een grot plage bi deme Rine tusschen Norenberge unde Bavenberge, dat de lucht was so vul wormete, also dat de rupen unde de loofvorsche vlogen so dicht, dat kume de lude kunden dar dor wanderen. dit betekende een grot stervent, dat na was komende in den landen.	801. At the time in the summer (1379), there was a great plague by the "Rine" [Regnitz?] between Nuremberg and Bamberg, so that the air was so full of worms, and also the caterpillars and tree frogs flied densely, that reported the people, who walked there. This signified a great death, that was soon to come to the lands.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, p. 564.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1379-00-00-Paris	1379 JL	Outbreak of plague in Paris and surrounding regions.	In illo tempore (1379) Parisius Francie et terra circumsita erat magna pestilencia et mortalitas hominum.	At that time (1379), there was a great pestilence and mortality of people in Paris, France, and the surrounding land.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 45.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1379-autumn-Poland	September 1379 JL	In the year 1379 a great plague arrived in Poland and other kingdoms.	Eodem anno in regno Polonie et alias tempore autumpni magna ingruit pestilencia, in qua cives plures Mechovenses obierunt.	In this year (1379) a great plague arrived in the kingdom of Poland and in other kingdoms in which many citicens of Miechów died.	Annales Miechovienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, pp. 880-896, 886	Translation by Christian Oertel
1380-00-00-Bohemia	3 May 1380 JL	Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from Ascension Day (May 3) to the day of St Michael (September 29)	Viguit magna pestilencia in Bohemia, et incepit a festo ascensionis duravitque usque ad festum sancti Michaelis.	A great pestilence ruled in Bohemiae and it started at the feast of Ascension and lasted until the feast of St Michael.	Annales Bohemiae Brevissimi, ed. G.H. Pertz (MGH SS, 17) p. 719-721, p. 721	Translation by Christian Oertel
1380-00-00-Bohemia-1	3 May 1380 JL	Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from Ascension Day (May 3) to the day of St Michael (September 29)	Anno 1380. Viguit magna pestilencia Prage in Bohemia, & incepit ab Ascensione Domini, & duravit usque ad festum sancti Michaelis.	Year 1380. A great pestilence ruled in Prague and [in the whole of] Bohemiae and it started at the feast of the ascension of the Lord and it lasted until the feast of St Michael.	Benessius Minorita, ed. G.Dobner (MBH IV, 1779) p. 23-78, p. 63.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1380-00-00-Bohemia-3	13 July 1380 JL	Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from the day of St Margarethe (July 13) until winter.	Anno Domini 1380. Pestilencia non modica in Boemia instaurata agesto s. Margarethe usque ad yemem perduravit.	Year of the Lord 1380. A considerable plague was instated in Bohemia, lasting from the feast of Saint Margaret until winter.	Anonymous, Chronicon Bohemicum Pragense, ed. J. Emler (Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. VII, s.a.) p. 10-13, p. 11.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1380-00-00-Bohemia-4	13 July 1380 JL	Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from the day of St Margareth (July 13) until autumn.	Item léta božieho 1380 počel se mor v Čechách o svaté panně Markrethě a byl po všie České zemi až do podzimi.	In the year of the Lord 1380, the plague began in Bohemia on the feast of the Holy Virgin Margaret, and was all over Bohemia until autumn.	Kronika Bartoška z Drahonic, ed. J. Emler (Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. V, 1893), p. 589-628, p. 628.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1380-00-00-Bohemia-5	13 July 1380 JL	Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from the day of St Margaret (July, 13 1380) to the day of All Saints (November, 1 1381).	Anno Domini 1380 & 81. fuit pestilencia per totam terram Bohemie, incepit a festo S. Margarethe, & duravit usque festum Omnium Sanctorum.	Years of the Lord 1380 and 1381. There was a plague through the whole land of Bohemia. It started at the feast of St Margaret and it lasted until the feast of All Saints.	Second continuator of the Pulkava chronicle, ed. G.Dobner (MBH IV, 1779) p. 131-137, p. 133.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1380-00-00-Frankfurt	1380 JL	Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt.	Tunc magna pestilencia fuit in Franckfordia.	At that time (1380), there was a great pestilence in Frankfurt.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 47.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1380-00-00-Iceland	1380 JL	Great plague in Iceland in 1380	Jtem sott mikil a Jslandi.	Also a big plague on Iceland.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 282	Translation by Carina Damm
1380-07-00-Bohemia	July 1380 JL	Outbreak of plague in Prague and Bohemia, with 1100 people dying per week. German students return from there home.	In mense Iulio (1380) fuit Pragis et Bohemie magna pestilencia, ut quasi omnes studentes timore mortis recesserint. Tunc dicebatur quod una septimana 1100 homines ibi moriebantur.	In the month of July (1380), there was a great pestilence in Prague and Bohemia, to the extent that almost all the students returned from there, fearing for their life. At that time, it was said that within one week, 1100 people were dying there.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 46	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1380-09-00-Frankfurt	September 1380 JL	Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt affecting all ages.	In Septembri et Octobri (1380) fuit valde magna pestilencia in Franckfordia et circumquaque, que subtraxit multos pueros et eciam quosdam robustos viros, etiam multos senes homines; erat pestis ypidemialis.	In September and October (1380), there was a very great pestilence in Frankfurt and its surroundings, which claimed many children and even some robust men, as well as many elderly individuals; it was an epidemic pestilence.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 47	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1381-00-00-Mainz	1381 JL	Outbreak of plague in Cologne and Mainz.	Tunc temporis fuit pestilencia gravis Colonie, Maguncie et aliis multis locis.	In this time 1381 there was a plague in Cologne and Mainz and many other places.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 48	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1381-00-00-Strasbourg	1381 JL	Great death in Strasbourg in the summer, which made the churches so rich, that they could be replaced by newer larger ones.	Ein sterbotte zu Strosburg. Do men zalte noch gotz gebürte 1381 jor, do was ein grosser sterbotte in dem summer zu Strosburg: den schetzete men also gros und langewerende, also ie keinre vor was zu Strosburg gewesen. von disem sterbotte wurdent die kirchen also rich, das men die alten kirchen zu Strosburg zu sant Martin, zu sant Niclawes gynesit Brüsch und zum alten sant Peter abrebrach und nuwe witer kirchen dar mahte.	A dying in Strasbourg. In the year 1381, there was a great dying in Strasbourg in the summer: it was so big and durated so long, then never before. The churches have become so rich, that the old churches of St. Martin, St. Nicholas and the old St. Peter were torn down and replaced with new, wider churches.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 772-773.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1381-01-13-Mainz	September 1380 JL	Outbreak of plague along the Rhine, accompanied by mild weather.	Anno Domini (13)80 primo circa octavas epiphanie Domini instetit frigus valde forte, durans usque ad Kalendas Februarii, cum antea a festo Michaelis usque ad predictas octavas continue fuerit aura pluvialis et tepida absque frigoribus durantibus. Viguit pestilencia circa partes Reni usque ad predictas octavas.	In the year of our Lord 1380, around the octave of the Epiphany of the Lord, there was a very strong cold snap, lasting until the Kalends of February, whereas previously from the feast of Michaelmas until the aforementioned octave, there had been continuous rainy and mild weather without lasting cold spells. A pestilence prevailed around the Rhine region until the aforementioned octave.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 47.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1382-00-00-Bohemia	1382 JL	In a charter from 20 April 1382 Semovit, Duke of Cieszyn and prior of the order of St John in Bohemia states that large parts of the inhabitants of the city of Manětín had been killed by a plague "not long ago" (1380/81?) while others had moved away. With this charter, he sells the town to its remaining inhabitants.	Semovitus, Dei gratia dux Teschinensis, prior Bohemiae ordinis Hospitalis sancti Joannis Hierosolimitani, notum fieri volumus omnibus in perpetuum praesentibus et futuris hominibus, harum seriem litterarum audituris, quod peste crudeli in genus humanum tempore non longe retroacto ex permissione divina immaniter saeviante maxima pars populi in civitate ordinis nostri Manetin corruit et ab hoc saeculo emigravit.	Semovitus, by the grace of God Duke of Cieszyn, prior of Bohemia of the Order of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem, wish it to be known to all present and future people who shall hear the series of these letters, that in the past not long ago, with divine permission, through a cruel plague raging fiercely over the human race, a great part of the population in the city of our order, Manětín, fell and departed from this world.	Codex Iuris Municipalis, vol. IV/1, p. 175f., no. 122	None
1382-00-00-Erfurt	1382 JL	Memorial inscription on the south facade of Erfurts Peterskirche.	Anno d(omi)ni MCCCLXXXII orta est / pestilencia et facta est hic / magna fovea in qva sv(n)t sepvlte / tres sexagene et qvindecim hominum qui / aie requiescat in pace Amen.	In the year of our Lord 1382, a pestilence arose, and here a great pit was dug in which were buried 195 people. May they rest in peace. Amen	Doreen Molders, p. 624-625.	Translation needed
1382-00-00-Erfurt01	1382 JL	A plague in Erfurt results in a mass grave situated on the Petersberg	Anno 1382 Ist eine grosse pestilentz in Erffurd gewesen, do hatt man eine gruben auf S. Petersberg gemacht, do sindt 13 schock vnd 15 menschen begraben worden.	In the year 1382, there was a great pestilence in Erfurt, where a pit was dug on St. Petersberg, and 795 people were buried there.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 127.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1383-00-00-Florence	1383 JL	Plague hits Florence.	1383. Pestilentia Florentinos affluxit.	1383. The pestilence afflicted the Florentines.	Annales florentini 1868, p. 682.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1383-00-00-Florence 001	1383 JL	The plague raged again in Florence and many people fled. To stop the exodus, a law was passed forbidding the Florentines to leave their homes. However, the fear of death was so great that the law had no effect.	Eo qui secutus est anno pestis iampridem coepta desaevivit, et fugae civium secutae sunt, per quas vacuefacta urbs suspicionem dedit, ne a plebe infima invaderetur. Itaque lex lata est, ne quis civis florentinus domo abesset, quo frequentior esset urbs, nec deserta a bonis in perditorum relinqueretur potestate. Sed neque lex neque prohibitio tenere potuit fugas; quippe adversus timorem mortis propositae timor omnis alter tamquam levior succumbebat. Ea pestis aliquot menses civitatem afflixit et insignes aliquot viros absumpsit. Ob eam causam nihil dignum memoria domi vel foris eo anno est gestum.	In the following year (1383), the plague that had begun some time before vented its rage anew, whereupon the citizens took to flight. The emptying of the city caused anxiety that it would be seized be the lowest class. So a law was passed forbidding Florentine citizens from leaving their homes, to keep the city populated and not leave it in the power of depraved men, deserted by the good. But no law or prohibition could restrain people from fleeing; indeed in the face of a visible fear of death all other fears yielded as being of lesser weight. The plague afflicted the city for several months and carried off a number of distinguished men. For this reason nothing worthy of memory was accomplished this year either at home or abroad.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 3, p. 62.	None
1383-00-00-Florence 002	1383 JL	The plague raged in Florence. It began slightly in 1382, was then almost imperceptible, raged violently from March 1383 to September and was weak again until March 1384. During the worst months, many people fled the city.	Rubrica 955a - Come fu una grande mortalità nella città di Firenze. Nel detto anno [1383] cominciò a Firenze una pestilenza primiera, e primiera di ciò per rispetto ch'era cominciata infino nell'anno dinanzi in alcuna casa, al Canto a Monteloro ed a S. Piero Maggiore, forse in quattro case, ed avie casa dove in uno mese n'erano morti 10 e lasciatore due, e poi restata; ma per la città quasi niente si sentì se non in sul marzo e aprile; allora cominciò a rucellare, e bastò infino al settembre molto fiera, pure al modo dell'altre mortalità, di quello segno del grosso sotto il braccio e sopra la coscia all'anguinaia. Molti buoni uomini morti, ma più fu ne'giovani e fanciulli che negli uomini e femmine di compiuta età. Ultimamente ristette, come detto è, di settembre, non sì che alcuno, e questo era a rado, infino al marzo vegnente' dello altro anno non ne sentisse, ma radi e pochi. Pure com'è d'usanza di tenerne lo conto che muoiono, in quello anno ne morirono circa (p. 427) di … (lacuna). E così posata la maggior parte di novembre si tornarono alla città: alquanti stettero infino passata la primavera, e poi tornarono.	Rubrica 955a - How a great plague raged in the city of Florence In the year in question (1383), a severe plague began in Florence. The first signs had already been seen the previous year in some houses on the Canto a Monteloro and near S. Piero Maggiore, perhaps in four houses, whereby there were ten deaths in one house in one month and only two survived. After that, the epidemic subsided and was hardly noticed in the city until March and April. Then it began to rage violently and lasted until September, with typical symptoms such as large bumps under the arm and on the groin. Many good men died, but it was young people and children who were most affected, rather than adults. The epidemic finally subsided in September, but there were still isolated cases until March of the following year. The deaths were counted, and in that year about ... (gap). Most returned to the city in November; some stayed away until after spring and then returned.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, pp. 426-427.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-00-00-Florence 003	1383 JL	During the plague, many people fled the city of Florence. To prevent this, the rulers tried in vain to force people to stay and even a tax did not help, as some paid and others did not.	Rubrica 956a- Come per la detta mortalità si fece più leggi e ordini a Firenze. Nel detto anno si feciono di molte leggi, acciocchè niuno cittadino si partisse per la detta mortalità, a ciò che sospettavano che la minuta gente non partisse, e facesse romore, ed i mali contenti s'accozzassero con loro. Poi veduto che pur si partivano li ricchi, cominciarono a non lassare partire niuno sanza il bullettino. Ancora a questo era impossibile a tenergli. Poi all'ultimo impuosero danari a chi s'era partito, o partisse: comecchè la cosa non andò uguale, che di quelli a cui fu posto, pagarono e tale no, com'è sempre d'usanza che gli animali grossi e possenti saltano e rompono le reti; pure n'entro in Comune fiorini … (lacuna). Dissero che gli voleano per soldare fanti, acciocchè lo stato stesse fermo.	Rubrica 956a - How many laws and regulations were passed in Florence due to the aforementioned plague. In that year (1383), many laws were passed to prevent citizens from leaving the city because of the plague. It was feared that the common people who stayed would cause unrest and join forces with the discontented. When they saw that the rich were leaving anyway, they began to prevent anyone from leaving without authorisation. But it was impossible to enforce this. In the end, a tax was levied on those who had left or wanted to leave. However, this measure was not uniform: some paid, others did not, as is always the case when the strong and powerful circumvent the rules. Nevertheless, some florins [gap] came into the community treasury. It was said that the money should be used to pay soldiers to maintain order.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 427	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-00-00-Limburg	1383 JL	A more modest plague strikes Limburg.	Item in diser zit was daz drette sterben, in der maße als di erste sterben waren; dan daz meßlicher was.	During this time, there was the third dying, occurring at a similar rate to the first dying, albeit somewhat more moderate.	Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 76.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1383-00-00-Limburg01	1383 JL	A plague strikes Limburg.	Anno Domini millesimo tricentesimo 80. tercio pestilencia regnavit in Limpurg ita maxime, quod magis quam 1300 homines moriebantur.	In the year of our Lord 1380, the third pestilence reigned in Limburg so greatly that more than 1300 people were dying.	Limburger Chronik 1883, Limburger Annalen, p. 112.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1383-00-00-Lucca		Plague affects Lucca for two years	Dopo un danno ne viene un altro, se non si vive in pace, e dico questo perchè dopo la morte del detto Francesco Guinigi, nel 1383 cominciò in Lucca e nel contado un contagio ed altre pestilenzie per le quali morirono molti venerabili cittadini, uomini, donne, fanciulli in grande quantità, ed il contagio durò sino al 1384, e molti ripararono in paesi stranieri per sfuggire a quella pestilenza. E come piacque a Dio, il contagio cessò, lasciando Lucca ed il suo contado privi di gente per i molti morti, ma non migliori nei confronti di Dio..	After one disaster comes another, if one does not live in peace, and I say this because after the death of the aforementioned Francesco Guinigi, in 1383, a contagion and other plagues began in Lucca and its surrounding area, causing many venerable citizens, men, women, and children to die in great numbers. The contagion lasted until 1384, and many fled to foreign countries to escape the plague. And as it pleased God, the contagion ceased, leaving Lucca and its surroundings devoid of people due to the many deaths, but no better in the eyes of God.	Giovanni Sercambi 2015, p. 231	Translation by Martin Bauch
1383-00-00-Rome	1383 JL	Plague in Rome which led among other things to the flight of the pope Urban to the city Tivoli.	835. In deme jare Cristi 1383 do toch van Rome paves Urbanus mit sinen cardinalen to Neapolis; dar bles he langhe tiid, unde en dachhte nicht wedder to Rome to komende dorch groter bedwengnisse willen unde not, de he let to Rome. he sprak, dat he wolde theen ute der pestilencie, de do grot was to Rome. he toch in de stad Tiburtin mit (p. 578) der Prignisse.	835. In the year of Christ 1383, Pope Urban, along with his cardinals, left Rome for Naples; there he stayed for a long time and did not plan to return to Rome because of the great hardships and troubles he had left behind there. He said that he wanted to escape the plague, which was then widespread in Rome. He withdrew to the city of Tibur (Tivoli) with the Curia.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 577-578.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1383-05-00-Florence	May 1383 JL	In Florence, a large procession was organized on 24 and 25 January to ask God's mercy for the plague and mortality. In May a plague began with 40 or more deaths per day.	A' di 24. in Domenica, che fu S. Zanobi in lunedì a' di 25. si fece grandissima processione, e venne in Firenze la Tavola di S. Maria Impruneta, e dinanzi a lei andarono tutte le Reliquie de'Santi di Firenze, e del contado, che furono più di dodicimila Cristiani. Le detta (p. 65) tavola si pose in su l'altare, che si fece in su la ringhiera del palazzo de' Signori, molto orevole; furonvi tutti li Cavalieri, ed altri notabili cittadini. Il popolo, che vi si trovò fu innumerabile, pregando lei con gran divozione, che accatti grazia dal suo diletto figliuolo, cioè Giesù Cristo, che guardi questa città, e l'altre di male, e guardici da mortalità, e da ogni altro reo giudicio, del quale in Firenze forte si dubitava, e di mortalità. […] Del detto mese di Maggio cominciò in Firenze mortalità di quaranta persone il dì, e più, e così fece nell'entrata di Giugno.	On the 24th of the month January, on a Sunday that was also the feast day of St. Zanobi, and on the following Monday, the 25th, a very large procession was held and the image of St. Mary of Impruneta was brought to Florence. Before her went all the relics of the saints of Florence and the surrounding area, there more than twelve thousand Christians. The said image was placed on the altar erected on the platform of the palace of the Signori, very honorably; present were all the knights and other important citizens. The people assembled were innumerable, and adored her with great devotion, to obtain mercy from her beloved Son, Jesus Christ, that he might preserve this city and others from calamity, and save us from pestilence and every other evil judgment, of which there was great fear in Florence, especially mortality. [...] In the said month of May a plague began in Florence, in which forty or more persons died every day, and this continued in June.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, pp. 64-65.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-06-00-Magdeburg	June 1383 JL	Plague strikes Magdeburg in summer, a great mortality arises.	In dem sulven jar des sommers was hir grot stervent .	In the summer of the same year (1383), there was a lot of mortality here.	Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 288.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1383-07-00-Florence	July 1383 JL	Great mortality in Florence. In the beginning more than 400 persons per day died, later 8,9,12 per day. Many people flee to Bologna and the Romagna. On 22. July great riot, caused by the Ciompi and on 7th October an earthquake	Nota: del mese di Luglio, e d'Agosto del detto anno morì grandissima quantità di gente in Firenze, massimamente dal mezzo Luglio a tutto Agosto. Morirono molti fanciulli, e fanciulle piccoli, ed uomini, e donne: per dì ne morirono 400. e più; e poì in su l'entrata di Settembre mancò la detta mortalità, e morivanone per dì infino a mezzo Settembre quaranta, e più; poi mancò, e morianone otto, dieci, o dodici per infino a mezzo Ottobre. E nota, che a' dì 21. (anzi 22.) di Luglio, il dì di S. Maria Maddalena, fu grandissimo romore in Firenze, il quale levarono i Ciompi. Poi laudato Dio la detta mortalità cessò via in tutto. Nota, che detto anno a'di 7. d'Ottobre, la vigilia di S. Liperata, la notte furono tremoti in Firenze. Nota, che nel tempo della detta mortalità molta, e molta gente si partì di Firenze, e fuggì la mortalità, ed andaronne molti a Vinegia, e più in Romagna, perchè la mortalità v'era stata.	Note: In July and August of the same year (1383), a large number of people died in Florence, especially from mid-July and throughout August. Many young children and adolescents, as well as men and women, died; 400 or more people died per day. Then, at the beginning of September, the plague subsided, and forty or more people died daily until the middle of September; after that the number continued to decrease, and by mid-October only eight, ten or twelve people died daily. Note that on July 21 (actually 22), the feast day of St. Mary Magdalene, there was a great riot in Florence, caused by the Ciompi. Thank God the plague finally stopped completely. Note that on the night of October 7, on the eve of the feast of St. Liperata, earthquakes struck Florence. Note that during the said plague, many people left Florence and fled from the plague; many went to Venice and even more to Romagna because the plague had already been there.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 66.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-07-00-Florence 002	July 1383 JL	This passage is about a conspiracy in Florence. The conspirators, who were made up of common people, tried to take advantage of the fact that many citizens had left the city due to the raging plague. However, the conspiracy failed.	Rubrica 954a - Come' in Firenze si fece un trattato, pure di quella medesima gente minuta. Nel detto anno [1383] e mese di luglio fu nella città di Firenze una trattato, fatto pure per gente minuta, li quali estimando che la mortalità, della quale diremo, era molto primiera nella città di Firenze, e molti cittadini fuggiti, chi in contado e chi fuori di contado, di lunghi un giorno, o due, e più, stimarono che venisse lor fatto, e d'essere seguiti dagli ammoniti e da'mali contenti. E certo ogni volta, ch'eglino l'avessero fatta a sapere alli predetti, si stimava, loro sarebbe venuto fatto; ma eglino non lo feciono, ed eglino non feciono loro intenzione, ma guastaronla, e le loro persone. Fu lo detto trattato scoperto in questa forma: che essendo li cittadini, come detto è, fuggiti per la mortalità, la minuta gente non partita, ragunato alcuni sbanditi, li quali così ragunati a fine di rubare e d'essere ribanditit, venendo loro fatto. E veramente per quello che poi si vide, s'eglino avessero fatto con ordine, venìa loro fatto; imperocchè li cittadini possenti erano fuggiti la mortalità, e chi fuori del contado di Firenze, e chi nel contado; ma eglino si scopersono prima che non dovieno secondo l'ordine. In sulla prima loro non [non tutti loro] si levarono, e mossonsi da Santo' Ambrogio e per Belletri passando e per lo Prato d'Ognissanti, e feciono capo al ponte alla Carraia. Quelli dall'altro lato d'Arno, non erano in concio, non rispuosono, ed in quello luogo fu gridato; e così si partirono, e nulla feciono; e la gente sdegnò, ed andarono cercando costoro, e niuno ne fu preso; ma assai n'ebbono bando.	Rubrica 954a - How a conspiracy was made in Florence by the same common people. In July 1383, there was a conspiracy in the city of Florence that was planned by common people. They thought that the plague, which we will talk about later, had hit the city of Florence hard and many citizens had fled, some to the countryside, others further away, for a day or two or longer. These common people believed that they would be able to profit from the situation and be supported by the outlaws and malcontents. Certainly, if they had communicated their plans to the said people, they would probably have succeeded; but they did not and could not realise their intention, thus failing themselves. The plan was uncovered in the following way: While many citizens had fled because of the plague, the common people had not retreated, but had gathered some exiles. They had joined forces with the intention of robbing and reversing their banishment. Had they organised their plan well, they would indeed have succeeded, as the wealthy citizens had fled the plague, some from the outskirts of Florence, others further afield. But they unveiled their plan too early and not according to plan. Initially, not everyone rose as planned and moved from Santo' Ambrogio via Belletri and through the Prato d'Ognissanti and gathered at the Carraia bridge. Those on the other side of the Arno were not ready and did not respond. The alarm was then raised at this place; so they dispersed and did nothing. The people became furious, searched for the conspirators, but no one was captured, but many were banished again.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 426	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-07-00-Pisa	July 1383 JL	Severe plague and high mortality in Pisa and as a consequence processions, description of the symptoms.	Del mese di luglo incominciò la mortalità in della cità di Pisa, e d'ogosto e di settenbre e d'ottobre ne moriano in della cità per dì moute persone, grandi e picciuli, maschi e femine, ed era molto charcata. Di che a dì V e a dì XIJ d'ottobre si fecie per la cità di Pisa giennerale preccissione, cioè tutta la chericìa ciaschuna capella portando per la cità l'areliquie sante. E anco a dì XV e a dì XV e a dì 19 la domenica, e ogni volta la mattina tornava la ditta procissione a Duomo, cioè la chieza Maggiore di Pisa, e pi si diciea la Messa solenne all'altare Maggiore, e teneasi la mattina li fondachi serrati. E moriano la giente di pistolense chie in due dì, che in tre di, chie in quato chie in cinque dì, cioè di anguinaia, chi di ditelle, chi di male bolle, chie di faoni, chie di sputar sangue.	Template:TN	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 322	None
1383-08-00-Germany	August 1383 JL	Outbreak of plague in Swabia, Westphalia, Saxony, Hesse, Thuringia and Limburg.	In Augusto mense (1383) fuit magna pestilencia in partibus Alamanie, Westfalie, Saxonie, Hassie, et ibi maxima, et Thuringie et in Lympurg et aliis multis terrarum partibus, et defuncti sunt plurimi homines.	In the month of August (1383), there was a great plague in the regions of Swabia, Westphalia, Saxony, Hesse, and especially there, and in Thuringia, and in Limburg, and many other parts of the land, and many people died.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 52.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1383-08-07-Florence	7 August 1383 JL	Letter of Coluccio Salutati criticising the panic over the plague in Florence	Responsum petit generatio, non dicam perversa et adultera, sed pusilanimis, formidolosa et, ut quod volo breviter attingam, profuga et incerta. Te nunc alloquor, meticulosissime Antoni, qui [p. 81] conceptu metu mortis, quam timere stultissimum est, puta Dei manum eludere et eius inevitabilem sententiam fugiens evitare. Quanto melius esset cogente ratione fateri quod Deus ubique est, quod ipse statuit nobis terminum, quem preterire non licet, et [p. 82] quod illa Dei providentia, cuncta disponens, ab eterno previdit et ante seculum ordinavit fixe atque immobiliter ubi, quomodo et quando cuique moriendum est, ut plane fatendum sit hanc fugam, qua nunc fervet patria nostra, non cautionem, sed insaniam esse; insanian, inquam, vanorum hominum, qui malunt fugiendo suam pusilanimitatem ostendere, quam divinam dispositionem cuncta regere confiteri; quique cum timeant videre sepelire mortuos, auderent se iactare paratos armatis congredi, quos pre ignavia primo conspectu vix possent inter gladios intueri. [...] [p. 83] Sed si vos magis hoc tempore timetis, ego vere non timeo; nam, licet frequentiora funera videam, non me magis scio quam alias esse mortalem, nec de morte sum certior nec minus de hora mortis incertus. Vos, qui trepido pectore quod fugi nequit effugitis, si clarioris intellectus lumen habetis, oppressisse huius infectionem veneni quos non videtis quosve diligitis presagite; ego vero quos efferri videor, mortuos sciam; quos expirasse nunciatum erit, defunctos credam; quos vivos aspexero, letus amplectar; quos vivere percepero, letabor aura frui; de quibus nil audiam, non minus vivos quam mortuos arbitrabor. Nunc, quod avide petitis, scitote me cum tota familia valere. Quod et de vobis, licet, ut creditis, salubriore celo fruamini, crebro audire desidero	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2, pp. 80–83.	None
