For Price increase, a total of 45 epidemic events are known so far. It is a keyword.
Table
Table
| Page | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1092-00-00-Strasbourg | 1092 JL | Great mortality in price increase in the world | och wart gros sterbotte und dürunge durch alle welt. | also was great dying and price increase through the entire world. | Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 435 | None |
| 1186-00-00-Strasbourg | 1186 JL | This passage tells of a false prophecy. It was wrongly predicted that a great destructive wind and mortality and price increase would come in autumn. People were very afraid, but nothing happened. | Eine falsche prophecie. Bi disen ziten verschreip ein meister von dem gestirne in alle lant, das in dem herbeste in dem jore noch gotz gebürte 1186 solte kumen ein wint, der alle bürge, hüser und boume dernyder würfe, und donoch ein gros sterbot und dürunge und vil andere wunderliche ding. und sprach och, das alle sternenseher in der cristenheit und in der heidenschaft und alle wise meistere wol erkantent, das diese ding also geschehen muestent. hievon erschrag das volg und mahtent etliche lüte hütten uf dem velde und hüselin under der erden do sü inne wonetent, und men mahte vil crüzegenge und gebet. do nu der herbest kam, do was es guet wetter und geschach der dinge keines die men gewissaget hette. hiebi mag men merken, das der welte wisheit ist eine torheit vor gotte. |
A False Prophecy During this time, a master of the stars wrote to all the lands that in the autumn of the year 1186 after Christ's birth, a wind would come that would topple all castles, houses, and trees. This would be followed by a great death, price increase, and many other strange occurrences. He also claimed that all astrologers in Christendom and in pagan lands, as well as all wise masters, had recognized that these things must happen. This caused fear among the people, leading some to build huts in the fields and little houses underground where they could live. Many people made pilgrimages and prayed fervently. But when autumn came, the weather was good, and none of the predicted events occurred. From this, one can observe that the wisdom of the world is foolishness before God. |
Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 648. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1224-00-00-Bologna | 1224 JL | Epidemic and price increase in Bologna | Fu gran carestia, e moria à quest' Anno; il formento valeva lire 3., la Farina soldi 44, il Ducato valeva soldi 30; e facendosi lemosina nel Vescovato il Giovedì Santo la Stretta delli Poveri si affogornon 24. Persone. | There was great famine and starvation in this year; wheat was worth 3 lire, flour 44 lire, the Ducato was worth 30 lire; and there was a famine in the Bishop's Palace on Holy Thursday, and the Stretta dell'Poveri was starved 24 people. | Template:Lodovico Ostesani 897–1506, p. 1224 | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1227-00-00-Bologna | 1227 JL | Famine, price increase and high mortality in Bologna | Magna fames fuit in civitate Bononiae et per diversas partes et valuit corba frumenti tres libras et fabarum xlviij soldos, speltae soldos xxxiiij et melegae xxviij soldos [...] Fuit magna mortalitas tam in divitibus, quam in pauperibus personis | There was a great famine in the city of Bologna and in different areas and wheat was 3 pound and fabarum 48 Solidi, speltae 34 Solidi and melegae 33 Solidi. [...] Because of a great mortality a lot of poor people died. | Template:Griffoni 1902, p. 9 | Translation needed |
| 1227-00-00-Bologna 002 | 1227 JL | Famine, epidemic and price increase in Bologna; Contado hit even worse; deserted village; Bishop's alms end in mass panic with deaths | In questo anno vi fu una gran carestia in Bologna, come ancora da crudelissima peste, in maniera che molti dei nobili nella città morirono, ma nel contado infiniti perirono; percioche le Castella entire andarono in esterminio [...] in questa penuria in Bologna valse lo staio dell' grano tre lire, la fava soldi vintiotto, la spelta soldi quatordici, et la mollidura soldi quindici, et il duccato d'oro si spendeva per soldi [1]30. Il che mosse il Vescovo della Città il Giovedi Santo a invitare tutti i puoveri a pigliare per carità il pane dove concorse tanta multitudine che ventiquattro per la folta turba morirono: perche ciaschun bramava d'essere il primo, essendo dalla fame. | In this year there was a great famine in Bologna, as there was also a cruel plague, so that many of the nobles in the city died, but countless perished in the countryside; therefore the entire Castella went into extermination [...] in this scarcity in Bologna, the staio dell' grano was worth three lire, the fava bean was worth eight hundred soldi, the spelt fourteen soldi, and the mollidura fifteen soldi, and the dukedom of gold was spent for money 130. This moved the Bishop of the City on Holy Thursday to invite all the people to take bread for charity, where so great a multitude gathered that twenty-four died because of the large crowd: because each one yearned to be the first, being from hunger. | Template:Anonymus, p. 82 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1227-00-00-Bologna 003 | 1227 JL | Famine, price increase and high mortality in Bologna. | Per Bologna et per tutta Italia quest' anno fu grande carestia, et valeva la corba del formento lire tre, intravene che la giobia santa facendosi l'ellemosian al vescovado, gli fu tanta la calcha che gli ne mor circa 20. E fu grande mortalità quest' anno per la cita e morireno molti gentilhomini. | For Bologna and all of Italy, this year was a great famine, and the forage was worth three lire, when the holy jewel was made to the bishopric, there was so much heat that about 20 died. And it was a great mortality this year for the citation and many gentlemen died. | Template:Giacomo del Poggio, p. 34r. | None |
| 1229-00-00-Bologna | 1229 JL | Epidemic and price increase in Bologna | e fo una grande carastia valse la grano L 3 la coraba, la fava L. 2 ß 8, la spelta L 1 ß 14 e la melega valse ß 28. Nel dito ano fu una grandi moria impur asai paesi | Template:Giacomo Ronco, p. 304v | Translation needed | |
| 1233-01-00-Piacenza | January 1233 JL | Extreme cold, which is why the river Po froze over from Piacenza to Venice- trade shipments on the ice; wine freezes in vessels, wines, fruit and nut trees die; people freeze to death in their beds; famine, price increase and epidemic | Eodem anno tantum frigus & gelu fuit, quod flumen Padi de mense Januarii taliter glaciatum est, quod omnes gentes utriusque sexus, & aetatis ipsum quasi terram aridam transibant. Et etiam a Venetiis usque Cremonam super faciem Padi mercationes deducebantur. Vinum inter vegetes congelabatur. Caristia subsequitur, & mortalitas oritur: guerrae & perturbationes incipiunt: ficulneae, & oliveta, nucleares arbores, & vineae aruerunt, & homines in lectis congelabantur | In the same year, there was such severe cold and frost that the Po River was so frozen in the month of January that all people of both sexes and all ages could cross it as if it were dry land. Also, from Venice to Cremona, goods were transported over the surface of the Po. Wine froze inside barrels. Scarcity followed, and mortality arose; wars and disturbances began; fig trees, olive groves, nut trees, and vineyards withered, and people froze in their beds | Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 462 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-05-00-London | May 1258 JL | Great famine and mortality in London. | Circa idem tempus, tanta fames et mortalitas ingruebat in terra, ut, ascendente summa blade usque ad pretium quindecim solidorum et ultra, et terra nummis esset vacuata, et per plateas innumerorum jacerent morticinia […] Jacuerunt insuper mortui super sterquilinia et in luto, et per plateas marcentes et tumescentes, ita ut vix erat qui mortuos sepeliret, nec audebant aut volebant cives vix aliqui mortuos propter tabem hospitari. | Around the same time, such great famine and mortality struck the land that, with the price of grain rising to fifteen solidi and beyond, and the land being emptied of money, countless corpses lay in the streets. [...] The dead also lay on dung heaps and in the mud, decaying and swelling in the streets, so that there were scarcely any who could bury the dead, nor did the citizens dare or wish to take in the dead due to the contagion. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 701-702. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-Italy | 1259 JL | Price increase, famine and epidemics throughout Italy | In questo mentre si ritrouaua tutta l'Italia grandemente afflitta, & per la gran carestia che da ogni parte s'haueua di tutte le cose attenenti al vitto humano, & per la vniuersal pestilentia che da ogni lato regnaua, con miserabile strage d'ogni viuente di qualunque stato, & conditione. | In the meantime, all of Italy was greatly afflicted, and by the great famine on all sides of all things pertaining to human sustenance, and by the universal pestilence that reigned on all sides, with miserable slaughter of every citizen of every state and condition. | Alberti 1541, pp. Dec. II, lib. II, ad a. 1259 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1259-00-00-Salzburg | 1259 JL | Everywhere a great need, shortage and price increase and thereupon severe plague in Salzburg | 1259. Maxima caristia orta est per omnes terras, quam sequitur maxima pestilentia hominum. | In the year 1259, a great scarcity arose across all lands, followed by a severe pestilence among the people. | Template:Annales Sancti Rudperti Salisburgensis, p. 795. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-04-00-Italy | April 1259 JL | Epidemic and high mortality in Italy. | Et eodem anno MCCLIX magna fuit mortalitas, et composui librum de tediis. [...] In supradicto millesimo habitabam in Burgo Sancti Donini et composui et scripsi alium librum Tediorum ad similitudinem Pateccli. Item eodem anno in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de Passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in Dominica Olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit dominus Rubinus de Soragna, barbánus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchisopoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent. | And in the same year 1259, there was a great mortality, and I composed a book about weariness. [...] In the aforementioned year, I lived in San Donino and composed and wrote another book of weariness, similar to Gherardo Patecchio. Also in the same year, in Italy, there was a great mortality of men and women, so much so that during the evening office, we had two dead in the church at the same time. And this curse began in the week of Passion, so that in the whole province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not perform the office on Palm Sunday, as they were affected by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. Then, Master Rubinus of Soragna, the barber of Uberti Pelavicini, and Brother Marchisopoli, whom I heard in confession, died. Also in San Donino, more than three hundred died from that pestilence, and in Milan, many thousands, and similarly in Florence, many thousands; and the bells did not toll, lest they terrify the sick. | Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, pp. 674–675. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1276-00-00-Italy | 1276 JL | Price increase in Genoa, Lombardy, Tuscany, France and in complete Italy, poverty migration and disease | In iam dicto anno [1276] victualium magna fuit penuries nedum in Ianua et districtu, set etiam in Lonbardia, Tuscia, Provintia et Francia, et quasi in Ytalia tota. In Ianua enim et districtu usque in solidos 40 frumenti mine singule vendebantur; quod autem durius est audire, nedum frumentum set nec etiam granum poterat reperiri. Qui enim granum habebant, illud ad libitum vendere potuissent, quantumcunque voluissent inde habere pretium; nisi iussio emanasset qua fuit cunctis inhibitum, ne ultra certam summam frumentum vel granum aliquatenus venderetur. Tanta autem victualium inedia nedum per totum illum annum set etiam quasi per totum sequentem regnavit, quod homines fame peribant. Qua ex causa urgente fame et fructuum paupertate, magna mulierum et hominum multitudo cum eorum familias etiam parvulis quos in cunabulis deferebant, fines Lonbardie, Tuscie, Provintie et totius Ytalie famem fugientes est egressa. Ex diversis quidem civitatibus locis et villis et quasi ex totius Lonbardie et Ytalie finibus homines mulieres magni et parvuli undique concurrebant, qui quasi fame consumpti velud mortui apparebant. Qui omnes habuerunt ad civitatem Ianuensem recursum, et quamquam Ianuensis civitas magna victualium laboraret inopia, tamen ad se fugientes non repulit; set ipsis miseris et oppressis fame [p. 283] compatiens manum aperuit et panem suum et omnia neccessaria eisdem esurientibus ministravit. Illo quippe anno et quasi toto sequenti aer infectus et pestilens celum fuit, et ad hec in omnibus iam dictis partibus morbus invaluit, quod infinitos homines et mulieres magnos et parvos fere in omnibus Ytalie partibus mors invasit. | Obertus Stanconus et al. 1863, pp. 283–284 | Translation needed | |
| 1277-00-00-Lombardy | 1277 JL | Epidemic with many deaths and strong price increase of grain in Lombardy and Italy | Item eodem anno fuit maxima caritudo blave, ita quod sestarium furmenti fuit positum in asetum [fixing the price] ad decem solidos imperiales spelte v solidos imperiales; et secrete per episcopatum vendebatur xx solidis imperialibus starium furmenti. Et magna mortalitas hominum, infancium et mulierum fuit per Lombardiam et totam Ytaliam [...] Et illo anno fuit paucum blaudum per totam Lombardiam, ita quod starium furmenti vendebatur xij solidis imperialibus et starium spelte vj solidis imperialibus. Et fuit magna mortalitas per totam Lombardiam | Template:Bonazzi 1902, p. 33 | Translation needed | |
| 1277-00-00-Steterburg | 1277 JL | Severe plague among animals | Anno sequenti pestilencia pecorum est exorta, ita ut nobis secundum veram computacionem mille et ducente oves et plus quam centum vacce morerentur; unde in comparandis lacticiniis multa expendere oportebat. | Gesta praepositorum Stederburgensium continuata, p. 728, l. 42 | Translation needed | |
| 1277-05-00-Reggio | May 1277 JL | Epidemic and price increase in Reggio | Eo mense [May] coepit morbus Rhegii, & tunc statutum est, ut non pulsentur campanae, nec mortui praeconizentur, nec plorentur, & quod mulieres non sequantur ad Ecclesiam corpora. Et tunc frumentum valebat solidos VIII. imperial. et faba solid. XX Resanorum. [...] Eo anno maximus morbus fuit Rhegii. | Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 8 | Translation needed | |
| 1277-07-00-Italy | July 1277 JL | In Italy was an epidemic with deaths and rainfall prevent sowing, price increase of all foodstuffs | Et eodem anno [...] steterunt magne infirmitates, pestilentie et mortalitates hominum et mulierum per universum orbem quasi et maxime in Ytalia. Et magna pluvia fuit, ita quod homines non potuerunt colligere melicas de campis nec eas siccare nec potuerunt bene seminare [...] Et eo anno fuit maxima caristia de rebus victualibus, quia aliquando vendictum fuit sest. frumenti VIIII sol. imper. et X sol imper., et sest. fabe XVIII sol. rex. et XVII et XVIIII sol. rex., et sest. milice V sol. imper. et XIII et XIIII sol. rex., et sest. spelte IIII sol. imper. et XIII sol. rex., et libra olei XXI imper. et XXII imper.; et de omnibus aliis rebus victualibus magna caristia fuit. | Template:TN | Template:Albertus Miliolus 1903, p. 551 | None |
| 1311-00-00-Piacenza | 1311 JL | Strong price increase, many deaths caused by famine and a desolation in Piacenza | Eodem anno & anno sequenti fuit fames valida in Placentia, & valuit starius frumenti soldos XXX, starius milii soldos XX, starius milicae soldiso XVI, et starius sicalis soldos XXIV. Et dicto anno innumerabiles per Civitatem Placentiae cadentes mortui sunt fame & pestilentia; & tunc Civitas Placentiae quasi tota fuit depopulata & evacuata Populo et laboratoribus. | Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 488 | Translation needed | |
