In Winter, a total of 61 epidemic events are known so far. It is a season, see time.
Timeline
Table
| Page | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1190-01-00-Cologne | 1190 JL | The mortality is high during the cold winter. | Hyemps sicca et calida. Mortalitas hominum immensa. | The winter (1190) has been dry and cold. The mortality has been enormous. | Chronica regia Coloniensis, p. 147. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1216-11-28-Egypt | 28 November 1216 JL | In a letter a lethal disease in Egypt is mentioned, dated November 28, 1216. | אלמהדב אלמתסוק מן מצר... |
In a letter that has survived as a fragment, a member of one of Egypt’s Jewish communities informs the addressee that a lethal disease (Arab. amrāḍ, Hebr. negef, dever) has affected an unnamed place in Egypt. The letter is dated November 28, 1216 (Kislev 16, 1528 Seleucid era). | Princeton Geniza Project (PGP), T-S 6J6.20, ed. by Alan Elbaum PGP | Translation by Undine Ott |
| 1227-00-00-Iceland | 1227 JL | High mortality in Iceland in 1227 as consequence of a "sandwinter", here possibly referring to eruptions in the Reykjanes volcanic system recorded in the Icelandic annals for 1226. | Sandvetr. […] Manndauðr mikill. | Sandwinter. […] High Mortality. | Annales regii. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 127; https://icelandicvolcanos.is/ | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1227-00-00-Svignaskarð | 1227 JL | Epizootic in 1227 in western Iceland | Þessi vetr var kallaðr sandvetr, ok var fellivetr mikill ok dó hundrað nauta fyrir Snorra Sturlusyni út í Svignaskarði. | That winter was called sandwinter, and it was a very hard winter when hundred of Snorri Sturluson's cattle died out in Svignaskarð. | Íslendinga saga. In: Kristian Kålund: Sturlunga saga efter membranen Króksfjarðarbók udfyldt efter Reykjarfjarðarbók, I. København 1906-1911, p. 386 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1246-00-00-Iceland 001 | 1246 JL | Winter of plague in Iceland in 1246 | Sótta vetr. | Plague-winter (in Iceland). | Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 190 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1252-00-00-Iceland | 1252 JL | Famine in southern Iceland (Kirkjubær á Síðu) in 1252 due to a severe winter. | [...] er hallæri er mikit á komit því að nú er vetrarríki mikit ok er bæði illt til matar ok heyja. | [... ] now there is a great famine, for the winter is now very severe, and there is a shortage of both food and hay. | Kristian Kålund: Sturlunga saga efter membranen Króksfjarðarbók udfyldt efter Reykjarfjarðarbók. 2. København/Kristiania, 1911, p. 123 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1278-00-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia | 1278 JL | Death of numerous people due to various diseases<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> | Toe жe зимы<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a> [6786] мнoзи чeлoвѣци yмиpaxy paзличными нeдyги.<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a> | That winter 1278 many people died of various diseases. | Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 152. | Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski |
| 1278-00-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia-Sim | 1278 JL | Death of numerous people due to various diseases.<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> | Toe жe зимы<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>[6786] мнoзи чeлoвѣци yмиpaxy<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a>. paзличными нeдyги. | That winter 1278 many people died of various diseases. | Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 76. | None |
| 1282-00-00-Bohemia-Moravia | 1282 JL | A great wave of mortality went through Bohemia and Moravia. Heaps of people were burried in large ditches in the fields during winter and spring. | 1282. Maxima mortalitas hominum fit per Boemiam et Moraviam. Nam Prage ac Brunne et alibi defuncti innumerabiles, velud fenum in curribus ad agros ducebantur; ibi in fossis profundis catervatim obstruuntur, tempore hyemalis et veris. | 1282. A maximum mortality of humans happened throughout Bohemia and Moravia. In Prague and Brno as well as in other places innumerable people died. Like hay they were brought in waggons to the fields and there, in the times of winter and spring, large ditches were filled with heaps of them. | Continuatio Vindobonensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 698-722, 712, l. 24-26 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1284-00-00-Iceland 001 | 1284 JL | Famine in northern Iceland in 1284 | Þenna vetur [...] kom mikið hallæri fyrir norðan land. | This winter [...] came a big famine over northern Iceland. | Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík: Hið Íslenzka fornritfélag, 1998, p. 136 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1287-00-00-Iceland | 1287 JL | Famine in Iceland in 1287 | aa þessum timum komu hardla storir vetr margir j samt. ok manndaudr af sullte eftir þat. | At that time, many severe winters came, and mortality due to hunger. | Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 260 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1291-00-00-Iceland 001 | 1291 JL | Epizootic in Iceland in the year 1291 | Felli vetr eymvni hinn micli. | An unforgettable hard winter when cattle died. | Annales reseniani. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 30 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1291-00-00-Iceland 002 | 1291 JL | Smallpox and an epizootic in Iceland in 1291 | Bolna sott a lslande. [...] Jǫkǫl vę́tr mikill ok felli vetr. | Smallpox on Iceland. [...] A harsh, icy winter when cattle died. | Annales regii. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 143 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1291-00-00-Iceland 003 | 1291 JL | Epizootic in Iceland in 1290, probably referring to the same event as Annales reseniani and Annales regii for 1291 | Fellivetr hinn mikli. | Harsh winter when many cattle died. | Flateyjarannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 385 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1300-00-00-Iceland 003 | December 1300 JL | Mortality in northern Iceland around Christmas 1300, in fact 1301. Eruption of Hekla, an earthquake and observation of a comet, certainly Halley on 26 Oct. 1301, in Iceland and Norway | Eldur hið v. í Heklufelli og land skjálfti fyrir sunnan land og myrkur viða um héruð af sandfalli mikið. Eldurinn var uppi nær xij mánuði. Mannfall fyrir norðan land, bæði fyrir jól og eftir. Létust eigi færii en d. manna. Sén cometa um allt Ísland og í Noregi. | Fifth fire in Hekla and earthquake in the south of the country. Darkness in the district due to a great fall of ash. The fire was up for almost twelve months. Mortality in the north of the country, both during and after Christmas. No less than 500 men died. [...] Comet seen all over Iceland and in Norway. | Skálholtsannáll. Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 199 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1301-00-00-Iceland 001 | December 1301 JL | Mortality in northern Iceland around Christmas 1301. Observation of the comet Halley on 26 Oct. 1301 in Iceland and in Norway | Sén cometa béði i Noregi ok á Islanndi. [...] Mannfall firir norðan lannd firir iol ok eptir. ok fell eigi fę́ra en d manna. | Comet seen both in Iceland and in Norway. [...] Mortality in the north of the country during and after Christmas. And no less than 500 people died. | Annales regii. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 146 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1301-00-00-Iceland 002 | December 1301 JL | Mortality in northern Iceland around Christmas 1301. Observation of a comet, certainly Halley on 26 Oct. 1301, in Iceland and Norway | Sen cometa viða bæði a Islandi oc i Noregi. Mannfall fyrir norðan land fyrir jol oc eptir. oc fellu (eigi) færa en fim hundrut. | Comet seen wide both on Iceland and in Norway. Mortality in the north of the country during and after Christmas. Not less than five hundred died. | Høyersannáll | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1310-01-04-Cairo | 4 January 1310 JL | Epidemic (wabāʾ) in Cairo in Shaʿbān 709 AH (January 4 - February 1, 1310). 100 people died per day. | Al-Birzālī 2006, vol. 2, p. 432. | Translation needed | ||