1383-08-21-Florence	21 August 1383 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Antonio di Ser Chello, in which he criticises the medical theories of the plague, such as that the air is the cause of the plague. He cites examples from Pisa and Viterbo. He also gives data on mortality.	Sed pestis, inquiunt, unicum remedium est de loco infecto ad salubriorem aerem se transferre, que dementia est ab aere non fugere venenoso? Leditur venenis, non alitur, humana natura; (p. 89) hoc medici consulunt, philosophi tenent et certior omni ratione experientia clare docet. Paucos enim ex fugientibus secundum numerum mori, multos vero ex remanentibus videmus extingui, ut cum ex fugientibus vix de centum unus expiret, de stantibus in patria pene quarta aut quinta pars, si recte computaveris, absumatur. Hec sunt fere que dicitis; hec in tanti erroris excusationem, imo iustificationem, si bene concipimus, allegatis. Sed de aere paucis expediam. Si venenosus est, cur non occidit omnes? Sed dices: aptior est unius quam alterius natura tales impressiones accipere. Fateor; venenum autem nullius homini complexioni dicitur convenire, ut saltem, licet non occidat, sensibilie tamen afferat nocumentum. Multos tamen hic videmus hoc tempore non solum non mori, sed nec quidem etiam leviter infirmari. An forsan aliquis hominum nactus est turdorum naturam, quibus napellus suavissimus cibus est, qui ceteros animantes extinguit? Sed esto, venenum sit; non est tamen, ut sensus admonent, adeo violentum quin de multis plurimos non relinquat. Hanc autem fugam, dices, medici consulunt. [...] (p. 90) hi demum, quibus quid et quantum credi debeat et de se patet et experientia quotidiana demonstrat, ne parum multa scire videantur, pestilentie, quam Dei iudicium constat esse, remedium fugam dicunt. Nam quid de philosophis asseram, quorium iudicium solet a physicis in his que medicinam respiciunt communiter reprobari, et qui, etsi pungentibus rationibus aliquid astruant, cogunt id quod affirmant credere potius quam ostendant? Vellem autem unus de medicorum aut philosophorum grege doceret cure in eadem vicinia, ex una domo tot educantur funera quot sint ibi viventes, ex contigua vero nec unius moriatur; cur in illa senes deficiant, in altera pueri; hec masculos, illa mulieres amittat; hec, si quid de complexionibus scire possumus, robustiores perdat, debilioribus reservatis; et denique, quod ante omnia interrogari debuit, quid aerem inficiat et corrumpabat? Et si venti, si paludes, si neglecat cadavera vel aliud quippiam, cur in eadem regione pestiferis his pariter obnoxia, non omnes urbes simul, sed nunc ista, nunc illa de vicinitatis ratione vexetur? Cur extra muros civitatis nostre, quod hoc tempore vidimus, usque in ianuas pestis illas sevierit et intra menia nullus penitus egrotaret? Cur Pisana civitatis inceperit intra menia laborare, cum extra portas ubquie salubriter viveretur? An muro separatur aer salutifer ab infecto? An forsan potest obiectu murorum mors (p. 91) imminens aut pestis veniens arceri? Sed vidi et ego, cum tempore felicis recordationis Urbani quinti curia romana Viterbii tenertur, pestem maximam solum inter curiales et forenses terribiliter debacchari; que quidem ad tria milia virorum absumpsit, cum interea nullus civis cuiuscunque foret etatis et sexus penitus egrotaret.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2, pp. 88–91	None
1383-09-02-Florence	2 September 1383 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati; he writes that the Plague is almost gone and mortality is decreasing	Sed hic sedatur pestis, aer pulcerrimus et saluber effectus est; iam pauci infirmantur, et ex egrotantibus longe plures liberantur quam pereant.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2 p. 99	None
1383-11-00-Pisa	November 1383 JL	Procession in Pisa because of the plague and concessions to Lucca, moreover a famine	A dì VIJ di novembre si fecie la preccissione per la cità di Pisa, al modo uzato, e ogni volta li signori Ansiani di (p. 323) Consiglo e consiglava del sì, di dare a li luchezi Librafatta per istare in pacie co lloro, e davalelal. E a questo modo diè a li luchezi Librafatta e Asciano e Avane e moute autre castella dallato di verso Lucha, e alli fiorentini diè Pontadera e Calcinaia e dimoute autre chastella dallato di là verso loro. Di che Pisa era rimasa con poghe chastella. E oltr'a questo tenea la cità in grande carestia da vivere. E per questa cagione fu morto dalli pisani colli suoi figluoli	Template:TN	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 324	None
1384-02-00-Pisa	February 1384 JL	Plague in Pisa and because of that a big procession.	Del mese di ferraio ritornò in della cità di Pisa la mortalità, e del mese di marso vegnente e moriano alcuno per dì di pistolensia, come ditto è in prima. A dì XXVIIIJ di marso Domini milletreciento ottantaquatro, essendo ritornata la mortalità, li signori Ansiani di Pisa mandonno lo bando per la cità di Pisa: che ll'autro dì vegnente, cioè lo lunedì mattina, ognuno maschio e femmine debiano andare a Duomo, a la chieza Maggiore per andara a la preccisione; e che ogni persona della ditta cità tegnia serrate li fondacchi e lle botteghe sine fatta la preccissione. E fési la ditta preccissione al modo uzato, e andónovi li Ansiani con tutto 'l popolo e maschi e femine, grandi e piccioli, e ppoi fatta la preccissione si disse lo solenne uficio della Messa a l'autare Maggiore in Duomo e lla predicha al modo uzato.	In the month of ferraio mortality returned to the city of Pisa, and in the month of marso vegnente and some died in the month of pistolensia, as said before. On the twenty-eighth day of March, one thousand three hundred and eighty-four, mortality having returned, the Lords Ansiani of Pisa sent out a proclamation to the city of Pisa: that on the next coming day, that is on Monday morning, every male and female should go to the Duomo, to the Chieza Maggiore to go to the preccession; and that every person in the city should keep their shops and their purses closed until the preccession was accomplished. And the preccission was carried out in the prescribed manner, and the Ansians went there with all the people, male and female, young and old, and after the preccission was done, the solemn office of the Mass was said at the Major Cathedral altar, and the sermon was preached in the prescribed manner	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 324.	Translation by DeepL
1384-04-00-Pisa	April 1384 JL	Return of the plague in Pisa, because of that they ask for a specific relic and organized a solemn procession with other external relics	Tornata la morìa in della cità di Pisa del mese d'aprile e di maggio, di giugno e di luglo, di che ne morìa molti (p. 327) per dì. Fési la preccissione a dì VIIJ luglo sine cinque settimane al modo uzato. A dì IIIJ d'ogosto fue arecato in della cità di Pisa lo santissimo corpo do santo Guiglermo. Fue arecato in della cità di Pisa il quale, cioè le sue ossa, il quale era a Castiglone di Garfagnana di Pisa quine u elli fecie la penetensia per comandamento del papa, che lli signori Ansiani di Pisa mandonno per esse perchè in della cità di Pisa si era la morìa. Di che la domenica mattina funo arecate le ditte ereliquie di santo Guiglermo in della cità di Pisa per la porta di San Marcho in Chinsicha con grandissimo honore e reverentia, che li Ansiani di Pisa con mouti citadini della cità e con tutti li uficiali e con tutta la chericià, frati e preti e abati, e tutte le conpagnie delli Batuti, tutti li andonno incontra e preccissione. E ciaschuno con chandeli di ciera accesi in mano, chie di meza libra e chie di una libra. E tutte le conpagnie delli Battuti con mouti torchi acciesi, tal conpagnia delli Battuti avea quatro torchi acciesi e tal sei e tal otto e tale conpagnia n'avea (p. 328) dodici e tal n'avea vinti. E quelli della Conpagnia di Santo Guiglermo avea ciaschuno uno torchio di ciera accieso in mano di libre due per ciaschuno torchio, e ciaschuno delli antri Battuti aveno uno candelo di meza libra accieso in mano. E fue arecato il ditto corpo di santo Gugliermo in della cità di Pisa inn una chascia covertata di sopra di drappo a oro e di sopra uno richo palio di seta, aconpagnato innanti tutta la chericià di Pisa e colli ditti Battutti inanti al ditto corpo. E li Ansiani colli citadini di Pisa e col Podestà e 'l Capitano del Populo e tutti li uficiali dirieto al ditto corpo, e poi tutte le donne della cità e grandi e picciuli della ditta cità, tutti con grandissima reverentia li andavano dirieto. E lla maggior parte delle persone andonno dirieto al corpo con candeli di ciera acciesi in mano, e aconpagnónolo sine alla chieza Maggiore di Pisa. E posato che ffu alla ditta chieza e posto in sullo altare Maggiore di Pisa, sìe si disse una Messa solenne all'altare Maggiore cantando. E 'l ditto corpo fue post in sullo altare di Santo Ranieri in della ditta chieza, e ogn'omo andavano a baciare la ditta chascia ove erano lo ditto corpo con grande reverense, omini e donne e grandi e picciuli. E ppoi ditta la Messa lo ditto corpo fue portato al Palagio dellia Ansiani di Pisa con grandissima reverentia. E quine riposto con grande guardia avendo tuttavia le chiave dello cascione lo Priore delli Ansiani e un'autra n'avea lo abate della chieza di Santo Guiglermo da Chastiglone, il quale n'è guardiano del ditto corpo, e tuttavia il ditto abate stava in dello Palagio delli Ansiani ocn due suoi monaci di dì e di notte a spese del Comune di Pisa, e lli Ansiani fecie loro grande onore e donamenti.	Template:TN	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, pp. 326–328	None
1384-08-10-Pisa	10 August 1384 JL	Many processions with relics in Pisa in August because of the plague and it leads to many miracles like healings.	He a dì x ditto mese d'agosto si fecie per la cità di Pisa una solenne preccessione al modo uzato, con tutta la chericìa di Pisa e tutte le conpagnie delli Batutti della cità e con tutte ereliquie della cità e con sangue di santo Piero, di sopra con uno palio di drappo di seta portato da quatro preti, le ditte reliquie e ssìe lo ditto palio e anco, al ditto modo, lo (p. 329) ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo e con muoti torchi acciesi intorno al ditto corpo a spese del Comune di Pisa, cioè XXIIIJ torchi di ciera. E poi tornati alla chieza Maggiore sìe si fecie solenne uficio della Messa allo altare Maggiore, e tutte le botteghe delli mercatanti e artefici teneano serrate sino a l'ufficio, e tutto lo populo, omini e donne, grandi e picciuli vi funno alla preccissione e alla Messa. L'autra mattina vegnente si fecie la preccissione intorno a Duomo alla chieza Maggiore al modo uzato. E poi ditto l'uficio della Messa si mostròno le ditte ereliquie in sul pervio Maggiore del Duomo, cioè l'ossa di santo Guiglermo: inprima mostròe lo capo e poi la spalla e poi lo braccio, e così tutte l'ossa del suo corpo santissimo si mostrò a uno a uno. E ppoi le misseno in della ditta chascia e poi lo puoseno in ssullo altare della Incoronata in ditta chieza. E fuvi menata una dona, la quale era forte tormentata da mali ispiriti ch'ella avea adosso, e lo abate di santo Guiglermo li puose la cascia col ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo adosso, e subitamente fue diliberata. E in quel dì ne diliberò molte persone. E a dì XIJ e a dì XIIJ ditto mese d'ogosto si fecie la preccissione intorno a Duomo al modo uzato con tutte ereliquie, e com'è ditto di sopra. (p. 330) A dì XVJ ditto mese d'ogosto la mattina inanti dì a tre ore inssine a meza tersa e poi inanti nona sine a ditto lo Vespro, si mostronno le ditte ereliquie di santo Guiglermo in della chieza dello Palagio delli Ansiani di Pisa, e ogn'omo, maschi e femmine lo potea baciare. E così a dì 17 e a dì XVIIJ si mostróno in del ditto Palagio, cioè in della chiostra giuso che vvi si fecie uno altare, e quine si mostravano le ditte ereliquie. E ognuno, maschi e femmine, grandi e picciuli, li andavano a baciare, chie li donava denari, chie chandeli di ciera, e ciaschuno li avea grande devosione, avendo ciaschuno fede grande sì per li meriti e gratie del nostro Signore Iddio e del beato santo Guiglermo di ciessare questa pistolentia della morìa. Amen. Sappiate che queste ereliquie di santo Guiglermo fecie in Pisa dimouti mirachuli di guarire altri di molte infermità e liberare dimouti indimoniati, cioè lo primo idì ch'entrò in Pisa e sinché stette in della cità fecie molti e grandissimi mirachuli. A dì XVIIJ d'ogosto si fecie la proccissione per la cità di Pisa al modo uzato, con tutte le ereliquie di Pisa e col ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo.	On the tenth day of the said month of August, a solemn celebration was held in the city of Pisa, in the manner described above, with the entire Church of Pisa and all the congregations of the Batutti of the city, and with all the relics of the city and the blood of Saint Piero, with a silk banner, carried by four priests, the said relics and the said banner, and also, in the said manner, the body of Saint Guiglermo, and with the said body of the saint. 329) ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo e con muoti torchi acciesi intorno al ditto corpo a spese del Comune di Pisa, cioè XXIIIJ torchi di ciera. And then returned to the Chieza Maggiore and the solemn office of the Mass was held at the main altar, and all the shops of the merchants and artisans were closed until the office, and all the people, men and women, young and old, took part in the preaching and the Mass. On the previous morning, the preccession was held around the Duomo at the Chieza Maggiore in the usual manner. Then, after the Mass was said, the bones of Saint Guiglermo were displayed in the Cathedral's main periphery, that is, the bones of Saint Guiglermo: first the head was displayed, then the shoulder and then the arm, and thus all the bones of his most holy body were displayed one by one. And then they placed them in the altar of the Incoronata in the church. And a woman was brought there, who was greatly tormented by the inspired evils that she had on her, and the abbot of Saint Guiglermo placed the casket with the said body of Saint Guiglermo on it, and she was immediately freed. And in that day he freed many people from it. And on dì XIJ and dì XIIJ of the said month of August, the pre-commission was carried out around the Duomo in the manner described above, with all the hereliquies, and as is said above. (p. 330) On the fifteenth day of the month of August, in the morning, at three hours past midday and then in the ninth hour after Vespers, the said relics of Saint Guiglermo were displayed in the church of the Palagio delli Ansiani in Pisa, and every man, male and female, could kiss them. And so on dì 17 and dì XVIIJ they were shown in the aforesaid palace, that is, in the cloister down there an altar was made, and there the said relics were shown. And each one, male and female, young and old, went to kiss them, some gave them money, some gave them wax, and each one had great devotion to them, each one having great faith in the merits and graces of our Lord God and the blessed saint Guiglermo to cease this pistolentia of death. Amen. Know that these hereliquies of Saint Guiglermo worked many miracles in Pisa, curing others of many infirmities and freeing those who had fallen ill, that is, the first day he entered Pisa and as long as he remained in the city, he worked many and very great miracles. On the 17th of August, the procession was made through the city of Pisa in the manner described above, with all the relics of Pisa and the said body of Saint Guiglermo.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, pp. 328–330.	Translation by DeepL
1384-08-26-Pisa	26 August 1384 JL	The return of the relics of Saint Guiglemo from Pisa to Castiglione di Garfagnana, the announcement of papal indulgences in Pisa, and the plague considerably diminished until November .	A dì XXVJ ditto mese d'ogosto si partì di Pisa lo ditto abate di Santo Guiglermo colli suoi monaci collo ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo, e portònolo al monasterio di Santo Guiglermo ch'è di sopra a Castiglone della Peschaia del Comuno di Pisa. E andonne bene aconpagnato con ccierti e (p. 331) di citadini con mouti homini armati a chavallo, soldati dal Comune di Pisa. E lli Ansiani di Pisa li fecieno demouti doni a l ditti monaci. Di una lettera di córpa e di pena mandata in Pisa dal papa: A dí IIIJ di settenbre si fecie preccissione intorno a Duomo al modo uzato, poi si disse in della ditta chieza l'uficio della Messa allo altare Maggiore. E poi che ffue levato lo Corpo di Cristo, si montò in perbio lo notaio dell'arccivescho di Pisa e lesse la lettera che avea mandata il papa Urbano di Roma: che qualunqua persona maschio e femina della cità di Pisa e del contado e ssuo distretto morisse, essendo ben con<fe>sso e pentuto, sia asoluto di colpa e di pena in questo modo, ch'elli debii mandare per uno conffessoro, quali piace, e debiasi conffessare di buon cuore e ss'elli avesse nulla cosa non fusse licita lo debian sodisfare e lassare che ssia sodisfatto. E questa lettera vale dal dì ditto sine a dì primo di dicenbre. E lla ditta morìa era mouto chalata, ch'ella restò del mese di novenbre prossimo	On the twenty-fifth day of the month of August, the said abbot of Saint Guiglermo left Pisa with his monks with the said body of Saint Guiglermo, and took it to the monastery of Saint Guiglermo, which is above Castiglone della Peschaia in the Commune of Pisa. And he went well aconpagnato con ccierti e (p. 331) di citadini con mouti homini armati a chavallo, soldati dal Comune di Pisa. E lli Ansiani di Pisa fecieno demouti doni a l ditti monaci. A letter of condemnation and punishment sent to Pisa by the Pope: IIII of september a preccission was made around the cathedral in the manner prescribed, then the office of the Mass was said at the main altar. And after the Body of Christ had been lifted, the notary of the archbishop of Pisa mounted in the perbio and read the letter that Pope Urban of Rome had sent: that any male or female person in the city of Pisa, the countryside and its district who dies, if he or she is well acquitted and punished, is to be absolved of guilt and punishment in this way, that he or she is to send for a councillor, as he or she pleases, and is to be willingly acquiesced, and if he or she has anything that is not permitted, he or she is to be satisfied and allowed to be satisfied. And this letter is valid from the said day until the first day of December. And his death was so much calmed, that it remained from the month of November next	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, pp. 330–331.	Translation by DeepL
1386-00-00-Smolensk Sim	1386 JL	The great plague in Smolensk.	Toгo же лѣтa [6894] моръ быcть въ Cмолньсцѣ cилeнъ нaдъ людми великъ.	That year 1386 the plague was very severe<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> among the people of Smolensk.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 136.	None
1387-00-00-Europe	1387 JL	Great plague all over the world	883. In deme sulven jare was en grot plage menliken over de werlt, also dat de lude sere hosteden, unde dar starf vele wolkes van.	883. In the same year (1387) was a great human plague over the world, so that the people coughed severely, and many people died from it.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 2, p. 18.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1387-00-00-Hamburg	1387 JL	Great plague in Hamburg, Wismar and Ribnitz.	881. In dem sulven jare was grot pestilencie to hamborch, to der Wismere, to Ribnisse; de warde byna en jaar.	881. In the same year (1387) was a great plague in Hamburg, Wismar and Ribnitz; it lasted almost one year.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 2, p. 17.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1388-06-29-Lübeck	29 June 1388 JL	Great plague in Lübeck until the intervention of God	896. In deme sulven jare was pestilentia so grot to Lubeke, dat van sunte Peters und Pauls dage bet der weken vor sunte Mertens dage storven dar wol 16 000 volkes; unde do vorbarmede sik God dar over dat dat stervent uphelt.	896. In the same year (1388) was the plague so strong in Lübeck, that from the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul to the before Saint Martin's Day died around 16 000 people; and then God had mercy on them, so that the dying stopped.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 2, p. 24.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1388-07-00-Lombardy	July 1388 JL	Great mortality throughout Lombardy, particularly in Milan, Pavia, Verona, Cremona, Parma, Ferrara and also in Venice. Many people fled like the Count of Vertù.	Capitolo XXIV. - Di grande mortalità suta in Lombardia e a Vinegia. Molto grande mortalità fu in quest'anno in tutta Lombardia cominciando del mese di luglio, e moriano di febbri pestilenziose e da posteme velenose e fu molto grande in Milano e in Pavia e in Verona e in Cremona e in Parma e in Ferrara, e quasi in tutte le città lombarde. E 'l Conte di Vertù, per la grande paura ch'avea di morire, andava ora in una terra, ora in un'altra fuggendo la mortalità; e si celatamente andava tramutando luogo che spesse volte avvenia che dov'elli si fosse non si potea sapere; e per la molta gente che vi morirono, molte terre rimasero mezze abbandonate e diserte. Ancora venne la detta mortalità in Vinegia e molti nobili cittadini consumò in quella e molto diminuì di gente quella città; e per questo molti cittadini veniziani si fuggiron quindi e andaron in luoghi istrani, e la maggior parte camparo della detta mortalità; e poi quando tornarono a Vinegia fu grande allegrezza e da tutti i cittadini fu fatta loro e parve loro esser molto ristorati nella città; nondimeno rimase la città con molto minore numero di gente.	Chapter XXIV - Of the great mortality in Lombardy and Venice. This year, from July onwards, there was a very high mortality rate throughout Lombardy. People died of pestilential fevers and poisonous abscesses, and mortality was particularly high in Milan, Pavia, Verona, Cremona, Parma and Ferrara and almost all Lombard towns. The Count of Vertù fled for fear of dying, constantly changing his whereabouts to avoid mortality. His whereabouts were often so secret that nobody knew where he was. Due to the many deaths, many towns were left half-deserted. Mortality also spread to Venice, claiming the lives of many respected citizens and significantly reducing the city's population; as a result, many Venetian citizens fled to other countries, where most survived the epidemic. When they returned to Venice, there was great joy and they were warmly welcomed by all the citizens. Nevertheless, the city was left with far fewer people.	Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 72	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1389-00-00-Bingen	1389 JL	Outbreak of plague in Bingen, Mainz, along the Rhine and in Franconia. It affected mainly children and young people.	Item in illis diebus (1389) erat iterum pestilencie epidimia in partibus Rheni, maxime in Pinguia et partibus circumsitis et Maguncia, et maxime infestabat iuventutem et infantes, et erat talis pestilencia in Franckonia et multis aliis terre.	Also, in those days (1389), there was again an epidemic of pestilence in the regions of the Rhine, especially in the Palatinate and surrounding areas, and in Mainz, and it mostly afflicted the youth and infants. Such a pestilence was also present in Franconia and many other lands.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 63.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1389-00-00-Iceland	1389 JL	Unknown plague in Iceland in 1389.	kynia sott vm alt Ijsland suo akof at varlla vard sialf birgt æ bæium ok do æcki margt folk or.	(1389) Strange disease all around Iceland so that the towns were barely supplie, but not many people died.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 284.	Translation by Carina Damm
1389-00-00-Lübeck	1389 JL	Great plague in Lübeck and north of the Elbe.	910. In deme sulven jare was grot pestilencia in allen landen unde steden, belegen in dat norden van der elve ane alleyne in der stad to Lubeke; de vorzach God mit sinen gnaden.	910. In the same year (1389) was a great plague in all lands and cities, in the north of the Elbe River and particularly in the city of Lübeck; than God forgave with His mercy.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 2, p. 30.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1389-00-00-Pistoia	1389 JL	Grain increased a lot in price and the municipality of Florence had to import grain, otherwise there would have been a great famine. In Pistoia, Arezzo and Città di Castello was a great mortality because of the plague.	Capitolo XXVIII. - Che valse il grano e'l vino in questo anno in Firenze, e come la mortalità fu nel loro contado in più parti. Questo anno fu molto caro il grano in Firenze, alcuna volta valse lo staio lire tre, e 'l vino valse di vendemia dieci fiorini il cogno perché ne fu molto poco,' e tutte l'altre cose furon care mollo, e alli poveri mancò il guadagno, e a' cittadini crebbono le spese, e a gran parte de' cittadini pareva istar male; e se non fosse che 'l Comune, con grande sollecitudine e spese, fece venire di Pelago di mollo grano di più parti del mondo circa di 30 milia moggia, grande moltitudine di gente nella città e nel contado arebbono patito grandissima nicistà di vittuvaglia; ma quel grande riparo li salvò. In questo anno medesimo fu grande mortalità in Pistoia e in tutti li luoghi e intorno a quella; e morivano di posteme pestilenziose e velenose in due o in tre di; e alla città d'Arezzo e in tutto il suo contado cominciarono a morire di pestilenzia, ed ebbevi Castello che vi mori più che 'l terzo delle bocche. E ancora la della mortalità in molte terre d' Italia grandissima; della qual cosa molto isbigottirono i Fiorentini temendo di non averla l'anno vegnente.	Chapter 28: The development of the value of grain and wine in Florence this year and the mortality in its surroundings. Grain was very expensive in Florence that year. Sometimes a bushel cost three lire, and the wine of the harvest was sold for ten florins a barrel, because there was very little of it. All other things were also expensive and the poor lacked income, while expenses for the citizens increased, causing great inconvenience to many citizens. If the municipality had not taken great care and expense to import large quantities of grain from Pelago and other parts of the world, some 30,000 moggia, there would have been a great famine in the city and the countryside. But these extensive measures saved them. In the same year there was a great mortality in Pistoia and in all the surrounding areas. People died of pestilential and toxic abscesses every two or three days. In the city of Arezzo and its entire surrounding area, they began to die of the plague, and in Castello more than a third of the population died. Mortality was also very high in many other parts of Italy, which worried the Florentines greatly, as they feared they would suffer the same fate the following year.	Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 88.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1390-00-00-Florence	1390 JL	Mortality in Florence and people flee to Bologna	Chome messer Beltotto inghilese fue fatto nostro chapitano contro a' sanesi, e chome fu morìa […]La morìa è chominciata i Firenze e per lo chontado, e moionciene ogni in dì da XX a XXX. Molti cittadini si sono partiti e partono e fughono la mortalità a Bolognia. […]	How Messer Beltotto, an Englishman, became our Captain against the Sienese and how he died. The mortality began in Florence and its surrounding areas, every day there died 20 to 30 people. Many citizens had already left and still flee from the mortality to Bologna.	Anonymus:Alle Bocche della piazza 1986, p. 97	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1390-00-00-Florence 001	1390 JL	In January and February fine weather and the crops were of good quality. The entire year was a plague. The harvest was small, except for the wine and oil.	Nota, che nel 1390. secondo la Natività di Cristo, fu Pasqua di Natale in sabato, calende di Gennaio in sabato. Del mese di Gennaio (p. 113) fu bel tempo, e fecesi bella sementa. Entrò Febbraio con bel tempo. Nel detto anno fu Carnesciale a dì 15. di Febbraio; Pasqua di Suresso fu a'dì 3. d'Aprile. Le biade, cioe il grano in erba era, e fu molto bello, e ricordoti fu bella sementa di biade minute. Fu mortalità l'anno quasi per tutto il mondo, fu nelle parti die quà in Firenze; la ricolta fu innanzi piccola, che grande di biada, e di vino, e d'olio fu assai.	Note that in 1390, according to the birth of Christ, Christmas was on Saturday and the calends of January were also on Saturday. In the month of January, the weather was fine and good seed was sown. February began with fine weather. This year, Carnival fell on February 15; Easter was on April 3. The crops, especially the growing wheat, were very good and a good crop of small grains was sown. Pestilence prevailed throughout the year almost all over the world, including Florence. The harvest was small rather than large, but there was plenty of wine and oil.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 113	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1390-07-00-Florence	July 1390 JL	The plague raged in Florence causing many deaths. To predict the plague with the help of the moon was impossible. Many citizens fled from the city to safer places.	Capitolo XXXVI. — D'una mortalità che fu a Firenze e nel contado in questo anno. Infino del mese di Luglio cominciò in Firenze nell'anno 1390 infermità di pondi, e' medici diceano ch'era ramo di pestilenza. Questo male era lungo, però che più d'un mese durava, e poi la maggior parte di quelli che l'aveano, morivano; e questo male era sozzo e spiacevole, però che per lo gittare del sangue che facea quello che l'avea, appuzzava tutta la casa dove alcuno n'era. Era questo male, a colui che l'avea, con gran doglie di corpo, d'onde seguiva grandi e dolorosi rammarichii; e molti uomeni e donne e fanciulli uccise, e durò insino passato mezzo settembre. E ancora in questo tempo cominciaro alcuni ad avere certe aposteme pestilenziose, e questi morivano in pochi di; e duraro queste aposteme infino del mese di novembre, e molta gente uccise in questo tempo. Poi del detto mese di novembre mancò e quasi ristette. In questo tempo alcuna volta morivano molta gente, alcuna volta quando la luna era tonda, alcuna quando ell'era iscema, e cosi alcuna volta quando ella cresceva; e cosi non si potea per niuno avvisare quando questa infruenza fosse minore o maggiore. E fu la detta mortalità in questo tempo nel contado di Firenze in simile modo, e molta gente uccise. Di che molti cittadini fuggirò fuori della città e del contado in molti luoghi, e li più vi stettono infino di novembre 1391, per certificarsi di quello che la mortalità che facesse e come finisse.	Chapter XXXVI - About a mortality that occurred in Florence and its surroundings in that year. By the month of July, in the year 1390, a disease began in Florence which the doctors said was a branch of the plague. This disease lasted a long time, about a month, and then the majority of those who had it died. This disease was dirty and unpleasant because the person who had it contaminated the whole house where someone was staying by spitting blood. The one who was sick suffered from severe body aches, which caused great and painful discomfort. Many men, women and children died and it lasted until mid-September. At this time, some also began to get certain pestilential abscesses, and these died in a few days. These abscesses lasted until the month of November, and many people died during this time. Then in the said month of November, the mortality decreased or almost stopped. During this time, sometimes many people died, sometimes when the moon was full, sometimes when it was waning, and sometimes when it was waxing. It was therefore impossible to predict when this epidemic would be weaker or stronger. The aforementioned mortality occurred in the same way around Florence during this period and killed many people. Many citizens fled from the city and the surrounding area to various places, and most stayed until November 1391 to see how the mortality rate was progressing and to find out when the epidemic would end.	Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 110.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1390-10-00-Lucca	October 1390 JL	The plague affects Lucca and Pisa	Dio, che tutto sa, vedendo che la guerra, aspra e cattiva, tendeva a crescere invece di finire, decretò di mandare un'epidemia che servisse a frenare la furia di guerra. E così mandò l'epidemia in Lucca, in Pisa e in gran parte della Toscana; e cominciò in Pisa ed in Lucca, e molti morirono, sopratutto fanciulli dai quindici anni in giù, e l'epidemia duro quasi un anno..	The divine goodness, seeing that the citizens of Lucca and the peasants had reached such discord, did not want to take away the free will of reasonable men to discern good from evil. Seeing that despite this, the discord in Lucca continued to grow and past examples served little, in His wisdom, decided that, in the absence of any other way, they might abandon their bad intentions at least out of fear of divine judgment. And so it was by His will that first in Lucca and then in the countryside, the contagion spread with groin inflammations, buboes, boils, and abscesses; because of this, many citizens from both factions left Lucca in the month of October and went either to Pietrasanta or other places. Many citizens perished due to the contagion, and great damage was caused by it. Among others, Bonagiunta Schezza died, who, as a lot-drawer, had warned Messer Bartolomeo that he had been excluded..	Giovanni Sercambi 2015, p. 246.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1393-00-00-Salzburg	1393 JL	Outbreak of Plague in Salzburg.	Anno 1393 domina Dyemudis abatissa in Nunburg obiit, in pestilencia quadam particulari Salczburge et circumcirca satis magna tunc temporis regnante.	In the year 1393, Lady Dyemudis, abbess in the Nonnberg monsastery, passed away during a certain pestilence that was quite widespread at that time particularly in Salzburg and its surrounding areas.	Annales Matseenses 1851, p. 841.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1394-00-00-Halle	1394 JL	Great plague and fire in Halle.	994. In deme sulven jare do was in der stad to halle in Sassen grot bedrufnisse: de koge was dar swinde grot von mercliken luden, de (p. 61) dar sturven; ok was to der sulven tiid grot brant van erme eghenen vure also dat dat drudde del der stadt vorbrande.	