| 1312-00-00-Bologna | 1312 JL | Price increase and epidemic in Bologna. | Die quest' anno fu una gran mortalità sconosciuta dalli medici, fu similmente una grandissima carestia si di pane, come di vino, et aceto, che il fromento si vende sol. [f. 21v] di venti la Corba, che prima si vende una cinque, et il vino, et l'aceto 40 bolognini. | In this year there was a great mortality unknown to the doctors, there was likewise a great famine both of bread and of wine and vinegar, so that the fromento was sold for only. [f. 21v] of twenty la Corba, which was previously sold at five, and the wine, and vinegar 40 bolognini. | Template:Chronica Azzolina (1106-1457), p. 24 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1312-00-00-Italy | 1312 JL | Price increase and epidemic in Italy | Eo anno fere per omnem Ytaliam caritas anone et comestalium omnium que per totum annum duravit. Hominum etiam lues maxima ubique plus virorum quam mulierum et magis locuplectuum quam egenorum. | Anonymus 1938a, p. 325 | Translation needed | |
| 1313-05-00-Lombardy | May 1313 JL | Price increase in Lombardy leads to famine deaths and in summer an epidemic throughout Italy | De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam | Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 24 | Translation needed | |
| 1316-00-00-Strasbourg | 1316 JL | In 1316 was a shortage, a price increase and a mortality which filled the hospital. | Der grosse Spittel zu Strosburg der stunt zum ersten in Kremergasse bi sant Erhardes cappelle, also es noch heisset "zum alten Spittel". do men nu zalte noch gotz gebürte 1316 jor, do galt ein viertel kornes zu Strosburg 30 sol. und in dem lande 2 lib. d. die türunge werte ein gantz jor. von der dürunge und gebresten kam ein grosser sterbotte, das der spittel und [die] gruben bi sant Erhartz cappellen wurdent alle vol mit doten gefüllet, und hette men zu enge, me gruben zu machen. Dovon wart der spittel uffewendig der stat gemaht, nebent unser frowen brueder closter. | The large hospital in Strasbourg initially stood on Kremergasse near St. Erhard's Chapel, when it was named "to the old Hospital." In the year 1316, a quarter of grain in Strasbourg cost 30 sol., and in the countryside, 2 lib. d. The price increase lasted an entire year. After the price increase and shortage a significant mortality ensued, filling the hospital and the graves near St. Erhard’s Chapel with the dead, to the point where there was not enough space, than it was closed. Because of this, the hospital was moved out of the city, next to the Our Lady's Brothers’ Monastery. | Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 738 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1316-00-00-Strasbourg 001 | 1316 JL | In Strasbourg was a price increase and a shortage, that led to a mortality. | Do men zalte 1316 jor, do galt ein viertel rocken zu Strosburg 30 sol. und in dem lande lib. d. diese türunge verzoch sich untz in das ander jor. und von der türunge und bresten kam ein grosser sterbotte, das der spittel wart us der stat gesetzet, also vor bi den sterbotten geschriben stet. | In the year 1316, a quarter of rye costed 30 shillings in Strasbourg an in the countryside one pound denar. This price increase continued until the next year. Due to the price increase and shortage arose a great dying. The hospital was moved out the city, like it was written for the dyings. | Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 868. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1340-03-00-Florence | March 1340 JL | Beginning of a severe epidemic that lasts into the winter and claims 15,000 lives (1/6 of the city), fewer deaths in the surrounding area, grain imported from there; Processions in Florence | Che incontanente cominciò grande mortalità, che quale si ponea malato, quasi nullo ne scampava; e morinne più che il sesto di cittadini pure de' migliori e più cari, maschi e femmine, che non rimase famiglia ch'alcuno non ne morisse, e dove due o ttre e più; e durò quella pestilenzia infino al verno vegnente. E più di XVm corpi tra maschi e femmine e fanciulli se ne sepellirono pure nella città, onde la città era tutta piena di pianto e di dolore, e non si intendea apena ad altro, ch'a sopellire morti. E però si fece ordine che come il morto fosse recato alla chiesa la gente si partisse; che prima stavan tanto che si facea l'asequio, e a tali la predicta con solenni uffici a' maggiorenti; e ordinossi che non andasse banditore per morti. In contado non fu sì grande la mortalita, ma pure ne morirono assai. Con essa pistolenza seguì la fame e il caro, agiunta a quello dell' anno passato; che con tutto lo scemo di morti valse lo staio del grano più di soldi XXX, e più sarebbe assai valuto, se non che 'l Comune ne fece provedenza di farne venire di pelago [...] [p. 227] Per questa mortalità, a dì XVIII di giugno, per consiglio del vescovo e di religiosi si fece in Firenze generale processione, ove furono quasi tutti i cittadini sani maschi e femmine col corpo di Cristo ch'è a Santo Ambruogio, e con esso s'andò per tutta la terra infino a ora di nona, con più di CL torchi accesi | Suddenly there began a great mortality, so that almost no one who fell ill could escape it; and more than a sixth of the best and dearest citizens, male and female, died, so that there was no family that did not die, and where two or three or more; and the pestilence lasted until the coming winter. And more than fifteen male and female bodies and children were buried in the city, so that the city was filled with weeping and sorrow, and there was nothing else to do but mourn the dead. And so it was ordered that when the dead were brought to the church, the people should leave; they had been so long before the funeral was made, and then they were preached with solemn offices to the mayors; and it was ordered that no bannermen should go out for the dead. In the countryside the death toll was not so great, but there were many who died. The famine and dearth followed, added to that of the previous year, so that with all the death toll, the staio of grain was worth more than 30 money, and it would have been worth much more, if the Commune had not taken steps to bring in more money [...] [p... 227] Because of this mortality, on the eighteenth day of June, on the advice of the bishop and the religious, a general procession was held in Florence, where almost all the healthy male and female citizens were present with the body of Christ, which is in Santo Ambruogio, and with it it went throughout the whole city until the ninth hour, with more than 150 torchi lit | Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 226–227 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1341-12-22-Pisa | 22 December 1341 JL | Price increase and famine lead to a great mortality in Pisa, especially among adolescents and the general captain Fazio Novello della Gherardesca died. | Nel milletrecentoquarantuno, essendo stato grande caro di grano l'anno dinansi che ss'era fatto la piassa del Grano e ffue grandissima fame, di che l'anno 1341 ditto si ffue grande mortalità di giovani. Inella quale mortalità, a d*i vindtidue, 22, di dicienbrew moritte lo ditto conte Fasio, nella chui morte ne menòe Pisa grande duolo e quazi tutta Toschana e ciaschuno lo piansse come se fusse stato suo padre o suo figluolo. | In the year 1341, since there had been a great shortage of grain in the year of the wheat harvest, and there was great hunger, there was a great mortality of young men. In this mortality, on the 22nd day of October, the said Count Fasio died, in whose death there was great grief in Pisa and all of Tosca and everyone mourned him as if he had been his father or his son | Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 105. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1347-00-00-Bologna | 1347 JL | Price increase, famine deaths and rural exodus throughout Europe, but also in Bologna | In questo anno fuo la magiore charestia che se recordi mai huomo alcuno; e del mese de zenaro muntò el formento a soldi 40 la corbe, e del mese de marzo muntò a lire 3 la corbe, e del mese d' aprile muntò a lire 3 soldi x la corbe e stete così infino a recolto. Et trovandosse molto buono racolto de formento, onde per la festa de santo Pietro callò el dito formento in ii sabadi a soldi xx per la corbe, e valse a Fiorenza iii fiorin la corbe, e male se ne posseva avere per li dinari, e molte persone schiosaron per la presia alla chà dal merchado dove se vendeva el formento. Et fuo generale carestia e fame per tuta cristianitade. I contadini veneron a la citade, e per la fame chaschavano per le contrade: grande mortalitatde fuo. Et one domane venìa alle ghiexia grande [S. 564] molte fameie de poveri per avere lemosina, chè continuo ne davano hone domane; fra li quali poveri vedivi morire molti gioveni e puti che murivano de fame in braze alle madre loro, e una grande schiuma li vegnia a la bocha; e questo vidi io scritore in Santo Iacomo di frti Romitani, la quale cosa era una grandissima compassione a vedere | In this year it was the greatest store that any man has ever recorded; and in the month of January he collected fodder at 40 lire, and in the month of March he collected it at 3 lire, and in the month of April he collected it at 3 lire, and stayed like that until the end of the year. And he found a very good harvest of fodder, so that on the feast of Saint Peter he called for fodder on the second Saturday at 20 lire per crown, and it was worth 3 Florins per crown in Florentine, and it was hard to get enough for the money, and many people went to the market where the fodder was sold. And there was general famine and starvation throughout Christendom. The peasants came to the city, and because of hunger, they went out into the countryside: there was great mortality. And one Sunday many families of the poor came to the great guiexia [S. 564] to have lemosina, since they were continually giving them money on Sundays; among the poor you could see many young men and women dying of hunger in the arms of their mothers, and a great froth came to their mouths; and this I saw in Santo Jacomo of the Romitani friars, which was a great pity to see. | Anonymus 1938c, pp. 563-564 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1347-00-00-Bologna 002 | 1347 JL | Price increase in Bologna and intervention of the Signor, no more enforcement of debt claims | In Bologna cominciò una grande carestia, et nelle circostantie, et in Bologna valeva lire 3 di bolognini [S. 6r] la Corba il fromento che mai più ianzi er valuto tanto et La Corba della fava soldi 50. onde il Signore Tadeo a conservatione et bene della Città quanto per a fece bandire, che nell' una persona potesse essere voletto per aleva debito in qualung caso si fosse per inizio al mese d'Agosto prossimo, et fù di Marzo questa provissione et subito fecero condurre il detto Signore. Tadeo in Bologna circa corbe 100 M. di fromen%to e custolli molto caro, et lo diede per soldi 36 la Corba di che fu molto amato dal Populo di Bologna [...] In Bologna persevarò la carestia in tal modo, che del mese di Giugno valeva la corba del fromento soldi 70 de bolognini; per la quale cosa venne una mortalità grande del che morì molta gente, et morirono gli infrascritti notabili gentil huomini [...] | Template:TN | Diario di cose seguite in Bologna (1345-1380), p. 5v–6r | None |
| 1347-00-00-Bologna 003 | 1347 JL | Price increase, famine deaths and epidemic in Bologna and grain imports of the city | In questo millesimo et anno si fu in queste parte una grande carestia, et qui in Bologna valse la corba del formento lire tre de bolognini; et li nostri signori ne feno venire del formento oltra che cento millia corbe, che'l comparono molto charo et si el feno dare per soldi 36 la corba [...] In lo dicto millesimo si fu in Bologna una grande mortalità et grande fame, chè valse la corba del formento lire tre, soldi x la corba; et morireno in Bologna per la dicta morìa de multi boni homini, tra li quali ce morirono quisti, zoè (List of socially high ranking citizens, scholars and nobles) | In this thousandth and year there was a great famine in these parts, and here in Bologna the forage was worth three lire, three coins; and our lords made the forage come more than one hundred thousand coins, which seem very cheap, and they gave it for 36 coins [... ] In the said thousandth year there was in Bologna a great mortality and great hunger, which made the forage worth three lire, money x the corba; and many good men died in Bologna because of the said death, among whom these died, namely (List of socially high-ranking citizens, scholars and nobles). | Anonymus 1938a, p. 565 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1347-00-00-Bologna 004 | 1347 JL | High mortality, famine and price increase in Bologna | In lo ditto imllesimo fo in Bononia una grande mortalega e de multi boni homini, e fame, che 'l ce valse la corbe del formento libre iii e soldi x. | In the aforementioned year there was a great death in Bologna of many good men, and hunger, which earned us forage in pounds 3 and soldi 10 | Anonymus 1938a, p. 567 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1347-00-00-Bologna 005 | 1347 JL | Massive price increase, many deaths and epidemics in Bologna | In questo anno 1347 fu la mazora charastia che se arechordasse mai homo lchuno che fuse vivo al prexento et fu generalmente per tuta la christianita. Et del mexo di zenaro munto el formento a ß 40 la chorbe e del mexo di marzo munto a ß 60 la chorbe e del mexo d' aprile munto a ß 70 la chorbe et stete quossi per persino al recholto. Vedendo tal quosa el nostro S[ignore] M[esser] Tadio di Pepoli di tanta charastia ne feze venire per Bologna circha 50 milia chorbe che chomparo per diversi luchi molto charo per tenire la tera abondante et fe valo dare a quili da Bologna per ß 40 la chorbe. E questo feva per fare abondanzia al suo populo di bologna et ne perisse assai per che [stavua per morir che lino] li veniva e queste per far abondanzia al suo populo di Bologna et esendo venuto el recholto fu uno bono recholto e formento unde per la festa di santo [petronio] chalo el dito formento in tri sabati [cueve] a ß 20 la chorbe e valse la chorbe a fiorenza tri fiorini e malo se ne poseva avere per i 60 [soi] dinari e molte persone se afochorno per la pressia a la cha drimenchato donde se vendeva el formento. e questa tal charistia et famre super tuta christianita i chontadini venivano a la citade e per la fame chadevano per la chontea morti et vedovassi tanti poveri andare cerchanodo limoxena et alchuna volta non atrovavano limoxena chadevano morti per la fame. Et in frian di ubaldi schivando questa partida di suxo una latra chronicha el scriptore che avea schripto quela chronica disse di avere veduto chon li ochi soi morire alchuni pote di fame in braza a le madre e quando erano morti aveano la schiuma a la bocha et era una ghrandisima schurita | Template:TN | Friano Ubaldini 1378, p. 278r | None |
| 1347-00-00-Florence 002 | 1347 JL | The great shortage of food in Florence led to disease and illness. The city took measures to reduce poverty, usury and exploitation. In addition, many prisoners were allowed to go out to freedom under certain terms. The conditions in the prisons were so terrible, that it was unavoidable. | Di certe novità e ordini che ssi feciono in Firenze per lo caro ch'era, e mortalità Essendo in Firenze e d'intorno il caro grande di grano e d'ogni vittuaglia, come poco adietro avemo fatta menzione, essendone afritti i cittadini e contadini, spezialmente i poveri e impotenti, e ogni dì venia montando il caro e lla difalta; e oltre a cciò conseguente cominciata infermità e mortalità, il Comune provide e fece dicreto a dì XIII di marzo che niuno potesse esere preso per niuno debito di fiorini C d'oro, o da indi in giù, infino a calen di agosto vegnente, salvo all'uficiale della mercatantia da libre XXV in su, acciò che ll'impotenti non fossono tribolati di loro debiti, avendo la passione della fame e mortalità. E oltre a cciò feciono ordine che nessuno potesse vendere lo staio del grano più di soldi XL; e chi nne recasse di fuori del contado di Firenze per vendere, avesse dal Comune fiorino uno d'oro del moggio; ma non si potéo osservare, che tanto montò la carestia e difalta, che ssi vendea fiorino uno d'oro lo staio, e talora libre IIII; e se non fosse la provisione del Comune, come dicemmo adietro, il popolo moria di fame. E per la pasqua di Risoresso seguente, che ffu in calen di aprile MCCCXLVII, il Comune (p. 484) fece offerta di tutti i prigioni ch'erano nelle carcere, che riavessero pace da'loro nimici, e stati in prigione da calen di febraio adietro; e chiunque v'era per debito da libre C in giù, rimanendo obrigato al suo creditore; e ffu gran bene e limosina, che per la 'nopia è ggià cominciata la mortalità, ogni dì morivano nelle carcere due o tre prigioni; furono gli oferti in quello dì CLXXIII, che ve ne avea più di D in più in grande inopia e povertà. E poi a l'uscita di maggio per sudette cagioni si fece riformagione per lo Comune di Firenze, che chiunque fosse nelle carcere o fosse in bando di pecunia da fiorini C d'oro in su, ne potesse uscire pagando al Comune in danari contanti soldi III per libra di quello fosse condannato o sbandito, e scontando ancora i soldi XVII per libra del debito del Comune che s'avea chi llo volea comperare per XXVIII o XXX per C da coloro che doveano avere dal Comune, che venia la detta gabella di pagare da soldi VII e mezzo per libra. Certi gli pagaro e uscirono di bando e di prigione, ma non furo guari; tanto era povero il comune popolo di cittadini per lo caro e ll'altre aversità occorse. |