| 1313-00-00-Iceland | 1313 JL | Epizootic in Iceland in the year 1313. | Hrossfellivetur. | Harsh winter in which many horses died. | Annales regii. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 75 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1313-00-00-Iceland 002 | 1313 JL | Epizootic in Iceland in 1313 | hrider og fiar fellir micill æ Islandi svo at vida vm sveiter vrdu menn mioc svo snauder at kvikfie og mest hrossa fie. | Snowstorms and mortality of cattle on Iceland so that in many parts of the countryside people became very destitute of livestock and mostly horses. | Gottskálksannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 343 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1313-00-00-Iceland 003 | 1313 JL | Epizootic in Iceland in 1313 | Snio vetr allmikill vm allt ok þar með fial fellir. | Very harsh winter with snow all over the country and with it mortality of cattle. | Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 203 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1316-00-00-Northwest-Europe | 1316 JL | Great Famine in Northwest-Europe, therefore grain export from southern Italy; epidemic also in Italy | Nel detto anno MCCXVI grande pestilenzia di fame e mortalità avenne nelle parti di Germania, cioè nelle Magna di sopra verso tramontana, e stesesi in Olanda, e in Frisia, e in Silanda, e in Brabante, e in Fiandra, e in Analdo, e infino ne la Borgogna, e in parte di Francia; e fu sì pericolosa, che più che il terzo de la gente morirono, e da l'uno giorno a l'altro quegli che parea sano era morto. E 'l caro fu sì grande di tutte vittuaglie e di vino, che se non fosse che di Cicilia e di Puglia vi si mandò per mare gli mercantati per lo grande guadagno, tutti morieno di fame. Questa pestilenzia avenne per lo verno dinanzi, e poi la primavera e tutta la state fu sì forte piovosa, e 'l paese è basso, che l'acqua soperchiò e guastò ogni semanta. Allora le terre affogarono sì, che più anni appresso quasi non fruttarono, e corruppe l'aria. E dissono certi astrolaghi che la cometa ch'apparve, ch'ella dovea venire perché la sua infruenzia fu sopra quegli paesi. E in quello tempo la detta pestilenzia contenne simigliamente i Romagna e in Casentino infino in Mugello. | In the said year (1316) there was a great plague of famine and death in the parts of Germany, that is, in Magna above towards the north, and it spread to Holland, and to Friesland, and to Silesia, and to Brabant, and to Flanders, and to Analde, and even to Burgundy, and to parts of France; and it was so dangerous that more than a third of the people died, and from one day to the next those who seemed healthy were dead. And the cost was so great of all the victuals and wine, that if it were not for the fact that the merchants of Cicilia and Apulia were sent there by sea for the great profit, all died of hunger. This pestilence happened during the winter before, and then the spring and the whole state was so rainy, and the land was so low, that the water overpowered and spoiled every seed. Then the land drowned so, that more years after it scarcely bore fruit, and corrupted the air. And certain astrologers said that the comet that appeared, that it had to come because its infuence was over those countries. And at that time the said pestilence similarly contained the Romagna and Casentino until Mugello. | Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 2: p. 285 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1318-00-00-Tver | 1318 JL | Plague among people in Tver | Toe же зимы [6826] бысть моръ въ Tвepи нa люди. | This winter [6826] 1318 (and 1319?)<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> there was a plague in Tver among the people. | Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 89. | Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski |
| 1320-00-00-Iceland | 1320 JL | Famine in Iceland in 1320 | Var mikið hallæri um veturinn og veður ofsahörð og lágu við hafísar. | There was a great famine during the winter and the weather was very harsh, and there was sea ice. | Biskupa sögur III, p. 339-340 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1320-00-00-Novgorod and Tver | 1320 JL | Plague in Novgorod the Great and in Tver | дopoгo. мopъ. | Expensive. Plague. | T.M. Гимoн, Летописные записи на Пacxaльныx таблицax cбopникa XIV в., in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocквa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, pp. 579, 587. | None |
| 1331-00-00-Iceland 002 | 1331 JL | Mortality of cattle and bad harvest in Iceland in 1331. | Felli vetr inn micli. Váran a korn i a Islandi. | A very hard winter (1331) when the cattle died. Bad harvest in grain in Iceland. | Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 206. | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1331-00-00-Iceland 005 | 1331 JL | Famine in Iceland in the winter of 1331 | Vetur þenna var mjög hörð veðrátta og varð heylitið á búum staðarins en margt kvikfé. [...] Veðráttan tók að harðna og hélt svo sömu harðindum fram. Kom svo að sauðfénaður staðarins datt niður unnvörpum í megurð. | This winter was very harsh and the local farms lost a lot of livestock. [...] The weather began to harden and then continued the same hardiness. It came to pass that the sheep of the place were reduced to nothing through starvation. | Lárentíus saga biskups, A. In: Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík 1998, pp. 432, 435 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1331-00-00-Iceland 006 | 1331 JL | Mortality of sheep in Iceland due the harsh winter of 1331 that lasted until Lent | Vetur þessi varð mjög harður. ... Hélzt hörð veðrátta allt til vors og í langaföstu datt niður fénaður staðarins unnvörpum af megurð og sulti. | This winter was very hard. ... Harsh weather lasted until spring, and during Lent the local livestock died from starvation and hunger. | Lárentíus saga biskups. In: Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík 1998, pp. 432-33 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1340-00-00-Europa | 1340 JL | A plague before easter in the area of Klettgau | Hoc eciam tempore in quadragesima in Kleggow pestilencia hominum grandis et satis prevalida orta est, ita quod citra Tuͥengen et Keiserstůl et Klingnow certatim morerentur et multi periculose infirmarentur. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 173 | Translation needed | |
| 1341-00-00-Iceland 002 | 1341 JL | Great mortality among sheep and cattle in southern Iceland in 1341 | Snio vetr sva micill fyrir sunnan land at engi vissi dæmi til annars þviliks. lagði a fyrir vetr ok helltz til sumars ok fylgði fiar fellir micill allz háttar. Elldz vpp quama inn setta í Heklu felli einni nótt eptir festum Dunstani. með sva miklu myrkri af ósku fallinu at í sumum stóðum fra dagmalum til nóns sa ekki skrím vti helldr enn menn væri blindir. ok var þo mikit myrkr allan daginn ok marga aðra siðan tok askan i aukla undir Eyia fióllum. ok fylgði naut fellir micill. annarr elldr var vppi í Hnappar vallar iókli. hinn priði i Herði breið yfir Fliotzdals heraði ok voru allir jafnsnemma vppi. | A winter with such a great snowfall in the south of the country that no one knew of anything alike. [The snow] laid before the winter and stayed until the summer, and was followed by a great mortality of all kinds among sheep. The last volcanic eruption of Mount Hekla one night after the feast of St Dunstan (= 19 May) [happened] with so much darkness from the fall of ash that in some places it was impossible to see anything outside from daytime to the ninth hour, and people were blind. And it was very dark all day and many others were covered by the ash under Eyjafjöll and there followed a great loss of cattle. Another fire was up in Hnapparvallarjökull, the third in Herðubreið above the region of Fljótsdal and they were all up at the same time. | Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 273 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1348-00-00-Apulia 001 | 1348 JL | King of Hungary left Apulia because of the plague and Joanna, wife of Duke Louis of Taranto returned to Naples and resubdued the country. | 112.) Qualiter rex Ungarie recessit ab Apulia propter pestilenciam. Reverso autem propter pestilenciam Ungaro Iohanna relicta Andree fratris sui uxor de auxilio pape Neapolim revertitur, et eiectis Ungari fidelibus terra sibi iterum subiugatur, Wernhero de Urselingen Swevo, qui primo Ungaro adhesit et ab eo propter quandam suspicionem sibi falso impictam, ut dixit, licenciatus fuit, eidem Iohanne propter pecuniam assistente. Tribunus enim Urbis, fautor Ungari, disparens eo tempore non erat potens in Urbe. Vendidit autem ipsa Iohanna, quantum in ea fuit pape civitatem Avinionensem pro multa pecunie quantitate. |