994. In the same year (1394) there were great happenings in the city Halle in Saxony: the plague affected a huge amount the people, who died of it; in the same time there was a great fire from an own blaze, so that the horror burned down the city.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 2, p. 60-61.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1395-00-00-Głogów	1395 JL	A plague in the year 1395 caused the death of nearly 2.000 inhabitants of Głogów in Lower Silesia.	A(nno) d(omini) 1395 fuit magna pestilentia in Glogovia, quod pene 2000 hominum morte praeventi fuerunt.	In the year of the Lord 1395 there was a great pestilence in Głogów, through which almost 2.000 humans were overtaken by death.	Annales Glogovienses, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 17.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1395-00-00-Limburg	1395 JL	A severe plague strikes Limburg.	Item in den selben jaren da waren große sterben in Duschen landen. Unde der großen pestelencien han ich vir gesehen und irlebet.	In those same year (1395), there were great dyings in the German lands. And I have seen and experienced four of these great pestilences.	Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 90.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1395-00-00-Silesia	1395 JL	The year 1395 saw the first occurence of the plague in the monastery of Żagań.	Hujus anno primo pestilencia inter fratres alios magistrum Petrum de Legenicz, tunc prepositum hospitalis, columpnam religionis extinxit.	In this year the first pestilence among the brother extinguished, among others, Master Petrus de Legenicz, the provost of the hospital, a column of religion.	Ludolf of Sagan, Catalogus abbtum Saganensium, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 173-528, 232.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1396-07-25-Lübeck	25 July 1396 JL	Great plague in Lübeck, Wismar and it spread even to Saxony.	1039. In dem zommere des sulven jares do was alto grot koghe in Nedderlande, sunderliken to Lubeke unde to der Wismer, dar alto vele volkes starff, unde vort ummelanges bet in Sassen. de pestilencia warde to Lubeke van sunthe Jacobes dage bet to sunte Mertens daghe; noch en vorletet nicht de stede degher, it en helde jo an dat jar doregandes. unde dat meste der lude storwen in den drosen dat jar dore; sunderliken storven alto vele vrowen an der hort, wente it was do een scoltjar dat sere is to vruchtende.	1039. In the summer of the same year (1396) was also a great plague in the lower countries, especially in Lübeck and in Wismar, so that many people died of it, and it spread to Saxony. The plague was in Lübeck from Feast of Saint James to Saint Martin's Day; yet it did not struck the city entirely, as it hold on throughout the year. And the majority of people died on the glands throughout the year; especially many women died (of the disease?), as it was a leap year, you have to be very afraid.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 2, p. 90.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1397-00-00-Strasbourg	1397 JL	A dying came to Strasbourg and surrounding area. After processions by the local clerics the mortality diminished. The plague arose and diminished for the next 8 years.	Ein sterbotte und ein crüzegang. Do men zalte 1397 jor, do kam aber ein sterbotte gein Strosburg und in das lant do umb: ein gefueger, doch werte er me denne zwei jor. aber in Westerich und in Swoben und in andern landen was er vil groesser denne zu Strosburg, und sturbent die lüte an der bülen, und sturbent junge lüte vester denne die alten. Und donoch in dem andern jore, also men zalte 1398 jor, an aller heilgen obent, do mahte die pfafheit zu Strosburg einen crüzegang, und ging ieder orden umb sin closter mit dem sacramente. also dotent ouch die stifte und weltlichen pfaffen umb ire kirchen, das got sollte dis sterben wenden. Donoch werte das sterben bescheidenliche, und ie so es ein jor oder ein halbes ufgehorte, do ving es denne wider ane, doch bescheidenliche, und das treip es wol 8 jor nohenander.	Mortality and a Pilgrimage In the year 1397, a plague came to Strasbourg and the surrounding lands. It lasted for more than two years. However, in Westrich, Swabia, and other lands, it was much worse than in Strasbourg, and people died from the plague, with young people dying more than the old. In the following year, 1398, on All Saints' Day, the clergy in Strasbourg organized a pilgrimage and each order went around their monastery with the sacrament. Similarly, the convents and secular clergy went around their churches to implore God to stop the plague. After that, the plague was modest, and ceased for a year or half a year, but then it returned, albeit less severely. It continued intermittently for about eight more years.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 773.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1397-05-00-Limburg	May 1397 JL	Mortality in Limburg at the time of the grain and grape blossom	20. Anno Domini millesimo tricentesimo nonagesimo septimo [1397] tempore Maii floruerunt blada simul et botri, et eodem tempore fuit magna pestilencia, et in mense Iulio eodem anno inventi sunt botri maturi.	In the year of our Lord 1397, during the month of May, the grain and grape clusters blossomed simultaneously, and during that same time, there was a great plague. In the month of July of that same year, ripe grape clusters were found.	Limburger Chronik 1883, Limburger Annalen, p. 112.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1398-00-00-Köln	1398 JL	Outbreak of plague in Cologne, in the aftermath of the local jubilee (ostensio reliquarum ?), with 30.000 victims.	Post iubileum in Colonia venit inmanissima pestilencia, in qua plus quam triginta milia hominum morte preventi sunt.	After the jubilee in Cologne, a very severe plague came, in which more than thirty thousand people died.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 74.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1398-00-00-Thuringia	1398 JL	A plague in Nordhausen, Mühlhausen, Eisleben, Sangershausen and other parts of Thuringia	Anno 1398 hatte die pestilentz zu Northausen, Mulhausen vnd daselbst herumb, auch zu Eißleben, Sangerhausen vnd an andern orten, sehr vmb sich gefressen.	In the year 1398, the plague had spread extensively in Nordhausen, Mühlhausen, and the surrounding areas, as well as in Eisleben, Sangerhausen, and other places, causing great devastation.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 129	Translation by Martin Bauch
1399-00-00-Zwiefalten	1399 JL	Outbreak of plague all over the world and, probably, also in the monastery of Zwiefalten.	1399. Hoc anno regnaverunt pestilencie quasi in toto orbe terrarum	In 1399, pestilences reigned almost throughout the entire world.	Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 62.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1400-00-00-Antella	1400 JL	Gori (Gregorio) Dati fled from the plague in Antella.	Ma in detto tempo, l'anno del 1400, fuggi' la morìa all'Antella e murai la casa e puosi vigna, che vi spesi più di f. 500	However, in 1400, I took refuge from the plague in Antella and spent more than 500 florins on the house and in planting wines.	Gregorio Dati: Libro segreto 1869, p. 115.	None
1400-00-00-Florence	1400 JL	The wife of Bartolomeo, who already passed away in a previous plague, died in the mortality of 1400 in Florence. She left around 4 thousand gold florins to her children.	Passò di questa vita il detto Bartolomeo in Furlì a di ***: morì di pistolenza † in pochi dì; soppellissi al luogho de’ frati minori in Furlì, e di poi se ne fé rechare il chorpo suo in Firenze ed è seppellito in Santa Crocie in Firenze cholgli altri anticessori, onorevolemente chome s’usava pe·gli altri. Rimase la donna dopo lui, e vivette vedova cho’ suoi figliuoli in sino alla (p. 197) mortalità del 1400: in quella mortalità si morì e llasciò reda i figliuoli. Credo rimanesse loro di valente, chon quello della madre, fiorini 4000 d’oro. […]	The aforementioned Bartolomeo died in Forlì on ***, he died of the plague within a few days; he was buried in the monastery of the Friars Minor in Forlì, and later his body was brought to Florence and buried with honour in Santa Croce together with his ancestors, as was usual. His wife survived him and lived with her children until mortality in 1400: in this mortality she died, leaving her children as heirs. It is assumed that they left around four thousand gold florins with their mother's fortune.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 196-197	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1400-00-00-Florence 001	1400 JL	The lady Chatelana had three daughters, all of whom died. Two died in the plague in 1400, one in Florence and one in Quinto. Her five sons survived.	Ànne avuti [Chatelana figliuola di Stefano di Vanni Chastellani] per insino a oggi otto o nove figliuoli, ed èssi ischoncia circha di tre volte: la prima volta si schonciò, credo, dal dì la menò a due anni o circha, innuna fanciulla femina; e di poi ne fecie due femine a bene. La prima ebbe nome Bartolomea; e nacque chostei con uno infiato nel chapo, chosì dal lato, era a modo ch’una vescicha, cioè a ttochare: fessi medichare al maestro Franciescho Dal Ponte: e’ la forò in più luoghi, e gittò sangue e puza. E ‘nfine ella non poté reggiere e morissi in pochi dì: riposesi in Santa Crocie. E di poi naque un’altra fanciulla ebbe nome Antonia, e nacque chol medesimo infiato; e questa non si medicò, ma ttenesi chaldo il chapo chon una berretta foderata d’andesia, e ‘nfine e’ gli asolvè lo ’nfiato e guarì bene. Visse chostei sette anni o circha, e di poi si morì di male pestilenziale † nel 1400, di luglio, nel palagio Ispini:riposesi il chorpo suo in Santa Trinita, nella / (c. 48v) sepoltura della famiglia degli Ispini, cioè nell’utima chapella si truova a man mancha ‘andare all’altare maggiore. E questo si fecie per nicistà, chonsiderato ch’egli era la mortalità grande e non si trovava apena chi volesse trarre i chorpi di chasa; e oltre a questo, nonn era in Firenze di noi se non monna Filippa, che chonvenia s’inbochasse nelle chose di bisongnio pe·lle mani d’altri. La terza fanciulla ebbe nel prencipio di quella mortalità, ed ebbe nome Filippa: questa vivette pochi mesi, e inn utimo morì nella detta mortalità prima che ll’Antonia, a Quinto dove era a balia, e ivi nella Chiesa di Quinto fu sepellita. Non abiamo a ffare di più femine memoria: ànne de’ maschi cinque, grazia di Dio vivi. […]	To this day she [Chatelana, Stefano di Vanni Chastellani's daughters] has had eight or nine children, and an accident has happened about three times: the first time, I think, was two years after she gave birth to them, with a little girl; then she gave birth to two more daughters in good health. The first was called Bartolomea; she was born with a swelling on her head, on one side that looked and felt like a blister. She had it treated by Master Francesco Dal Ponte: he pricked her in several places and blood and pus came out. In the end, she could not stand it and died within a few days: she was buried in Santa Croce. Then another girl was born, called Antonia, who was also born with the same swelling; this was not treated, but her head was kept warm with a lined cap, and in the end the swelling disappeared and she recovered. She lived for about seven years and then died of the plague in 1400, in July, in Palazzo Spini: her body was buried in Santa Trinita, in the Spini family tomb, in the last chapel on the left side of the main altar. This was done out of necessity, as mortality was high and there was hardly anyone who wanted to take the bodies out of the house; besides, of us in Florence there was only Monna Filippa, who had to take care of the necessary things with the help of others. The third girl was born at the beginning of this mortality and was called Filippa: she lived only a few months and finally died before Antonia during the same plague, in Quinto, where she was with the nurse, and there in the church of Quinto she was buried. We don't need to remember the daughters any further: they have five sons who are alive thanks to God's grace.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 204	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1400-00-00-Florence 002	1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence with more than 20 thousand deaths. In summer the mortality came also to Volterra. The majority of the Florentines fled to Bologna and there arose a conspiracy against the government.	Fu in Firenze quest’anno mortalità: morì circha di ventimila boche dentro nella terra, o più. Era Morello podestà di Massa; e cho·llui si stette Alberto e due de’ suoi fanciulli e la donna ed io per insino a dì 7 di giungnio. E di poi andai a Volterra e stetti là 40 dì: vennevi la Chaterina. Di poi vi chominciò la mortalità e tornammo a Settimello, dove era suta grande e ristata ben d’u·mese; e ivi istemmo insino a Ongnisanti, sani, lodato Idi<o>. Morì a Morello due fanciulle, e a mme uno: Idio li benedica! […] In questa mortalità si fuggì pe·lla maggiore parte de’ fiorentini a Bolongnia, e ivi si criò un trattato, il quale venia chontro a molti grandi cittadini de·rregimento	There was mortality in Florence that year: about twenty thousand people died in the city, or more. Morello was podestà of Massa; and Alberto and two of his children and the wife and I stayed with him until June 7. Then I went to Volterra and stayed there for 40 days: Caterina came there. Then mortality set in and we returned to Settimello, where it was hard for a month; and there we stayed until All Saints' Day, healthy, praise be to God. Two of Morello's children died, and one of mine: God bless them! [...] During this mortality the greater part of the Florentines fled to Bologna, and there arose a conspiracy directed against many great citizens of the government.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 250	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1400-00-00-Florence 003	1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence and in almost entire Italy. One third of the living people died in the region of Florence and many fled, especially to Bologna and Arezzo	Morìa del 1400 Fu in questa state in Firenze, e ancora quasi per tutta Italia una grandissima morìa; e tiensi, e così si fece conto, che nella nostra città di Firenze e nel suo contado, morisse sottosopra il terzo di quelli ch'erano vivi; fuggirono i cittadini il forte a Bologna e a Arezzo e in altri luoghi.	Dying in 1400 In this summer (1400) was in Florence and in almost entire Italy a great death; it is assumed and so it is estimated, that in the city Florence and surroundings died approximately one third of the living; the citizens fled strongly to Bologna, Arezzo and other places.	Filippo di Cino Rinuccini: Ricordi storici 1840, p. XLIV	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1400-00-00-Florence 004	1400 JL	The plague raged in Florence from the beginning of the year, but mainly in summer. 30 thousand people died and many fled, especially to Bologna.	Pestis signa quaedam ab initio huius anni terrere homines incoeperant, quae mox per aestatem plurimum desaevivit cum incredibili strage cuiusque sexus atque aetatis. Unicum eius mali remedium in fuga repertum est. Fugerunt itaque cives populariter, Bononiam plurimi demigrantes; et tamen in vacua desertaque urbe supra triginta hominum millia pestis absumpsit.	Certain signs of the plague had begun to terrify people from the beginning of this year, and it was soon raging throughout the summer, with unbelievable slaughter of persons of every age and both sexes. The only remedy for this evil was flight. Citizens fled in a body, most going to Bologna, yet even in the empty and deserted city the plague consumed more than 30,000 people.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 3, p. 256.	None
1400-00-00-Florence 005	1400 JL	Buonaccorso Pitti left his family in Sorbigliano, where they searched for safety from the plague which was raging in Florence. Pitti went to Bologna and got his family to join him. They rented a palace and they stayed there for four months. In Bologna a conspiracy arose against the government.	[72] […] Il perché diliberai tornarmi indietro e volentieri, perché malvolentieri, con gran dispiacere, avevo lasciati i miei fratelli e nostre famiglie a Sorbigliano, per cagione della mortalità che era a Firenze. Tornai a Bologna, e scrissi a' miei fratellli che ne venissono con tutte le nostre famiglie a Bologna, e mandai loro cavalli e mulattieri. Vennono in Bologna, e stati circa d'otto dì, tolsi a fitto il palagio e giardino de'Bianchi, di fuori di Bologna circa 2 miglia, e quivi temmo tutti noi fratelli e nostre famiglie, eccetto Piero e sua famiglia, che si rimasono a Montughi. Per la grazia di Dio ci salvammo tutti, eccetto che d'uno figliuolo che mi nacque là, il quale si morì. Trovammoci tra di noi e nostre famiglie e di nostri parenti, che là tornarono con noi a nostre spese, continovo circa 25 persone. Stemmo là circa quatro mesi, e trovammoci avere spesi, riposti a Firenze, fiorini 480 nuovi. E nel detto anno essendo molti Fiorentini fuggiti a Bologna, gl'usciti di Firenze sommossono molti giovani a trattare contro il nostro reggimento; e funne capo Salvestro di messer Rosso de'Ricci. Scopersesi il trattato a Firenze, perché lo rivelò Salvestro di messer Filippo Cavicciuoli; e fu preso Samminiato d'Ugucciozo de'Ricci e fugli tagliata la testa e a uno de'Davizi, e dato bando a molti e a molti perdonato, e chetossi la città.	I resolved to turn back and was not sorry to do so, for it was with the greatest reluctance that I had left my brothers and their families in Sorbigliano, where they had taken refuge from the plague then raging in Florence. I went to Bologna and from there dispatched horses and muleteers with letters to my brothers telling them to join me with our families. They came and, about a week after their arrival, I rented the Bianchi family palace and gardens about a mile outside Bologna and installed my brothers and their families there, with the exception of Piero who stayed with his family in Montughi. By God's grace we were all safe and sound but for a son who was born to me there and died. Between ourselves, our immediate families and other relatives who came for visits, there were never less than twenty-five people staying in the house. We spent about four months there and our expenses by the time we got back to Florence amounted to 480 florins. That year, while many citizens were away in Bologna for fear of the plague, the political exiles seized the opportunity to foment a conspiracy against our governmental among some young men captained by Salvestro di Messer Rosso de'Ricci. The plotters were betrayed by Salvestro di Messer Filippo (p. 65) Cavicciuli. Samminiato d'Ugucciozo de' Ricci and a member of the Davizi family were sent to the block. Many were exiled; many more were pardoned and calm returned to the city.	Buonaccorso Pitti: Ricordi 1986, p. 43.	None
1400-00-00-Florence 006	1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence and the only remedy was the migration. Many of them went to Bologna.	Iam millesimus quadringentesimus erat annus et pestis signa quaedam terrere inceperant, quae paulo post Florentiae desaeviit cum incredibili strage cuiusque sexus atque aetatis. Unicum eius mali remedium in fuga repertum est. Fugerunt itaque cives populariter, Bononiam plurimi demigrantes; et tamen in vacua desertaque urbe supra triginta hominum millia pestis absumpsit.	We were now in the year 1400. The plague had begun to manifest itself with frightening effect and before long it was raging in Florence and inflicting appalling mortality on people of both sexes and all ages. The only way of escaping this evil was found to be in flight. So the townspeople fled from the city in droves and many of them went to Bologna.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 3, p. 322.	None
1400-04-00-Florence	April 1400 JL	A terrible plague came to Florence and many people died; in June there were more than 200 corpses a day. The citizens fled to the countryside and Bologna and Arezzo after the feast of Johan Baptist (24 June), but many people died there too. In other cities such as Rome, Naples, Pisa or Lucca, the mortality rate was just as high. In Florence, they had to reorganise because so many people had left.	Capitolo IV. — Come grande mortalità fu in Firenze e altrove questo anno. In questo anno fu in Firenze grande mortalità e cominciò del mese d'aprile, come che prima s'era veduti segnali pestilenziosi assai; però che quelli che morivano, tutti aveano aposteme velenose e pestilenziose, e grande paura n'aveano i cittadini. Poi seguitò di maggiore malizia, però che ne moriano per di cento, tutti d'aposteme; e poi di giugno seguitò maggiore però che erano per di nella città dugento corpi e' più; e poi di luglio molto maggiore, e durò insino a settembre troppo grande nella città; e ancora nel contado di Firenze fu maggiore che nella città, però che in molti popoli morirono la metà delle persone che v'erano e in alquanti molti più che la metà; e molti cittadini ch'erano fuggiti in contado morirono; e fu questo grande numero; e molte castella rimasono mezzo vòte e molte famiglie disfece. E come fu fatta la festa di santo Giovanni, grande numero di buoni cittadini si fuggirono fuori della città e andaronne colle loro famiglie nel contado di Firenze in più ville e castella; e ancora n'andarono assai a Bologna, e molti ve ne moriro nondimeno; e chi andò ad Arezzo e anche assai ve ne morí; e cosí dove n'andarono ne morí in ogni luogo che fu in tutte le terre di Toscana. Era ancora la detta mortalità nel detto tempo grandissima a Roma, che fu tal di che volle settecento o ottocento corpi morti; ma la maggior parte romei ; e ancora fu la detta mortalità in molte terre d'Italia in questo tempo, dove grande e dove minore, però che allora n'era dove a Pisa, a Lucca, a Perugia e a Napoli e in tutto il paese; e ancora era in Lombardia dove grande e dove grandissima in molte città la detta mortalità. Li Fiorentini, veggendo la città vòta di buoni e ricchi cittadini, diliberarono di soldare insino in secento provigianati a guardia de la città e infino in settecento e cinquanta lance di soldati tra per di fuori e per dentro, e cosí feciono ; e aveano allora al soldo mille trecento soldati di fanti. E cosi perché li cittadini s'erano partiti, fu ordinata la città e 'l contado e distretto loro.	Chapter IV - On the great mortality in Florence and elsewhere this year. This year there (1400)was a great mortality in Florence, which began in the month of April, although numerous plague-like signs were already visible beforehand. For the deceased all had poisonous and pestilential boils, and the citizens were greatly afraid of them. Then a greater malice followed, for a hundred people died every day, all from boils. And then in June it increased so that there were two hundred or more corpses a day in the city. And then in July it was even worse and continued on a very large scale in the city until September. It was also worse in the countryside around Florence than in the city, because in many villages half the population died and in some even more than half; many citizens who had fled to the countryside also died. It was a large number, and many places were left half empty, and many families were destroyed. After the feast of St John had been celebrated, many good citizens fled the city and went with their families to various villages and castles on the countryside surrounding Florence. Many also went to Bologna, and many died there anyway; some went to Arezzo, and many died there too. Wherever they went, people died everywhere in all areas of Tuscany. At that time, mortality was also very high in Rome, and there were days when there were seven hundred or eight hundred deaths, but most of them were Romans. Mortality was also high in many other Italian cities at this time, sometimes more, sometimes less, for example in Pisa, Lucca, Perugia and Naples, as well as throughout the country. In Lombardy, too, mortality was high to very high in many cities. The Florentines, seeing that the city was emptied of good and rich citizens, decided to pay up to six hundred guards for the defence of the city and up to seven hundred and fifty lances of soldiers both inside and outside, and so they did.They had a thousand and three hundred foot soldiers in their pay at the time. So the city and its environs and district were organised because the citizens had left.	Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 250.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1400-07-03-Florence	3 July 1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence, thus Salviati remained in Arezzo with his men. Many people fled from Florence. Salviati himself was ill and some members of his family died.	Partimi [Salviati] della detta Terra di Montepulciano adì 3. di Luglio 1400. Et perchè in Firenze era grandissima mortalità, et dicevasi, che ad Arezzo l'aria v'era sana, et eravi fugiti assai Fiorentini, per questa cagione non tornai a Firenze, ma rimasi in Arezzo con tutta la brigata mia, che io haveva condotta meco, et tutti ne gli condussi sani, et di buona voglia; ma giunto che io fui, parve, che io fussi maladetto con ogni avversità, et d'infermità, et di morte, che mentre che io vi fui, mai non si ristette, et più, che non che quegli, che io menai, ma essendo venuta di Firenze ad Arezzo quella mia venerabile madre Mona Contessa per aiutarmi, sentendo la mia famiglia inferma, piacque al nostro Signore Dio, che ella morisse, et chiamolla a se, a la cui anima Cristo benedetto habbia fatto ver perdono. […] et ancora vi morì un mio fanciullo, che hebbe nome Andrea, d'età di 9. anni, che Dio l'habbi benedetto, e fu seppellito in S. Francesco; et di tutta l'altra mia famiglia non vi fu niuno, che havesse (p. 184) difetto, salvo che io, lodato Dio. Spesivi tra spese della casa, et per l'infirmità, et per i mortorii grandissimo denaio. Stettivi da' dì 4. di Luglio infino a' dì 28. d'Agosto, et quel dì mi partì di là come abbandonato, e disperato, et tornai in Firenze col resto della mia famiglia, tra' quali ne menai dua mia figliuoli maschi, cioè Alamanno, et Bernardo infermi per modo, che mai non credetti si conducessero vivi; pure per grazia di Dio vi si condussero, e guarirono, et in questo tempo, che io stetti ad Arezzo, mi morirono quì in Firenze 2. mie fanciulle, che una have nome Lisa, che era d'età d'anni 7 1/2, e l'altra Margherita, d'età d'anni 5. in circa, et furono seppellite nella Badia di Firenze; che Dio l'habbia benedette, et ricevute.	I [Salviati] left the aforementioned town of Montepulciano on July 3, 1400. Since there was a great mortality in Florence and it was said that the air in Arezzo was healthy and many Florentines had fled there, I did not return to Florence, but stayed in Arezzo with all the followers I had with me. I brought them all there in good health and good spirits. But as soon as I arrived, it seemed as if I was cursed by every misfortune, illness and death, because they did not stop while I was there. And not only for those I had brought with me, but also for my venerable mother, Mona Contessa, who had come to Arezzo from Florence to help me, as my family was ill. It pleased our Lord God that she died and called her to Himself; may Christ have mercy on her soul. [...] Moreover, my child, named Andrea, died there at the age of 9, may God bless him. He was buried in St. Francesco. The rest of my family remained unharmed, apart from me, praise be to God. I spent a great deal of money, both on household expenses and on the illness and burial. I stayed there from July 4 to August 28, and on that day I left Arezzo in despair and hopelessness and returned to Florence with the rest of my family. Among them were two of my sons, Alamanno and Bernardo, who were so ill that I didn't think I could bring them home alive. But by the grace of God, they survived and recovered. During my time in Arezzo, two of my daughters died in Florence, Lisa, aged 7 1/2, and Margherita, about 5 years old. They were buried in the Abbey of Florence; may God bless and receive them.	Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, pp. 183-184.	None
1400-08-06-Pistoia	6 August 1400 JL	Letter of Coluccio Salutati, in which he mentioned a severe plague in Pistoia and the whole Tuscany	Pestis crudelis Pistorium debacchatur, adeo quod michi gratissimum sit, quod ibi receptus non fueris, laudoque quod id quod patria tibi offert amplectaris. Nicolaus tuus vivit Pistorium, presentavit litteras et die sequenti peste correptus occobuit. [,,,] Arrigus et Philippus, graviter infirmati, Dei dono libertai sunt. Pestis hec in hac urbe et per totam Tusciam crudelissime nimis sevit.	The cruel plague rages in Pistoia, so much so that I am greatly relieved that you have not been received there, and I commend you for embracing what your homeland offers you. Your Niccoló lives in Pistoia, he delivered the letters, and the following day, stricken by the plague, he died. [...] Arrigo and Filippo, severely ill, have by God's gift been freed. This plague is raging very cruelly in this city and throughout all of Tuscany	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 3, p. 408	Translation by Martin Bauch
1400-10-00-Florence	October 1400 JL	The depraved Lord of Cortona Guccio da Casale came to Florence because of his vow to nurse the sick. He made this so that God would safe him from the plague. But after few days he died of the plague.	Memoria, che del mese d'Ottobre 1400. essendo venuto allora in Firenze il Signore, che era allora di Cortona, che avea nome Guccio da Casale per cagione di suo boto a governare infermi di sua mano in S. Maria nuova, et dovevaci stare, secondo il boto, a questo servigio dì 30. essendo per addietro stato il più dissoluto huomo del mondo, e questo boto seguiva a ciò che Dio il salvassi della pestilenza, che allora cominciava a Cortona, et in Firenze era già quasi finita, et intervenendo che come piacque a Dio essendoci stato pochi dì a fare il detto servigio, si morì di pestilenza, et rimanendo Signori di Cortona doppo la morte di detto Ghuccio Francesco et Luigi da Casale fuoi Conforti, et a' quali apparteneva più la Signoria che a Ghuccio, et mostrando i detti Francesco, et Luigi dolore della morte di Ghuccio, ordinarono di farlo portare a Cortona, et di fargli molto grande honore;	A reminder that in the month of October 1400, the man who was then Lord of Cortona came to Florence. His name was Guccio da Casale, and he had come because of his vow to nurse the sick himself in Santa Maria Nuova. According to his vow, he was to perform this service for 30 days. He had previously been the most depraved man in the world, and he had made this vow so that God would save him from the plague, which had begun in Cortona at the time, while it was almost over in Florence. It happened, as it pleased God, that after a few days of this service he died of the plague. After the death of the said Guccio, Francesco and Luigi da Casale, his relatives, became lords of Cortona, who were more entitled to rule than Guccio. The aforementioned Francesco and Luigi were saddened by Guccio's death and decided to transfer him to Cortona and pay him great honour.	Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, p. 191	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1402-00-00-Frankfurt	1402 JL	Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions.	Anno 1402 fuit generalis processio cleri et populi cum venerabili sacramento propter epidemiam (Acta).	In the year 1402, there was a general procession of clergy and people with the venerable sacrament due to the epidemic (Acta).	Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 100.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1402-00-00-Iceland	1402 JL	Great plague in Iceland in 1402	Jtem kom ut Hual einar Heriolfs son med flat skip er hann atti sialfur. kom þar ut j suo micil brada sott. at menn lagv daudir innan þriggia natta. Þar til er heitid uar þrimur lofmessvm med sæmeligv bæna halldi oc lios bruna. Jtem var lofad þurfostv fyrir kyndil messo. enn vatnfasta fyrir iol æuenliga. feingv sidan flestir skriptab mal adur enn lietust. Geck sotten um haustid fyrir sunnan land. med suo mickille ogn ad aleyddi bæi vida. enn folkid uar ecki sialfbiarga þat eptir lifde i morgum stodum. Sera Ali Svarthofda son deydi fyrst af kenne monnum um haustid. oc þar (!) brodir Grimur kirkiu prestur j Skalholti. sidan hver eptir annan heima presta. Sera Hoskulldur radsmadur a iola daginn sialfvann. Aleyddi þa þegar stadinn at lærdvm monnum oc leikvm. fyrir utan byskupinn sialfann oc ij leikmenn.	Then Hval-Einar Herjólfsson sailed out with the ship he had himself. A sudden and severe disease broke out there, so that people lay dead within three nights until three masses were sung with the appropriate prayers and burning candles. Likewise, fasting without water was vowed at Candlemas and fasting with water always before Christmas. Then, most could make their confessions before they died. In autumn, the plague raged in the south of the country with so much terror that villages died out almost entirely. And people were not able to safe themselves in many places. The first priest to die in the autumn was Father Áli Svarthöfðason, followed by Brother Grímur, parish priest in Skálholt, and then one resident priest after the other, the counsellor, Father Höskuldur, exactly on Christmas Day. Thus the episcopate (Skálholtsstaður) was emptied of learned men and lay people, save for the bishop himself and two lay people.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 286	Translation by Carina Damm