Of certain measures taken and ordinances made in Florence because of the recent food shortage and the sickness. As we noted a short while ago, there was a great shortage of grain and other foodstuffs in the city and the territory of Florence. The citizens and country folk were afflicted by this shortage, especially the poor and the powerless. Every day this shortage and this lack [of food] grew worse and, what is more, there then began a great sickness and mortality. The commune took things in hand, decreeing on the 23rd of March that until the coming August no one could be arrested for any debt of one hundred gold florins or less, unless by an official of the merchants’ court for twenty-five lire or more—this so that the powerless would not be harassed for their debts, since they were already suffering from hunger and sickness. Moreover, they issued an ordinance that no one could sell a staio of grain for more than forty soldi. And anyone who brought grain to sell from beyond the contado of Florence would receive one gold florin per moggio from the commune. But these ordinances could not be obeyed because the shortage and the lack [of food] so worsened that grain was being sold at one gold florin per staio, and sometimes at four lire per staio. And were it not for the provisions of the commune, which we mentioned earlier, the popolo would have died of hunger. The following Easter, which came in the month of April 1347, the commune made an offering of all jailed prisoners who had been in prison since the previous February and who were able to make peace with their enemies, and of prisoners who had been imprisoned for debts of one hundred Lire or less ([although] they remained obliged to their creditors). This was good and charitable, since the shortage had already provoked sickness and two or three prisoners were dying every day in the jails. On that day, one hundred seventy-three prisoners were offered, and there were more than five hundred others in great want and poverty. And then at the end of May, for the abovementioned reasons, a reform was made by the Commune of Florence—whoever was in jail or under ban for one hundred gold florins or more could get out by paying the commune three soldi for every one lira of the sum for which they had been condemned or banned, forgiving the seventeen soldi per lira of their debt to the commune, for there were those who were willing to buy [this debt] at twenty-eight or at thirty per one hundred from those who were creditors of the commune and this because the said gabelle stood to pay 7% soldi per lira. Some paid and were released from ban and from prison but they (p. 137) were very few, so poor were the common popolo of citizens as a consequence of the shortage and the other adversities which had occured. |
Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, pp. 483-484. | None |
| 1348-03-00-Firenze | March 1348 JL | Arrival of the Black Death in Florence: a most detailed description of all its impacts and consequences | Negli anni del Signore MCCXLVIII fu nella città di Firenze e nel contado grandissima pistilenzia, e fu di tale furore e di tanta tempesta, che nella casa dove s'appigliava chiunque servìa niuno malato, tutti quelli che lo' serviano, moriano di quel medesimo male, e quasi niuno passava lo quarto giorno, e non valeva nè medico, nè medicina, o che non fossero ancora conosciute quelle malattie, o che li medici non avessero sopra quelle mai studiato, non parea che rimedio vi fosse. Fu di tanta paura che niuno non sapea che si fare; quando s'appigliava in alcuna casa, spesso avvenia che non vi rimanea persona che non morisse. E non bastava solo gli uomini e le femmine, ma ancora gli animali sensitivi, cani e gatte, polli, buoi, asini e pecore moriano di quella malattia e con quel segno, e quasi niuno, a cui venà lo segno, o pochi, veniano a guarigione. Lo segno era questo, che, o tra la coscia e'l corpo al modo (nodo?) d'anguinaia, o sotto lo ditello apparia un grossetto, e la febbre a un tratto, e quando sputava, sputava sangue mescolato colla saliva, e quegli che sputava sangue niuno campava. Fu questa cosa di tanto spavento, che veggendo appiccarla in una casa, ove cominciava, come detto è, non vi rimanea niuno; le genti spaventate abbondanavano la casa, e fuggivano in un' altra; e chi nella città, e chi si fuggia in villa. Medici non si trovavano, perocchè moriano come gli altri; quelli che si trovavano, voleano smisurato prezzo in mano innanzi che intrassero nella casa, ed entratovi, tocavono il polso col viso volo adrieto, e' da lungi volevono vedere l'urina con cose odorifere al naso. Lo figluolo abbandonava il padre, lo marito la moglie, la moglie il marito, l'uno fratello l'altro, l'una sirocchia l'altra. Tutta la città non avea a fare altro che a portare morti a sepellire; mollti ne morirono, che non ebbono all lor fine nè confessione ed altri sacramenti; e moltissimi morirono che non fu chi li vedesse, e molti ne morirono di fame, imperocchè come uno si ponea in sul letto malato, quelli di casa sbigottiti gli diceano: “Io vo per lo medico” e serravano pianamente l'uscio da via, e non vi tornavano più. Costui abbandonato dalle persone e poi da cibo, ed accompagnato dalla febbre si venia meno. Molti erano, che sollicitavano li loro che non li abbandonassero, quando venia alla sera; e' diceano all'ammalato: “Acciocchè la notte tu non abbi per ogni cosa a destare chi ti serve, e dura fatica lo dì e la notte, totti tu stesso de' confetti e del vino o acqua, eccola qui in sullo soglio della lettiera (p. 231) sopra 'l capo tuo, e po' torre della roba”. E quando s'addormentava l'ammalato, se n'andava via, e non tornava. Se per sua ventura si trovava la notte confortato di questo cibo la mattina vivo e forte da farsi a finestra, stava mezz'ora innanzichè persona vi valicasse, se non era la via molto maestra, e quando pure alcun passava, ed egli avesse un poco di voce che gli fosse udito, chiamando, quando gli era risposto, non era soccorso. Imperocchè niuno, o pochi voleano intrare in casa, dove alcuno fosse malato, ma ancora non voelano ricettare di quelli, che sani uscissero della casa del malato, e diceano: "Egli è affatappiato, non gli parlate" dicendo: "E' l'ha perocchè in casa sua è il Gavocciolo; e chiamavano quelle inflato gavocciolo. Moltissimi morieno senza esser veduti, che stavano in sullo letto tanto che puzzavano. E la vicinanza, se v'era, sentito lo puzzo, mettevono per borsa, e lo mandavano a seppellire. Le case rimaneano aperte, e non er ardito persona di tocare nulla, che parea che le cose rimanessero avvelenate, che chi le usava gli s'appicava il male.Fecesi a ogni chiesa, o alle più, fosse infon all'acqua, larghe e cupe, secondo lo popolo era grande; e quivi chi non era molto ricco, la notte morto, quegli, a cui toccava, se lo metteva sopra la spalla, o gittavalo in questa fossa, o pagava gran prezzo a chi lo facesse. La mattina se ne trovavano assai nella fossa, toglievasi della terra, e gettavasi laggiuso loro addosso; e poi veniano gli altri sopr'essi, e poi la terra