113.) How the King of Hungary left Apulia because of the plague. After the Hungarian had gone home on account of the prevailing plague, Joanna, the widow of his brother Andrew and wife of Duke Louis of Taranto, returned to Naples with the help of the pope, expelled the followers of the Hungarian, and resubdued the country, being assisted for money by Werner of Urslingen, a Swabian, who had formerly served the Hungarian (p. 171), but had been dismissed by him on account of what he said was an unjust suspicion. The tribune of Rome, the supporter of the Hungarian, had disappeared around this time and no longer had any power in Rome. Queen Joan, however, sold the city of Avignon to the pope for a large sum of money. | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 262 | None |
| 1348-00-00-Avignon02 | 1348 JL | About the outbreak of the Black Death in the East and the arrival of the plague in Sicily and Avignon. People flee from the plague because of the infected air. | Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII. Tempore hyemali vel circa principium veris in partibus ultramarinis exorta est mortalitas seu pestilencia tam grandis, quod infinitam et inestimabilem multitudinem infidelium absorbuit et absumpsit. Que derivata ad terras cristicolarum maxime in locis maritimis, precipue tamen in Sicilia, innumerabilem populum prostravit. Fertur, quod in quadragesima circa Marsiliam urbem et Avionem tam crudeliter endinia sevierit, quod infra spacium unius mensis XVI milia hominum obierint. Immo, ut dicitur, tantum in Avione excessit, quod vivi homines non sufficiebant defunctorum corpora tumulare et [p. 276] ideo tandem in fluvium Rodanum certatim proiciebantur. Fertur insuper, quod papa pestem hanc de Avione ad aliam civitatem fugerit. Nichilominus fama testante in Sicilia homines de Messana metropoli et de aliis quam plurimis civitatibus, in quibus mors prevaluit, relictis eis vacuis fugierunt ad montana se transferentes, ut ibi salubri aere hausto contagiosum in civitatibus captum emitterent et eflarent. In Messana urbe Sicilie memorata de LX fratribus Minoribus conventualibus brevi spacio temporis XXX mox mortis furia de medio sublati sunt. Quo viso superstites conventu illo relicto ad loca se alia contulerunt. Predicta, scilicet terre motus et pestilencia, precurrencia mala sunt extreme voraginis et tempestatis secundum verbum salvatoris in ewangelio dicentis: "Erunt terre motus per loca et pestilencia et fames" et cetera. | In the year of our Lord 1348, at the time of winter or early spring, there was such a great mortality or plague overseas that it devoured and destroyed an infinite and incalculable number of unbelievers. It spread in the Christian areas, but mainly in coastal regions, especially in Sicily, where it struck down countless numbers of people. It is reported that during Lent, a plague raged around the cities of Marseille and Avignon that was so cruel that sixteen thousand people died within a month. It is even said that it became so bad in Avignon that there were not enough living people to bury the corpses, [p. 276] and they were therefore finally eagerly thrown into the river Rhône. It is also reported that the pope fled from Avignon to another city to escape this plague. Nevertheless, according to reports in Sicily, people fled from the metropolis of Messina and many other cities where death was rampant, leaving them empty and taking refuge in the mountains to expel the infected air from the cities and breathe it out. In the city of Messina in Sicily, thirty of the sixty Friars Minor of the convent were snatched from life by the fury of death within a short space of time. When the survivors saw this, they left the convent and travelled to other places.These events, namely earthquakes and pestilence, are harbingers of extreme evils and storms, as it says in the Gospel: "There will be earthquakes in various places and pestilence and famine" etc. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 275-276 | None |
| 1348-00-00-Florence 005 | 1348 JL | During the plague, the society of Orto San Michele became very rich, because people willingly left their money and wealth to the society. With these riches they helped many poor people, but with time greedy people tried to use the money for their own benefit. | Come alla compagnia d'Orto Sa Michele fu lasciato gran tesoro. Nella nostra città di Firenze, l’anno della detta mortalità, avenne mirabile cosa: che venendo a morte li uomini, per la fede che i cittadini di Firenze avieno a l'ordine e alla sperienza che veduta era della chiara, e buona e ordinata limosina che s'era fatta lungo tempo, e facea per li capitani della compagnia di madonna santa Maria d’Orto Sa Michele, sanza alcuno umano procaccio, si trovò per testamenti fatti (i quali testamenti nella mortalità, e poco apresso, si poterono trovare e avere) che’ cittadini di Firenze lasciarono a stribuire a’ poveri per li capitani di quella compagnia più di CCCLM di fiorini d’oro. Che vedendosi (p. 20) la gente morire, e morire i loro figliuoli e i loro congiunti, ordinavano i testamenti, e chi avea reda che vivesse, legava la reda, se lla reda morisse, volea la detta compagnia fosse reda; e molti che non avieno alcuna reda, per divozione dell’usata e santa limosina che questa compagnia solea fare, acciò che 'l suo si stribuisse a’ poveri com'era usato, lasciavano di ciò ch’avieno reda la detta compagnia; e molti altri novolendo che per successione il suo venisse a' suoi congiunti, o a’ suoi consorti, legavano alla detta compagnia tutti i loro beni. Per questa cagione, ristata la mortalità in Firenze, si trovò improviso quella compagnia in sì grande tesoro, sanza quello che ancora no potea sapere. E i mendichi poveri erano quasi tutti morti, e ogni feminella era piena e abondevole delle cose, sicché non cercavano limosina. Sentendosi questo fatto per cittadini, procacciarono molti con sollicitudine d’essere capitani per potere aministrare (p. 21) questo tesoro, e cominciarono a ragunare le masserizie e i danari; ch'avendo a vendere le masserizie nobili de'grandi cittadini e mercatanti, tutte le migliori e lle più belle volieno per loro a grande mercato, e l'altre più vili facieno vendere in plubico, e i danari cominciarono a serbare, e chi ne tenea una parte, e chi un'altra a lloro utilità. […] |
A great treasure was left to the society of Orto San Michele. In our city of Florence, during the year of this deadly plague, something remarkable happened: as people were dying, the citizens of Florence, trusting in the order and experience demonstrated by the clear, good, and organized charity that had been practiced for a long time by the captains of the society of Our Lady of Orto San Michele—without any human intervention—left, according to wills (that could be found during the plague and shortly thereafter) more than 350,000 gold florins to be distributed to the poor by the captains of this society. People, seeing their children and relatives dying, arranged their wills, and those who had heirs who survived would pass on their inheritance; if the heirs died, they wanted the society to be their heir. And many who had no heirs, out of devotion to the customary and holy charity that this society used to perform, left what they had as inheritance to this society so that it could be distributed to the poor as was customary. And many others, not wanting their wealth to go to their relatives or associates through succession, bequeathed all their possessions to this society. For this reason, once the plague ceased in Florence, it was found that the society unexpectedly held a great treasure, aside from what could not yet be accounted for. And the poor beggars were almost all dead, and every household was full and abundant with supplies, so much so that they did not seek alms. When the citizens heard about this situation, many eagerly sought to become captains to be able to manage this treasure. They began gathering the goods and money; when they had to sell the valuable possessions of prominent citizens and merchants, they would take the best and finest for themselves at a good price, while the lesser items were sold publicly, and the money was kept by those who held parts of it, each for their own benefit. [...] |