1402-09-03-Milan	3 September 1402 JL	The Duke of Milan fell ill, even if he fled from the plague, that raged in Milan. He tried to recover in the castle Marignano (Melegnano), but after 7 days he died on the 3th September.	Istando le chose in questi termini ldio e lla sua madre Vergine Maria e ’l beato messere Santo Giovanni Batista. promissono, a cciò che tanto male non seguisse, che il Ducha malò di male pestilenziale. Uno giorno, disinando egli inn una sua terra dove era fuggito pe·lla mortalità ch’era a Milano, si sentì venire male; di che subito si volle partire e venne a un chastello si chiama Maringniano, di lungho dieci miglia da <Pavia>. E quelle dieci miglia chavalcò in fretta e in sulla nona, chon gran chaldo; e giunto in Maringniano, egli bevve più d’una metadella e mezo tra vino e aqua, chome quelli che ardea dentro ed erasi affannato nel chavalchare, e si puose giù e visse circha di sette dì: partì di questa vita a dì 3 di settenbre 1402.	With things being as they were, God, the Virgin Mary, and the blessed Lord St. John the Baptist promised that such great evil would not follow, but the Duke fell ill with a pestilential disease. One day, while dining in one of his lands where he had fled from the plague that was in Milan, he began to feel unwell; so, he immediately decided to leave and went to a castle called Marignano, which is ten miles away from Pavia. He quickly covered those ten miles around noon, in great heat; and upon arriving in Marignano, he drank more than a half measure and a half of wine mixed with water, like someone burning inside and exhausted from riding. He then lay down and lived for about seven days: he passed away on the 3rd of September, 1402.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 259.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1403-00-00-Iceland	1403 JL	Great plague in Iceland in 1403	Manndauda aar hid micla a Islandi. Obitus Pals abota j Uidey oc herra Þorsteins fra Helga følli. Obitus herra Runolfs af þyckua bæ. oc vi brædra. enn adrir vi lifdv eptir. Obitus Halldorv abbadisar j kirkiu bæ. ok vij systra. enn vi lifdv eptir. Vigd fru Gudrun abbadis Halldors dottir. Eyddi stadinn þria tima ad mannfolki suo at vm sidir miolkudv systurnar kv fenadinn þær er til uoru. oc kunnv flest allar lited til se, sen uar. er slikann stana hofdv alldri fyrri haft. kuomv þar til kirkiv halfur atte tugur hins siounda hundrads daudra manna. suo talid vard. enn sidan uard ecki reiknat fyrir mannfiolda sakir. suo deydi margt sidan. Jtem ed sama aar eyddi stadinn i þyckva bæ. þrysuar at mannfolki. svo ecki var eptir nema ij brædur. suo heima væri oc einn huskall stadarens. oc hann bar matenn fyrir þa oc þa til kvomv. Obitus herra Þorsteins abota at Helga felli oc Gisla Svartz sonar fra Reyk holum. Nonus Guttorms sonar j Huamme. oc Þordar undan Nupe. oc Pals Þorduars (!) sonar fra Eidvm austan oc Ceceliu Þorsteins dottur hans husfru.	Year with great mortality in Iceland. Death of Abbot Páll in Viðey. Death of Lord Runólfur from Þykkvabær and six brothers, six more survived. Death of Abbess Halldóra in Kirkjubær and seven sisters, six others survived. Consecration of Lady Abbess Guðrún Halldórsdóttir. The convent lost all its servants three times, so in the end the younger sisters had to milk the cows, which most could hardly do, as might be expected, since they had never had to do such work. Calculated, 775 died, but after that the number of people was no longer counted, so many died. Also in the same year the servants died three times in Þykkvabær, so only two brothers who were at home and one servant of the monastery survived. The servant brought them food and they recovered. Death of Lord Abbot Þorsteinn from Helgafell and Gísli Svartssons from Reykhólar, Jón Guttormssons from Hvammur and Þórðurs from Núpur and Páll Þorvarðssons from eastern Eiðar and his wife, Cecilía Þorsteinsdóttir.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 286	Translation by Carina Damm
1404-00-00-Iceland	1404 JL	Great plague in Iceland in 1404	Manndauda veturr hinn sidare. eyddi þa enn stadenn j Skalhollte. Þria tima ad þionustv folki. deydi þar þa þrir prestar oc mesti hlvtur klerka. ij prestar lifdv eptir brodir Þorfinnr kirkiu prest"r. oc Þorarenn prest"r Andres son. er þa var cappellanus byskupsins herra Vilchins.	The second deadly winter. Three times all servants of Skálholt died. Three priests died there and most of the clerics. Two priests survived, the church priest Þorfinnur and the priest Þórarinn Andrésson, who was chaplain to Bishop Vilchin at the time.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 287	Translation by Carina Damm
1405-00-00-Odense 001	1405 JL	Shortages, famine and pestilence in Odense	a: Anno domini mccccv..... Otthoniæ Petrus Ienson Marsvinus magnis afficit beneficiis sodales prædicatores. ♦ Executores testamenti constituuntur Robertus Richardi, proconsul et aduocatus, et Iohannes Clementis, consul. b: In 1405 da stoor dyyrtiid, hunger og pest grasserede, gav Peder Marsviin Iensen noget gods til prædikebrøder. ♦ Originalen i Odense hospitals giemme. c: Noch et stk. item refued pergament bref, som er Peder Marsvins testamente. ♦ Dat. 1400.	In the year of our Lord 1405 ....., Peder Jensen Marsvin in Odense provided the preacher brothers (= Dominicans) with large benefactions. Robert Rikardsen, mayor and bailiff, and Jens Klementsen, aldermen, are appointed executors of the will. 1405, when there were great shortages, hunger and plague, Peder Marsvin Jensen gave some property to the preacher brothers. The original is in Odense Hospital‘s archives. Also a parchment letter, also torn, which is Peder Marsvin's will. Date 1400	SRD. I 319, rep. nr. 4732	Translation by Carina Damm
1405-00-00-Odense 002	1405 JL	Foundation of the shoemakers‘ guild in Odense, Denmark in 1405 to support and protect each other in the case of misfortune brought by the plague	Thet schedhæ saa i forthamæ timæ, ath stor døth regnerethæ ouer al werden, som man kallæ wære pestilencia, tha friictæthæ suo wæl vngæ som gamlæ, forthi at døthæn han spar ængen, tha friictæthæ oc schomaghere svønæ i Otthens for døthen oc thottæ them suo, ath the wilde flii theres thing suo, ath om noger aff them døthæ, ath han sculdæ wæl worthæ forestanden, tha gingæ the til alderman oc til stolbrøthræ, som tha wore forstandere i schomaghere lagh i Otthens oc bathæ thøm, ath the wilde wæl gøre oc vnnæ them at hawe eet kumpanyæ, tha beradde the them voeth alle brøthræ oc vntæ them thet at hawe oc at holde, som her æfter stander screwet.	It so happened in bygone times that great death ruled all over the world, which was called pestilencia, and was feared by young and old alike, because death spared no one. At that time, also the shoemakers' journeymen in Odense feared death and it seemed [appropriate] to them to move their goods in that way that if someone of them died, he should be well provided for, then they went to the alderman and to the companions who then were in the council of the shoemakers‘ guild in Odense and appealed to them that they would do well in granting them a company, this they told to all the companions and bestowed them to have and to hold what is written hereinafter.	C. Nyrop: Danmarks Gilde- og Lavsskraaer fra Middelalderen,vol. 2. København 1895–1904, p. 15	Translation by Carina Damm
1405-08-04-Arezzo	4 August 1405 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Domenico Bandini in Arezzo, mentioning a fever illness there and the death of one of his children through illness	Sunt omnia, quanvis levia, vir insignis, frater optime et amice karissime, temporibus istis suspecta, ut quanvis febris quartane typus parum habeat cum pestilenti febre commertium, metuendum sit tamen, ne sub illius egritudinis commotione pestifera lues (p. 406) oprebat. [...] Ego vero valeo; valent et miei, preter Andream, qui, sicut Deo placuit, Petrum comitatus est. Sit nomen Domini benedictum. Philippus hodie nona die graviter egrotavit cum sigillis et signis; convalescit tamen et, licet febris adsit et ulcus suspectum ingravescat (p. 407), liberationem speramus. Vale et in morte Andree, precor, non commovearis, sed mecum teneas et secum et nobiscum Deum egisse non solum sicut oportet, sed misericorditer atque bene.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 3, pp. 405–407	None
1406-00-00-Lübeck	1406 JL	Great plague in Lübeck and everywhere by the sea.	1119. In deme sulven jare do was grot pestilencie by der zee, to Lubeke unde allerweghen by der zee.	1119. In the same year (1406) was a great plague by the sea, from Lübeck and everywhere by the sea.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 2, p. 136.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1406-00-00-Thuringia	17 May 1406 JL	A plague in Thuringia, causing mortality, amongst the victims is Landgrave Balthasar of Thuringia, died at the Wartburg above Eisenach	Anno 1406 Ist ein grausames landtsterben gewesen, welches zeitlich im Sommer angefangen, vnd wol in winter hinein biß auf weinachten gewehret, da sind viel guter leute hohes vnd Nidriges standes gestorben. Vnd vnter denselbigen sonderlich landgraf Balthasar zu Duringen, welher gestorben ist zu Wartpurg in allem guten, acht tage vor Vrbani <17 May 1406>, lieg tzu Reinhardtsbrunn begraben.	In the year 1406, there was a severe epidemic across the country, which began in the summer and lasted until around Christmas. During this time, many people of high and low social status perished. Among them was Landgrave Balthasar of Thuringia, who passed away at the Wartburg eight days prior to Urban's Day (17th of May), and was buried at [monastery of] Reinhardtsbrunn .	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 130.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1409-00-00-Flanders	1409 JL	A mortality breaks out in Flanders and elsewhere. It began in Courtray. Thousands of people die.	Eo tempore mortalitas fuit in diversis locis in Flandria, praecipue in Curtraco, et postea per totam Flandriam invaluit, ita ut multa milia morientur, et subito sic quod in uno die sani videbantur, altero die intra sepulcra tenebantur. Et non solum fuit haec pestilentia in Flandria, verum in aliis circumquaque regionibus.	In this time was a great mortality in Flanders. It spread especially in Courtray, and after all over Flanders. Thousands of people died si quickly, that who seemed to be healthy one day was in a grave the day after. This pestilence raged not only in Flanders, but also in neighbouring regions.	Chronique de Jean Brandon, p. 133	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1411-00-00-Florence	1411 JL	Plague in Florence.	L'anno seguente 1411 ci fu mortalità. Morissi Piero Lana; e poi di dicembre fermai accordo con Iacopo suo fratello e compagno, ch'era stato con meco e co'figliuoli di Piero, per mezanità di Dino di messer Guccio (p. 82) e Bernardo e Pagolo di Vanni e Zanobi di ser Benozo.	In that year 1411, there was a plague, and Piero Lana died. That December I made an agreement with his brother and partner, Jacopo, who had been my partner too, and with Piero's sons through Dino di Messer Guccio and Bernardo and Pagolo di Vanni and Zanobi di Ser Benozzo, who acted as intermediaries.	Gregorio Dati: Libro segreto 1869, pp. 81-82.	None
1411-04-25-Florence	25 April 1411 JL	Buonaccorso Pitti fled from the raging plague in Florence to Pisa in April. But also there some members of his family died, so he decided to go outside of Pisa. He spent in 7 months 1,3 thousand florins.	Presi commiato da lui e tornamene a Firenze e qui stetti insino a dì 25 d'aprile nel 1411. E poi, per cagione che la mortalità ci cominciava, me n'andai con tutta la mia famiglia a Pisa, e menai con meco Nerozzo e Doffo di Luigi e Giovanozo di Francesco miei fratelli. Menai due famigli e una fante e una balia per uno fanciullo che avea 15 mesi. [94] Tolsi in Pisa una casa con assai masserizie a pigione da Bindo e Iacopo e Filippo degl'Astai per pregio di fiorini 48 d'oro. E stato insino alla fine di giugno, uno de' miei famigli si morì di male di pistolenzia; e di poi 15 dì una mia figiuola d'età di 12 anni si morì anche di male di pistolenzia. Il perché mi parti' di quella casa, e andane a abitare fuori di Pisa al luogo di Tomeo Grassolini al quale diedi fiorini 20 di pigione, e ivi stetti per insino a dì 24 di novembre; e tornammocene a Firenze. Trovami avere spesi in 7 mesi fiorini 1.300. Il luogo dove stemmo si chiama Ghezano.	I therefore took leave of him and returned to Florence where I stayed until 25 April 1411, when I took my family to Pisa to escape the plague which had broken out in Florence. I took with me Nerozzo and Doffo di Luigi and Giovanozzo di Francesco, my first cousins, as well as two servants, a serving boy and a wet nurse for a fifteen-month old baby. (p. 88) In Pisa I rented a furnished house from Bindo and Jacopo and Filippo degl' Astai for 48 gold florins. Towards the end of June, one of the servants died of the pestilence, and a fortnight later my twelve-year-old daughter also died. After that, I decided to leave that house and went to stay outside Pisa in a place belonging to Tommaso Grassolini, who rented it to me for twenty florins until 24 November when we came back to Florence. I reckoned that I had spent 1,300 florins in seven months. The place where we stayed is called Ghezano.	Buonaccorso Pitti: Ricordi 1986, p. 61.	None
1413-00-00-Silesia	24 June 1413 JL	A great plague raged in Silesia between the feast days of St John the baptist (June 24) and St Jadwiga (October 15).	Pestis maxima in Silesia. Anno domini 1413 fuit maxima pestis in Silesia, incepit circa festum s. Johannis baptiste et duravit ad festum sancte Hedvigis.	Greates plague in Silesia. In the year of the Lord 1413 there was the greatest plague in Silesia. It started around the feast of St John the baptist and lastest until the feast of St Jadviga.	Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 44.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1413-00-00-Sweden	1413 JL	Great pandemic in Östergötland and the rest of Sweden in 1413. 400 deaths between summer and Advent	Item, isto anno erat magna pestilencia in Osgocia ac eciam alibi per regnum Swecie. A festo autem Iohannis baptiste usque ad adventum Domini numerata sunt de opido Vazstena quasi quadringenta funera sepulta.	Also this year, a large plague epidemic ravaged Östergötland and also in other places in the Kingdom of Sweden. From the feast of John the Baptist [24 June] until Advent, around four hundred funerals took place in the town of Vadstena.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 140	Translation by Carina Damm
1413-00-00-World	1413 JL	A general plague hit the whole world.	Anno Domini 1413 fuit pestis generalis per totum orbem.	In the year of the Lord 1413 there was a general plague in the whole world.	Annales Wratislawienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 680-688, 685.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1413-06-00-Poland	24 June 1413 JL	A plague rages in the whole of Poland and in Silesia from arount the feast of St John the Baptist (June 24) until around the feast of St Jadwiga (October 15).	Epidimiae pestis, cum universum Poloniae Regnum Slesiticamque oram gravi morbo vexasset et plures mortalium absumpsisset, [...] circa festum Sanctae Hedvigis quievit, cum circa festum Sancti lohannis Baptistae incepisset.	An epidemic plague haunted the whole of the kingdom of Poland and the region of Silesia as a severe desease and many mortals died [...] around the feast of St Jadviga it quitened, but it had started around the feast of St John the Baptist.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 24f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1413-06-12-Montpellier	12 June 1413 JL	A procession is organized in Montpellier to protect the city from the plague that rages in the region of Lodève and Agde.	Item, dilhus a XII del mes de jun, que fonc l’endeman de Pantacosta, se fes en esta vila una honorabla [...] per quatre ho per sinc cauzas : la una, que Nostre Senhor, per la sieuna sancta misericordia, lo poble d’esta vila vuelha preservar de mortalitat et de la pestilencia de la impedimia que renha de present en Lotves et en Agades et en diverses autres luox a nos circumvicis.	Monday, June 12 (1413), which was the day after Pentecost, was organized in our city a worthy, holy and devout general procession [...] for four or five grounds: the first, that Our Lord, by His holy mercy, will preserve the people of this city of death and of the plague epidemic which rages at present in Lodévois, Agathois and in various other places of our neighborhood.	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1413.html (20 April 2020).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1415-04-11-Lueneburg	11 April 1415 JL	Funeral inscription of a mayor and his wife from Lübeck, that according to a 16th c. chronicler died of plague in exile in Lüneburg.	Anno Domini 1415 Feria quinta post Dominicam Quasimodogeniti obÿt Dominus Henricus Westhoff proconsul lubicensis / Anno Domini 1415 Eodem die Ghezeke uxor eius obdormivit in Domino.	In the year of our Lord 1415 on Thursday after Sunday Quasimodogeniti died Heinrich Westhoff, mayor of Lübeck. / In the year of our Lord 1415, on the same day his wife Gheseke fell asleep in the Lord.	DI 100, Stadt Lüneburg, Nr. 42† (Sabine Wehking), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di100g019k0004207	Translation by Martin Bauch
1416-00-00-Brandenburg	1416 JL	Outbreak of plague in the Margraviate of Brandenburg and nearby territories, striking the young	In demselben jahre (1416) hat in der Marcke und in anderen umbliegenden landen die plage der pestilentz greulich grassiert, sonderlich unter den jungen leuten.	In the same year (1416) in the Margraviate of Brandenburg and in other nearby lands the pestilential plague has raged horribly, particularly among younger people.	Engelbert Wusterwitz 1973, p. 158	Translation by Martin Bauch
1417-00-00-northern Rusia Sim	1417 JL	Attack of the plague in many areas of northern Rusia.	Bъ то же лѣтo [6925] быcть мopъ cтpaшeнъ въ людexъ въ Hoвѣгopoдѣ Beликoмъ и въ Лaдoзѣ, и въ Pycѣ, и въ Пopxoвѣ, и въ Пcкoвѣ, и въ Topжькy, и въ Tфepи, и въ Дмитpoвѣ, и пo влacтeмъ иxъ; и толь великъ быcть мopъ, яко живiи не ycпѣвaxy мepтвыxъ погpeбати, ниже доволни бяxy здравiи болящимъ служити, но единъ здравыи десятерымъ болeмъ служаще, и мнози дворы пусти бышa, a вo инoмъ единъ человѣкъ ocтacя или двa, a индѣ единo дѣтище. Болѣзнь же сицeвa быcть людeмъ: преже, яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или противу cepдцa подъ груди и пpомежи крилъ, и paзболѣвся начнетъ кровiю xpaкaти и огнь pажжетъ, по ceмъ потъ иметь, потoмъ дрожь иметъ, и иметь xoдити по всѣмъ cъcтавомъ человѣчимъ недугъ тои; желѣзa же не единаче, иному на шiи, дрyгому на стѣгнѣ, оному подъ пазухою или подъ скулою, или за лопaткoю и въ пaxy и на инѣхъ мѣстexъ, и въ болѣзни тои полeжавше, cъ покаанiемъ и cъ масломъ, мнози же и aггельска образа сподобившеся, oтъ житiя oтxoжaxy; cице бо милocepдiе свoe и казнь cъ милocтiю людемъ cвоимъ послa.	That year [6925] there was a terrible plague among the people in Novgorod the Great, and in Ladoga, and in Russa, and in Porkhov, and in Pskov, and in Torzhok, and in Tver, and in Dmitrov, and in their estates; and then there was a great plague, so that the living were not able to bury the dead. The healthy should have served the sick, but one healthy person had to serve ten sick people. And many manors were empty, in one a man or two remained, and in another only a child. The disease progressed as follows in humans: first, as if struck with bear spear behind the shoulder blade or in front of the heart, in the chest and between the collarbones. And when he falls ill, he begins to spit blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he shivers, and this suffering spreads through all his joints. The swelling/blisters were not in the same [places], some on the neck, the other on the tendon, the other under the armpit, or under the cheekbone, or behind the shoulder blade and under the armpit, and in other places. And lying in this disease, after confession and [anointing] with [holy] oil, they took an angelic shape and departed from life. Thus [God] sent His mercy and punishment with love to people.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 163–164.	None
1418-08-00-Paris	August 1418 JL	Mortality due to plague (boce) in Paris, especially dangerous among young persons and children	Item, en celuy temps, vers la fin du moy d'aoust, faisoit si grant chalour de jour et de nuyt, que homme ne femme ne povoit dormir par nuyt, et avec ce estoit tres grant mortalité de boce et l'espidymie, et tout sur jeune gent et sur enfens	That year, in the end of August, the heat was so important day and night that people could not even sleep. Meanwhile, there was a great mortality of boce and a great epidemic, mostly among young people and children.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, Sp. 129	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1419-00-00-Zwiefalten	1419 JL	Outbreak of plague all over the world and, probably, also in the monastery of Zwiefalten.	1419. Hoc anno regnaverunt pestilencie in toto orbe terrarum, et innumerabilia milia hominum obierunt, quos denumerare nemo poterat, in diversis urbibus. Et duraverunt duos annos et ultra	In 1419, pestilences prevailed throughout the entire world, and countless thousands of people perished, whom no one could enumerate, in various cities. And they endured for two years and more.	Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 63	Translation by Martin Bauch
1420-06-00-Florence	June 1420 JL	The plague struck the house of the author. They tried to escape the plague by fleeing, but nevertheless many died	La pestilenzia fu in casa nostra, come permisse Idio, che provede bene a tutte le cose, e cominciò dal fante, cioè Paccino, a l'uscita di giugno 1420; e poi da indi a 3 dì la Marta nostra schiava, e poi al primo dì di luglio la Sandra mia figliuola, e a dì 5 di luglio l'Antonia. E uscimmo di casa, e andammo dirimpetto; e infra pochi dì morì la Veronica: e uscimone e andammo in via Chiara, e presevi il male alla Bandecca e alla Pippa, e amendue s'andarono a Paradiso a dì (p. 97), 1 d'agosto, tutti di segno di pestilenzia. E cessò, e tornammo in casa nostra. Idio li benedica. Anche la ragione della Bandecca e di suo testamento appare al mio libro A c. …	God who shows his wisdom in all things permitted the plague to strike our house. The first to succumb was our manservant Paccino at the end of June 1420. Three days later it was the turn of our slave-girl Marta, after her on 1 July my daughter Sandra and on 5 July my daughter Antonia. We left that house after that and went to live opposite, but a few days later Veronica died. Again we moved, this time to Via Chiara where Bandecca and Pippo fell ill and departed this life on 1 August. All of them bore the marks of the plague. It passed off after that and we returned to our own house. May God bless them all. Bandecca's will and her accounts appear on page ... of my ledger A.	Gregorio Dati: Libro segreto 1869, pp. 96-97.	None
1420-08-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia Sim	15 August 1420 JL	Plague and famine in many towns of Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia	O мopy и гладѣ. Bъ лѣтo 6928 быcть моръ силенъ на Kocтромѣ и въ Яpocлавлѣ, въ Галичѣ, на Плесѣ, въ Pocтовѣ, пoченъ oтъ Уcпeнia Богopoдици; и тако вымроша, яко и жита бѣ жати нѣкомy […] и бысть гладъ по мopy.	About plague and famine. In the year 1420 there was a strong plague in Kostroma and Yaroslavl, in Galich, on Plesa, in Rostov, it began on the Dormition of the Theotokos<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>. And so [they all] died out, that there was no one to gather rye [...] and there was famine after plague.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 165.	None
1421-00-00-Sweden 002	1421 JL	Eric of Pomerania issues a monetary statute that causes the devastation of many estates and severe mortality in Sweden	konungin en pänningh stadga stichtade – herra henning koningxmark thz dichtade – Sidan then penning stadga war sath tha wordo mang gozen ödhalagt – Riket plagadis mz stora dödha ther mz lagdis gozen ödha – the fatiga bönder som ater liffwa jämstor stadga sculle the giffwa – ther forre hundrada bönder boodhe – ther finnas nw naplika tiwgu godhe	The king enacted a monetary statute – sir Henning Köningsmark dictated it – Since that money statute was set, many estates were destroyed – the kingdom was plagued with great death, therewith the estates were laid waste – the poor peasants who remained would supply equal provision – where before a hundred peasants lived, there are now hardly twenty estates	Gustaf Edvard Klemming 1866, p. 23, col. 648–657	Translation by Carina Damm
1421-09-08-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia Sim	8 September 1421 JL	Another wave of plague and famine, probably in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia	Toe же oceни [6929] Ceнтаврiа 8 почя быти болѣзнь коркотная, и на зиму гладъ бысть.	That autumn [1421], on September 8, the plague began and there was famine in the winter.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 166.	None
1422-08-00-Toruń	1 September 1422 JL	King Władysław moves towards Toruń, but on the Saturday after the feast of St Giles (September 1) he drops his plan to attack it, because plague is rife there.	Sabbato post Sancti Aegidii, Wladislaus Rex contra Thorun volens procedere, [...] salubri consilio reductus est. Vigebat enim pestifera apud Thorunenses lues: propter quod nemini satis plecebat locum infectum adoriri, ne contagio quoque pestis ad exercitum regium penetraret.		Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 189	Translation needed
1423-00-00-Valdipesa	1423 JL	In Corno di Valdipesa arose a plague in this time. Buonaccorso Pitti wrote to his son to leave the city. They fled to Pescia and rented their a house for the next months.	[178] Nel detto anno essendo io a Castrocaro, e sentendo che la pistolenza cominciava al Corno di Valdipesa, scrissi a Luca mio figliuolo, ch'era là co' suoi figliuoli e colla Fioretta, che prestamente se ne partisse con tutta la sua famiglia e andassene in qualunche luogo la mortalità fosse stata e poi cessata. Ridussesi a Pescia a dì…di …e là tolse una casa con alquante masserizie e per prezzo di fiorini quatro d'oro il mese di fitto. E di poi da Castro Caro gli mandai a Pescia parte de' miei figliuoli; e di poi ch'io fu' tornato a Firenze, gli mandai lo resto de' nostri figliuoli; e di poi io e monna Francesca v'andammo e arivammo là in Pescia a dì ultimo di giugno. E perché la casa ci era piccola alla grande famiglia che noi eravamo, che 16 bocche continovo eravamo, sanza i forestieri che spesso in casa ci capitavano, tolsi una camera con uno letto a lato alla nostra abitazione per prezzo di lire tre il mese.	[178] In that same year, while I was in Castrocaro, and hearing that the plague had started at Corno di Valdipesa, I wrote to Luca, my son, who was there with his children and with Fioretta, telling him to quickly leave with his entire family and move to any place where the mortality had occurred and then subsided. He relocated to Pescia on the day... of ... and there rented a house with some furnishings for the price of four gold florins per month. Later, from Castrocaro, I sent part of my children to him in Pescia; and after I returned to Florence, I sent the rest of our children to him. Then, my wife Monna Francesca and I went there, and we arrived in Pescia on the last day of June. And since the house was too small for our large family – we were continuously 16 mouths to feed, not counting the guests who often visited – I rented a room with a bed next to our home for the price of three lire per month.	Buonaccorso Pitti: Ricordi 1986, p. 96.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1424-00-00-Florence	12 April 1424 JL	Goro (Gregorio) Dati served as Podestà of Montale and Agliana in order to avoid the plague. His work was higly esteemed by the people.	Podestà del Montale e Agliana accettai per fuggire la mortalità, e fui da dì XII d'aprile a dì XII d'ottobre 1424. Stemonvi gran brigata, e tutti sani per la grazia di Dio; e fui il primo che tenni la stanzia al Montale, e fecivi acconciare molto bene, e aquista'vi poco avere, ma molta grazia de'paesani. Grazie n'abi Idio.	I agreed to serve as Podestà of Montale and Agliana in order to avoid the plague. My term of office was from 12 April to 12 October 1424. A great number of people accompanied me there and, by God's grace, none of us got sick. I was the first to stay in the residence at Montale (p. 137) I saw to it that it was properly furnished and arranged. I acquired little wealth there but was highly esteemed by the inhabitants. Thanks be to God.	Gregorio Dati: Libro segreto 1869, p. 106.	None
1424-00-00-Perugia	1424 JL	Outbreak of plague in Perugia	In quelli (di) la peste fu sempre grande, et morivano de molte persone.	In these day the plague was large, and many people died.	Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 297	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1424-11-00-Poland	1 November 1424 JL	After the feast of All Saints (1 November) a plague raged in the whole of Poland and in other kingdoms.	Item anno domini 1424 domino regi Wladislao Iagello natus est filius Wladislaus circa festum omnium sanctorum. Et tandem viguit pestis valida in toto regno Poloniae et in allis regnis.	In the year of the Lord 1424 King Wladislaus Iagiello (Władysław III of Poland), son of Wladislaus (Władysław II of Poland), was born around the feast of All Saints. And after this, a strong plague ruled in the whole kingdom of Poland and in other kingdoms.	Notae Casimirienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 242-243, 242	Translation by Christian Oertel
1425-00-00-Poland	June 1425 JL	After the feast day of the ascension of the Virgin Mary (August 15), King Władysław moves to Ruthenia in order to avoid the plague which is raging in the whole of the kingdom of Poland during summer, autum and winter and which has caused many casualties of both sexes and from all strata.	Ex Kalisch in Posnaniam et caetera Maioris Poloniae loca processit, et diem Assumptionis Sanctae Mariae in Przedborz tenuit. Abinde per Radoschicze, Chanezini, Kyelcze, Bodzanczin, Syenno, Solyecz in Lublinensem, post in Russiae terras descendit, fugiendo pestem, quae fere universum Regnum Poloniae pervaserat, et per tempus aestatis, autumni et hiemis saeviens, plures mortales utriusque sexus, variarum conditionum absumpserat.	From Kalisz he proceeded to Poznań and other places in Greater Poland and on the day of the ascension of the holy Virgin Mary he stopped in Przedbórz. From there he moved via Radoschicze, Chanezini, Kyelcze, Bodzanczin, Syenno, and Solyeczdown down to Ljubliana and after that into Ruthenia fleeing the plague which had wildly penetrated the whole kingdom of Poland and which had, through summer, autumn and winter, consumed many mortals of both sexes and of various standings.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 221	Translation by Christian Oertel
1425-00-00-Poland-1	11 November 1425 JL	After a meeting they have attended on the feast day of St Martin (November 11) in Brześć (Poland) King Władysław and Queen Sophia move to Lithuania to where the plague had not yet spread. However, the plague breaks out there in the middle of the winter and they seek refuge in great forests.	Pestis in Polonia et Lithuania. Ex conventione Brestensi Wladislaus Rex cum consorte sua Sophia Regina in Lithuaniam divertit, et illic hiemis tempus in venationibus deduxit: nondum enim lues pestilentica in Regno Poloniae saeviens, Lithuanicam oram oervaserat, expost tamen serpendo, etiam in Lithuaniam grassata est coactusque Wladislaus Poloniae Rex et Alexander Withawdus, oppidis, castris et curiis derelictis, in silvarum et nemorum latebris hieme media commorari. Filius autem Wladislai Regis Wladislaus infans in Chanczini castrum delatus est, ubi per omne epidimiae tempus tenebatur.	Plague in Poland and Lithuania. From the meeting in Brześć, King Władysław and his consort Queen Sophia moved to Lithuania in order to spend the time of the winter there hunting. The plague that raged in kingdom of Poland had yet evaded the region of Lithuania. Yet, afterwards it spread there after all and raged also in Lithuania. Acting together with [Grand-duke] Alexander they left the towns, castles and courts and stayed in the middle of the winter in hiding places in forests and woods. But the son of King Władysław, the infant Władysław, was sent to Chęciny castle where he stayed through the whole time of the epidemic.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 225	Translation by Christian Oertel