addosso a suolo, a suolo, con poca terra, come si ministrasse lasagne a fornire formaggio. Li' beccamorti, che facevano gli servigi, erono prezzolati di sì gran prezzo, che molti n'arrichirono, e molti ne morirono, chi ricco e chi con poco guadagno, ma gran prezzo avieno. Le serviziali, o o serviziali, che servieno li malati volieno da uno in tre fiorini per dì e le spese di cose fiorite. Le cose che mangiavano i malati, confetti e zucchero, smisuratamente valevano. Fu vendeuta di tre in otto fiorini la libbra di zucchero e al simile gli altri confetti. Li pollastri ed alti pollami a meraviglia carissimi, e l'uovo di prezzo di denari 12 in 24 l'uno; e beato chi ne trovava tre il dì con cercare tutta la città. La cera era miracolo; la libbra sarebba montata più di un fiorino, senonchè vi si puose freno alle grande burbanze, che sempre feciono gli Fiorentini, perocchè si diede ordine non si potesse portare più due doppieri. Le chiese non avieno più che una bara, com' è d'uso, non bastava. Li speziali e bechamorti avien prese bare, coltri e guanciali con grandissimo prezzo. Lo vestire di stamigna che si usava nei morti, che soleva costare una donna, gonella guarnacca e mantello e veli, fiorini tre, montò in pregio di fiorini trenta, e sarebbe ito in fiorini cento, se non che si levò di vestire della stamigna, e chi era ricco vestiva di panno, e chi non ricco in lenzoletto lo cucìa. Costava le panche, che si pongono i morti, uno sfolgoro, e ancora non bastava tutte le panche ch'erano il centesimo. Lo sonare delle campane non si potevano li preti contentare; di che si fece ordine tra per lo sbigottimento del sonare delle campane e per lo vender le panche e raffrenare le spese, che a niuno corpo si sonasse, nè si ponesse panche, nè si bandisse, perocchè l'udivano gli ammalati, sbigottivano li sani, nonchè i malati. Li preti e i frati andavano ai ricchi e in tanta moltitudine, ed erano sì pagati di tanto prezzo che tutti arrichieno. E però si fece ordine che non si potesse avere più che d'una regola e la chiesa del popolo, e per la regola sei frati e non più. Tutte le frutta nocive vietarono a entrare nella città, come susine acerbe, mandorle in erba, fave fresche, fichi ed ogni frutta [p. 232] non utile e non sana. Molte processioni ed orlique e la tavola di S. Maria Impruneta vennero andando per la città, gridando: "Misericordià", e facendo orazioni, e poi in sulla ringhiera dei Priori fermate. Vi si rendereno paci di gran questioni e di ferite e di morte d'uomini. Fu questa cosa di tanto sbigottimento e di tanta paura' che le genti si ragunavano in brigata a mangiare per pigliare qualche conforto; e dava l'uno la sera cena a dieci compagni, e l'altra sera davono ordine di mangiare con uno di quelli, e quando credevono cenare con quello, ed egli era senza cena, che quegli era malato, o quando era fatta la cena per dieci, vi se ne trovava meno due o tre. Chi si fuggìa in villa, chi nelle castella per mutare aria; ove non eralo portavono, se v'era lo crescevano. Niuna Arte si lavorava in Firenze: tutte le botteghe serrate, tutte le taverne chiuse, salvo speziali e chiese. Per la Terra andavi, che non trovavi persona; e molti buoni e ricchi uomini erano portati dalla casa a chiesa nella bara con quattro beccamortì et uno chiericuzzo che portava la croce, e poi volieno uno fiorino uno. Di questa mortalità arricchirono speziali, medici, pollaiuoli, beccamorti, trecche di malva, ortiche, marcorelle et altre erbe da impiastri per macerare malori. E fu più quelle che feciono queste trecche d'erbe, fu gran denaro. Lanaiuoli, e ritagliatori che si trovarono panni li vendeano ciò che chiedeono. Ristata la mortalità chi si trovò panni fatti d'ogni ragione n'aricchiì, o chi si trovò da poterne fare; ma molti se ne trovarono intignati' e guasti e perduti a' telai; e stame e lana in quantità perdute per la città e contado. Questa pistolenza cominciò di marzo, come detto è, e finì di settembre 1348. E le genti cominciavono a tornare e rivedersi le case e le masserizie. E fu tante le case pien di tutti li beni, che non avevono signore, ch'era un stupore, poi si cominciarono a vedere gli eredi dei beni. E tale che non aveva nulla si trovò ricco, che non pareva che fusse suo, ed a lui medesimo pareva gli si disdicesse. E cominciornon a sfogiare nei vestimenti e ne' cavagli e le donne e gli uomini | In the year of our lord 1348 there occurred in the city and contado of Florence a great pestilence, and such was its fury and violence that in whatever household it took hold, whosoever took care of the sick, all the carers died of the same illness, and almost nobody survived beyond the fourth day, neither doctors nor medicine proving of any avail, and there appeared to be no remedy, either because those illnesses were not yet recognised, or because doctors had never previously had cause to study them properly. Such was the fear that nobody knew what to do: when it caught hold in a household, it often happened that not a single person escaped death. And it wasn't just men and women: even sentient animals such as dogs and cats, hens, oxen, donkeys and sheep, died from that same disease and with those symptoms, and almost none who displayed those symptoms, or very few indeed, effected a recovery. Those symptoms were as follows: either between the thigh and the body, in the groin region, or under the armpit, there appeared a lump, and a sudden fever, and when the victim spat, he spat blood mixed with saliva, and none of those who spat blood survived. Such was the terror this caused that seeing it take hold in a household, as soon as it started, nobody remained: everybody abandoned the dwelling in fear, and fled to another; some fled into the city and others into the countryside. No doctors were to be found, because they were dying like everybody else; those who could be found wanted exorbitant fees cash-in-hand before entering the house, and having entered, they took the patient's pulse with their heads turned away, and assayed the urine samples from afar, with aromatic herbs held to their noses. Sons abandoned fathers, husbands wives, wives husbands, one brother the other, one sister the other. The city was reduced to bearing the dead to burial; many died who at their passing had neither confession nor last sacraments, and many died unseen, and many died of hunger, for when somebody took ill to his bed, the other occupants in panic told him: 'I'm going for the doctor'; and quietly locked the door from the outside and didn't come back. The victim, abandoned by both people and nourishment, yet kept constant company by fever, wasted away. Many were those who begged their families not to abandon them; when evening came, the relatives said to the patient: 'So that you don't have to wake up the people looking after you at night, asking for things, because this is going on day and night, you yourself can reach for cakes and wine or water, here they are on the shelf above your bed, you can get the stuff when you want'. And when the patient fell asleep, they went away and did not return. If, through good fortune the victim had been strengthened by that food, the next morning alive and still strong enough to get to the window, he would have to wait half an hour before anybody came past, if this was not a busy thoroughfare, and even when the odd person passed by, and the patient had enough voice to be heard a little, if he shouted, sometimes he would be answered and sometimes not, and even if he were to be answered, there was no help to be had. For not only none or very few wished to enter a house where there were any sick people, but they didn't even want to have contact with those who issued healthy from a sick person's house, saying: 'He's jinxed, don't speak to him', saying: 'He's got it because there's the "gavocciolo" [bubo] in his house'; and 'gavocciolo' was the name they gave to these swellings. Many died without being seen, remaining on their beds till they stank. And the neighbours, if any were left, having smelled the stench, did a whip round and sent him for burial. Houses remained open, nobody dared to touch anything, for it seemed that things remained poisoned, and whoever had anything to do with them caught the disease.