Matteo Villani 1995, pp. 19-21. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1349-00-00-Constance | 1349 JL | Great mortality in Constance. | 1349. Anno 1349 in dem winter was gar ain grosser tod zu Costentz. | 1349. Anno 1349, there was a great plague in Constance during the winter. | Konstanzer Chronik, p. 325 | None |
| 1349-01-27-Damascus | 27 January 1349 JL | On January 27, 1349, the Friday preacher Tāj al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Raḥīm al-Qazwīnī died of plague in Damascus after two days of illness. The members of his household were infected, too; his brother Ṣadr al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Karīm died soon afterwards. | Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 509. | Translation needed | ||
| 1349-02-20-Oslo | 20 February 1349 JL | Three canons in Oslo announce that Bothild Arnesdatter ceded 12 öresbol (landed property with the rental value of 12 öre per year) in Faluvold in Nes Parish in Romerike to her husband Olaf Peterssön in order to go on a pilgrimage to Rome. Peterssön in turn sold the estate to the newly built St Sebastian's Altar in St Halvards Church in Oslo | Ollum monnum þæim sæm þetta bref sea ædr hœyra senda Æirik Œystæins son Haluarder Biærnar son Arnulfuer Stæinars son korsbrœdr j Oslo q. g. ok sina kunnikt gerande at ver varom j hia j garde varom brœdranna a friadaghen nesta firir Mathios messo anno domini mo. ccco. xlo. nono saam ok hœyrdom at Bottilder Arna dotter gaf ok afhendi Olafue Peters syni husbonda sinum xii aura boll j Faluuælli er ligger auster medr aani j Ness sokn medr ollum lunnindum sæm till liggia eder leget hafua fra forno ok nyu vttan gardz ok innan honom till Rumfærdar ok samstundis seldi fyrnemfder Olafuer medr ja ok handarbande altare hins hælgha Sebastiani er nybygt er j kirkiu hins hælga Haluardz j hender æreleghs manz sira Gyrdz Asla sonar sambrodor vars firir half fimtu mark ræidu gangs penigha huart œyris boll medr samþykt skylrikz manz Þronda Kraka sonar logmanz j kononghs garde er settir ero ok samþyktir ok lystir vmbods men vm þa almoso ok salo hialper sæm gefner ero ok gefuazdz kan till fyrnemfdz sancti Sebastiani altares honom at hagnyta ok till nytsæmdar venda sæm þæir sia firir gudi at haglaste se. jattade ok en Botilder medr handarbande ef fyrnemfd jord Falu uoller verder æighi friollss æder j nokorom lutt amaghæt skall oftnæmft altare æigha xii aura boll j Folmo er ligger j samre sokn medr ollum foruord ok skilmala sæm seghir ok till sannynda þessa þæira kaups ok vare hiauero settum vær var insigli firir þetta bref er gort var deghi are ok stad sæm fyr seghir. | DN II, no. 298. In: Chr. C. A. Lange, C. R. Unger: Diplomatarium Norvegicum. Vol. 2. Christiania 1851, p. 246 | Translation by Carina Damm | |
| 1349-04-12-Frankfurt 001 | 12 April 1349 JL | During the plague was the flagellants movement, jews were killed in Frankfurt and Mainz and the jews burned down the roof of a church in Frankfurt | Item anno domini McccXLIX post festum pasche [12 April 1349] usque in hiemem tunc proxime venientem flagellatores ire inceperunt quasi et ad annum jubileum, et interim maxima hominum multitudo utriusque sexus per diversas mundi partes de pestilencia gravi moriebatur. Item eodem anno domini XLIX in vigilia beati Jacobi apostoli [24. Juli] Judei Frankenfordenses omnes, deinde in die beati Bartholomei apostoli [24. August] tunc proxime venturi Judei civitatis Moguntinensis omnes, tam per ipsorum Judeorum utrobique ignem proprium quam eciam aliunde, ac habitaciones eorundem totaliter per laicorum invasionem sunt perempti et devastati. Item eodem anno XLIX in dicta vigilia Jacobi tectum chori omnino et tectum ecclesie sancti Bartholomei ibidem in parte per hujusmodi Judeorum Frankenfordensium ignem fuerant concremata. |
In the year of our Lord 1349, the Flagellants began after Easter [12 April] until the coming winter, as if they were going to the Jubilee. In the meantime, a large number of men and women died of a severe plague in various parts of the world. Also in the same year 1349, on the eve of St James the Apostle [24 July], all the Jews of Frankfurt, and then on the day of St Bartholomew the Apostle [24 August], all the Jews of the city of Mainz, both by their own fire and by the invasion of the laity, were killed and their houses completely destroyed. Also in the same year, 1349, on the eve of the feast of St James [24 July], the roof of the choir and the roof of the church of St Bartholomew in Frankfurt were destroyed by fire from the Jews of Frankfurt. | Annales Francofurtani 1884, p. 2. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1349-06-00-Strasbourg 001 | June 1349 JL | With the spreading of the plague in Germany, simultaneously the Flagellants movement arose. In the middle of June, 700 of them came to Strasbourg. | [117.] De principio pestilencie et flagellacionis in Alamannia Incipiente autem paulatim pestilencia in Alamannia ceperunt se populi flagellare transeuntes per terram. Et venerunt DCCC de Swevia Argentinam predicto anno XLIX in medio Iunii, habentes inter se unum principalem (p. 272) et duos alios magistros, quorum mandatis omnia parebant. […] |
118. The beginning of the plague and scourging in Germany. As the disease gradually spread through Germany, people began to scourge themselves and travelled through the country. In the year 49, seven hundred from Swabia came to Strasbourg in the middle of June. They had a leader and two other masters, whose orders they all obeyed. [...] The masters then went round in a circle and exhorted them to implore the Lord for mercy for the people, for their benefactors, for their enemies, for all sinners, for those in purgatory and many others. [...] |
Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 271-272 | None |
| 1350-00-00-Constance | 1350 JL | Extreme weather and abundant rainfall in 1350 and the following winter was cold until beginning of February. From that on stopped the epidemic. | Ipse autem annus cum magno temperie aeris incepit et permansit usque ad festum beati Andree [30 November], et deinceps pluvia habundabat versus Nicolai [6 December], sed deinceps frigus erat usque ad purificationem [2 February 1351]. Et extunc epithimia seu hominum mortalitas cessavit, que per bigennium viguerat et in tanta generalitate, quod quasi quinta pars hominum alicubi sexta obiit. | The year began with extreme weather and lasted until the feast of St Andrew (30 November), after which there was abundant rainfall until the feast of St Nicholas (6 December), but then cold weather prevailed until the Purification (2 February 1351). From then on, the epidemic or mortality of the people, which raged for two years and was so widespread that about a fifth of the people died, in some places even a sixth. | Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 75 | None |