1425-07-08-Würzburg	8 July 1425 JL	Great plague in Würzburg, sometimes more than 40 deaths per day, which led to unharvested fields.	Von ainem grossen sterben [...] Da man zalte nach der geburt Christi 1425 jare, ist ain erschrockenlicher grausamer sterbe in disen landen vnd sunderlich hie zu Wirtzburg gewest; von sant Kilians tag an bis vf Ostern des andern jors hat diese sucht an ain ander geweret. Die herbst zeit vber sturben hie zu Wirtzburg gewonlich ain tag virtzigk menschen, etwan darüber. Es sind auch vor grossem schrecken vnd mangel halben der leute vil obs, getraid vnd weins desselbigen jors vf dem velde vneingeheimst stehen bliben.	About a great dying [...] In the year 1425 after the birth of Christ, a terrifying and cruel plague struck these lands, especially here in Würzburg. From Saint Kilian's Day until Easter of the following year, this illness continued uninterrupted. During the autumn, it was common for around forty people to die each day in Würzburg, sometimes even more. Due to great fear and the lack of people, much of that year's fruits, grain, and wine remained unharvested in the fields.	Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 3 (1999), p. 150.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1425-10-00-Moscow	October 1425 JL	Plague in Moscow. <a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	И в тои же чac [6933] бысть моръ на люди и град егo.	And at that time (1425) there was a great plague among the people and in his [Yuryi Dmitrevich's] town].	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 246	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1426-00-00-northern Rusia Sim	1426 JL	Attack of the plague in many areas of northern Rusia.	Bъ лѣтo 6934 мopъ быcть великъ въ Пcкoвѣ и въ Hoвѣгopoдѣ Beликoмъ, и въ Topжькy и въ Tфepи, на Boлoцѣ и въ Дмитpoвѣ, и на Mocквѣ и въ вѣcъxъ гpaдѣxъ Pyccкиxъ и ceлexъ.	In 1426 there was a great plague in Pskov, and in Novgorod Velikiy, and in Torzhok, in Tver, on Voloka, and in Dmitrov, and on Moscow, and in all Rusian towns and villages.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 168.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1427-00-00-Rusia Sim	1427 JL	A great plague in [northern?] Rusian towns	Bъ лѣтo 6935 мopъ жe быcть великъ въ гpaдѣxъ Pyccкиxъ.	In 1427 there was a great plague in all Rusian towns.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 169.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1427-00-00-Rusian towns	1427 JL	A great plague in [northern?] Rusian towns	Bъ лѣтo 6935 мopъ жe быcть великъ въ гpaдѣxъ Pyccкиxъ. Тогдa пpecтавися князь Bacилеи Boлодимиpoвичь, и положенъ въ Apxaaггелѣ на Mocквѣ.	In 1427 there was a great plague in all Rusian towns. Then Prince Vasyl Vladimirovich died and was buried in Archangel in Moscow.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 169.	None
1428-05-23-Limburg	23 May 1428 JL	A plague strikes Limburg.	Anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo vicesimo octavo fuit magna pestilencia in Limpurg a festo penthecostes usque ad nativitatem Cristi.	In the year of our Lord 1428, there was a great pestilence in Limburg from Pentecost until the Nativity of Christ.	Limburger Chronik 1883, Limburger Annalen, p. 114	Translation by Martin Bauch
1429-07-28-Lübeck	28 July 1429 JL	A Lubeck priest dies from plague and his prebend is free	Henricus Gustrow scolaris capelle Bonifatii IX et Innocentii VII: de conf. vicar. ad alt. omn. SS. in par. eccl. b. Marie Lubic. quam resignaverat Mardocheo Sartoris qui pestilentia preventus in Urbe defunctus est	Henricus Gustrow, scholar of the chapel of Boniface IX and Innocent VII, concerning the confirmation of the vicarage at the altar of All Saints in the parish church of St. Mary in Lübeck. This vicarage had been resigned by Mardocheo Sartoris, who, being prevented by the pestilence, passed away in the city.	RG Online, RG IV 04552, URL: Repertorium Germanicum Online	Translation by Martin Bauch
1429-09-07-Perugia	7 September 1429 JL	Outbreak of plague in Perugia	Adì 7 de setembre se partì Monsignore per sospetto de la peste, et andò a stanziare ad Asese; partirò , e tornaro a casa loro per amor de la peste che era in Peroscia ; et molli citadini andaro ad abitare in contado, pure per paura de la peste. Et adi 21 del ditto retornò Monsignore a Peroscia e el Podestà..	On the 7th of September, His Lordship departed out of fear of the plague and went to stay in Assisi; he left, and they returned to their homes due to the plague that was in Perugia; and many citizens went to live in the countryside, also out of fear of the plague. And on the 21st of the said month, His Lordship and the Podestà returned to Perugia.	Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 334	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1430-12-00-Poland	December 1430 JL	Although the plague is everywhere in the kingdom of Poland, many prelates and barons meet in Bardo on the feast of St Nicolas (December 6).	Et licet hieme illa pestis epidimiae fere universum Regnum Poloniae occupasset, ibant tamen per media funera in ipsam conventionem frequensque numerus Praelatorum et baronum in Wartham convenit in die sancti Nicolai.		Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 335	Translation needed
1433-08-00-Paris	August 1433 JL	A mortality of plague affects children in Paris in August	Et si fit moult bel août, mais très grande mortalité était en celui temps, espécialement sur petits enfants, de bosse ou de vérole plate	The weather was benevolent in August, but the mortality due to 'bosse' or 'vérole plate' was important in that time, especially among children.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, p. 326	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1435-09-08-Constance	August 1435 JL	Around September was in the region of Constance and Überlingen a long-lasting great plague but only with few deaths.	Anno 1435 umb nativitatis Marie [8.9.] drig oder vier wochen vor und nach, do gieng gar ain großer siechtag umb ze Costentz und ze Überlingen und och an deren stetten, an dem unzaglich vil lüt lagent, und wist doch nieman, was siechtagen es was. (p. 187) Wol was er ainem trukenen ritten gelich und starben gar wenig lüt daran, wol warent die lüt in großer krankhait 4 wochen und 6 und 8.	In 1435, on the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary [8 September], three or four weeks before and after, a great plague raged around Constance and Überlingen and other towns. Countless people died and yet nobody knows what kind of plague it was. It was like a dry fever and only a few people died from it, however, people suffered greatly for 4 or 6 or 8 weeks.	Anonymus: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, pp. 186-187.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1436-06-10-Wien	6 June 1436 JL	As plague hits the university of Vienna, lectures are suspended for several months. The peak of the outbreak claims the lives of 70 university members in August. One lecturer, Johannes Gössel, flees the city and reports the outbreak in a colophon to a commentary on the Sentences by Petrus Lombardus.	Explicit scribendo pariter et legendo in profesto sancti Nicolai scriptum huiusmodi et lectum in 3° libro Sententiarum anno Domini M°CCCC36, cuius libri prefati inchoavi leccionem feria secunda immediate post octavas. [p. 376] Pasce Anno 36. Attamen invalescente pestilentia anno predicto, videlicet 36, adeo quod de certo die una sepeliebantur 70 funera ante Assumptionis Beate Virginis, me tunc Wyenne constituo, pluribusque notabilibus suppositis universitatis pro tunc et paulo ante defunctis, videlicet professore Sacre pagine Magistro Petro Pirchenbart in collegio Ducis seniore regente ac lectore in theologia ; preterea Magistro Chünrado Herinbst similiter doctore, licet novo et non unius anni, in theologia, ordinis Predicatorum, sepulto in domo Predicatorum Wyenne. Ceterum Magister Urbanus de Mellico ecclesie sancti Stephani canonicus et in theologia doctore, peste violentante vita fungi desiit. Aliis omissis tam magistris, baccalariis quam scolaribus, viris moralissimis ac virtuosissimis, quorum felices cineres requiescant in summo. Postremo preceptis nature obtemperans debitumque eius persolvens Magister Johannes Strädlare de Langhüta baccalareus formatus in theologia ac collegiatus in Collegio Ducis epidimia tactus expiravit in loco prescripto, puta collegio. Duobus etiam scolaribus magistrorum ibidem paucis intervenientibus diebus [illegibile] ex post turbulentum mare presentis seculi exierunt. Quibus attentis universitas solemniter congregata indoctis et magistris conclusit ut decetero, videlicet a tempore paulo ante Assumptionis Marie, omnes actus scolastici, orationes pariter et consistoria universitatis penitus non fierent usque ad festum Cholomanni, aut si expediret et videretur per amplius huiusmodi actus suspenderentur. Quo concluso et habita plena universitatis vacatione, recessi post responsionem meam in aula statim ad partes nativas, die videlicet dominica immediate ante Assumptionis absentando me tredecem integris septimanis et die una. Postremo Wyennam redii feria tertia post Elizabeth inveniens tantum quatuor collegiatos presentes adhuc, cum quibus ego quintus. Toto enim tempore a suspensione lectionum et post recessum meum dumtaxat unus magistrorum collegio preerat, omnibus aliis absentibus, usque ad Cholomanni. In festo autem Katherine congregabatur universitas in suppositis ac doctoribus ac magistris, et pro tunc eligebantur primo omnes universitatis officiales et eadem die [illegibile] assignabantur lectiones in omnibus facultatibus.		Brinzei 2022, pp. 375-376.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1437-00-00-Saeftinghe	1437 JL	A plague occured in the city of Saeftinghe, in the Low Countries.	Pestilentia multos absorbuit hoc anno; nam genitoribus meis, patre videlicet et matre simul hoc morbo sublatis, me reliquerunt apud Saeftinghe vagientem in cunabilis parique morbo tabescentem, sed hinc Dominus assumpsit me.	Lot of people died of a pestilence this year. My parents actually died sumultaneously, leaving me alone prone to death on my craddle. But God appeared to me.	Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 254	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1437-06-00-Würzburg	June 1437 JL	Price increase and a plague in Würzburg	Von grosser theürüng vnd sterben In dem obgemelten 1437. jare galte ein malter korns vmb sant Peters tag stuelfeier sechs pfund, vmb Mitfasten siben, vmb Ostern sechtzehen, sibentzehen vnd achtzehen pfunde. Vnd an dem Freitag den zehen des Maien erforen die weinstocke allenthalben an bergen vnd in thalen. Dannoch, dweil das getraid so theür war, fande man zimlich guten wein, das füder vmb neun vnd zehen gülden zu kaüffen. Vnd fiele im brachmond ein heftiger sterbe an, der weret in das ander jore. Vff sant Marie Magdalene tag starben in der pfar zum dom hie zu Wirtzburg bei [p. 321] dreissig menschen, vnd schluge das korn ser wider ab, also das man vmb vnd nach sant Martins tag ain malter umb funf pfund kauft, vnd sein dis mals zu Wirtzburg bey vier thaüsent menschen gestorben.	On great famine and death In the aforementioned year 1437, a malter of grain was priced at six pounds around Saint Peter's Day [February 22], seven pounds around Lent [March 10], nine pounds around Easter [March 31], thirteen pounds during the Cross Week [May 5-8], and sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen pounds by Pentecost [May 19]. On Friday, the tenth of May, all the vines died everywhere in the hills and in the valleys. Nevertheless, because grain was so expensive, one found quite good wine available for purchase, costing around nine to ten guilders. A severe plague broke out in June, which continued into the following year. On Saint Mary Magdalene's Day [July 22], thirty people died in the parish of the cathedral here in Würzburg, and the grain was severely damaged, so that around and after Saint Martin's Day [November 11], one could buy a malter for about five pounds and around four thousand people having died in Würzburg this time.	Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 3 (1999), pp. 320-321.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1438-00-00-Constance 001	1438 JL	Great mortality in Constance and in Basel. In Basel the people tried to appease God with a procession to Einsiedeln and Todtmoos. In the same year was the autumn really warm and mice made great damage to the fields. The Council of Constance passed several laws to curb bad social behaviour.	Des jaurs, als man zalt von der geburt Christi 1438 jar, do was ain sölicher sterbet das selb jar ainher, das man rechnot, das mer dan viertusent menschen zu Costentz gestorben warent. Es kam dazu, das man zu Crützlingen fünf oder sechs menschen in ain grub lait, desglichen och ze sant Stefan und das man an den enden und im spital gruben machet, in die vil lüt gelait wurdent. Und gieng die sterbet durch die land und alsbald der tod uffgehört, do wyst niemant umb kain tod, dan jederman num umb den sin. In dem vorgemelten jaur umb pfingsten vieng man an ze Costentz zu sterben und starb nach der uffart Ulrich Stainstrauß, darnach in acht tagen sin wyb, darnach erstach sich selb Peter Stainstrauß des selben bruder, in Diebolt Gumposts hus obnan mit ainem schwertlin und messer vor laid. In dem vorgeschriben jaure starb man gar vast in allen landen und kam gen Basel vor pfingsten. Also was der sterbet ze Basel so groß, das dero von Basel wol uff tusent personen sich uffhubent und giengent mit zwölf priestern gen Ainsidlen zu unser lieben froen. Die priester viengent an zu Basel in der statt ze singend und sungend bis zu unser lieben froen. Do sungent sy ain mettin und ain löblich meß von unser lieben froen und bichtotent und giengent zu dem hailigen sacrament mit ernst und andacht und zugent do wider haim. Sy ruftent unser lieben froen an, das sy gott bäte, das er sinen zorn gegen inen abließe, also ungestümenlich täten sy mit sterben. Derglichen giengent och wol fünfhundert personen von Basel in das Todmos in den Swartzwald zu unser lieben froen, als die vordrigen gen Ainsideln. In menger gegni do sturbent di lüt uß über das halb tail oder mer und an mengen enden zu ainlitzigen, zwain oder dryen höfen ganz uß, das die öd stundent one inwoner und was ain recht landsterbend und pestilenz. Und was der herbst als warm als der Ogst. In dem jar (p. 207) ward och der best win am Ottenberg, der in allen landen war und gab man ain fuder umb nün und umb acht pfund pf. Des jars wuchsent gar vil veldmüs und tätent großen schaden an dem korn und samen uff dem veld. In demselben jar saßtent die rät ze Costentz und verbutent den blatz und das spilen an 5 pfund ₰ und verbutent das lang häß und das kain man kainer froen in dem münster reden solt an 1 pfund ₰ ; och das kain man dehain kindbettern gesenhen solt und das och niemant sweren solt und vil solicher sachen. Item sy satzent och, als vormals ain ratsknecht in der rautstuben was, der uß und inließ, dann ethin enkainer mer sölt darinne sin und söltent die ratsherren ye ainer ain wochen in- und ußlon. Und das was ain gut gesatz.	In the year 1438 after the birth of Christ, there was such a mortality that year that it was estimated more than four thousand people died in Constance. It came to the point that in Kreuzlingen, five or six people were buried in a single grave, the same at St. Stephen’s, and that graves were dug at the town’s outskirts and in the hospital where many people were laid to rest. The mortality spread through the lands, and once it stopped, no one noticed any more deaths—everyone was just focused on their own. In the mentioned year around Whitsun, people began to die in Constance. After the Ascension of Ulrich Stainstrauß, his wife died eight days later, and then his brother Peter Stainstrauß killed himself in Diebolt Gumpost’s house with a small sword and knife out of grief. That same year, there was heavy mortality across all lands, and it reached Basel before Whitsun. The death toll was so high in Basel that around a thousand people from the city set out with twelve priests to Einsiedeln to Our Lady. The priests began singing in the city of Basel and sang all the way to Our Lady. There they sang Matins and a solemn Mass for Our Lady, confessed, and approached the Holy Sacrament with seriousness and devotion before returning home. They called upon Our Lady to ask God to ease His wrath, as the deaths were overwhelming. Similarly, about five hundred people from Basel went to Todtmoos in the Black Forest to the shrine of Our Lady, just like those who went to Einsiedeln. In many regions, more than half of the population or more died, and in some areas, entire farms with one or two families were completely wiped out, leaving them deserted without any inhabitants. It was truly a widespread death and pestilence. The autumn was as warm as August. In that year, the best wine came from Ottenberg, considered the finest wine in all lands, and a barrel sold for nine or eight pounds. In that year, many field mice grew and caused significant damage to crops and seeds in the fields. That same year, the council in Constance issued a ban on games and gatherings with a fine of five pounds, forbidding long coats and prohibiting men from speaking to women in the cathedral with a fine of one pound. They have also forbidden men to be present at births and no one is allowed to swear, among many other things. Moreover, they decided that as before, only one town servant was to be in the council chamber to let people in and out, and no one else was allowed inside. The councilors had to take turns each week handling the in- and outgoing matters, which was a good policy.	Gebhard Dacher: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, pp. 206-207.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1438-00-00-Poland	1438 JL	In the year 1438 there was inflation and plague in Poland.	Anno domini 1438 fuit maxima caristia in regno videlicet Polonie [...] et statim post hoc pestis magna.	In the year of the Lord 1438 there was a great inflation in the kingdom of Poland [...] and immediately after this a great plague.	Notae monachi Sanctae Crucis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 412-414, 413	Translation by Christian Oertel
1438-00-00-Silesia	1438 JL	In the year 1438 there was a general plague in Silesia.	Anno domini 1438 [...] fuit generalis pestis per Silesiam.	In the year of the Lord 1438 [...], there was a general plague in Sileasia.	Annales Wratislawienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 680-688, 686	None
1438-11-28-Rome	28 November 1438 JL	A number of German priests flees the Roman curia because of a ravaging plague	Arnoldus Cuper Arnoldus (Arnaldus) Cuper (Cupere) (de Embrica) et Nicolaus Vighe cler. Colon. dioc., Johannes Dorenborch al. Muleken cler. Monast. dioc., Ruthgerus Kock cler. Colon. dioc., Borchardus Truytelaet cler. Hildesem. dioc., Engelbertus de Marcka cler. Leod. dioc., Mathias Veyt cler. Eistet. dioc., Albertus Gertener cler. Magunt. dioc., Petrus Doenen cler. Magunt. dioc., Adrianus Martini de Breda cler. Leod. dioc., famm. D[ominici de Capranica] s. Marie in via lata diac. card., qui propter pestem a R. cur. ultra term. se absentaverunt	Arnoldus Cuper (de Embrica), and Nicolaus Vighe, clerics of the Diocese of Cologne; Johannes Dorenborch, also known as Muleken, cleric of the Diocese of Münster; Ruthgerus Kock, cleric of the Diocese of Cologne; Borchardus Truytelaet, cleric of the Diocese of Hildesheim; Engelbertus de Marcka, cleric of the Diocese of Liège; Mathias Veyt, cleric of the Diocese of Eichstätt; Albertus Gertener, cleric of the Diocese of Mainz; Petrus Doenen, cleric of the Diocese of Mainz; Adrianus Martini de Breda, cleric of the Diocese of Liège; familiares of Domenico de Capranica, cardinal of S. Maria in Via Lata, have been absent beyond the established term from the Roman Curia due to the plague.	RG Online, RG V 00478, URL: Repertorium Germanicum Online	Translation by Martin Bauch
1438-Summer-Paris	1438 JL	Mortality by plague (boce) in Paris during summer and autumn. 45 000 persons died in the city	Item, la mortalité fut si grande, espécialement à Paris, car il mourut bien à l'Hôtel-Dieu en cette année cinq mille personnes, et parmi la cité plus de quarante-cinq mille, tant homme, que femme et enfants; car quand la mort se boutait en une maison, elle en emportait la plus grande partie des gens, et espécialement des plus forts et des plus jeunes	The mortality was so great in Paris, that at least 5000 persons died at the Hôtel-Dieu. In the city, 45 000 persons died, either men, women and children. When the disease spread in a house, almost every inhabitants died, especially the strongest and the youngest.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, pp. 382-383	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1439-00-00-Alcobaca	1439 JL	Johannes de Porta, a cistercian monk from the monastery of Alcobaca near Lisbon describes how he practiced euthanasia on a plague-infected brother	cum [...] quidam monachus dicti monasterii et ipsius exponentis specialis amicus cum maximus febribus et duobus signis pestilencialibus perplexus fuisset ita, quod in agone mortis laborasset et iam loquelam amisisset, prefatus exponens [...] visitando eundem fratrem vidensque ipsum in tantis horribilibus penis et passionibus afflictum pietate motus [...] dixit: 'Ego promitto tibi, frater mi, si [...] essemus ambo in una domo ubi nullus videret me, ego ponerem manum meam super os tuum et abbreviarem tibi illas graves penas'. Audiens hoc [...] infirmarius ipsius monasterii statim respondit dicens: 'Sic vos voltis [sic] uto cito decedat, subtrahamus sibi capitale capitis sui et ponamus capud super terram.' Quo facto idem infirmus expiravit.	When a certain monk of the said monastery, a close friend of the expositor himself, had been afflicted with severe fevers and two signs of the plague, so much so that he was struggling in the agony of death and had already lost the power of speech, the aforementioned expositor, upon visiting the same brother and seeing him afflicted with such horrible pains and sufferings, moved by pity, said: 'I promise you, my brother, if we were both in a place where no one could see me, I would lay my hand upon your mouth and alleviate those heavy pains for you.' Hearing this, the infirmarian of the monastery immediately responded, saying: 'If you wish it so eagerly, let him depart quickly, let us put away the pillow and place his head upon the ground.' With this done, the same infirm person expired.	Esch 2014, pp. 392-393, 522, footnote 57.	None
1439-00-00-Basel	1439 JL	A plague causes great mortality in Basel during a famine. The death toll is estimated to 8000 dead people, both adults and children.	Anno Domini 1439 fuit magna karistia in Basilea, et etiam cum hoc fuit magna pestilencia et in orribilibus obierunt in numero plus qum octo milia hominum cum pueris; et presertim in ecclesia majori inter canonicos dominus Kaspar thesaurius, dominus prepositus Turicensis, dominus Michahel de Reno prepositus in Sancto Ursicino, et bene viginti cappelanos.	The year 1439 occured a great dearth in Basel. A pestilence broke out simultaneously and more than 8000 persons, adults and children, died dramatically. Among the canons of the cathedral died the treasurer master Kaspar, the prior master Turicensis, master Michael de Reno, prior of Sanctus Ursinus and 20 other canons.	Ehrard von Appenwiler chronicle, pp. 251-252	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1439-00-00-Zwiefalten	1439 JL	Outbreak of plague all over Swabia and, probably, also in the monastery of Zwiefalten	1439. Regnavit pestilencia valdissima per totam Alemanniam, ita quod extimacione multorum tertia pars hominum videbatur obiisse	In 1439, a very severe pestilence reigned throughout all of Alemannia, such that by the estimation of many, one-third of the population seemed to have perished.	Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 63	Translation by Martin Bauch
1439-06-24-Silesia	24 June 1439 JL	A horrible plague raged in Silesia starting around the feast day of St John the baptist (June 24) and lasting for two months.	Pestis horrenda. Eodem anno circa festum sancti Johannis baptiste exorta fuit valida et horrenda pestilentia in Silesia et aliis regionibus, que duravit ad duos menses.	Horrible plague. In the same year (1439) around the feast of St John the baptist arose a strong and horrible plague in Silesia and other regions which lastest for two months.	Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 53	Translation by Christian Oertel
1439-07-00-Thuringia	July 1439 JL	A plague in Thuringia and the Harz region, but also Constance causing mortality and description of symptoms	Anno 1439 war ein groß sterben vber alle welt, vnd fieng sich an in Duringen vnd am Hartz, vmb die Ernte, vnd wehret biß auf der heiligen drey Konige tage <6. Januar>, wen die pestilentzische gift ergrief, der lag drey tage vnd nacht nacheinander vnd schlief. Vnd wen er dan aufwachet, so begundte er als balt mit dem Tode zu ringen, biß die Seel ausgieng. Das nennet man das grosse sterben davon schir in allen historien findet. Stumpf schreibet das allein zu Costnitz in x monden bey 4000 menschen gestorben sindt.	In the year 1439, there was a great mortality across the world, which began in Thuringia and the Harz region around harvest time, and lasted until the Feast of the Epiphany. Those who were affected by the poisonous plague would lie unconscious for three consecutive days and nights. When they woke up, they would immediately begin struggling with death until their soul departed. This event is known as the Great Death, which is extensively documented in historical records. Stumpf writes that in just ten months, around 4,000 people died solely in Constance.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 134	Translation by Martin Bauch
1439-07-00-Wallonia	July 1439 JL	Great plague in the country and famine.	En cely temps avoit générale pestilenche par tout paiis, et nonobstant que les biens estoient beaux aux champs, si estoient encors les bleis et frumens bien chiers.	In this time was a pestilence everywhere in the country. And althought the crops were abundant in the fields, wheat and cereal prices were still high.	Chronique de Jean de Stavelot, p. 436	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1439-07-06-Constance	6 July 1439 JL	A procession is organized in Constance against the plague.	Anno 1439 gutemtag vor Sant Margrethen tag (8 July) do tett die statt von Costenz ainen cruzgang für die pestilencii mit aller priesterschafft.	In year 1439, on the monday before Margaret Day, a procession has been celebrated in Constance because of the pestilence, with all clerics of the city.	Konstanzer Chronik, p. 341	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1439-11-11-Poland	10 November 1439 JL	A plague pained the town of Łekno from the feast day of St Martin (November 11) to after christmas.	Item sub anno 1439 pestis urgebat in Lekna sicut ante festum sancti Martini usque post festum Nativitatis Domini. In qua peste terminum vite sue finiverunt: honorabilis dominus Michael plebanus medie partis in Lekna cum sororio suo Mathia de Poszlugowo rectore schole.	Under the year 1439 a plague arose in Lekno shortly before the feast day of St Martin (November 11) until after the feast of the birth of the Lord (December 25). In this plague finshed their lives: the honourable Michael, priest in the middle part of Lekno together with his brother Matthias of Poszlugowo, the headmastesr of the school.	Notae Leknenses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, p. 255	Translation by Christian Oertel
1440-00-00-Sweden 001	1440 JL	The imperial regent Karl Knutsson consults a maiden about his chances of being elected king. She replies that he should become king, and if not, three plagues would come upon Sweden: the first two are war and famine, and the third is pestilence. According to Karlskrönikan, the three biblical plagues hit Sweden in the same year when not Karl, but but Christopher of Bavaria was elected king	Jumfrun swarade ather swa tre plagar skal riket ther förre faa – stort örlog finna i alla endha oc minsta thera gotz ä hwart the wenda – aff hungar skola the lida nödh sa at mange haffua hwaske öll eller brödh – oc otalige warda saa osell at aff hungar skola the swelta i heel – the tridia pestilentia skal offuergaa at mange garda öda staa	The virgin answered so again therefore shall the kingdom receive three plagues – great wars shall be found at all ends, and the least of these shall be everywhere – from hunger they will suffer misery so that many will have neither beer nor bread - and countless will be so miserable that from hunger they will starve to death - the third, pestilence, will pass by, leaving many farms desolate.	Gustaf Edvard Klemming 1866, p. 230–31, col. 6720–6729	Translation by Carina Damm
1447-10-00-Perugia	October 1447 JL	Outbreak of plague in a monastery in Perugia	A quisti dì , de ottobre, comenzó la morya qui in Peroscia, cioè comenzó prima in San Pietro , però che li monaci receptaro uno monaco amalato de peste , lo quale veniva de terre de suspetto de morya; ma esso campò. Et partisse lo Abbate con alcuni monaci ; et de quelli che remaseno ne moriero parochie. Per questa cagione lo' fu fatto comandamento per parte de Monsignore, che essi non usassero più per la cita de Peroscia , et che loro stessino con le porte serra.	In these days of October, the plague began here in Perugia, that is, it first began in San Pietro because the monks received a monk who was sick with the plague, coming from areas suspected of the plague; but he survived. The Abbot left with some monks, and of those who remained, many died. For this reason, a command was issued by His Lordship that they should no longer go through the city of Perugia and that they should stay with the doors closed.	Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 594	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1448-00-00-Florence	1448 JL	The plague raged in Florence. Many people fled to other cities. The plague spread to Rome. The passages talks also about the social responses, for instance that people avoided the contact to the infected, even if they were their relatives.	Interea anno Domini MCCCCXLVIII, pestis invadere cepit Florentiam et per biennium civitatem infectem tenuit, que tamen quasi erat evacuata, non solum maioribus et divitibus, sed et plebeis et pauperibus ex urbe egredientibus et per villas et castra refugientibus. Diutina quidem fuit, sed lenta et paucos de medio subtraxit, sicque morbus ille contagiosus a MCCCC anno, quo grassatus est ita ut prope tertiam partem viventium absumeret, usque ad MCCCCLVII, in quo sumus peste a Domino visitati iam per menses quatuor, septies Florentiam occupaverit, videlicet anno MCCCCXI, anno supra Millesimum CCCCXXXVIII demum, ut dictum est, anno MCCCCXLVIII et VIIII civitas Florentina ea contagione infecta est: que cum postea urbem romanam attigisset, in qua presulabatur Nicolaus V cum curia sua, [p. 83] Fabrianum se contulit. Ubi tunc facta inquisitione et processu contra quosdam hereticos, infectos lepra erroris Fraticellorum, qui ibi diu habuerant magnum receptaculum et favorem, obstinati in sua perfidia igni traditi sunt, miracula consueta ostendentes pulveris et cineris. In anno autem isto LVII supra CCCC, pauci adhuc de hac luce subtracti sunt, necdum cessavit; quid autem in futurum erit, novit Deus. Nunquam autem apparet tantum exterruisse homines talis contagio morbi ut nunc, ita quod parentes filiorum et filii parentum obliviscantur infectorum et cum difficultate reperiantur qui necessaria eis administrent tam corpori quam anime, vel procurent ut sacramenta et ecclesiasticam sepulturam habeant. Quamvis autem nulla sit lege prohibitum ad loca divertere ab infectione libera, ex quo morbus est valde contagiosus (ut quotidiana docet experientia), ac eciam conversationem domesticam et locutionem cum infectis et venientibus a locis infectis [effugere] nisi cura animarum eis immineat, quos de necessitate salutis sue oportet per se vel alium idoneum sacramenta ministrare quantumcunque infectis, tantum tamen abhorrere infectos ut necessaria subtrahantur est contra omnem caritatem, humanitatem et xpistianam pietatem. Itaque etsi humane prudentia est et de ratione medicine vitare infectos, tamen contra dilectionem et xpistianam pietatem est subtrahere infectis necessiara seu non ministrare anime et corpori et ita abhorrere eis ministrantes sacramenta et corpori necessaria ut habeantur tanquam ethnici et publicani nec audiantur eorum misse et officia nec patiantur sacerdotes ire ad infirmos, in quo nullo modo debent eis assentire. Communitas autem pie et caritative providit infirmis ex eo morbo illo tempore scilicet anno domini MCCCCXLVIII et nono pestis. Nam tria milia florenorum statuit assignanda archiepiscopo civitatis certo tempore, modo et forma, ut infectis provideretur. Unde quidam optimi iuvenes per civitatem discurrebant, querendo infectos et dando pullos, confectiones et alia necessaria.	Meanwhile, in the year of our Lord 1448, the plague began to invade Florence and for two years it kept the city infected. The city was almost emptied, not only by the departure of the wealthy and nobles but also by the common people and the poor, who fled from the city to villages and towns. It was indeed prolonged, but slow, and removed only a few people. That contagious disease, which had ravaged since the year 1400, when it nearly consumed a third of the living, until 1457 (the year we are currently in), struck Florence seven times: in 1401, again in 1438, and finally, as mentioned, in 1448 and 1449, when the city of Florence was infected by this contagion. When it later reached the city of Rome, where Pope Nicholas V resided with his court, he withdrew to Fabriano. There, an inquiry and trial were conducted against certain heretics infected with the leprosy of the Fraticelli error, who had long found a haven and favor there. Persisting in their stubborn wickedness, they were handed over to the flames, displaying the usual miracles of ashes and dust. However, in this year 1457, few have been taken from this life, and the plague has not yet ceased. What will happen in the future, God knows. Never before has such a contagious disease so greatly terrified people as it does now, so much so that parents forget their children and children forget their parents when they are infected, and it is difficult to find anyone willing to provide them with the necessities for both body and soul, or to ensure they receive the sacraments and Christian burial. Although there is no law prohibiting people from fleeing to places free from infection, since the disease is highly contagious (as daily experience shows), and it is prudent to avoid domestic interactions and conversations with the infected or those coming from infected areas—except when the care of souls is at stake and they must, for the sake of their own salvation, administer the sacraments either in person or through a suitable intermediary to those infected—it is nonetheless against all charity, humanity, and Christian compassion to withhold necessities from the infected or refuse to minister to their bodies and souls, treating them as outcasts and pagans. It is wrong not to hear their masses and services or allow priests to go to the sick, and no one should agree to such practices. However, the community provided for the sick with piety and charity during this outbreak in the year 1448 and the ninth plague. Indeed, 3,000 florins were allocated to the archbishop of the city at a specific time, in a particular manner, and form, to provide for the infected. As a result, certain noble youths went around the city, seeking out the infected and giving them chickens, remedies, and other necessities.	Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, p. 82-83.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1448-03-27-Perugia	27 March 1448 JL	A procession to end plague in Perugia	Adi ditto, cioè adi 27 de marzo, ditta che fu la predica, se fece la processione con tutti li religiosi de Peroscia , dovo ce andò Monsignore e li Priori e tutti li gentilomini e le donne, e generalmente ogni persona fina alle rede, sempre cantando letanye et alcune laude et orazione; et alcune donno ce andaro vestite de bianco : et andarono a S. Pietro pregando Dio che cessi la peste.	On the said day, that is, on the 27th of March, after the sermon, a procession was held with all the clerics of Perugia, where His Lordship, the Priors, all the gentlemen, and the women attended, and generally every person up to the children, always singing litanies and some hymns and prayers; and some women went dressed in white: and they went to San Pietro praying to God to stop the plague.	Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 509	Translation by Martin Bauch