At every church, or at most of them, pits were dug, down to the water-table, as wide and deep as the parish was populous; and therein, whosoever was not very rich, having died during the night, would be shouldered by those whose duty it was, and would either be thrown into this pit, or they would pay big money for somebody else to do it for them. The next morning there would be very many in the pit. Earth would be taken and thrown down on them; and then others would come on top of them, and then earth on top again, in layers, with very little earth, like garnishing lasagne with cheese. The gravediggers who carried out these functions were so handsomely paid that many became rich and many died, some already rich and others having earned little, despite the high fees. The female and male sick-bay attendants demanded from one to three florins a day, plus sumptuous expenses. The foodstuffs suitable for the sick, cakes and sugar, reached outrageous prices. A pound of sugar was sold at between three and eight florins, and the same went for other confectionery. Chickens and other poultry were unbelievably expensive, and eggs were between 12 and 24 denari each: you were lucky to find three in a day, even searching through the whole city. Wax was unbelievable: a pound of wax rose to more than a florin, nevertheless an age-old arrogance of the Florentines was curbed, in that an order was given not to parade more than two large candles. The churches only had one bier apiece, as was the custom, and this was insufficient. Pharmacists and grave-diggers had obtained biers, hangings and laying-out pillows at great price. The shroud-cloth apparel which used to cost, for a woman, in terms of petticoat, outer garment, cloak and veils, three florins, rose in price to thirty florins, and would have risen to one hundred florins, except that they stopped using shroud-cloth, and whoever was rich was dressed with plain cloth, and those who weren't rich were sewn up in a sheet. The benches placed for the dead cost a ludicrous amount, and there weren't enough of them even if there had been a hundred times more. The priests couldn't get enough of ringing the bells: so an order was passed, what with the panic caused by the bells ringing and the sale of benches and the curbing of spending, that nobody should be allowed the death-knell, nor should benches be placed, nor should there be a public announcement by the crier, because the sick could hear them, and the healthy took fright as well as the sick. The priests and friars thronged to the rich, and were paid such great sums that they all enriched themselves. And so an ordinance was passed that only one rule (of religious houses) and the local church could be had, and from that rule a maximum of six friars. All harmful fruit, such as unripe plums, unripe almonds, fresh beans, figs and all other inessential unhealthy fruit, was forbidden from entering the city. Many processions and relics and the painting of Santa Maria Impruneta were paraded around the city, to cries of 'Mercy', and with prayers, coming to a halt at the rostrum of the Priori. There peace was made settling great disputes and questions of woundings and killings. Such was the panic this plague provoked that people met for meals as a brigata to cheer themselves up; one person would offer a dinner to ten friends, and the next evening it would be the turn of one of the others to offer the dinner, and sometimes they thought they were going to dine with him, and he had no dinner ready, because he was ill, and sometimes the dinner had been prepared for ten and two or three less turned up. Some fled to the country, and some to provincial towns, to get a change of air; where there was no plague they brought it, and where it already existed they added to it. No industry was busy in Florence; all the workshops were locked up, all the inns were closed, only chemists and churches were open. Wherever you went, you could find almost nobody; many rich good men were borne from their house to church in their coffin with just four undertakers and a lowly cleric carrying the cross, and even then they demanded a florin apiece. Those who especially profited from the plague were the chemists, the doctors, the poulterers, the undertakers, and the women who sold mallow, nettles, mercury plant and other poultice herbs for drawing abscesses. And those who made the most were these herb sellers. Woollen merchants and retailers when they came across cloth could sell it for whatever price they asked. Once the plague had finished, anybody who could get hold of whatsoever kind of cloth, or found the raw materials to make it, became rich; but many ended up moth-eaten, spoilt and useless for the looms, and thread and raw wool lost in the city and the contado. This plague began in March as has been said, and finished in September 1348. And people began to return to their homes and belongings. And such was the number of houses full of goods that had no owner, that it was amazing. Then the heirs to this wealth began to turn up. And someone who had previously had nothing suddenly found himself rich, and couldn't believe it was all his, and even felt himself it wasn't quite right. And both men and women began to show off with clothes and horses. |
Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, pp. 230-232 | None |
| 1348-08-00-L'Aquila | August 1348 JL | Price increase during the arrival of the plague in L'Aquila | May non forno sì care cose da infirmarìa: / Piccolo pollastrellio quattro solli valìa, / Et l'ovo a dui denari et ad tre se mettìa, / ET delle poma ancora era gran carestìa. | Cronaca Aquilana rimata di Buccio di Ranallo di Popplito di Aquila, p. 181 | Translation needed | |
| 1365-00-00-Strasbourg | 1365 JL | Price increase and plague during the stay of Englishmen in the Alsace region | Türunge. Donoch in den andern joren kam missewahs und müse die die fruht verossent, das diese türunge wol 6 jor annander werte. und wenne korn underwilen abe fluog in einre ernen, daz ein viertel kam an 8 sol. oder an 10 sol. d., so sluog es in dem jore wider uf, also das ein viertel kornes die 6 jor gewonlichen galt 10 sol. Oder 12 sol. und dicke ein pfunt oder 18 sol. Darzuo koment ouch sterbotte, also daz noch disen [p. 490] Englendern vil unglückes kam in Elsas. aber noch den andern Engelendern die darnoch koment über zehen jor, kam kein breste noch türunge, wie wol es ein grosser volg was und lunger in dem lande logent denne die vördern Engelender. und von den selben andern Engelendern wurt hernoch geseit in dem fünften capitel. |
Price increase. After that, in the following years, there was a poor harvest, and the crops were ruined, so that this price increase lasted for about six years in a row. And when grain sometimes fell in price during a harvest, so that a quarter of it cost 8 or 10 shillings, it would rise again that same year, so that a quarter of grain, which usually cost 10 or 12 shillings during those six years, sometimes reached a pound or 18 shillings. Additionally, there was also a plague, so that after the Englishmen great misfortune befell the Alsace. But in the years following the other Englishmen, who came over the next ten years, there was no more plague or price increase, although it was a great people, and they stayed longer then the first Englishmen. More about those other Englishmen will be mentioned in the fifth chapter. | Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 489-490. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1373-07-00-Pisa | July 1373 JL | Outbreak of the plague and great mortality in Pisa, especially adolescents affected, price increase and shortage of grain | Negli anni domini di 1373 a dì ** di luglio, si chominciò in Pisa la mortalità et bastò due anni et due mesi. Et sappiate che morirono fanciulli di 12 anni in giuso più di octanta per ciento, et morirono huomeni et donne grandi quantità assai. Et dappoi si fu grande charo, valze più di 3 fiorini lo staio di grano et si fu grande charo d'ongni biada | In the year 1373 of July, mortality began in Pisa and it took two years and two months. And you know that more than eighty per hundred children from 12 years old died, and men and women died in great quantities. And then there was a great shortage, more than three florins a bushel of grain and there was a great shortage of every kind of grain | Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, p. 209 | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1374-00-00-Florence 003 | 1374 JL | Great mortality in Florence, besides price increase for grain and other crops and great wars. | Nell'anno 1374 secondo il corso degli anni, cominciandosi dalla Natività del Signore Giesù Cristo, fu calende di Gennaio in Domenica. Fu nel detto anno mortalità di gente, e grandissimo caro di grano, e d'ogni altra biada quasi per tutto il mondo; fu caro di carne, d'olio, e quasi d'ogni altro bene, ed anco il vino non fu vile. La Pasqua di Surresso fu a' dì due d'Aprile, e grandi guerre furono in detto anno. | In the year 1374, beginning after the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, January 1st fell on a Sunday. In that year there was great mortality among the people and an enormous price increase for grain and almost all other crops throughout the world; meat, oil and almost all other goods were also expensive, and wine was not cheap either. Easter fell on April 2, and there were great wars that year. | Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 1. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1389-00-00-Pistoia | 1389 JL | Grain increased a lot in price and the municipality of Florence had to import grain, otherwise there would have been a great famine. In Pistoia, Arezzo and Città di Castello was a great mortality because of the plague. | Capitolo XXVIII. - Che valse il grano e'l vino in questo anno in Firenze, e come la mortalità fu nel loro contado in più parti. Questo anno fu molto caro il grano in Firenze, alcuna volta valse lo staio lire tre, e 'l vino valse di vendemia dieci fiorini il cogno perché ne fu molto poco,' e tutte l'altre cose furon care mollo, e alli poveri mancò il guadagno, e a' cittadini crebbono le spese, e a gran parte de' cittadini pareva istar male; e se non fosse che 'l Comune, con grande sollecitudine e spese, fece venire di Pelago di mollo grano di più parti del mondo circa di 30 milia moggia, grande moltitudine di gente nella città e nel contado arebbono patito grandissima nicistà di vittuvaglia; ma quel grande riparo li salvò. In questo anno medesimo fu grande mortalità in Pistoia e in tutti li luoghi e intorno a quella; e morivano di posteme pestilenziose e velenose in due o in tre di; e alla città d'Arezzo e in tutto il suo contado cominciarono a morire di pestilenzia, ed ebbevi Castello che vi mori più che 'l terzo delle bocche. E ancora la della mortalità in molte terre d' Italia grandissima; della qual cosa molto isbigottirono i Fiorentini temendo di non averla l'anno vegnente. |