| 1357-11-01-Florence | 1 November 1357 JL | Clear weather around Florence causes a common cold with considerable mortality | Essendo dal cominciamento del verno continovato fino a gennaio un’ aria sottilissima, chiara e serena, e mantenuta sanza ravolgimento di nuvoli o di venti, oltre all’ usato naturale modo, per sperienza del fatto si conobbe che da questa aria venne una influenza, che poco meno che tutti i corpi umani della città, e del contado e distretto di Firenze, e delle circustanti vicinanze, fece infreddare, e durare il freddo avelenato ne’ corpi assai più lungamente che ll’ usato modo. E per dieta o per altri argomenti che’ medici [p. 167] sapessono trovare, no potieno avacciare la liberagione, né da quello liberare le loro persone, e molti dopo la lunga malatia ne morivano; e vegnendo apresso la primavera, molti morirono di subitana morte. Dissesi per li astrolaghi che ffu per influenza di costellazioni, altri per troppa sottigliezza d’aria nel tempo della vernata. | From the beginning of winter until the end of January [1358], a gentle weather (air), clear and sunny, persisted without any clouds or winds – very much beyond what is natural. By experience one knew that this weather exterted an influence on all human bodies in the city and the surrounding countryside of Florence, and let them catch a cold. And this poisonous cold stayed in the bodies much longer than usual. And the doctors could not provide a solution from diets and other measures, and many of the persons afflicted died after a long disease. And as spring came close, many died an instant death. The astrologuers said this was because of the influence of constellations, others said because of the subtile air during wintertime. | Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, pp. 166-167 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1358-00-00-Brabant | 1358 JL | The plague that did harm in Brabant and surroundings in autumn spread in winter and reached Friuli, where it raged until March. | Operazioni della moria In quest'anno l'usata moria dell'anguinaia, la quale nell'autunno passato avea nel Brabante e nelle circustante parti de Reno fatti gran danni, e nel verno si dilatò, e comprese e passò nel Frioli faccendo l'uficio suo per infino al marzo, e parte della Schiavonia, (p. 301) ma non troppo agramente; però ch'enfiando sotto il ditello e l'anguinaia, chi passava il settimo giorno era sicuro; vero è che in sette dì assai ne morivano. Ancora no pigliava le città e le ville comunemente, ma al modo della gragnuola, l'una lasciava stare e ll'altra prendea; e durando dove cominciava dalle venti alle ventidue settimane, molta gente d'ogni generazione trasse a ffine. |
Effects of the plague This year (1358) the accustomed inguinal plague, which last autumn did great harm in Brabant and the surrounding parts of the Rhine, spread in winter, reaching and passing through Friuli, where it did its work till March, and part of Schiavonia, but not too violently; if it swelled under the arm or in the groin, any one who survived the seventh day was safe; it is true, however, that within seven days many died. Moreover, it did not generally affect towns and villages, but like a hailstorm it left one place untouched and seized another; and where it began, it lasted from twenty to twenty-two weeks, killing many people of all ages. |
Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 300-301 | None |
| 1358-00-00-Cologne | 1358 JL | A plague along the Rhine, in Cologne, with inclement weather, cold in wintern and dearth of foodstuffs. | Eo tempore est facta pestilencia valida in partibus inferioribus et in Colonia et inibi. Eo tempore antequam vindemia inciperet vinum fuit tam preciosum, quod vinum venale non inveniebatur; sed postea statim quando uve erant collecte vinum optimo foro erat, sicut unquam in decem annis antea factum est: ita ego vidi et audivi. Hyeme sequenti Rhenum est compactum circa tres septimanas. | At that time (1358), a severe pestilence occurred in the lower regions and in Cologne and its vicinity. At that time, before the grape harvest began, wine was so precious that it was not available for sale; but afterward, as soon as the grapes were collected, the wine was of the best quality ever seen in the market, as it was never in the past ten years: so I saw and heard. The following winter, the Rhine was frozen for about three weeks. | Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 7. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1358-00-00-Italy | 1358 JL | There was in Tuscany an abundance of fruit. In winter there were colds, in summer tertiary fever. The wine varieties Valdelsa, Chianti and Valdarno had diseases and in France there was a civil war against the nobles. | E ppiù ad aumento di pace in questo anno fu abondanza di tutti i frutti della terra. È vero che furono nel verno malatie di freddo, e nella state molte febri terzane, e semplici e doppie, sicché se lli uomini fer pace delle loro guerre, non di manco li elementi per li peccati sconci delli uomini loro fecero guerra. Nella quale fu da notare che come l'anno passato la Valdelsa, e il Chianti, e il Valdarno furono di molte infertadi gravate e morie, che così nel presente, che ffu mirabile cosa. E perché (p. 208) per queste paci fossono liete molte province, i reame di Francia in questi giorni ebbe grandi e gravi comozioni di popoli contro a' gentili uomini, che molto guastarono il paese, e tre gran compagne di gente d'arme settantrionali conturbarono forte Italia e lla Proenza. Il perché appare che universale pace non può essere nel mondo, come fu al tempo che 'l figliuolo di Dio umana carne della Vergine prese. | And to further increase peace there was abundance of all the fruits of the earth that year. It is true that in winter there were colds, and in summer many tertiary fevers, single and double, so that if men made peace in their wars, the elements still made war on them because of the shameful sins of men. It was remarkable that, as the Valdelsa, the Chianti, and the Valdarno were severely afflicted with many diseases and deaths last year, the same was the case in the present year, which was astonishing. And although many provinces were gladdened by this peace, the kingdom of France in these days experienced great and serious disturbances of the people against the nobles, which greatly devastated the country, and three great hosts of northern warriors greatly troubled Italy and Provence. From this it follows that there can be no universal tranquillity in the world, as there was at the time when the Son of God took on human flesh from the Virgin. | Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 207-208 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1358-07-25-Constance | 25 July 1358 JL | Great mortality in Constance especially along the Danube in Ulm. In addition descriptions of the weather. | Quo eciam mense [July] et precedentibus mortalitas viguit in dyocesi Constant. maxime circa Danubium in Ulma et usque ad lacum in Constantia et aliis locis circum iacentibus. Et duravit ad annum lix. et tunc cepit cessare. Sed a festo sancti Iacobi [25.07.] usque ad annum prescriptum quinquaginta sex scolares in Constancia mortui sunt. Et omnes habuerunt apostemata qui illa pestilencia decesserunt exceptis paucissimis. Et frigus incepit in vigilia [leere Stelle] anni lix. et duravit usque ad purificationem. Et deinceps fuit tempus bonum et temperatum. Et per totum martium nec nix nec frigus fuit sed bene cum serenitate incepit et cum pluvia modica et temperata in fine mensis finivit. Et eius lunacio incepit xiiii. Numero aurei numeri secundum veram computationem que servanda est, nec fallit nisi ad paucas horas precedentis diei. Anno autem lx. erit xv. Et sic ascensive et descensive deinceps, et incipiendum est in ianuario. | In the same month [July] and the preceding months, mortality raged in the diocese of Constance, especially along the Danube in Ulm and as far as Lake Constance in Constance as well as in other neighbouring areas. It lasted until 1359 and then began to subside. However, from the feast of St James [25 July] until that year, fifty-six pupils died in Constance. All those who died from this plague had abscesses, with very few exceptions. And the cold began on the eve of [blank space] of the year 59 and lasted until the Purification. From then on, the weather was good and temperate. Throughout March, there was neither snow nor cold, but it began with clear skies and ended with light and moderate rain at the end of the month. Its lunar phase began on the 14th, according to the golden number, according to the true calculation which must be observed and is only off by a few hours of the previous day. In the year 60, it will be the 15th. And so it continues ascending and descending from then on, and it is to begin in January. | Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 113. | None |