1450-00-00-Rome	1450 JL	Jubilee year and grave pestilence in Rome	Anno Domini mcdl°. Fuit Rome annus iubileus et magna pestilencia.	The year of our Lord 1450. In Rome there was jubilee year and a great pestilence.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 262	Translation by Carina Damm
1451-00-00-Basel	1451 JL	A plague breaks out in Basel and lasts two years.	Anno domini 51 was pestilency zu Basel, aber nit zu grosz. Aber dem der sine abegieng und schaden beschach, hatte sich zu clagen. Doch starb me mannesnamen denne frowennamen.	In year 1451 was a pestilence in Basel, but not severe. In the beginning it injured people. Some of them died, both men and women.	Ehrard von Appenwiler chronicle, p. 308.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1451-00-00-Cuneo	1451 JL	Severe plague in Cuneo which lasted two or three years.	L’anno del Signore 1451 fu assaltato Cuneo un altra volta da una peste crudelissima, la quale continuo per due o tre anni, e morirono di morbo più di tre milla huomini e femine, et indebolò il popolo di maniera che nessuna pensava che dovesse mai più pigliar forza.	In the year of our Lord 1451, Cuneo was once again attacked by a cruel plague, which continued for two or three years, and more than three thousand men and women died of the disease, and weakened the people to such an extent that no one thought it would ever get stronger.	La più antica cronaca di Cuneo, p. 156, l. 8	Translation by DeepL
1451-00-00-Europe	1451 JL	In the year 1451 there was the greatest plague in virtually all lands of the earth.	A. 1451. Anno domini 1451 fuit maxima pestilencia quasi in omnibus terris.	In the year of the Lord 1451 there was the greatest plague in virtually all lands of the earth.	Notae monachi Sanctae Crucis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 412-414, 412	Translation by Christian Oertel
1451-00-00-Poland	8 September 1451 JL	A "notable" plague occurred in Wrocław in 1451. starting around the feast of the birth of St. Mary the Virgin (September 8) and lasting throught the whole winter.	A. 1451. Pestis notabilis. Eodem anno 1451 fuit notabilis pestis Wratislavie et oppidis ac villis hinc inde, incepit circa festum nativitatis Marie et duravit quasi per totam hyemem leniter.	Year 1451. Notable plague. In the same year 1451 there was a notable plague in Wrocław and the towns and villages from there onwards. It started around the feast of the birth of St. Mary the Virgin (September 8) and lasted in a milder way virtually through the whole of the winter.	Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 62	Translation by Christian Oertel
1451-00-00-Sochaczew	13 July 1451 JL	In the Year 1451 a plague raged in Sochaczew (Central Poland) and other towns of the region starting at the feast of St Margarethe (July 13) and lasting until the feast of St Michael (September 29) and beyond.	Anno domini 1451 pestilencia in Sochaczew bene viguit et aliis eciam in partibus ita, ut una die quadraginta ponebatur in unam foveam. Cuius inicium a festo sancte Margarethe stans ad festum sancti Michaelis et ultra etc.	In the year of the Lord 1451 a plague raged well in Sochaczew and elsewhere in those parts in such a way that on one day fourty [people] were buried in one grave. It started at the feast of St Margarethe (July 13) and lasted until the feast of St Michael (September 29) and beyond.	Notae Plocenses et Sochaczevienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 118-124, 121	Translation by Christian Oertel
1451-00-00-Sweden	1451 JL	As foreseen by another virgin, Sweden is hit by a severe plague shortly after the end of Christopher of Bavaria's reign and the begin of Karl VIII's rulership. Since there had also been a war and a famine, the chronicler considers all three prophecies to have been fulfilled. As a consequence of the plague, many farms all over the country are deserted. The number of victims in Stockholm is given as 9,000.	Thz andra jomfrun spadde sannedis tha thz war sa stor pestilencia J stocholm ouer ixM [900] dödde. A landet stodo manga stadz gardana ödhe	The second maiden foresaw truthfully that there was such a great pestilence in Stockolm that over 9,000 [people] died. Many towns were deserted all over the country.	Gustaf Edvard Klemming 1866, p. 290, col. 8485–8488.	Translation by Carina Damm
1452-00-00-Messina	1452 JL	A nun wants to move to another monastery in the diocese of Messina in 1479 as plague has emptied her orignal monastery.	ob raritate monialium in eodem monasterio causante peste que inibi diutius viguit mortuarum.	Because of the scarcity of nuns in the same monastery, caused by the plague that persists there for a long time, resulting in many deaths.	Esch 2014, p. 523, footnote 63.	None
1452-00-00-Silesia	24 June 1452 JL	A "notable" plague occurred in Silesia, Poland and "in the mountains" in 1452, starting around the feast of St John the baptist (June 24) and lasting until the end of the year.	Pestis notabilis in Silesia. Eodem anno fuit notabilis pestis in Silesia, in Polonia et in montana. Incepit circa festum Joannis baptiste dure et continuavit leniter usque ad finem anni currentis.	A "notable" plague in Silesia. In this year there was a notable plague in Silesia, in Poland and in the mountains. It started around the feast of St John the baptist (June 24) and continued in a milder way lasting until the end of current year.	Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 63	Translation by Christian Oertel
1452-00-00-Småland	1452 JL	Campaign of the Danish King Christian I in Västergötland and northern Småland. There, his army is forced to retreat, partly because it suffers from diseases and the plague of whom many die.	gud sende thom oc twa harda gäste – mz blodsot oc pestilencia han them freste – aff thenne sama store nödh - blef ther mongen aff them dödh – the tidzke ther strax fra konungen röcte	God send them two hard guests - with a blood disease and pestilence he fed them - by this same great misery - many of them were killed	Gustaf Edvard Klemming 1866, p. 318, col. 9305–9309	Translation by Carina Damm
1453-08-00-Flanders	1453 JL	A pestilence breaks out in the region, as a consequence of a dearth caused by war.	Messis tempore non invenit quod colligeret; hinc annona solito carior et, quae communiter sequi solet, pestilentia populum gravare coepit.	At harvest time, not enough people came at the fields. Then prices have been higher than usual, and a pestilence broke out, as it is common in such conditions.	Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 347	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1453-10-08-Wien	8 October 1453 JL	A commentary to a manuscript by Thomas Ebendorfer mentions that lectures at the university of Vienna are suspended, as plague reigned.	Revisus per Thomam de Haselpach tempore suspensionis lectionum ob sementem pestem. Anno etc. 1453, 8 Octobris	Revised by Thomas of Haselpack as lectures were suspended because of the ravaging plague. In the year 1453 on 8 October.	Brinzei 2022, p. 375.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1455-00-00-Deir Kifa	1455 JL	There were war, plague, famine, shortage and price increase.	En l’an 1766 [1455] Malik al-Kalif prit la forteresse de Kifa et y régna. […] Il y eut des troubles, des guerres et la terreur, une terrible <épidemie>, la famine et la disette. Tout ce qu’il y avait à manger se vendait au plus haut prix.	In the year 1455 Malik al-Kalif took the fortress of Kifa and reigned there. [...] There were troubles, wars and terror, a terrible epidemic, famine and scarcity. Everything there was to eat was sold at the highest price.	Bar Hebraeus 2013, p. 151	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1456-00-00-Florence	1456 JL	In Florence was a shortage due to the weather and a flooding. The city had to provide food for the population especially for the poor.	Eodem anno per inundationem aquarum, in agris impedientem sationem agrorum et aliam intemperiem supervenientem tempore spicationis in agris satis, defectus magnus modicitatis in segetibus repertus est Florentie, et [in] territorio eius. Creatis autem officialibus habundantie, provisum est competenter de frumentis de diversis locis extra territorium adductis. Sed et pauperibus provisum est, quorum a diu in preteritum nunquam tantus inventus est numerus; quod contigit, quia mercatores et artifices parum negotiantur vel artificia exercent, tum propter guerras impedientes discursum per mare et per terram, tum timore nove impositionis prestantiarum, ne nimis onerentur, tum eciam peste civitatem invadente, etsi lente, tamen in futurum magis de grassatione eius dubitatur. Decretum igitur [p. 98] fuit, ut per quatuor menses precedentes recollectionem frumenti, quingenti floreni mensatim expenderentur a communitate eleemosynaliter erogati pro frumento pauperibus in pane concedendo. Quod optimum fuit tum ut peccata sua civitas, eis plena, eleemosynis redimat, tum ut caritatem ad fratres suos et membra reipublice ostendat, nec non ad prudenter auferendos tumultus et clamores famelice plebis. Quid enim non audeat rabies famis, cum aliquando et matres filios proprios occidere et comedere coegerit, sacra historia ac eciam infidelium hoc referente?	In the same year, due to flooding that hindered the sowing of fields and other adverse weather conditions during the grain ripening season, there was a significant shortage in the harvest in Florence and its surrounding territory. Officials were appointed to manage the scarcity, and grain was competently procured from various places outside the territory. Provisions were also made for the poor, whose numbers had not been this high for a long time. This situation arose because merchants and craftsmen were engaging in little trade or work, partly due to wars disrupting travel by sea and land, partly out of fear of new tax burdens, and partly because of a plague slowly affecting the city, which was feared to worsen in the future. It was decreed that, for the four months preceding the next grain harvest, 500 florins would be spent monthly by the community to provide grain to the poor in the form of bread. This was seen as beneficial both to help the city atone for its sins, which were abundant, through acts of charity, and to demonstrate care for fellow citizens, as well as to prudently prevent uprisings and outcries from the starving populace. For what would the rage of hunger not dare to do, when history—even sacred texts—reports that, in such times, mothers have been forced to kill and eat their own children?	Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, pp. 97-98.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1457-00-00-France	1457 JL	A mortality breaks out in France.	Per totam fere Franciam bladorum caristia fuit, quam sequebatur pestilentialis mortalitas.	In almost all France wheat prices were high, and a mortality of pestilence followed.	Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 360	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1457-11-23-Prague	23 November 1457 JL	1457, November 23, Ladislaus, king of Bohemia and Hungary and duke of Austria died of the plague in Prague.	Anno Domini MCCCCLVII in die sancti Clementis domnus Ladislaus Bohemie et Hungarie rex et Austrie dux Prage de peste epidemie moritur et in ecclesia Pragensi in sepulcro proavi sui Karoli sepelitur.	In the year of the Lord 1457 on the day of St Clement lord Ladislaus, king of Bohemia and Hungary and duke of Austria died of the plague in Prague and he was buried in the [cathedral] church of Prague in the grave of his progenitor Charles [Emperor Charles IV].	Calendarium Cracoviense, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, pp. 906-941, 937f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1458-00-00-Genoa	1458 JL	In Genoa, evil men went during the plague to the sick and robbed them in their homes. If the sick were still alive, they suffocated them. The crime was reported to the king, who stopped it. But in the end, more than 80 people died because of the murderer.	Interea scelus enorme ibi perpetratum est et flagitium inexpiabile fere. Nam cum pestis in urbe grassaretur propter quod pene vacua foret hominibus, quidam ex societatibus ad pia opera deputatis convenerunt in unum numero XLVIII, statuentes inter se visitare morbo infectos ac curam eorum agere et cadavera tradere sepulture, non quidem intentione Deo obsequendi, sed domos infirmorum rebus evacuandi et, uno marsupio facto, statuebant inter se quis quid inde acciperet. Nec illi scelesti et crudeliores feris expectabant infirmorum mortem, sed accelerabant ipsos suffocantes, ut postmodum rapine vacarent. Sed tantum nephas pius Deus non est passus diu manere occultum. Facta enim inter eos quadam dissensione super cuiusdam morte temptanda, unus eorum accedens ad ducem vices regis exequentem, prius sibi vite preservatione postulata et obtenta, confessus est crimen suum et sociorum, narrans octoginta infirmos et ultra per eos suffocatos ante naturalem transitum vite et substantias eorum direptas. Quod audiens dux, caute illos inquiri fecit, et XXVIII ex eis captos suspendi fecit, aliis fugam hinc inde capientibus.	Meanwhile, an enormous crime and almost unforgivable outrage was committed there. For when the plague was ravaging the city, leaving it nearly empty of people, some members of charitable organizations came together, numbering forty-eight, and decided among themselves to visit the sick and take care of them, as well as to bury the dead. However, their intention was not to serve God, but to rob the homes of the sick. They made a pact among themselves, agreeing on how to divide the spoils they would take. These wicked men, even more cruel than wild beasts, did not wait for the sick to die naturally but hastened their deaths by suffocating them so that they could more quickly engage in looting. But God, in His mercy, did not allow such wickedness to remain hidden for long. A dispute arose among them regarding the planned murder of someone, and one of them, seeking to save his own life, approached the leader acting on behalf of the king. After securing a promise of protection, he confessed his crime and those of his companions, revealing that they had suffocated more than eighty sick people before their natural deaths and plundered their possessions. Upon hearing this, the leader carefully ordered an investigation, leading to the capture and hanging of twenty-eight of them, while the others fled in different directions.	Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, p. 100.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1460-00-00-Lower Saxony	1460 JL	A plague in Lower Saxony kills mainly middle-aged men	Kein Wunder, daß Gott, über solchen Götzendienst aufs heftigste erzürnt, das Land bald darauf durch schweres Unheil heimsuchte. Kaum waren seit diesem abergläubischen Akt zwei Jahre verflossen als eine schreckliche und jeglicher Erinnerung unbewußte Pest Sachsen überfiel. Sie räumte nicht so sehr Frauen und Kinder aus der Welt als vielmehr Männer im besten Alter, die von der verheerenden Seuche ergriffen und fast alle hinweggerafft wurden.	No wonder that God, furious at such idolatry, soon struck the land with a severe calamity. No more than two years had passed since this superstitious act when a terrible plague, unconscious of any memory, struck Saxony. It did not so much eliminate women and children as men in their prime, who were seized by the devastating plague and almost all of whom were swept away.	Chronicon Riddagshusense 1983, p. 55	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1460-07-11-Corfu	11 July 1460 JL	Plague outbreak in Corfu.	I also found a boat bound for Corfu; I boarded on July 11 [1460], as, in addition to the other evils, there was an outbreak [p. 82] of the plague at Methone; we set sail on August 2. […] [p. 84] As the plague infected the castle of Corfu, the despot and I moved to the villages, where we expected the results of the two embassies.	Already a translation from the Greek original.	George Sphrantzes 1980, pp. 81-84.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1461-00-00-Nürnberg	1461 JL	A plague in Nuremberg and Erfurt and after that in many other places	incepit pestilentia in Nurenberga, anno sequenti in Erfordia et sic continenter per tres annos circumgyravit per multa loca.	A pestilence started in Nuremberg, the next year it was in Erfurt and so it continued to spread for three years in many places.	Chronica S. Aegidii 1711, p. 597	Translation by Martin Bauch
1462-00-00-Erfurt	1462 JL	A plague in Erfurt	(1461) incepit pestilentia in Nurenberga, anno sequenti in Erfordia et sic continenter per tres annos circumgyravit per multa loca.	A pestilence started in Nuremberg, the next year it was in Erfurt and so it continued to spread for three years in many places.	Chronica S. Aegidii 1711, p. 597	Translation by Martin Bauch
1462-00-00-Erfurt2	1462 JL	A plague in Erfurt kills 24 nuns.	Anno domini 1462 pestilentia magna fuit, ita ut Erfordiae in claustro novi operis a vigilia Laurentii usque ad vigiliam Mathei apostoli XXIV virgines morerentur, quarum animae sint in domino.	In the year of our Lord 1462 there was a great pestilence, so that in Erfurt in the newly built monastery from the vigil of St. Laurence to the vigil of St. Matthew 24 nuns died, and their souls are with the Lord.	Erfurter Annalen 1834, col. 231.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1462-00-00-Gdansk	1462 JL	Great plague in Gdańsk	Denn Anno 1461. am Tage Creutzes Erhebung ist daselbst ein dermassen hefftiges Ungewitter entstanden / daß allein im Tieffe sechtzig Schiffe mit einssten Vergangen / und in der Stadt 37. kleine Thürmlein von der Kirchen abgeworffen sind worden / darauf im folgendem Jahre eine grosse Peste gefolget ist.	In the year 1461, on the day of Creutz's uprising [September 14], such a violent storm arose there / that in the lows alone sixty ships were destroyed / and in the town 37 small towers were thrown down from the church / followed by a great plague in the following year.	Der Stadt Dantzig Historische Beschreibung, p. 16. November 1465.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1462-01-21-Cologne	21 January 1462 JL	A comet appeared over Cologne, then wars and plague.	Int selve jaer openbaerde een commeet int beginsel van jaer die omtrent Sinte-Agnietendach stont boven die stadt van Coelen teghen dat teyken geheten Lijbra. Ende hadde een langhe staert te wesstenwaert omtrent xxx graden. Ende op Sinte-Blasiusdach stont se int teyken geheten Aries mitten staert ad Pilades ten oestenwaert. Sij was seer wilt, onderwijlen wit ende somwijle vuyerich, mit veel straalen. Hiernae volchden in veel landen oerlogen ende pestilencien.	In the same year (1462) a comet appeared in principle on Saint Anne's Day above the town of Cologne against the mountain called Lijbra. And had a long stand to the west about 30 degrees. And on Saint Blasiusday she stood in the sign called Aries with her standing in Pilades in the east. It was very white and sometimes dirty, with many rays. After this, many countries suffered from wars and pestilence.	Die historie of die cronicke van Hollant, p. 547	Translation by DeepL
1463-00-00-Empire	1463 JL	A plague is ravaging in the whole Holy Roman Empire, especially in the South	Pestis valida faevit per Bavariam, Austriam, Bohemiam, Sueviam & quasi per totam Germaniam multos mortales absumens.	A strong pestilence ravaged in Bavaria, Austria, Bohemia and Swabia, and almost all over Germany it killed many people.	Staindel 1764, p. 538	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-00-00-Erfurt	1463 JL	Great plague with 4000 deaths in Leipzig and 18 000 in Erfurt lasted half a year	1463 pestilencia magna […] ubique terrarum, et in Lipczk ultra 4 milia hominum et 18 milia hominum in Herfordia obierunt, et pestis illa in uno loco ad medium annum duravit.	In 1463, there was a great pestilence everywhere on the earth, and in Leipzig, over four thousand people died, and in Erfurt, eighteen thousand people died. And that plague endured in one place for half a year	Cronica brevis (lipsiensem dixeris), sp. 61	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-00-00-Erfurt01	1463 JL	A plague in Erfurt kills many inhabitants. High victim numbers for single parishes, mass graves are needed	Anno 1463 Ist zu Erffurd vnd allenthalben ein groß sterben gewesen, das man noch das grosse sterben, so auf nehest gewesen ist heist. Seind in S. Johans pfarr 8 schock menschen gestorben, vnd sind zu den Regulern auf einen tag 3 schock menschen gestorben vnd begraben worden auf dreymal iglich mal 60 menschen. Vnd hatt zwei iahr aneinander gestorben in die 28.000.	In the year 1463, there was a great mortality in Erfurt and everywhere else, which is still referred to as the Great Death, as it was the latest event of that kind. In the parish of St. John, 480 people died, and among the Augustinan Canon's parish (Reglerkirche), 180 people died in one day and were buried in three shifts of 60 each time. Over the course of two years, a total of 28,000 people perished.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 134.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-00-00-Görlitz	1463 JL	A plague ravages in Görlitz and kills many people, including nine friars.	Item anno domini 1463 pestis ingwinaria vel epidemia multum atrociter grassata est in Gorlicz, in qua mortui sunt novem fratres.	Likewise, in the year of our Lord 1463, a contagious plague or epidemic raged very fiercely in Görlitz, in which nine brothers died.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 296.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-05-00-Göttingen	May 1463 JL	A procession because of ongoing plague in Göttingen and a plague all over Lower Saxony.	Anno domini 1463, feria 6. Ante Assensionem Domini, do ging men mit einer procession wulln und barfuß umb der pestilentz willn, so dar regerde in vilen stedten. […] Dan in diesem jare regirde auch eine grosse pestilentz in vilen enden und orten, also auch in Gottingen, das grosse hauffen absturben. Tho Brunswig, Hildesheim, Hannober, Magdeborch, Halberstadt starb es auch gleich so sehre. Dusser sterben find an in dem herbst und werete bis in den Fastelavent.	In the year of our Lord 1463, on a Friday before Ascension, a procession of barefoot people was made because of the pestilence that ruled in many cities [...] And in this year, there ruled a pestilence in many place, also in Göttingen, that killed a lot of people. In Braunschweig, Hildesheim, Hannover, Magdeburg and Halberstadt people died in the same way. This mortality started in autumn and ended during Carnival.	Göttinger Annalen 1994, p. 191	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-07-00-Basel	July 1463 JL	A plague breaks out in Basel.	Anno domini 63 post Margarete incepit pestilentia in minori Basilea primo modicum, post in magna civitate.	The year 1463 began a pestilence in Basel after Margeret's Day (15 July). It broke out first, without being severe in Klein-Basel, then it spread in the city.	Ehrard von Appenwiler chronicle, p. 344.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1463-11-11-Zittau	11 November 1463 JL	Plague in Zittau but only of short duration.	Anno domini etc. lxiii incepit pestilencia circa nos circa festum Martini et non diu perseuerauit, sed graciose nobiscum mansit	In the year of our Lord etc. 1463, a pestilence began here around the feast of Martin, and it did not persist for long but graciously stayed with us (only for a short time).	Johannes von Guben, p. 82	Translation by Martin Bauch
1464-00-00-Braunschweig	1464 JL	Plague in which mostly men died and many children	incepit pestilentia satis rara et insolita, quia viri fortes in ea moriebantur et pauce mulieres; de pueris vero valde raro aliqui obierunt.	This plague began in a rather rare and unusual way, because strong men and few women died from it; but very few children.	Chronica S. Aegidii 1711, p. 597.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-00-00-Germany	1464 JL	Plague in all german territories with many deaths.	Item in dusseme jare [1464] unde in deme jare hiir bevoren was en grot unde en gemeyne pestilencie in allen Dudeschen landen, alzo dat in [p. 361] deme jare, alse men scref 63, se was boven uppe deme Ryne to Basel, Strasselborch, Spire, vordan in Doringhen, in Sassen, in Myssen unde in der Marke; mer in deme 64. jare by pinxsten quam se by de see, also to Luneborch, Hamborch, Lubeke, Wismer, Rostoke, Sund unde in de lant ummelank, unde darna by assumpcionis Marie, qwam se in Dennemarken, in Prussen unde in Liflant. In dusser pestelencien storven vele lude to Lubeke, vrouwen unde man, unde sunderliken junc volk, unde [p. 362] leghen gans kort, wente in dat gemen storven se in deme dorden dage. Unde also de ersten seden, so was id en zelfene pestelencie, wente alle arstedie, der me plecht to brukende teghen de suke, de halp gar wenynich, unde unwantlik arstedye, dede na wane der arsten to der pestelencien schedelik is, halp velen luden. Unde dusse pestilencie warde to Lubecke wente omnium sanctorum.		Lübecker Ratschronik (1401–1469), pp. 360–362.	Translation needed
1464-00-00-Görlitz	1464 JL	Severe plague the whole summer until autumn, everyone avoided contact with each other in Görlitz	in anno autem lxiiii jn estate incepit viceuersa grauiter, sic quod in duobus diebus plures quam trecente persone in morbo obierunt, aliquando de die 80, aliquando 60, et sic deinceps, et durauit grauiter per totam estatem vsque ad autumpnu, tamen adhuc semper per parum viguit. Pestilencia circumquaque viguit in villis et vbique, sic quod frumenta permanserunt jn agris. Fuit eciam in civitate, quod vna persona aliam refutauit propter pestilenciam, et tants timor fuit inter homines, vt vnus cum alio recusauit loqui; sic contigit nostris in Gorlicz, nolentes eos hospitare nec cibare nec eciam cum eis loqui.		Johannes von Guben, p. 82.	Translation needed
1464-00-00-Hamburg	1464 JL	Great plague in Hamburg	Anno 1464 do was to Hamborch grote pestilencie, vnd storuen in korter tidt xx dusent minschen, junk vnd olt.	In the year 1464 was a great pestilence in Hamburg, and in a short periode 20.000 young and old people died.	Bern Gyseke's Chronik von 810–1542, p. 40. Hamburger Chronik von 799–1559, p. 409.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-00-00-Hamburg 001	1464 JL	Great plague in Hamburg and in all other german territories	In demsuluen jare [1464] do wasz szo grote pestilencie unde dure tyt to Hamborch vnde ouer alle dudesche lande, dat dar vele dusent minschen storuen.	In the same year there was a great plague and dying time in Hamburg and many thousend people died there and in all other german territories.	Ein kort Uttoch der Wendeschen Chronicon von 801-1535, p. 257. Hamburger Chronik von 799–1559, p. 410.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-00-00-Posnan	1464 JL	In the year 1464 raged the greatest plague which resulted in the destruction of large parts of the city and in the killing of many Jews.	1464 viguit maxima pestilencia et itidem magna pars civitatis Poznan exusta, ubi multi Iud[ei sunt interfecit].	In the year 1464 raged the greatest plague and likewise large parts of the city of Poznań were destroyed, when many Jews were killed.	Annales Posnantenses II, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. V, pp. 882-884, 884.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1464-00-00-Prussia	1464 JL	In this year a plague raged in Gdańsk which claimed 5000 lives before the feast of St Michael (September 29) and further 800 lives between St Michael and the feast of the saints Simon and Judas (October 28).	Eodem anno saeviebat mirum in modum pestis Gedani fueruntque sepulta 5000 hominum ante festum sancti Michaelis apud sanctam Gertrudem, a festo autem sancti Michaelis usque ad festum sanctorum Simonis et Iudae 800 homines.	In this year a plague raged in a peculiar way in Gdansk and there were 5000 humans burried before the feast of St Michael near [the church of] St Gertud, but 800 [humans] from St Michael until the feast of the saints Simon and Judas.	Annales Olivienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. VI, pp. 360-382, p. 367	Translation by Christian Oertel
1464-00-00-Salzburg	1464 JL	Great plague in Salzburg	Item 1464 fuit hic pestilentia magna hominum.		Chronicon Salisburgense, p. 431.	Translation needed
1464-00-00-Silesia	8 September 1464 JL	A "very notable" plague occurred from before the feast of nativitatis St Mariae (September 8) until the feast of St Martin (November 11). In Wrocław and its surroundings it lasted until the end of the year.	Pestis satis notabilis. Eodem anno fuit pestis notabilis, incepit ante festum nativitatis Marie et duravit satis exacte usque ad festum sancti Martini et quasi ad finem anui currentis in Wratislavia et aliis hinc inde locis.	A veray notable plague. In the same year there was a notable plague which started before the feast of the birth of St Mary the Virgin and lasted quite exactly until the feast of St Marin and in Wrocław and the places from there onwards it lasted virtually until the end of the current year.	Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 81	Translation by Christian Oertel
1464-00-00-Soest	1464 JL	The plague lasted 5 years in Soest	Item eodem anno [1468] umbtrent dey vrijkermisse [8. Sep] do regendt an dach by dage bys to Alle godes hilgen dage, dat yd nu boven twe dage wedder en was, ind dey buwet was, dat men to Alle godes hilgen dage as van gersten, haveren ind wicken, dey do nochtant malk moste meggen, hopen ind ynvoren laten. Eodem anno do stillede sich dat sterven der pestilencie bynnnen Soist, dat wall vijff jare lanck gewart hadde, ummetrent na sunte Mertins misse.		Soest und Duisburg, p. 51.	Translation needed