Chapter 28: The development of the value of grain and wine in Florence this year and the mortality in its surroundings. Grain was very expensive in Florence that year. Sometimes a bushel cost three lire, and the wine of the harvest was sold for ten florins a barrel, because there was very little of it. All other things were also expensive and the poor lacked income, while expenses for the citizens increased, causing great inconvenience to many citizens. If the municipality had not taken great care and expense to import large quantities of grain from Pelago and other parts of the world, some 30,000 moggia, there would have been a great famine in the city and the countryside. But these extensive measures saved them. In the same year there was a great mortality in Pistoia and in all the surrounding areas. People died of pestilential and toxic abscesses every two or three days. In the city of Arezzo and its entire surrounding area, they began to die of the plague, and in Castello more than a third of the population died. Mortality was also very high in many other parts of Italy, which worried the Florentines greatly, as they feared they would suffer the same fate the following year. |
Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 88. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1418-10-15-Paris | 15 October 1418 JL | While war and an epidemic raged in Paris, food prices are very high. | Et combien que le peuple de Paris fust grandement diminué tant par le fait des guerres comme de l'épidémie, neantmoins estoient les vivres en grant chierté à Paris, et vendoit on busche, blefs et avoines à plus haut pris que on n'avoit fait long temps par avant. | And while the people of Paris was undermine by the war and the epidemic, prices of all goods, like wood, wheat and oat, reached their highest level since long. | Journal de Clément de Fauquemberge, vol. 1, p. 184 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1437-06-00-Würzburg | June 1437 JL | Price increase and a plague in Würzburg | Von grosser theürüng vnd sterben In dem obgemelten 1437. jare galte ein malter korns vmb sant Peters tag stuelfeier sechs pfund, vmb Mitfasten siben, vmb Ostern sechtzehen, sibentzehen vnd achtzehen pfunde. Vnd an dem Freitag den zehen des Maien erforen die weinstocke allenthalben an bergen vnd in thalen. Dannoch, dweil das getraid so theür war, fande man zimlich guten wein, das füder vmb neun vnd zehen gülden zu kaüffen. Vnd fiele im brachmond ein heftiger sterbe an, der weret in das ander jore. Vff sant Marie Magdalene tag starben in der pfar zum dom hie zu Wirtzburg bei [p. 321] dreissig menschen, vnd schluge das korn ser wider ab, also das man vmb vnd nach sant Martins tag ain malter umb funf pfund kauft, vnd sein dis mals zu Wirtzburg bey vier thaüsent menschen gestorben. |
On great famine and death In the aforementioned year 1437, a malter of grain was priced at six pounds around Saint Peter's Day [February 22], seven pounds around Lent [March 10], nine pounds around Easter [March 31], thirteen pounds during the Cross Week [May 5-8], and sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen pounds by Pentecost [May 19]. On Friday, the tenth of May, all the vines died everywhere in the hills and in the valleys. Nevertheless, because grain was so expensive, one found quite good wine available for purchase, costing around nine to ten guilders. A severe plague broke out in June, which continued into the following year. On Saint Mary Magdalene's Day [July 22], thirty people died in the parish of the cathedral here in Würzburg, and the grain was severely damaged, so that around and after Saint Martin's Day [November 11], one could buy a malter for about five pounds and around four thousand people having died in Würzburg this time. |
Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 3 (1999), pp. 320-321. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1438-00-00-Constance | 1438 JL | When the gypsies came to a place, a price increase came shortly after them. In addition, the people fell in the poverty, suffered hunger and a mortality occured. | Und wo sy [Zigeuner] gezogen warent, do kam in nach in dem 1438 jar ain sollich große türy, der nie kain mensch gedacht hett, wan es kam, das man ain viertel kernen gab umb 4 Pfd. heller und des gelichen alle ding, und kament die lüt in groß armut von hunger. Und darnach kam ain großer sterbet, der darnach an dem adern blatt stat. | And wherever they [gypsies] went, there came after them in 1438 such a great price increase that nobody would have thought. When it came, you had to give 4 pounds Heller for a quarter of grain. It was the same with other things. People fell into great poverty and suffered hunger. This was followed by a great dying, which will be described on another page. | Anonymus: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 174. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1439-07-00-Wallonia | July 1439 JL | Great plague in the country and famine. | En cely temps avoit générale pestilenche par tout paiis, et nonobstant que les biens estoient beaux aux champs, si estoient encors les bleis et frumens bien chiers. | In this time was a pestilence everywhere in the country. And althought the crops were abundant in the fields, wheat and cereal prices were still high. | Chronique de Jean de Stavelot, p. 436 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1453-08-00-Flanders | 1453 JL | A pestilence breaks out in the region, as a consequence of a dearth caused by war. | Messis tempore non invenit quod colligeret; hinc annona solito carior et, quae communiter sequi solet, pestilentia populum gravare coepit. | At harvest time, not enough people came at the fields. Then prices have been higher than usual, and a pestilence broke out, as it is common in such conditions. | Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 347 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1455-00-00-Deir Kifa | 1455 JL | There were war, plague, famine, shortage and price increase. | En l’an 1766 [1455] Malik al-Kalif prit la forteresse de Kifa et y régna. […] Il y eut des troubles, des guerres et la terreur, une terrible <épidemie>, la famine et la disette. Tout ce qu’il y avait à manger se vendait au plus haut prix. | In the year 1455 Malik al-Kalif took the fortress of Kifa and reigned there. [...] There were troubles, wars and terror, a terrible epidemic, famine and scarcity. Everything there was to eat was sold at the highest price. | Bar Hebraeus 2013, p. 151 | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1457-00-00-France | 1457 JL | A mortality breaks out in France. | Per totam fere Franciam bladorum caristia fuit, quam sequebatur pestilentialis mortalitas. | In almost all France wheat prices were high, and a mortality of pestilence followed. | Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 360 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1465-00-00-Bologna | 1465 JL | In Bologna: June very humid; from July to 19 September very dry and great wheat shortage, then on 20 September a solar eclipse, then cold and in December again very warm, from 23 December snow and wind and mild and short plague | Alli 20 di settembre, il venerdì, a hore 23, fu la ecclisse del sole et fu grande carestia di frumento, perciochè la corba valse lire due et soldi 16; fu anco poco vino […] In somma questo anno per tutto il mese di giugno fu humido et tempestoso, et per questu fu si gran freddo, che gli huomini furono forzati di amicarsi il foco. Fu assai frumento e legume, ma poco vino. IL mese di luglio, di agosto et di settembre furono secchi et caldi insino alli 19 di settembre et da indi in poi il freddo se fece della statione padrone dandoci pioggia et nebbia. Il mese di dicembre fu talmente calido, che pareva esser la primavera, et così stette insino alle 23 e poi ne diede neve et venta et una leggiera et breve pestilenza et mal di punta. | On Friday the 20th of September, at 11 p.m., there was an eclipse of the sun and a great shortage of wheat, because the grain was worth two lire and 16 cents; there was also little wine [...] In sum, this year, for the whole month of June, it was humid and stormy, and for this reason it was so cold, that men were forced to love the fire. There was much wheat and legumes, but little wine. The months of July, August and September were dry and hot until the 19th of September, and from then on, the cold became the master of the weather, giving us rain and fog. The month of December was so hot, that it seemed to be spring, and so it remained until 23rd and then it gave snow and wind and a slight and brief plague and sore tip. | Ghirardacci 1915-16, p. 189. | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
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