| 1360-00-00-Europe | April 1360 JL | The passage describes the way in which the plague spread, beginning in England in April and May and then spread to France, Lombardy, Romagne, Marche and Majorca. Matteo Villani criticised the persistence of people in their sins and the forgetting of the Judgement Day. | Della pistolenzia dell'anguinaia ricominciata in diversi paesi del mondo, e di sua operazione. In Inghilterra d'aprile e di maggio si cominciò, e seguitò di giugno e più inanzi, la pistolenzia dell'anguinaia usata, e ffuvi tale e tanta, che nella città di Londra il dì di san Giovanni e 'l seguente morirono più di MCC Cristiani, e in prima e poi per tutta l'isola. Gran fracasso fece per simile ne reame di Francia: nella Proenza trafisse ogni maniera di gente. Vignone corruppe in forma che no vi campava persona: morironvi nove cardinali, e più di VIIC plelati e gran cherici, e popolo inumerabile. E di maggio e giugno si stese e percosse la Lombardia, e prima Commo e Pavia, co tanta roina, che quais le recò in desolazione. In Milano misse il capo, dove altra volta nonn-era stata, e tirò a terra il popolo quasi affatto, con grande orrore e spavento di chi rimanea. Vinegia toccò in più riprese, e tolsele oltre a XXM viventi. La Romagna opressò forte e assai quasi per tutte sue terre, ma ppiù l'una che l'altra, e nell'entrata del verno cominciò a restare i Lombardia, e a gravare la Marca, e lla città d'Agobbio forte premette. L'isola della Maiolica perdé oltre alle tre parti de li abitanti. Né lasciò l'alpi delli Ubaldini sanza macolo per molti de' (p. 514) luoghi suoi. E molti paesi del mondo inn-uno tempo erano di questo pistolenzia corrotti, né già quelli a ccui parea che Dio perdonasse no ritornavano a llui per contrizione, partendosi dalle iniquitadi e dalle prave operazioni ostinate, e come le bestie del macello, veggendo l'altre nelle mani del beccaio col coltello svenare, saltavano liete nella pastura, quasi come a lloro non dovesse toccare, ma più dimenticando li uomini il giudicio divino si davano sfacciatamente alle rapine, alle guerre, e al mantenere compagne contra ogni uomo, alle ingiurie de' prossimi, e alle disoluta vita, e a' mali guadagni assai più che nelli altri tempi, corompendo la speranza della misericordia di Dio per lo male ingegno delle perverse menti; e cciò per manifesta sperienza si vide in tutte le parti del mondo dove la detta pistolenzia mostrò il giudicio di Dio. |
On the resurgence of the plague of the groin in various countries of the world and its effects In England, the familiar plague of the abdomen began in April and May and continued through June and beyond. It was so devastating that on St John's Day and the following day, more than 1200 Christians died in the city of London, as well as before and after throughout the island. The plague caused similar chaos in the Kingdom of France; in Provence it affected people of all kinds. In Avignon, it raged so strongly that no one there was spared: nine cardinals died, over 700 prelates and great clerics as well as countless people from the populace. In May and June, it spread to Lombardy, first to Como and Pavia, causing such destruction that these cities were almost depopulated. In Milan, where it had not been before, it caused great damage and decimated almost the entire population, causing great fear and terror among the survivors. Venice was hit in several waves and lost over 20,000 people. Romagna was hit hard, almost all towns were affected, some more than others. At the end of the winter, the plague began to subside in Lombardy, while it hit the Marche hard and put the city of Gubbio under severe pressure. On the island of Majorca, over three quarters of the population died. Even the Alps of the Ubaldini were not spared, and many of their towns were badly hit. At the same time, many countries of the world were afflicted by this plague, and those who believed that God had mercy on them did not return to him through repentance, but persisted in their sins and evil deeds. Like cattle for the slaughter, seeing their fellow animals in the hands of the butcher with a knife, they jumped happily to the pasture as if they would not be hit. But people, forgetting divine judgement, shamelessly indulged in robbery, wars and maintaining gangs against everyone, committing injustice against their neighbours, living a dissolute life and seeking ill-gotten gains, far more than at other times. This corrupted the hope of God's mercy by the evil nature of their perverse minds; and this could be observed in all parts of the world, where the aforementioned plague showed the judgement of God. |
Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, pp. 514-515. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1364-00-00-Pereiaslav | 1364 JL | Epidemic in Pereyaslavl. | На тү же зимү [6872] и веснү [68873] моръ бы(с)[ть] в Переӕславли. | In the winter 1364/1365 and spring 1365 the epidemic was in Pereyaslavl. | Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 533. | Translation by Adrian Jusupovic |
| 1376-00-00-Westfjords | 1376 JL | Mortality due to a severe winter in the Icelandic Westfjords in 1376 | Vetr micill og manndavdi vm Vestfiordv. | Harsh winter and mortality in the Westfjords. | Gottskálksannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 363 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1380-00-00-Bohemia-3 | 13 July 1380 JL | Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from the day of St Margarethe (July 13) until winter. | Anno Domini 1380. Pestilencia non modica in Boemia instaurata agesto s. Margarethe usque ad yemem perduravit. | Year of the Lord 1380. A considerable plague was instated in Bohemia, lasting from the feast of Saint Margaret until winter. | Anonymous, Chronicon Bohemicum Pragense, ed. J. Emler (Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. VII, s.a.) p. 10-13, p. 11. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1387-01-00-Florence | January 1386 JL | Many people fell ill with a cold following a period of warm and humid weather from November to January. Many people of all ages and sexes died, but more older people than younger ones. | Capitolo XVII. -Come molti infreddarono in Firenze e non per grande freddo che fosse. Del mese di gennaio nel 1386 (st. Fior.) infreddò in Firenze quasi ogni gente e non fu per grande freddo che fosse; ma fu che da calendi di novembre infino a gennaio fu sempre l'aere calda e umida, e dissesi che quella generò quello infreddare; e addivenia che, quando cominciava lo infreddare, a tutti venía la febbre e molta gente uccise, e giovani e vecchi e molte femine. Ma pure de' vecchi moriron più che de' giovani e durò infino a mezzo febbraio e molto isbigotti i cittadini però che di morte fece grande danno alle cittade. |
Chapter XVII - How many in Florence caught a cold, not because of the extreme cold In January 1386 ( Flor. cal.) almost everyone in Florence caught a cold, and this was not due to extreme cold. It is said that this was due to the warm and humid weather from 1 November [1366] to January [1377]. As soon as the cold started, everyone caught a fever and many people died, both young and old, and many women. But older people died more than young people, and this continued until mid-February, causing great concern to the citizens, as death caused great damage to the cities. | Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 23 | None |
| 1389-00-00-Pistoia | 1389 JL | Grain increased a lot in price and the municipality of Florence had to import grain, otherwise there would have been a great famine. In Pistoia, Arezzo and Città di Castello was a great mortality because of the plague. | Capitolo XXVIII. - Che valse il grano e'l vino in questo anno in Firenze, e come la mortalità fu nel loro contado in più parti. Questo anno fu molto caro il grano in Firenze, alcuna volta valse lo staio lire tre, e 'l vino valse di vendemia dieci fiorini il cogno perché ne fu molto poco,' e tutte l'altre cose furon care mollo, e alli poveri mancò il guadagno, e a' cittadini crebbono le spese, e a gran parte de' cittadini pareva istar male; e se non fosse che 'l Comune, con grande sollecitudine e spese, fece venire di Pelago di mollo grano di più parti del mondo circa di 30 milia moggia, grande moltitudine di gente nella città e nel contado arebbono patito grandissima nicistà di vittuvaglia; ma quel grande riparo li salvò. In questo anno medesimo fu grande mortalità in Pistoia e in tutti li luoghi e intorno a quella; e morivano di posteme pestilenziose e velenose in due o in tre di; e alla città d'Arezzo e in tutto il suo contado cominciarono a morire di pestilenzia, ed ebbevi Castello che vi mori più che 'l terzo delle bocche. E ancora la della mortalità in molte terre d' Italia grandissima; della qual cosa molto isbigottirono i Fiorentini temendo di non averla l'anno vegnente. |