1464-00-00-Stockholm	1464 JL	Severe pestilence breaks out in Stockholm in the autumn of 1464 and lasts for two years in Sweden. 7.000 people die only in Stockholm.	Item, in autumpno eciam istius anni incipiebat Stocholmis et in aliis locis regni gravissima pestilencia regnare. Et dicebatur communiter, quod in solo opido Stocholmensi moriebantur vii milia hominum sexus utriusque; et duravit hec pestilencia in regno continue fere per duos annos.	Furthermore, in the autumn of that year (1464), a very severe pestilence began to ravage Stockholm and other parts of the country. It was generally stated that seven thousand people of both sexes died in the city of Stockholm alone. This pestilence remained uninterrupted in the country for almost two years.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 330.	Translation by Carina Damm
1464-00-00-Thuringia	1464 JL	Plague in Thuringia and surroundings with many deaths in all age groups	Anno dni 1464 stund auff in dem lande zu Duringen und in allen umbliegenden landen pestilentie uberschwenglich gros zeitlichen im jhare, also das aus des massen viel volcks starb auff den schlossern, in den stedten, in clostern, in dorffern und in allem geistlichen und weldlichen wessen, alte leuthe, mittelmessige und manich junk volck, an mannen, frawen und jungfrawen udn gar viel kinder. Und gott der almechtige that seine gnade, also das die pestilentie zeytlich als umb Galli [16.10.] in Duringen lande auffhorte, aber in Sachssen, an der sehe und anders wohe, da es auff die zeyt nicht gestorben hette, hup es do an und uberging gemeiniglich alle deutzsche und welsche landt.	In the year 1464 there was a great pestilence in the whole land of Thuringia and in all the surrounding countries, so that many of the people died in the castles, in the towns, in monasteries, in villages and in all spiritual and secular beings, old people, mediocre people and many young people, men, women and virgins and many children. And God Almighty showed his mercy when the plague ceased around St Gall's Day [16 October], but in Saxony it only began there and spread to all German and French lands.	Die Chronik Hartung Cammermeisters, p. 208.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-00-00-Toruń	1464 JL	Great plague in Toruń	Anno 1464 magna pestis.		Annales Thorunenses (941–1540), p. 399.	Translation needed
1464-06-30-Hamburg	30 June 1464 JL	Severe plague in Hamburg	so verstain wir nu, wie to Hamborgh groete sterffde sy, so datt yd zomale sorghlichen were in sulche groete pestilencie zu trecken etc., ind begeren dairomb urer eirsamkeit guden rait, wie wir uns in dem besten hirinne moegen halten.	So now we understand how the great dying was in Hamburg, so that we were very anxious to get into this great pestilence and therefore, because of their honour, we asked for good advice on how best to behave.	Die Recesse und andere Akten der Hansetag 2/5, p. 422, n. 564.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-07-00-Perugia	July 1467 JL	An outbreak of plague in Perugia leads to migration to the countryside	Del mese di luglio cominciò la peste in Perugia con tanta malignità, che quasi tutto il popolo si dette a fuggire nel contado; la quale vi andò a trovarne molti, perchè nelle città ne uccideva molti..	In the month of July, the plague began in Perugia with such malignancy that almost the entire population fled to the countryside; however, it found many there, as it was killing many in the cities.	Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 639	Translation by Martin Bauch
1464-08-00-Głogów	August 1464 JL	Great plague came to Głogów from the west	a.d. 1464 erat magna pestilential in Glogovia et venit a regione occidental vel per Misnam. Et ante duos vel tres annos errant multi vermes, sic quod folia arborum cum fructibus corroderunt, quod ante longa tempora non erat auditum. Et mortui sunt in viglia Mathaei 57 homines, in die Mathaei 68, in die Burckhardi 45, et incipiebat pestis circa festum Assumptionis Mariae et durabat usque ad Adventum. Et frumenta erant in bono foro, et unus florenus (?) emebatur pro marca et 6 grossis, et una auca vel anser emebatur pro 6 denariis, et si quis voluisset 100 habere. Et non pulsabatur tam in civitate quam in summon a festo Assumptionis usque Martini in sabbato.		Annales Glogovienses 1051-1493, p. 22.	Translation needed
1464-08-00-Poland	15 August 1464 JL	A great flood around the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary (August 15) caused the death of numerous animals whose corpsed rotted on the fields and infected the air. This led to a pestilence.	Anno [...] eodem circa festum assumptionis b. virginis 1464, magne et continue pluvie fuerunt plus quam per triduum sine cessatione [...]. Quas pluvias maxime inundancie aquarum subsecute sunt, [...] et [...] innumerabilia quasi peccora et alia animalia majora et minora [...] ex violentia et vehemencia aquarum subito veniencium in campis submersa sunt et ex cadaveribus eorum in campis jacentibus et putrefactis adeo aer corruptus et infectus, quod sevissima pestilencie plaga subsecuta fuit.	In this same year around the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary 1464, a great and continuous rain came down without any decrease over the course of three days [...]. This rain attracted the greatest flood of water [...] and innumerable farm animals and other animals, large and small, [...] drowned on the fields through the violence and fierceness with which the water suddenly appeared and by their decomposing cadavers the air was corrupted and became infectious, which entailed a terrible pestilence.	Chronicon abbatum Beate Marie Virgnis in Arena, in: Script. rer. Siles., ed. Stenzel (1839), pp. 156-286, 249.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1464-08-01-Greifswald	1 August 1464 JL	Cessation of university operations in Greifswald due to the plague	post octavas s. Jacobi apostoli [1.8.], ut actus scholastici omnes suspenderentur usque ad festum s. Bartholomei apostoli [24.8.] propter tempus horribile, quo cepit invalescere pestis epydemie in hoc loco.		Greifswalder Universitätsmatrikeln, p. 27.	Translation needed
1464-09-08-Wratislavia	8 September 1464 JL	Plague in Wratislavia	Eodem anno [1464] fuit pestis notabilis, incepit ante festum nativitatis Marie et duravit satis exacte usque ad festum sancti Martini et quasi ad finem anni currentis in Wratislavia et aliis hinc inde locis.		Gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi (1237–1470), p. 81.	Translation needed
1464-12-00-Naples	December 1464 JL	Plague in Naples	per diversa regni loca et maxime Terre laboris sicut Neapolis, Gayeta, Suexe, Venafri, Sore, Albeti, et per multa alia circumstantia castra et loca fuit magna pestis et pluvie et nives per totum autem mensem decembris [1464], et opus olivarum fuit fertile sed tardum ad maturandum		Notabilia temporum di Angelo de Tummulillis da Sant'Elia, p. 123	Translation needed
1465-00-00-Basel	August 1465 JL	August was wet and cool and after that a great plague in Colmar, Rouffach, Guebwiller, Thann, Altkirch and Basel.	Der zitt [1465] was ein kalter fucht augt, dem nach volgte ein grosse pestilenz zu Colmar, Ruffach, Gebwiler, Tann, Altkyrch, Basell. […] ausz fuchtigkeitt des augst und manigfaltigkeitt der reyffen, die vor dem herbst und in dem herbst viellen, ward trefflicher seurrer wein in allen landen.	In this time (1465) was also a cold moisture, and afterwards great plague in olmar, Ruffach, Gebwiler, Tann, Altkyrch, Basel, and other places. Due to the humidity in August and the good ripeness in autumn, it became an excellent sour wine in all countries.	Maternus Berler Chronik, p. 73.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1465-00-00-Bologna	1465 JL	In Bologna: June very humid; from July to 19 September very dry and great wheat shortage, then on 20 September a solar eclipse, then cold and in December again very warm, from 23 December snow and wind and mild and short plague	Alli 20 di settembre, il venerdì, a hore 23, fu la ecclisse del sole et fu grande carestia di frumento, perciochè la corba valse lire due et soldi 16; fu anco poco vino […] In somma questo anno per tutto il mese di giugno fu humido et tempestoso, et per questu fu si gran freddo, che gli huomini furono forzati di amicarsi il foco. Fu assai frumento e legume, ma poco vino. IL mese di luglio, di agosto et di settembre furono secchi et caldi insino alli 19 di settembre et da indi in poi il freddo se fece della statione padrone dandoci pioggia et nebbia. Il mese di dicembre fu talmente calido, che pareva esser la primavera, et così stette insino alle 23 e poi ne diede neve et venta et una leggiera et breve pestilenza et mal di punta.	On Friday the 20th of September, at 11 p.m., there was an eclipse of the sun and a great shortage of wheat, because the grain was worth two lire and 16 cents; there was also little wine [...] In sum, this year, for the whole month of June, it was humid and stormy, and for this reason it was so cold, that men were forced to love the fire. There was much wheat and legumes, but little wine. The months of July, August and September were dry and hot until the 19th of September, and from then on, the cold became the master of the weather, giving us rain and fog. The month of December was so hot, that it seemed to be spring, and so it remained until 23rd and then it gave snow and wind and a slight and brief plague and sore tip.	Ghirardacci 1915-16, p. 189.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1465-06-24-Metz	24 June 1465 JL	Processions were supposed to help improve the weather and end the plague in Metz, but to no avail.	Lejour de feste sainct Jehan decollaistre, audit an [1465], les gens d’eglise et seigneurs de Mets firent faire une procession generale, et furent à Sainct Clement pour prier Diue qu’il voleist secourir son pouvre peuple de Mets, raichetté de son precieulx sang, qui estoit persecute de la peste qui acommenciot fort à perseceutier et alleir par la cite: aussy luy prier pour l’accroissance et amendement des biens de terre; car il faisoit ung pouvre temps, pour les gibnes, de froydure et pluye; et tant que le premier jour de septembre, on n’eust sceu trouveir ung boin raisin meure en vigne. A laquelle procession fut porté le chief du benoit sainct Estienne, et la fierte de sainct Livier et son chief. […] En celluy temps, l’air ne le temps, pour processions que on eust fait, ne se amendoit; et faisoit ung tres pouvre temps, et plus de la moitié de septembre ne fut jour qu’il ne pleust, et chéoit pluye aussy froyde comme à noel.	On the feast day of Saint John the Baptist, in the said year (1465), the ecclesiastics and lords of Mets made a general procession, and went to Sainct Clement to pray to God that he would come to the aid of his poor people of Mets, who were rich in his precious blood, and who were being persecuted by the plague which was beginning to spread throughout the town: We also prayed to him for the growth and improvement of the land; for the weather was poor for game, cold and rainy; and until the first day of September, we could not find a single good grape dying in the vineyard. To this procession was carried the chief of the blessed Saint Stephen, and the pride of Saint Livier and his chief. [...] At that time, the air and the weather did not improve for the processions that were carried out, and the weather was very poor, and for more than half of September there was no day without rain, and the rain was as cold as at Christmas.	Chroniques de la noble ville et cité de Metz, p. 345.	Translation by DeepL
1465-07-13-Kłodzko	13 July 1465 JL	Outbreak of a plague in Kłodzko (Glatz) as a consequence some canons regular from St. Augstine's order died	Postea vero, circa festum sancte Margarethe [13.7.1465], notabilis desevit pestilencia, in qua quinque fratres fuerunt infecti, quorum quatuor iacebant supra magna stuba prefata in comodis. Et ad eorum curam gerendam admisse sunt mulieres honeste et virgins devote, ne fratres omnes inficerentur. Et mortui sunt tres ex eis, scilicet Johannes Hofmann presbiter et frater Erasmus Meysner dyaconus et Paulus de Cracovia, plus quam octogenarius, qui eciam obit in peste, tamen in infirmaria antique retro refectorium superior.		Cronica monasterii canonicorum regularium (s. Augustini) in Glacz, p. 178	Translation needed
1465-08-11-Stockholm 002	1465 JL	Bishop Kettil of Linköping dies of the plague in Stockholm	Sedhen bleff iag siwk aff pestilens sott – och inghen kunde råda mig ther till bott – Jag sorgde oc gräth ath iag hade giortt ille – och loffuade gerna mig bätra wille - Med thz tog dödhen meg liiffwit wtåff – myn ånde iag i gudz hendher opgaff - J Stocholm ändade iag mitt liiff	Then I fell ill with the plague - and no one could advise me to cure it - I grieved and wept that I had done wrong - and promised to do better - With that death took me away - and I commanded my spirit into God's hands - I ended my life in Stocholm	Gustaf Edvard Klemming: Svenska medeltidens rimkrönikor 3. Stockholm 1867–1868, p. 156. col. 4529–4536	Translation by Carina Damm
1465-12-13-Finland	13 December 1465 JL	Plague death of a laymen in the diocese of Turku in 1465 and penitential issued in Rome on 12 December 1465. Unsatisfied with the layman’s work, the Dominican friar Henricus Bella from the diocese of Turku had once assaulted the later plague victim who had been responsible for the maintenance of the organ bellows. After having received five blows with a stick on the back, the layman was struck down three days later with a pestilent abscess in his left armpit. Considering the absence of bruises after the blows and a plague wave in Southern Finland at that time, it was considered that the layman had died because of the inflamed abscess and not from the priest’s ill-treatment.	Tertio vero die sub assella sinistra dictus laicus apostemate pestilentiali fuit percussus. Cum pestis ibidem vigerit et super verberibus baculi huiusmodi nichil lesionis rubei sive lividi per examinem deputatum extitit eventum sed ex inflatione dicti apostematis ingressus est viam carnis universe.	On the third day, the said layman was struck with a pestilential abscess under the left armpit. With the pestilence raging there, and upon the whippings of the staff, no red or bruised lesion of this kind was found, as was determined by the examination. Rather, from the inflation of the said abscess, it had entered the way of the flesh.	Sara Risberg, Kirsi Salonen, and Riksarkivet. Auctoritate Papae: The Church Province of Uppsala and the Apostolic Penitentiary 1410-1526. Acta Pontificum Suecica 2. Stockholm 2008, p. 116.	Translation by Carina Damm
1466-00-00-Florence	1466 JL	A sermon (from Michele Carcano) is about the divine judgment, which was to come, as Italy was being chastised for her sins by the Turks, the plague and the masses of water.	Predighone sopra ai giudizi aspetta l’Italia pe‘ suoi pechati: e sì dal Turcho e fame e peste e grande amplitudine d‘ aqua, che à grande paura non si achonzi il mar di Vinegia con quello di Gienova e somerghando tutta Italia.	Above the judgments awaits Italy for its sins: and so from the Turks and famine and pestilence and great amplitude of water, that it has great fear that the sea of Vinegia will not be flooded with that of Gienova and all of Italy will be flooded.	Ecritures laïques, prédication et confréries à Florence au XVe siècle, p. 347	Translation by DeepL
1466-00-00-Metz	1466 JL	Great plague in the town of Metz. The weather at the end of April and beginning of May was bad with cold rain, resulting in low grape production. To fight the plague, a procession was made to Nostre Dame aux Chairtrieulx. In May the weather improved, but the vines bore few grapes. At the end of May, a procession was held in honour of St. Clement. In June the weather was warm and humid. In August, another procession took place to ask for protection from the plague. The weather was changeable in August and resulted in good wine production.	Audit an [1466], y eult en Mets grosse mortalité de peste. […] Audit an, fist uug tres bel mois de mars et environ la meitte du mois d’apvril; mais le reste du mois d’apvril en jusques au huitiesme jour de may, fist ung tres pouvre temps et chéoit pluye aussi froyde comme à noel, et pleuvoit fort et furent les yawes grandes comme elles avoient esté en hyveir. Et encor audit huitiesme jour de may, on ne véoit en vignes nulz raisins pour le froid temps qu’il avoit fait. Pour invoqueir l’ayde divine contre le temps pestilencieulx qui fort regnoit en Mets, on fist une procession à Nostre Dame aux Chairtrieulx pres du Ponthieffroy, pour alleir querir la fierte et corps de sainct Livier en son eglise, et fut apporté au moustier Sainct Pierre. Depuis le huitiesme jour du mois de may, acomenca à faire ung tres bel et chault temps, et amendont fort les raisins en vignes, mais il en y avoit peu. Audit mois de may, on acomencont fort à molrir en Mets et enz villaiges à l’ entour. (p. 352) […] Le vingt huitiesme jour de may, on fist une tres belle procession generalle à Sainct Clement, pour la mortalité qui estoit fort penetrante. Et y fut porté le chief sainct Estienne, le chief et la fierte sainct Livier, et fut rapport à Mets le corps du benoit St Clement en la grande eglise, et y fut six semaines; ce qu’il n’avoit esté passé, quarante ans, comme on disoit, si longuement. […] En ladicte année, fist ung tres bel mois de jung et si tres chault qu’on ne povoit dureir de chault; et molroit on tousjours en Mets et à l’entour, de plus fort en plus fort. Les vignes estoient peu chargiées de raisins; mais ce qui estoit, se monstroit bel et croissant et de belle appairance. Le cinquiesme, sixiesme et septiesme jour de jullet, en ces trios jours Durant, fist ung terrible temps de deux heures chescun jour seullement; car il ventoit si fort qu’il sembloit que tout deust ester fondu en l’abisme; il tonnoit et eulandoit terriblement; après pleuvoit asprement et si drument qu’il sembloit proprement que touttes les nues deussent tombeir à l’avallée, et tellement qu’il n’y avoit si boin tilz ne sie bien raicowaité en Mets, qui ne fust desrompu et trespassé de vent et de la pluye qui chéoit. […] Et ledit jour mesme [30. Juli 1466], à l’heure que on portoit ledit Jehan le Gournais en terre, acomencait à faire ung tres horrible temps en Mets, de gresle qui chéoit aussy grosse que oeufz d’oye, grosses noix et escuefz à juer à la paulme; et rompit plusieurs vairieres, signament touttes le vairieres de la grande église de St. Vincent, et en plusieurs aultres lieux aval la ville; mais la graice à Dieu, ceste nuée ne fist point de dopmaiges aux champs et cheut quausy toute en ville. (p. 353) […] Le quatorziesme jour d’aoust, on fist une tres belle procession generalle à Mets en la grande eglise, priant Dieu qu’il volcist gardeir et preserveir son people de peste et aultres grieves mallaidies, qui lors persecutoient les habitans de Mets et du pays à l’ entour. Et allont on aux Chairtirez au Ponthieffroy querir la vraye croix qui là estoit apportée de st Eloy, et y portent on le chief sainct Estienne, la fierte sainct Clement et la fierte sainct Livier; et aportont on ladicte vraye croix a St Pierre le Vielz, et y fut en jusques à ce que la pestilence fust cessée. […] Audit an, fist merveilleusement ung bel temps plus de la moitié du mois d’aoust; et fist en aoust sit res chault que à peine le povoit on endureir: parquoy les vins furent si boins et meilleurs qu’ilz n’avoient esté passé trente ans. Et ne vendoit on la quarte de vin de l’an lxv que ung denier, la quarte, et en trouvoit on assez pour une maille, si maindres estoient ilz. Mais les nouvelz vins de ceste presente année, l’an lxvj, et les viez viens de l’an lxiiii, on les vendoit assez briefvement cing deniers la quarte. [p. 354] En ladicte année, fist ung hyveir moeste, et ne fist oncque gellée qui durast plus hault de cinq ou six jours suyvans.		Chroniques de la noble ville et cité de Metz, pp. 352–354	Translation needed
1466-08-00-Paris	August 1466 JL	Mortality in Paris and all of Île-de-France from August to November, due to plague. The death toll is estimated to 40,000 persons in the region of Paris. This number is surely overrated by the chronicler, though the mortality has been important. It is said that the number of burials exceeded the capacities of cimeteries in Paris. Numerous religious processions have been organized during the outbreak.	En ladite année, es mois d'aoust et septembre, fut grande et merveilleuse chaleur, au moyen de laquelle s'en ensuivit grande mortalité de pestilence, et autres maladies, dont et de quoy il mourut tant en la ville, villages voisins, prévosté et vicomté de Paris, quarante mille créatures et mieux, entre lesquels y mourut maistre Arnoul, astrologien du roy, qui estoit fort homme de bien, sage et plaisant; aussi y mourut plusieurs médecins et offociers du roy en ladite ville de Paris. Et si grand nombre de créatures furent portées ensevelir et enterrer au cimetière des Saints-Innocents, en ladite ville de Paris, que tant des morts en ladite ville que de l'Hôtel-Dieu tout y fust remply: et fut ordonné que de là en avant on porteroit les mortsau cimetière de la Trinité, qui est et appartient à l'hostel de la ville de Paris. Et continua ladite mort jusques en la fin de novembre, que, pour faire cesser, et prier Dieu que ainsi il lui plut de la faire, furent faites de moult belles processions générales à Paris par toutes les paroisses et églises d'icelle, où furent portées toutes les chasses et saintes reliques, et mesmement les chasses de Nostre-Dame, de sainte Geneviève et saint Marcel; et mors cessa un peu ladite mort.	In the said year (1466), in the months of August and September, there was great and marvellous heat, which resulted in great mortality from pestilence and other diseases, from which and as a result of which forty thousand or more creatures died in the city, neighbouring villages, provostry and viscounty of Paris, including Maistre Arnoul, the king's astrologer, who was a very good man, wise and pleasant; several doctors and the king's offenders also died in the said city of Paris. And so many creatures were brought to be buried in the cemetery of the Saints-Innocents, in the said city of Paris, that both the dead of the said city and of the Hôtel-Dieu were all remply there: and it was ordered that from there forward the dead should be brought to the cemetery of the Trinité, which is and belongs to the hostel of the city of Paris. And the said death continued until the end of November, when, in order to put an end to it, and to pray to God that it would please him to do so, many beautiful general processions were held in Paris by all the parishes and churches of the city, where all the dead and holy relics were carried, including the dead of Notre-Dame, Saint Geneviève and Saint Marcel; and the said death ceased a little.	Chronique scandaleuse de Jean de Roye 1838, p. 272.	Translation by DeepL
1466-08-14-Metz	14 August 1466 JL	A procession is organized in Metz because of the plague.	Item, le XIIIe jour d'aoust, on fist une très belle procession généralle au grant mostiés, pour la pestillence qui coroit fort. Et alloit on quérir la vraie croix de saint Elloy au Chartrieux au pont Thieffroy [...] Et y fuit grant temps, jusques à tant que la pestilence fuit cessée.	Because of the pestilence, a procession has been held at the great church on the 14th of August, with the real cross of St Eloy brought from the carthusian monastery at the Thieffroy bridge [...] And it took a long time before the pestilence ceased.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 20	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1467-00-00-Constantinopel	1467 JL	700 deaths from the plague in Constantinopel per day	Una moría fu in questo anno, la quale fece danno assai in la città et in piano, zoè Castello Sam Piero, Budrio et Sam Zorze de piane; la quale era cominzata insino de l’anno 1464, facendo danno in qua et in là; et moriano persone più de tempo che de putti. Nota che in questo tempo Brunaza de Mathio di Brunazi habitava in Constantinopoli et scrisse che gli era sì grande la moria de pestilentia, che gli moriavano settecento persone el dì.	A plague occurred in this year (1467), which caused much damage in the city and in the countryside, namely Castello San Piero, Budrio, and San Giorgio di pianura. It had begun in the year 1464, causing harm here and there; and more adults died than children. Note that during this time, Brunaza di Mathio di Brunazi lived in Constantinople and wrote that the plague was so severe that seven hundred people were dying each day.	Corpus chronicorum bononiensium 4, p. 369.	Translation by DeepL
1467-00-00-Constantinopel 001	1467 JL	Severe plague in Constantinopel, Adrianopel and Kallipolis and surroundings with tens of thousands of deaths	In the summer of the same year, the plague overwhelmed Constantinople, Adrianople, Kallipolis, and the immediate castles, towns, and villages. No outbreak of such intensity had occurred for many years. They say that tens of thousands, not merely thousands, of human beings perished; among the casualties was the daughter of the despot [Lord Demetrios].		George Sphrantzes 1980, p. 89.	Translation needed
1467-00-00-Głogów	1467 JL	Severe plague in Głogów, that came from the east	A.d. 1467 fuit magna pestilentia Glogoviae, et ista pestis veniebat ab oriente in oppositum priori pesti, et licet in civitatibus magna fuit, tamen in villis major, sic quod aliqui agri absque seminatione manserunt. In ista pestilential cuilibet seorsum pulsabatur tam in civitate quam in summo.		Annales Glogovienses 1051-1493, p. 22.	Translation needed
1467-00-00-Poland	1467 JL	The plague spread almost everywhere in Poland, stimulated by a warm winter	Epidimie peste regiones Polonie fere universe (ora tamen Pruthenica, Pomeranie, Russie et Masovie excepta) quam graviter vexate et fere per universum Polonie Regnum in vicis, urbibus atque villis, discursione mirabilis, dum nonnullas villa preteriret, ceteras inficeret, per nota et ignota capita late vis morbid pervagata est. Tractus enim celi infectior pestem longo durantem tempore, non quidem omnia pervadentem loca, sed hinc et hinc, et primum in urbes, deinde in vicos et rura se diffundentem causabat humiditate et inopia frugum. Singulis enim mensibus frequentes descendebant imbres, insuper et hiema calida et fere sine exemplo, cuius caliditas pestem vehemencius promovebat et usque in dies Quadregesimales produxerat, sub quibus propiciacione Divina quievit lues.		Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae 1462–1480, p. 176.	Translation needed
1467-00-00-Poland 001	1467 JL	An severe plague spread almost everywhere in Poland and caused many deaths	Annus hic in omnes fere regiones Regno Polonie subiectas, sed in regionem precipue Maioris Polonie, Masovie, Russie et Podolie, sed et in partem Slesie pestiferum epidimie virus usque in Ianuarium mensem diffundens multos mortales extinxit et plures villas et opida in solitudinem redegit. Annone insuper caritas regiones Polonicas pervaserat, pervasura amplius, nisi plures homines pestilencia absumpsisset. Eam insuper multitude murium adiuvabat, qui sive ex hieme calida et sicca nullas nives et paucos imbres fundente sive ex constellacione celesti adeo ebuliverant, ut frugibus, que in horreis condebantur, demolitis, in agros decurrerent et hiemalia frumenta in superficie et radice delerent.		Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae 1462–1480, p. 205.	Translation needed
1467-06-15-Memmingen	15 June 1467 JL	Plague with a high mortality in Memmingen	1467: Dieses Jahr regierte hier der Todt (so nenneten es die Alten) das ist die Pest. Hub an S. Veitstag an den 15. Junij. Es flohen die Reichen vnd viel Volcks hinauß vnd sturben doch einen Tag über 3 oder 4 Personen nicht. An S. Andreas Tag höret es aufff vnd kam man auf Weyhnachten wiederhum herein.	This year death reigned here (as the ancients called it), that was the plague. It began on St Vitus' Day, 15 June. The rich and many people fled and more than 3 or 4 people died during the day. It stopped on St Andrew's Day and came back around Christmas.	Template:Geschichte der Stadt Memmingen, p. 33.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1467-08-00-Poland	August 1467 JL	Although the harvest promised to be rich in the land of Prussia, there was hardly anyone who could bring it in when the harvest was supposed to start in August. A great plague had infested the land so that all places were to large parts or completely deserted.	Das erste jar do nu der libe fride nach vilen und langen jaren wider ins lant Preussen kommen was, lis got gar ein fruchtbar kornreich jar werden, desgleichen lange zceit keins war gewesen, das es jederman davor hielt, diser milde und reiche herbest wurde fast allen kommer der vorgangenen durfftigkeit zcum mehrer teil auffheben und wegknemen. [...] Da man nu augusten adir erndten solt, sihe, da kompt eine erschreckliche mortliche pestilentz, die sich ins gantze lant die qwyr und die lenge, ausbreittet und durchwütet schlosse, stette, flecke, dorffer, ecker und awen, dermassen das hernachmals der viele, etliche zcum grossen teyll, etliche gantz und gar ausgestorben, verfallen vorwustet und vorwildert sein, bis auff den heuttigen tag, wie das im gantzen lande augenschenlich zcu besehen ist; also da das volck an allen enden mit grossen hauffen hingefallen was, bleib das libe getreide, daran got sein lust het sehen mugen, hin und her im felde stehen, und was niemant, der erndtet, und einfuret.	The first year, when after many and long years peace had come back to the land of Prussia, God let it become a fruitful corn year, such as had not been for a long time, so that everytbody thought, this mild and rich harvest was going to take away almost all the grief of the previous drought. [...] Now, when the harvest should start in August, there comes a terrible mortal pestilence, which spreads throughout the whole country, spreading and ransacking castles, towns, villages, fields and floodplains, so that afterwards many of them were - some to a great extent, some completely - extinct, forfeited and overgrown up tp the present day, as can be seen in the whole country. Thus, since the people at all ends fell to build great heaps, the good grain, in which God would have seen his pleasure, remained standing back and forth in the field, and there was no one to harvest and bring it in.	Pole, in: ###, p. 192.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1467-10-02-Frankfurt	2 October 1467 JL	Procession because of plague in Frankfurt.	Anno 1467 2 octobris habebatur valde venerabilis processio pro pestilentia.	On October 2, 1467, a very venerable procession was held for the plague.	Rorbach Liber gestorum 1884, p. 216.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1467-10-16-Augsburg	16 October 1467 JL	11 thousand people died of the plague in Augsburg	1467: Caeterum a festo S. Galli praesentis anni usque ad diem sanctorum apostolorum Simonis et Judae sequentis anni undecim milia hominum per civitatem Augstburgensem peste periisse, in acta relatum est.		Annales Augstburgenses, sp. 1664.	Translation needed
1468-00-00-Parma	1468 JL	After a severe plague in Parma, the doctors were blamed for the deaths and were arrested.	Eodem anno in Lombardia in civitate Parma non parva sed horrida viguit pestis cui nunquam simile audisse, necaudire credo. Nulla caritas, nullus amor in Parmensibus erat, sed omnis inhumanitas & crudelitas in eis regnabat. […] Per urbes subiratores officialium libant, & si pauperum porcos reperiebant illos interficiebant & vendebant. Ex dictarum cranium procinarum comestione magno regnate calido, prout regnabat, mille hominess interfecti perierunt. Cum ergo regnat pestis tanquam mortem porcinis fugite carnes. Cessante epidemia medici, qui pestilentiatis [p. 183] medebantur ab officialibus detenti & incarcerate fuerunt illisque imputabant mille latrocinia & homicidia commissa & pecunias quas cum magno labore & periculo lucrati fuerant eis eripuerunt.		Heinrich Meibom, pp. 182–183.	Translation needed
1468-00-00-Parma 001	1468 JL	Severe plague in Parma.	Grande fu la pestilenza in Parma, e quasi fu abbandonata la Città, nella quale nacque sulla piazza e per le strade l'herba, come in campagna.	Great was the pestilence in Parma, and the city was almost abandoned, in which the herba was born on the square and in the streets, as in the countryside.	Historiae Parmensis fragmenta, col. 752.	Translation by DeepL
1468-09-21-Frankfurt	21 September 1468 JL	Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt with people fleeing to Gelnhausen.	Anno 1468 umb sanct Mathaei tag ist ein groß sterben alhier gewesen, daß der merer teil geschlechter und burger nacher Gelnhausen geflohn seid.	In the year 1468, on Saint Matthew's Day, there was a great dying here, so much so that the majority of families and citizens fled to Gelnhausen.	Rorbach Liber gestorum 1884, p. 188.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1470-00-00-Cyprus	1470 JL	Plague with many deaths in Cyprus	In addition, a great plague struck in 1470 and lasted for two and a half years. Besides, three parts of the island died, and the island remained devastated.		A Narrative of the Chronicle of Cyprus 1456-89, p. 114.	Translation needed
1472-12-00-Metz	December 1472 JL	Mortality in Metz.	Item en ycelle année, il fist ung yver pluvioux et ne gellit presque point ; et molroit on ung poc de la pest et des aprison.	In this year (1472), the winter has been very wet and with almost no frost. And few people died of the pest and of fever.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 17.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1474-00-00-Silesia	1474 JL	A Polish-Bohemian force fought against Wrozław in 1474, but they died of polluted air and of thirst.	Der Bresler Feinde waren alle Elemente entgegen und zuwider; die Luft wahr ihnen vergiftet, dass sie ohne Zahl dahin fielen; das Wasser verschwandt und gefror zu Grunde [...] das Erdreich war so fest gefroren, dass sie ihre Todten nicht begraben möchten.	The enemies of Wrocław were opposed by all the elements; the air was poisoned so that they fell without number; the water disappeared and froze into the ground [...] the ground was frozen so solid that they could not bury their dead.	Pol ###, II, p. 106.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1474-06-00-Silesia	24 June 1474 JL	A drought in 1474 was followed by a great inflation and hunger as well as by a terrible pestilence which lasted from the feast of St John (June 24) 1474 until Shrove Tuesday (February 22) 1475.	A. 1474 ist ein so heisser und dürrer Sommer gewesen, dass sich die Wälder entzündet, die Saat verdorrte im Felde, davon entstunde erstlich eine grosse Theurung, und Hungers-Noth; darzu kam eine erschrockliche Pestilentz, diese währete von Yohanne an, biss auf Fast-nacht, da seynd die Leuthe plötzlich auf denen Gassen niedergefallen, und gestorben.	In 1474 there was such a hot and dry summer that the forests were set on fire, the seeds withered in the fields, and from this arose first of all a great drought and famine; then came a terrible pestilence, which lasted from the feast of St John until Shrove Tuesday, when the people suddenly fell down in the streets and died.	Daniel Gomolcke, Beschreibung derer grossen Theuerungen etc. (Breslau 1737), p. 9.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1479-00-00-Görlitz	1479 JL	A plague ravages in Görlitz and Bautzen and kills many friars.	Item anno domini 1479 simili modo pestis ingwinaria in Görlitcz multos de terra rapuit et precipue de conventu Gorliczensi decem fratres sed de conventu Budissinensi viginti fratres.	Likewise, in the year of our Lord 1479, a similar plague or epidemic in Görlitz seized many from the land, especially from the Görlitz convent, where ten brothers died, but from the Bautzen convent, twenty brothers.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 296.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1482-00-00-Frankfurt	1482 JL	Plague in Frankfurt.	Anno 1482 pestilentia epidemica Francofordiam graviter afflixit.	In the year 1482, an epidemic plague severely afflicted Frankfurt.	Rorbach Liber gestorum 1884, p. 223.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1482-05-07-Metz	7 May 1482 JL	A procession is organized in Metz because of the plague.	Item, le VIIe jour du mois de may, nos seigneurs firent faire une procession générale à Saint-Clément [...] Laquelle procession fut ordonnée pour deux choses; la première pour la guerre, et la seconde pour la mortalité, car on commensoit fort à mourir de la peste	Our lords organized a procession on the 7th of May at the chruch of Saint-Clément. I has been decided for two reasons. Fisrtly because of the war, and secondly because of the mortality. Yet, people began to die of pestilence.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 147	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1482-08-10-Frankfurt	10 August 1482 JL	Plague in Frankfurt and 1000 people dead.	Anno eodem (1482) umb Laurentii hubs an zu sterben, werd biß fasten strenglich. Storben uber tausent menschen.	In the same year (1482), mortality started to rise around St. Lawrence's and continued with force until Lent. More than a 1000 people died.	Johann Heise 1884, p. 226.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1482-08-29-Frankfurt	1482 JL	Plague in Frankfurt and a procession.	Anno 1482 war ein proceßion contra pestem uf decollationis Johannis, darin waren 101 schuler von unser lieben Frawen schul, von der Leonhardsschul 81, von der Pharschulen 126, Barfüsermünch 22, Prediger 35, Carmeliter 30, alle weltliche pfaffen und der ganz rat.	In the year 1482, there was a procession on 29 August, there were 101 pupils of the school of Our Lady, 81 from the St. Leonhard's school, 126 from the parish's school, 22 Franciscan monks, 25 Dominicans, 30 Carmelites and all the secular clergy and the whole city council.	Johann Heise 1884, p. 225.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1482-09-17-Weimar	17 September 1482 JL	Death of Duke Wilhelm of Saxony in Weimar from plague.	Anno Eodem (1482) Ist Hertzog Wilhelm, […] zu Weimar an der pestilentz gestorben, am tage Lamperti.	In the same year (1482), Duke Wilhelm (of Saxony), [...], died of the plague in Weimar on the feast day of St. Lambert.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 142.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1483-07-02-Metz	2 July 1483 JL	A procession is organized in Metz because of the plague.	Item, le second jour de jullet, on fit une procession généralle à St-Arnoult [...]. Et la cause d'icelle procession fut pour troix raixons, le première en remerciant Dieu de la belle année et de la fertillité des biens de terre qu'il nous avoit envoyés, luy priant de les amender; la seconde, luy priant qu'il ly pleut à cesser son ire, pour le fait de la pestillance qui alors couroit trè fort en la cité et au pays; et la tierce, en luy requérant qu'il noz voulust donner victoire encontre nous ennemis, par especial contre ceux de Rechiesmont, où que la cité tenoit le siège.	The 2nd of July was held a procession at St-Arnoult church [...] There was three reasons for this procession. First, to thank God for the fruitful year we had and to ask Him to keep agricultural goods safe. Secondly, to ask Him to stop his wrath, because of the pestilence that ravaged the city and the countryside. Third, to ask Him to give us victory against our enemies, especially concerning the siege of Richemont.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 154	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1483-08-00-Metz	August 1483 JL	Mortality because of plague in Metz.	Item, on mouroit tousiours fort en Mets de la peste, tellement que tous les seigneurs et dames s'en allont en leurs chastelleries de dehors.	The mortality was still strong in Metz because of the pestilence. So that lords and ladies of high ranks fled to their castles in the countryside.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 156	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1484-00-00-Stockholm	1484 JL	Pestilence in Sweden. Only in Stockholm, 15.000 people fall victim to the plague.	Item, eodem tempore viguit pestilencia in Suecia et maxime Holmis, ita quod famabatur, ut xv milia obierunt hominum ex sola civitate Stokholmensi.	Furthermore, at the same time, a plague epidemic was raging in Sweden and especially in Stockholm; and it was so severe that it was rumoured that 15,000 people died in the city of Stockholm alone.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 362.	Translation by Carina Damm
1484-08-06-Głogów	6 August 1484 JL	In 1484 a great plague raged in Głogów, in Lower Silesia from the feast of St Sixtus (August 6) to the advent of the Lord (December).	A(nno) d(omini) 1484 exorta est pestis magna in Glogovia, qualis non fuit per multos annos nec habetur in memoria hominum, et incepit circa festum Sixti et duravit usque ad adventum domini; et in ista peste mortui sunt homines parvi et magni, in summo sepulti sunt 332, qui obierunt in summo, in arena, in piscatia, in strata lapidea, sed in civitate mortui sunt sine numero, qui sepulti sunt apud s. Joannem, Nicolaum, cruciferos et apud monachos et alibi.		Annales Glogovienses, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 46.	Translation needed
1486-08-05-Sweden	5 August 1486 JL	The Swedish laymen Magnus “Pigerii” (perhaps Birgersson), the servant of the knight Åke from the diocese of Strängnäs, dies of the plague in 1486 in Åkerö. Earlier, Magnus had been attacking Nicolaus Finvidi, a cleric from the diocese of Linköping in Kalmar who, in order to defend himself, had thrown a stone at Magnus. Even though Magnus confirmed on his deathbed Nicolaus’ innocence, Magnus’ relatives obtained that Nicolaus was summoned to appear in court. This penitential issued in Rome in 1486 by regent Julianus, bishop of Bertinoro, refers the case to the local bishop and authorizes him to declare Nicolaus innocent.	Et deinde post aliquot septimanas, antequam ex peste epidemica ibidem tactus nature sue debitum persolvisset, denuo in ultimis suis similiter inquisitus dictum exponentem illius mortis causam minime fuisse neque esse dixit et excusavit.	And then after some weeks, before he had paid his debt by nature, touched there by an epidemic pestilence, again, in his last words, he [= Magnus] was similarly investigated and said that there was no reason for that death, and he apologized.	Sara Risberg, Kirsi Salonen, and Riksarkivet. Auctoritate Papae: The Church Province of Uppsala and the Apostolic Penitentiary 1410-1526. Acta Pontificum Suecica 2. Stockholm 2008, p. 293	Translation by Carina Damm
1494-06-00-Lyon	June 1494 JL	A plague breaks out in Lyon.	Pestis letalis, que dicitur epidimia, in dicta villa Lugduni, in mense Junii, incepit vigere, adeo quod rex, regina et ceteri principes villam exierunt. Rex, regina, domini duces Aurelianis, Borbonii et ducissa Borbonii iverunt apud Viennam et a Vienna ad Valenciam Dalphinam.	A deadly plague, named epidemia, broke out in the city of Lyon in June, so that the King, the Queen and other prominent persons fled away from the city. The King with the Queen and the Duke and the Duchess of Bourbon went to Vienne, and then from Vienne went to Valence.	Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, p. 171.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1494-08-00-Liège	August 1494 JL	A plague affects the city and the surrounding region. Processions are organized to prevent massive death.	Illis diebus (beginning of August), quia pestis vigebat in certi locis Leodii et circumquaque, et populus timens eam, sicut communi proverbio, ut post guerras et famem communiter sequitur mortalitas, quas idem populus , proh dolor, dolorose expertus, tanquam in navicula fluctuanti navigans, ne in fluctibus undarum procelle pestis demergatur, ad Doinum Creatorem omnium ejusque Matrem omnium criminum ablutricem, omnesque sanctos, tanquam a Dominus pro nobis intercessores, pro corde converus est, ejusque interventu misse speciales in omnibus ecclesiis parochialibus sut celebrate, quique diebus continuis, atque processiones cum delatione Venerabilis Sacramenti, sanctorum sanctarumque imaginum ac aliarum raliquiarum, subsequente popula utriusque sexus devotissime ardentes candelas in manibus gestante, illis diebus quibus fiebant, totam per civitatem processiones, et hoc paulo post, videlicet vicesima tertia septembris.		Chronique du règne de Jean de Horne, pp. 490-491	Translation needed
1495-00-00-Stockholm	1495 JL	Fire, storm, and plague hit Stockholm in 1495, killing up to 7,000 people and counting. The plague did not only affect the city but ravaged the whole Kingdom of Sweden	eeldh storm pestilencia och ryzer akth – laatha nw alla see thera makth – eeldin stormar mz storan heetta – stokholms män faa thz sörgeligha weetta – öffuer södhermalm och östan mwr – flygher eeldin som eeth wr – och mangha haffua thz sporth – huru thz bran fraa gramunka gränd och in tiil norra porth – vii tusendh och än flere – i stokholm aff pestilencia dogho och än meere – och saa fasth öffuer sweriges riike	fire, storm, pestilence and Russians act - now let everyone see their force - the fire storms with great heat- Stockholm's men get the sorrowful news – over Södermalm and the eastern wall - the fire flies like heavy wind – and many have it seen - how it burned from Gråmunka lane and into the northern port - seven thousand and even more - in Stockholm of pestilence died and even more - and so over the kingdom of Sweden	Gustaf Edvard Klemming: Svenska medeltidens rimkrönikor 3. Stockholm 1867–1868, p. 123. col. 3561–3571	Translation by Carina Damm
1495-00-00-Vadstena	1495 JL	Letter of the brother Torsten Johansson of Vadstena monastery to an unnamed “frater amantissime paterque et domine religiose” reporting about plague deaths in Vadstena	[Source needed]	The Russians have invaded Finland. Karelia and a large part of Uusimaa have been ravaged. The plague has claimed victims in Vadstena monastery, and a fire has ravaged a study room at the beginning of the winter with severe losses of printing equipment, books, etc. as a result	Medeltida avskrifter: avskr. papp. Odat. nr 133, RA 0102	Translation by Carina Damm
1495-09-11-Vadstena	11 September 1495 JL	The lay brother Henrik Magnusson dies of the plague in Vadstena Abbey	Item, xi die mensis Septembris, que erat feria sexta infra octavas nativitatis Marie virginis, obiit frater Henricus Magni laicus, anno a professione sua xvi. Obiit ex pestilentia.	Furthermore, on 11 September, the Friday of the octave of the Virgin Mary's nativity [8 September], the lay brother Henrik Magnusson died in the sixteenth year after his consecration. He died of the plague.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 388	Translation by Carina Damm
1495-09-12-Vadstena	12 September 1495 JL	The nun Sister Birgitta dies of the plague in Vadstena Abbey	Item, xii die mensis Septembris obiit soror Birgitta filia Iohannis Vinther consulis Sudhercopensis, ex pestilentia, anno sue professionis secundo	Furthermore, on 12 September, Sister Birgitta, daughter of the councillor Hans Vinter from Söderköping, died of the plague in the second year after her inauguration.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 388	Translation by Carina Damm
1495-09-25-Vadstena	25 September 1495 JL	The Sister Margareta Ottadottir dies of the plague in Vadstena Abbey	Item, in xxv die mensis Septembris obiit soror Margareta Ottadottir focariaetiam ex pestilentia, anno sue professionis, seu receptionis, xlvii.	Furthermore, on 25 September, the cook, Sister Margareta Ottesdotter, also died of the plague, in the forty-seventh year after her inauguration or admission.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 391	Translation by Carina Damm
1495-10-00-Sweden	October 1495 JL	Severe plague in almost all of Sweden	Item, isto anno viguit quasi per totam Sueciam magna pestilentia.	Furthermore, that year a severe pestilence ravaged almost all of Sweden.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 390	Translation by Carina Damm
1496-00-00-Zittau	1496 JL	Plague in Zittau during summertime kills 3.000 people	Anno salutis 1496 pestifera hic viguit mortalitas et quasi tria milia hominum, ut fama erat, perierunt, et hoc tempore estivali.	In the year of salvation 1496, a deadly plague prevailed here, and as the rumor had it, almost three thousand people perished, and this during the summer season	Johannes von Guben, p. 103	Translation by Martin Bauch
1496-11-26-Görlitz	26 November 1496 JL	A friar priest dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague	1496 tempore pestis obiit fr. Silvester Beheme Sacerdos.	In the year 1496 the friar Silvester Beheme died during a time of plague.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 292.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1496-12-14-Görlitz	14 December 1496 JL	A friar dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague	1496 tempore pestis obiit fr. Jeronimus molitoris sacerdos. Eodem die obiit fidelis famulus monasterii qui ambo sepulti sunt in uno sepulcro in cimiterio fratrum et nomen dicti famuli fuit paulus tagelöner. Requiescant ambo in pace Jhesu cristi Amen.	In the year 1496, during the time of the plague, Brother Hieronymus Müller, a priest, died. On the same day, the faithful servant of the monastery also died, and both were buried in a single grave in the cemetery of the brothers. The name of the said servant was Paulus Tagelöner. May both rest in peace. Amen.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, pp. 292-293	Translation by Martin Bauch
1497-02-17-Görlitz	17 February 1497 JL	A Franciscan priest from Görlitz dies during an outbreak of plague	1497 tempore pestis obiit fr. Baltazar Börger Sacerdos hic sepultur.	In 1497 during an outbreak of plague died frater Baltazar Börger, a priest, and was buried here.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 269.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1498-06-06-Metz	6 June 1498 JL	A procession is organized in Metz to prevent the city against an epidemic of rubeola and properieulle (?). Mortality among children and adults.	Item, le mercerdy des festes de la Pentecotte, qui fut le VIe jour de jung, on fit une procession générale [...] en priant Dieu que voloit garder les biens de la terre, et garder la cité et le pays de guerre, et les corps humains de pestillence. Car tous les einffans devenoient mallades et de rougerieulle et de la propérieulle, et en mouroit beaucop, et morut des grans gens aussy.	On Wenesday after the Pentecost, the 6th of June, was held a procession [...] praying God to keep safe the agricultural goods, to prevent the country of the war, and human bodies of pestilence. Every children became actually sick with 'rougerieulle' and 'properieulle', and a lot of them died, as did some adult too.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 405	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1502-00-00-Frankfurt	1502 JL	Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions.	Eodem anno (1502) fuit generalis processio cleri et populi cum venerabili sacramento propter epidemiam (Acta).	In this year (1502), there was a general procession of clergy and people with the venerable sacrament due to the epidemic (Acta).	Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 104.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1508-00-00-Görlitz	1508 JL	A plague hits in Görlitz kills friars, priests and more than 4000 common people	Anno domini 1508 decem fratres in illo conventu obierunt in peste et unus famulus et decem seculares sacerdotes et ex communi populo utriusque sexus ultra quatuor milia hominum per estatem.	In the year of our Lord 1508, ten brothers in that convent died in the plague, as well as one servant, ten secular priests, and from the common people of both sexes, more than four thousand individuals during the summer.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 297.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1508-06-26-Görlitz	26 June 1508 JL	A deacon and Franciscan friar dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague.	Anno domini 1508 obiit fr. Michael Grod dyaconus tempore pestis hic sepultus.	In the year of our Lord 1508 during an outbreak of plague died frater Michael Grod, a deacon, and was buried here.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 281.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1508-08-02-Görlitz	2 August 1508 JL	A sevrvant of the friar's convent in Görlitz dies during an outbreak of plague.	1508 obijt famulus conventus fidelis Jorge scholtze in peste.	In the year 1508, the servant Jörg Schultze died in the plague.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 284.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1508-08-09-Görlitz	9 August 1508 JL	A priest and a lay brother die in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague.	1508 obijt devotus religiosusque pater ac frater Johannes sculteti senior et conventus discretus in peste [...] 1508 obiit fr. Caspar laicus in peste.	In the year 1508, the devout and religious father and brother Johannes Sculteti, the elder, and the discreet convent, died in the plague [...] In 1508, Brother Caspar, a layman, died in the plague..	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 284.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1508-09-05-Görlitz	5 September 1508 JL	Two more people die in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague.	1508 obijt fr. nicolaus pistoris predic. et confes. in peste. Sequenti die obiit utilis frater Cristoferus laicus etiam in peste.	In the year 1508 the friar Nikolaus Becker, a preacher and confessor, died from plague. The next day, the lay brother Christopher died from plague.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 285.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1508-09-13-Görlitz	13 September 1508 JL	A Franciscan deacon diese in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague.	1508 obijt fr. Jeronimus Jungenickel dyaconus in peste.	In the year 1508 the friar Nikolaus Becker, a deacon, died from plague.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 287.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1508-09-26-Görlitz	6 September 1508 JL	A priest dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague.	1508 obijt fr. raphael zelis sacerdos in peste.	In the year 1508 the friar Raphael zelis, a priest, died from plague.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 288.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1508-09-28-Görlitz	28 September 1508 JL	A novice of the friars in Görlitz dies from plague	1508 obijt fr. Martinus piliatoris novicius in poest.	In the year 1508 the friar Martin piliatoris, a novice, died from plague.	Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 288.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1517-09-29-Erfurt	29 September 1517 JL	A mortality in Erfurt leads to the creation of mass graves. A drunk beggar unvoluntarly spends a night in the massgrave of the Canons Regular's church (Reglerkirche).	Vmb Michaelis hub sichs an, vnd ward ein groß sterben. Es storben die leute an der Pestilentz, das man zu den Regelern 16 Cörper auf einen Tag auf ein mal einlegte, da hatte man ein viereckicht loch gemacht auf den Regelern kirchof, das legte man (p. 230) des nachts mit bretern zu, das war ein bettler Hieß Schuch, der war auf einen tag vol, vnd fellet durch die dielen auf die todten, liegt die nacht drinnen. Des morgens da er erwacht, greift er vmb sich, hebt an zu wimmerleichen, da wollten die leute nicht ander wehnen, es were ein todter wieder lebendig worden, vnd gieng niemand hinbey, biß das es 9 schlug des morgents, da sie darnach dazu komen, da war es der grund schalck Schuch der bettler.	Around Michaelmas 1517, it began, and a great dying occurred. People died of the plague so much so that 16 bodies were placed each day in the mass graves of the Reglerkirche. They had made a square hole in the graveyard of the church, and at night they covered it with planks. There was a beggar named Schuch, who was drunk one day and fell through the boards onto the dead, spending the night there. When he woke up in the morning, he grabbed around him, started to whimper, and people would believe a dead had turned alive. Nobody came close until 9 o'clock in the morning, and when they came to see, it was indeed the notorious beggar Schuch.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, pp. 229-230.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1519-00-00-Frankfurt	June 1519 JL	Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions during the election of Emperor Charles V. on 19 June 1519	Et occupavit saevissima pestis omnem Germaniam. Servata est in praesentia principum processio publica pro illo malo pellendo, quod per dei gratiam prospere cessit (Antiquitates) / Eodem anno occupavit sevissima pestis omnem Germaniam et Francofordiam quoque, ut publica sit habita processio hic in electione principum, deferente Alberto archiepiscopo Moguntino venerabile sacramentum (Acta).	And the most severe plague ravaged all of Germany. A public procession was held in the presence of the princes to ward off that evil, which by God's grace, successfully ceased (Antiquitates) / In the same year, the most severe plague afflicted all of Germany, including Frankfurt. A public procession was held here during the election of the princes, with Archbishop Albert of Mainz carrying the venerable sacrament (Acta).	Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 111.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1530-07-01-Erfurt	1 July 1530 JL	A strange incident of stones thrown by an unknown person in the quarter of the weavers is followed by a plague in Erfurt.	Auf Johannis Baptistae hatts angefangen mit steinen zu werffen in der webergassen bey S. Andreas gantzer viii tage, vnd hat grosse steine geworffen bey zweien und dreyen pfunden vnd kleiner vber die heusser her am hellen tage, vnd hatt viel fenster ausgeworffen vnder den Tuchmachern, vnd hatt kein mensch kunt wissen wer es that oder gethan hatte. Der Rath zu Erffurd vnd die gemeine hat tapfer tag vnd nacht gewacht, es hatt nichts geholfen. Es hatt vnder die wechter geworffen, vnd man hatt die steine frey sehen niederfallen. Aber nicht gesehen, wo sie herkommen sindt. Darauf ist ein gross pestilentz gefolget.	On St. John the Baptist's Day (1530), it began with throwing stones in the Webergasse near St. Andreas Church for a full eight days, and large stones were thrown, some weighing two or three pounds or smaller, over the houses in broad daylight. Many windows were broken among the weavers, and no one knew who did it or had done it. The council of Erfurt and the community bravely kept watch day and night, but it was of no use. Stones were thrown among the guards, and people could see the stones falling freely. However, they could not see where they came from. After that, a great pestilence followed.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 268.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1540-06-00-Erfurt	1 June 1540 JL	A minor mortality in Erfurt.	Auch war in diesem iahr (1540) ein sterben an der pestilentz in Erffurd im Sommer vnd Herbst vber, aber nicht fast sehr.	Also, in this year (1540), there was a dying from the pestilence in Erfurt during the summer and autumn, but not very severe.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 288.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1541-06-00-Erfurt	1 June 1541 JL	A minor mortality in Erfurt.	Auch hatt es in diesem iahr (1541) abermal an der pestilentz in Erffurdt den Sommer vnd herbst vber gestorben. Aber eintzelen.	Also, in this year (1541), there was again a dying from the pestilence in Erfurt during the summer and autumn, but it was sporadic.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 289.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1542-06-04-Erfurt	4 June 1542 JL	A plague in Erfurt leads to major mortality.	Nach Trinitatis hats zu Erffurd angefangen zu sterben vnd an der pestilentz sehr gestorben, vnd hat gewehret bis auf Luciae virginis vnd man hatt ihr zu den predigern 13 auf ein mal begraben, vnd zu S. Johans 10 auf ein mal, das ist das meiste gewest zu Erffurdt, vnd sindt vber die 4000 gestorben.	After Trinity Sunday (1542), the dying from the pestilence began in Erfurt and it was a severe mortality, lasting until St. Lucy's Day. Thirteen were buried at once at the Predigerkirche (OP), and ten at once at St. Johann's. That was the most at Erfurt, and over 4000 died.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 289.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1543-00-00-Naumburg	1543 JL	A plague in Naumburg and Jena with major mortality	Auch ist in diesem iahr (1543) zu Naumburg groß sterben gewesen, vnd sind zur Naumburg 3000 Menschen daselbst begraben worden, vnd zu Jehna 1600.	Also, in this year (1543), there was a great dying in Naumburg, and 3000 people were buried there, and 1600 in Jena.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 291.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1552-00-00-Erfurt	September 1552 JL	An plague ravages in Erfurt. The mentioned Lutheran theologian Andreas Osiander died of the same disease in Königsberg.	Auch regierte in diesem iahr (1552) die Pestilentz abermal in Erffurdt. Andreas Osiander, der ein lesterlich bekentnis contra verbum Incarnatum hatt lassen ausgehen ist greuwlich dahin gestorben ohn bekentniß, ohn zeichen der bekehrung sine verbis.	Also, in this year (1552), the pestilence again prevailed in Erfurt. Andreas Osiander, who had issued a scandalous confession against the Incarnate Word, died terribly without confession, without any sign of conversion, wordlessly.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 317.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1563-00-00-Thuringia	1563 JL	An plague ravages in Germany and all across Europe, but presumably also in Erfurt and surrounding Thuringia. The mentioned Lutheran theologian Andreas Osiander died of the same disease in Königsberg.	Anno 1563 wie auch im folgenden 1564. regiert ein grausame pestilentz schir durch gantz Europa furnemlich in Deutschlandt, das an manchem ort gantze Flecken vnd dörffer biß auf iij vj oder viij persohnen ausgestorben, vnd aus manchem Flecken so viel hingenohmen, das man nicht vermeinet hette, das so viel volcks vnd leute vberal darin gewesen were.	In the year 1563, as well as in the following 1564, a cruel pestilence ravaged throughout Europe, especially in Germany, causing entire hamlets and villages to be wiped out to the extent of three, four, or even eight persons. In many places, so many were taken away that it was not believed that so many people had been there at all..	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 348.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1564-08-24-Erfurt	24 August 1564 JL	A plague in Erfurt kills a larger number of people, 4000 inhabitants, including prominent clerics.	Nach Bartholomaei hatt zu Erffurdt die Pestilentz angefangen. Vnd ist in demselbigen sterben der pfarher zu S. Thomas, der pfarher im grossen Spittal, vnd der Caplan zu kaufmans kirchen, vnd der Caplan zu den Barfussern, Auch der pfarher zu den Regelern gestorben Vnd die pestilentz hatt gewehret biß nach dem newen iahr, da hatt sie aufgehöret. Vnd sind zu den Regelern 12 schock, zu den Barfussern 600, zu Kaufmanskirchen 550, zu S. Johans 440 gestorben, das man meinet, ihrer sindt in die 4000 das mal an der Pestilentz gestorben.	After Bartholomew's Day (1564), the pestilence began in Erfurt. During the same mortality, the parish priest of St. Thomas, the priest at the Great Hospital, the chaplain at Kaufmannskirche, and the chaplain at the Franciscan's Church also died. Additionally, the priest at the Reglerkirche died. The pestilence lasted until after the New Year, when it ceased. At the Reglerkirche, 720 persons died; at the Franciscans' Church 600; at Kaufmannkirche, 550; and at St. Johann's, 440. It was estimated that around 4000 people died from the pestilence during that time.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 350.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1577-00-00-Thuringia	1577 JL	A mortality in Eisenach and the surroundings of Erfurt.	In diesem iahr (1577) ist ein groß sterben an vielen orten an der Pestilentz gewesen, vnd sonderlich zu Eysenach vnd in ettlichen Erffurdischen dorffern hat es auch zimlich rumort.	In this year (1577), there was a great dying from the pestilence in many places, especially in Eisenach and in several villages near Erfurt, where it caused quite a stir.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 416.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1578-00-00-Erfurt	1578 JL	A plague in Erfurt kills 2500 people.	In diesem iahr (1578) hat die pestilentz alhier zu Erffurd auch zimlich grassiert vnd sind in die 25 hundert persohnen in Erffurd gestorben.	In this year (1578), the pestilence also raged fairly strongly here in Erfurt, and around 2500 people died in Erfurt.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 419.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1578-00-00-Jena	1578 JL	A plague in Jena forces the local university to relocate temporarily to Saalfeld.	In disem iahr (1578) hat man die hohe Schull von Jehna ein zeitlang gen Salveld von wegen eines pestilentzischen sterbens transferiren mussen.	In this year (1578), the university of Jena had to be temporarily transferred to Saalfeld due to a pestilential dying.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 419.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1583-00-00-Erfurt	1583	A plague in Erfurt, Prague, Magdeburg, Goslar, Arnstadt and Königsee in Thuringia kills high numbers of people.	Diß iahr (1583) hatt die pestilentz an vielen orten vnd landen gar heftig sehr regieret, sonderlich zu Praga in der Stadt da in die 20000 menschen gestorben sindt. Desgleichen zu Magdeburg, Goslar, zu Arnstad fast in die 2000, zu königssee in die 1000. Desgleichen allhier zu Erffurdt 1767 menschen gestorben, aber nicht alle an der pestilentz.	In this year (1583), the pestilence raged very fiercely in many places and lands, particularly in Prague, where around 20,000 people died in the city. Likewise, in Magdeburg, Goslar, and Arnstadt, nearly 2000 died, and in Königsee, around 1000. Similarly, here in Erfurt, 1767 people died, although not all from the pestilence.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 450.	Translation by Martin Bauch

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