Chapter 28: The development of the value of grain and wine in Florence this year and the mortality in its surroundings. Grain was very expensive in Florence that year. Sometimes a bushel cost three lire, and the wine of the harvest was sold for ten florins a barrel, because there was very little of it. All other things were also expensive and the poor lacked income, while expenses for the citizens increased, causing great inconvenience to many citizens. If the municipality had not taken great care and expense to import large quantities of grain from Pelago and other parts of the world, some 30,000 moggia, there would have been a great famine in the city and the countryside. But these extensive measures saved them. In the same year there was a great mortality in Pistoia and in all the surrounding areas. People died of pestilential and toxic abscesses every two or three days. In the city of Arezzo and its entire surrounding area, they began to die of the plague, and in Castello more than a third of the population died. Mortality was also very high in many other parts of Italy, which worried the Florentines greatly, as they feared they would suffer the same fate the following year. |
Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 88. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1402-00-00-Iceland | 1402 JL | Great plague in Iceland in 1402 | Jtem kom ut Hual einar Heriolfs son med flat skip er hann atti sialfur. kom þar ut j suo micil brada sott. at menn lagv daudir innan þriggia natta. Þar til er heitid uar þrimur lofmessvm med sæmeligv bæna halldi oc lios bruna. Jtem var lofad þurfostv fyrir kyndil messo. enn vatnfasta fyrir iol æuenliga. feingv sidan flestir skriptab mal adur enn lietust. Geck sotten um haustid fyrir sunnan land. med suo mickille ogn ad aleyddi bæi vida. enn folkid uar ecki sialfbiarga þat eptir lifde i morgum stodum. Sera Ali Svarthofda son deydi fyrst af kenne monnum um haustid. oc þar (!) brodir Grimur kirkiu prestur j Skalholti. sidan hver eptir annan heima presta. Sera Hoskulldur radsmadur a iola daginn sialfvann. Aleyddi þa þegar stadinn at lærdvm monnum oc leikvm. fyrir utan byskupinn sialfann oc ij leikmenn. | Then Hval-Einar Herjólfsson sailed out with the ship he had himself. A sudden and severe disease broke out there, so that people lay dead within three nights until three masses were sung with the appropriate prayers and burning candles. Likewise, fasting without water was vowed at Candlemas and fasting with water always before Christmas. Then, most could make their confessions before they died. In autumn, the plague raged in the south of the country with so much terror that villages died out almost entirely. And people were not able to safe themselves in many places. The first priest to die in the autumn was Father Áli Svarthöfðason, followed by Brother Grímur, parish priest in Skálholt, and then one resident priest after the other, the counsellor, Father Höskuldur, exactly on Christmas Day. Thus the episcopate (Skálholtsstaður) was emptied of learned men and lay people, save for the bishop himself and two lay people. | Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 286 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1406-00-00-Pleskov 001 | 1406 JL | Plague in Pleskov in winter | Тогда [6914]<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> бяше моръ во Пьсковѣ над людьми железою. <a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a> | There 1406/1407 was then a plague with swelling/blister/cerebral oedema<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a> in Pskov. | Новгородская первая летопись младшего изводa (Комиссионный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, p. 399. | None |
| 1407-09-17-Nizza | 17 September 1407 JL | Mortality in Nice, thus the Pope left the city and fled to Villafranca Piemonte(?) | Partimoci da lui da Monaco, e giugnemmo a Nizza adì 17. di Settembre, e perchè a Nizza si (p. 278) diceva essere alquanto di mortalità, però il Papa s'era partito, et ito a Villafranca. | We left him from Monaco, and came to Nice on the 17th of September, and because in Nice (p. 277) they said that there was some mortality. Because of that the Pope left, and went to Villafranca. | Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, pp. 277-278. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1417-00-00-northern Rusia Sim | 1417 JL | Attack of the plague in many areas of northern Rusia. | Bъ то же лѣтo [6925] быcть мopъ cтpaшeнъ въ людexъ въ Hoвѣгopoдѣ Beликoмъ и въ Лaдoзѣ, и въ Pycѣ, и въ Пopxoвѣ, и въ Пcкoвѣ, и въ Topжькy, и въ Tфepи, и въ Дмитpoвѣ, и пo влacтeмъ иxъ; и толь великъ быcть мopъ, яко живiи не ycпѣвaxy мepтвыxъ погpeбати, ниже доволни бяxy здравiи болящимъ служити, но единъ здравыи десятерымъ болeмъ служаще, и мнози дворы пусти бышa, a вo инoмъ единъ человѣкъ ocтacя или двa, a индѣ единo дѣтище. Болѣзнь же сицeвa быcть людeмъ: преже, яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или противу cepдцa подъ груди и пpомежи крилъ, и paзболѣвся начнетъ кровiю xpaкaти и огнь pажжетъ, по ceмъ потъ иметь, потoмъ дрожь иметъ, и иметь xoдити по всѣмъ cъcтавомъ человѣчимъ недугъ тои; желѣзa же не единаче, иному на шiи, дрyгому на стѣгнѣ, оному подъ пазухою или подъ скулою, или за лопaткoю и въ пaxy и на инѣхъ мѣстexъ, и въ болѣзни тои полeжавше, cъ покаанiемъ и cъ масломъ, мнози же и aггельска образа сподобившеся, oтъ житiя oтxoжaxy; cице бо милocepдiе свoe и казнь cъ милocтiю людемъ cвоимъ послa. | That year [6925] there was a terrible plague among the people in Novgorod the Great, and in Ladoga, and in Russa, and in Porkhov, and in Pskov, and in Torzhok, and in Tver, and in Dmitrov, and in their estates; and then there was a great plague, so that the living were not able to bury the dead. The healthy should have served the sick, but one healthy person had to serve ten sick people. And many manors were empty, in one a man or two remained, and in another only a child. The disease progressed as follows in humans: first, as if struck with bear spear behind the shoulder blade or in front of the heart, in the chest and between the collarbones. And when he falls ill, he begins to spit blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he shivers, and this suffering spreads through all his joints. The swelling/blisters were not in the same [places], some on the neck, the other on the tendon, the other under the armpit, or under the cheekbone, or behind the shoulder blade and under the armpit, and in other places. And lying in this disease, after confession and [anointing] with [holy] oil, they took an angelic shape and departed from life. Thus [God] sent His mercy and punishment with love to people. | Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 163–164. | None |
| 1417-00-00-Novgorod | 1417 JL | A fearful plague among the people in Novgorod, and in Ladoga, in Russa, Porkhov, Pskov, Tver, Dmitrov, and in Torzhok, and throughout their districts and villages | В то же лѣто и зиму [6925] <a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> бѣ моръ страшенъ в Новѣгородѣ на людех, и в Ладозѣ, и в Русѣ, и в Порховѣ, и во Пьсковѣ, и въ Торжьку, и въ Дмитровѣ, и во Тфѣри, и по властемъ и по погостомъ. И како могу сказати ту бѣду страшную и грозную, бывшюю в весь моръ; кака туга живым по мертвыхъ, понеже умножишася умерших въ градѣх и селех, тѣм же едва успѣваху живии мертвых опрятывати, на всякъ день умираху толко, яко не успѣваху погрѣбати их, а дворовъ много затвориша безъ людии. Преже яко рогатынею ударить и явится железа, или начнет кровию хракати и потомь дрожь имет и огнь ражьжет по всѣмъ уставам человѣческымъ естественым, и недуг походит; и в то болѣзни мнози, лежавъ, изомроша<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>. Мнозѣх же крестиянъ богъ помилова своею милостию: отъидоша житья сего въ аггельском чину, от архиереи маслом мазавшимся; и два посадника преставистася в том же чину: Иванъ Олександрович, Борисъ Васильевич. А владыка Семеонъ съ всею седмию сборовъ и съ крестианы, со кресты обходи около всего великаго Новагорода, молися богу и пречистѣи его матери о престатьи гнѣва божиа. | The same summer and winter [6925] there was a fearful plague among the people in Novgorod, and in Ladoga, in Russa, Porkhov, Pskov, Tver, Dmitrov, and in Torzhok, and throughout their districts and villages. And how can I relate the fearful and terrible misery that there was during the whole plague ? What grief the living had for the dead, for the deaths increased so in towns and villages that
the living had barely time to make the dead tidy for burial; so many died every day, that they had not time to bury them; and many houses were closed unoccupied. First of all it would hit one as if with a lance, choking, and then a swelhng would appear, or spitting of blood with shivering, and fire would burn one in all the joints of the body; and then the illness would overwhelm one; and many after lying in that illness died. But to many Christians God was merciful : they left this life entering the angelic order after receiving holy unction from the Vladyka. And two Posadniks died in the same order: Ivan Olexandrovich and Boris Vasilievich. And Vladyka Simeon with all the seven congregations, with the Christians and with crosses went round the whole of Great Novgorod, praying God and His Immaculate Mother to withhold the wrath of God ; and the Christians on horseback and afoot drew logs from the forest and built a church to St. Anastasia which was consecrated the same day by the Vladyka Simeon who performed a holy liturgy ; with the remainder of the logs, they erected a church to St. Ilya in Prussian Street. And the people of Novi-torg put up a church to St. Afanasi likewise in a single day, and performed a liturgy. |
Новгородская первая летопись младшего изводa (Комиссионный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, c. 408. | None |
| 1417-00-00-Novgorod and others | 1417 JL | A fearful plague among the people in Novgorod, and in Ladoga, in Russa, Porkhov, Pskov, Tver, Dmitrov, and in Torzhok, and throughout their districts and villages | В то же лѣто и зиму [6925] <a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> бѣ моръ страшенъ в Новѣгородѣ на людех, и в Ладозѣ, и в Русѣ, и в Порховѣ, и во Пьсковѣ, и въ Торжьку, и въ Дмитровѣ, и во Тфѣри, и по властемъ и по погостомъ. И како могу сказати ту бѣду страшную и грозную, бывшюю в весь моръ; кака туга живым по мертвыхъ, понеже умножишася умерших въ градѣх и селех, тѣм же едва успѣваху живии мертвых опрятывати, на всякъ день умираху толко, яко не успѣваху погрѣбати их, а дворовъ много затвориша безъ людии. Преже яко рогатынею ударить и явится железа, или начнет кровию хракати и потомь дрожь имет и огнь ражьжет по всѣмъ уставам человѣческымъ естественым, и недуг походит; и в то болѣзни мнози, лежавъ, изомроша<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>. Мнозѣх же крестиянъ богъ помилова своею милостию: отъидоша житья сего въ аггельском чину, от архиереи маслом мазавшимся; и два посадника преставистася в том же чину: Иванъ Олександрович, Борисъ Васильевич. А владыка Семеонъ съ всею седмию сборовъ и съ крестианы, со кресты обходи около всего великаго Новагорода, молися богу и пречистѣи его матери о престатьи гнѣва божиа. | The same summer and winter [6925] there was a fearful plague among the people in Novgorod, and in Ladoga, in Russa, Porkhov, Pskov, Tver, Dmitrov, and in Torzhok, and throughout their districts and villages. And how can I relate the fearful and terrible misery that there was during the whole plague ? What grief the living had for the dead, for the deaths increased so in towns and villages that the living had barely time to make the dead tidy for burial; so many died every day, that they had not time to bury them; and many houses were closed unoccupied. First of all it would hit one as if with a lance, choking, and then a swelhng would appear, or spitting of blood with shivering, and fire would burn one in all the joints of the body; and then the illness would overwhelm one; and many after lying in that illness died. But to many Christians God was merciful : they left this life entering the angelic order after receiving holy unction from the Vladyka. And two Posadniks died in the same order: Ivan Olexandrovich and Boris Vasilievich. And Vladyka Simeon with all the seven congregations, with the Christians and with crosses went round the whole of Great Novgorod, praying God and His Immaculate Mother to withhold the wrath of God ; and the Christians on horseback and afoot drew logs from the forest and built a church to St. Anastasia which was consecrated the same day by the Vladyka Simeon who performed a holy liturgy ; with the remainder of the logs, they erected a church to St. Ilya in Prussian Street. And the people of Novi-torg put up a church to St. Afanasi likewise in a single day, and performed a liturgy. | Новгородская первая летопись младшего изводa (Комиссионный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, c. 408. | None |
| 1421-10-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia | September 1421 JL | Another wave of plague, probably in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia | Toe же oceни [6929] ceнтавриа и поча быти болѣзнь коркотна и на зиму глад бысть. | That autumn, in September [6929], the plague began and there was famine in the winter. | Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 245. | Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski |
| 1438-02-00-Constance | February 1438 JL | The hospital master was deposed and imprisoned because he had embezzled many things. Many people died in the hospital during this time. | Item anno 1438 in dem rebmonet do ward der spittalmaister gefangen, umb das er hatt kernen, flaisch, haber, gelt und anders hatt uff geben, das die rechnung brächt ob 300 guldin, das er ettlichen den rätten hatt geben, und namlich Ulrichen Schiltern und Graffschnidern. und ward och offenbär, das er der pfründnerin aine, des alten stattschribers wib, beschlassen hatt. Also ward er ab gesetzt und ward dess selben jares Cunrad Blarer gesetzt, der da maister uff der brugg was. Es sturbent dess selben jares und des andern jares gar vil lüt in dem spittal, dass es ir ettlich mäss än zal was, wo man wolt in nicht allen lüten. | In 1438, in the month of February, the hospital master was imprisoned because he had embezzled grain, meat, oats, money and other things. The accounts revealed that he had given over 300 guilders to some of the councillors, in particular Ulrichen Schiltern and Graffschnider. It also came to light that he had given money to the prebendary, the wife of the old town scribe. As a result, he was deposed and in the same year Cunrad Blarer, who was master of the hospital in Brugg, was appointed in his place. Many people died in the hospital that year and the following year, so many that it was almost impossible to ring the bells for them all. | Konstanzer Chronik, p. 340. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1439-11-00-Norrköping | November 1439 JL | Nils Stensson, member of the Council of Sweden (riksråd) dies of the plague, and not because the imperial regent Karl Knutsson, the later King Karl VIII, had him imprisoned | til norköpung fördis niels tha, ther döde han aff pestilencia | to Norrköping was Nils then led, where he died of the plague | Gustaf Edvard Klemming 1866, p. 223, col. 6514-15 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1451-00-00-Poland | 8 September 1451 JL | A "notable" plague occurred in Wrocław in 1451. starting around the feast of the birth of St. Mary the Virgin (September 8) and lasting throught the whole winter. | A. 1451. Pestis notabilis. Eodem anno 1451 fuit notabilis pestis Wratislavie et oppidis ac villis hinc inde, incepit circa festum nativitatis Marie et duravit quasi per totam hyemem leniter. | Year 1451. Notable plague. In the same year 1451 there was a notable plague in Wrocław and the towns and villages from there onwards. It started around the feast of the birth of St. Mary the Virgin (September 8) and lasted in a milder way virtually through the whole of the winter. | Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 62 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1472-12-00-Metz | December 1472 JL | Mortality in Metz. | Item en ycelle année, il fist ung yver pluvioux et ne gellit presque point ; et molroit on ung poc de la pest et des aprison. | In this year (1472), the winter has been very wet and with almost no frost. And few people died of the pest and of fever. | Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 17. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |


