For Grain, a total of 22 epidemic events are known so far. It is a keyword.
Table
Table
| Page | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1224-00-00-Rus territory | 1224 JL | Famine and plague/pest in the Rus territory. Upraising of magicians in Suzdal’ city. | [6532] В се же лѣто въсташа волъсви в Суждали, избиваху старую чадь къ дьӕволю наоущенью и бѣсованью, глаголюще, ӕко си держать гобино. Бѣ мѧтежь великъ и голодъ по всеи тои странѣ; идоша по Волзѣ вси людьє в Болгары, и привезоша [жито] и тако ѡжиша. Слъıшав же Ӕрославъ волхвы, приде Суздалю; изъимавъ волхвы, расточи, а другъıми показани, рекъ сице «Богъ наводить по грѣхомъ на куюждо землю гладом(ъ) или моромъ, ли ведромь, ли иною казнью, а человѣкъ не вѣсть ничтоже».<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> | In this year (1224), magicians appeared in Suzdal', and killed old people by satanic inspiration and devil worship, saying that they would spoil the harvest. There was great confusion and famine throughout all that country. The whole population went along the Volga to the Bulgars from whom they bought grain and thus sustained themselves. When Yaroslav heard of the magicians, he went to Suzdal'. He there seized upon the magicians and dispersed them, but punished some, saying, "In proportion to its sin, God inflicts upon every land hunger, pest<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>, drought, or some other chastisement, and man has no understanding thereof".<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a> | None | |
| 1258-04-00-St. Albans | April 1258 JL | Strong famine and disease in St. Albans. | Defi[ci]ente insuper annona, pauperum multitude innumerabilis mortua est. Et inventa sunt passim eorum corpora tumida prae fame et liventia, quina vel sena in porcariis, sterquiliniis, et lutosis plateis, in semetipsis morticina miserabiliter tabefacta. Nec ausi sunt, qui domos habebant, perituros, propter tabem et contagia infirmorum in suam propriam inediam hospitari. Et cum plura corpora mortua invenirentur, factae sunt in cimiteriis amplae fossae et capaces, in quibus reponebantur corpora plurimorum | Additionally, with the failing grain supply, an innumerable multitude of the poor died. Their bloated and discolored bodies, swollen from hunger, were found everywhere, five or six at a time, in pigsties, dung heaps, and muddy streets, miserably decayed into corpses. Those who had homes did not dare to take in the dying, fearing infection and contagion, even at the cost of their own starvation. And since many dead bodies were found, large and spacious pits were dug in the cemeteries, in which the bodies of many were placed. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 690. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-05-00-London | May 1258 JL | Great famine and mortality in London. | Circa idem tempus, tanta fames et mortalitas ingruebat in terra, ut, ascendente summa blade usque ad pretium quindecim solidorum et ultra, et terra nummis esset vacuata, et per plateas innumerorum jacerent morticinia […] Jacuerunt insuper mortui super sterquilinia et in luto, et per plateas marcentes et tumescentes, ita ut vix erat qui mortuos sepeliret, nec audebant aut volebant cives vix aliqui mortuos propter tabem hospitari. | Around the same time, such great famine and mortality struck the land that, with the price of grain rising to fifteen solidi and beyond, and the land being emptied of money, countless corpses lay in the streets. [...] The dead also lay on dung heaps and in the mud, decaying and swelling in the streets, so that there were scarcely any who could bury the dead, nor did the citizens dare or wish to take in the dead due to the contagion. | Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 701-702. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1259-00-00-London | 1259 JL | Severe plague raged in Paris and London. | Eodem tempore, ascendente sole cancrum, facta est hominum pestilentia et mortalitas inopinata; ita quod [S. 747] ubique morientibus quamplurimis locis aliis omissis tantummodo Parisius plus quam milia hominum sepulcris commendabantur. Oleum etenim, vinum, et annona corrumpebantur. Et quia mortis rumphea nulli parcens nunc hunc nunc illum consumit, aequanimiter egenum et divitem rapiendo, obit in illa peste mortifera dominus Fulco Londoniensis episcopus | At the same time, with the sun rising in Cancer, an unexpected pestilence and mortality among people occurred; so much so that, with many dying everywhere, in Paris alone, more than a thousand people were committed to their graves. Even oil, wine, and grain were being corrupted. And because the scythe of death spared no one, consuming one person after another, rich and poor alike, Lord Fulco, the Bishop of London, died in that deadly plague. | Template:Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 746-747. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1286-00-00-Parma | 1286 JL | Drought from March to May in Parma; epidemic among animals and humans; low grain price from July onwards. | Item eo anno fuit magna mortalitas hominum et bestiarum in civitate et episcopatu Parme, et maxime de bestiis menutis; et non pluvit quasi per totum mensem martij et usque ad medium maij, propter quod homines multum timebant; et eodem anno non fuit nix neque frigus aliquod in civitate vel episcopatu Parme. Et eo anno, scilicet post sanctum Petrum, starium furmenti valuit iiij solidos imperiales | In that year, there was a great mortality of men and animals in the city and diocese of Parma, especially among small animals; and it did not rain for almost the entire month of March and until the middle of May, because of which the people were very afraid; and in the same year there was neither snow nor any cold in the city or diocese of Parma. And in that year, namely after the feast of Saint Peter, a bushel of wheat cost 4 imperial shillings. | Template:Bonazzi 1902, p. 51. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1315-00-00-Asti | 1315 JL | Famine in Western Europe, caused by incessant rain, causes epidemics and lack of grain and wine; merchants are fleeing back to Asti | Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod anno MCCCXV fuit fames valida in regionibus Alamanniae, Olandiae, Flandriae, Pannoniae, Lorenae, Brabantiae, Franciae, talis, quod similis non est a saeculo audita, quia granum, quod caperet Astensis mina, vendebatur quindecim grossis turonensibus, et pinta boni vini ad mensuram Astensem in supradictis locis vendebatur grossis sex turonensibus: et tantum duravit dicta fames, quod pro aliquo precio furmentum et avena non inveniebatur et vinum. Et haec acciderunt ex abundantia pluviae,quia in diebus illis pluvia de coelo non cessavit. Ex quibus pauperes innumerabiles obierunt fame, et inveniebantur in viis et plateis mortui sicut canes. Post haec epdimia sive mortalitas supervenit tam divitibus quam egenis, ex qua tercia pars virorum et mulierum supradictarum regionum obierant, et maxime rex Franciae qui non regnavit per annum: et tantum duravit, quod quasi non inveniebatur, qui mortuos sepelliret; et hoch verum est, quia multi Astenses habitantes in partibus illis venientes Asti, et fugientes fames illas et pestes, et alii multi de patria illa quasi mortui fame approbabant, et dicebant omnia esse vera, et in fine omnes eiusdem patriae firmiter asserebant, quod ex eadem fame et epidimia tercia pars virorum et mulierum obierunt. | Guglielmo Ventura 1848, Sp. 773 | Translation needed | |
| 1323-08-05-Cairo | 1323 JL | In the wake of a hot, black storm illnesses (amrāḍ) spread in Cairo in summer/autumn 723 AH (1323). For the period of a month, a number of people died. A similar storm had killed people in Damascus before, in Shaʿbān 723 AH (August 5 - September 2, 1323), and had made fruits wither and water run dry; Damascene wheat prices had subsequently gone up. In Cairo, the storm equally hampered grain crop growth, hence grain prices rose since little grain was available. | Al-Maqrīzī, Al-Sulūk 1997, vol. 3, p. 66. | Translation needed | ||
| 1331-00-00-Iceland 002 | 1331 JL | Mortality of cattle and bad harvest in Iceland in 1331. | Felli vetr inn micli. Váran a korn i a Islandi. | A very hard winter (1331) when the cattle died. Bad harvest in grain in Iceland. | Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 206. | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1346-00-00-Florence 001 | 1346 JL | Florence was threatened by a famine. The city gathered large supplies of grain from elsewhere, however the problems weren't solved, because many people from the countryside came in the city. In addition to the famine diseases broke out amnong the immigrants and then it distributed also among the urban masses. | Cum ergo fames haud dubie immineret, sollers plane ad hoc civitas, in Africa et Sardinia et Sicilia aliisque locis permultis magna vi frumenti comparata, mari simul terraque importandum curavit. Nec eo tamen modo evitari potuit, quin difficultates permaximae (p. 306) eo anno subirentur. Turba enim ex agro in urbem mendicatura longis agminibus mulierum puerorumque advenerat. Ex finitimis etiam civitatibus quae minus ad hoc providae fuerant multitudo concurrerat, ut infinitus prope numerus hominum esset alendus. Magnumque in his civitatis meritum humanitasque eluxit; non modo enim non reiectus est quisquam advenarum peregrinorumque, sed etiam si tenuis foret, liberalitate gratuita per tantam rei frumentariae inopiam sustentatus, ut prope collatum a civitate beneficium in genus humanum videretur. Multa insuper eo anno tenuioribus indulta, et illud in primis, quod creditorum acerbitas repressa est, lege lata, ne quis nisi certa forma pro aere alieno conveniri posset. Satis enim premi caritate ipsa multitudinem existimavit civitas. Et accedebant ad caritatem morbi, qui multitudinem convenam et urbis insuetam consecuti, urbanam quoque apprehenderant turbam, ut et commiserendum et succurrendum esset. | So, as there was now no doubt about the threat of famine, the city showed its resourcefulness, gathering large supplies of grain in Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and many other places and seeing to their importation simultaneously by land and sea. But these steps were not enough to avoid the enormous difficulties they faced that year. For throngs of women and children from the countryside came (p. 308) into the city in long lines to beg. They were joined by multitudes from the nearby cities which had been less provident in this respect, so that there was almost an infinite number of people to feed. Amid these challenges the city’s great merit and humanity shone forth. For not only was not a single immigrant or foreigner turned away, but even the poor, with gratuitous liberality, were sustained throughout this great dearth of provisions, so that Florence seemed almost to have conferred a benefit on the human race. In this year, moreover, many allowances were made on behalf of the poor, and principally this: that the harshness of creditors was kept in check. A law was passed prohibiting suitors to collect debt except under particular conditions; the city felt that the multitude was oppressed enough already by the famine. And in addition to the famine there were the diseases which broke out among the throng of immigrants unused to the city, then spread among the urban masses, so that mercy and succor were needful. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, pp. 306-308. | None |
| 1347-00-00-Florence 002 | 1347 JL | The great shortage of food in Florence led to disease and illness. The city took measures to reduce poverty, usury and exploitation. In addition, many prisoners were allowed to go out to freedom under certain terms. The conditions in the prisons were so terrible, that it was unavoidable. | Di certe novità e ordini che ssi feciono in Firenze per lo caro ch'era, e mortalità Essendo in Firenze e d'intorno il caro grande di grano e d'ogni vittuaglia, come poco adietro avemo fatta menzione, essendone afritti i cittadini e contadini, spezialmente i poveri e impotenti, e ogni dì venia montando il caro e lla difalta; e oltre a cciò conseguente cominciata infermità e mortalità, il Comune provide e fece dicreto a dì XIII di marzo che niuno potesse esere preso per niuno debito di fiorini C d'oro, o da indi in giù, infino a calen di agosto vegnente, salvo all'uficiale della mercatantia da libre XXV in su, acciò che ll'impotenti non fossono tribolati di loro debiti, avendo la passione della fame e mortalità. E oltre a cciò feciono ordine che nessuno potesse vendere lo staio del grano più di soldi XL; e chi nne recasse di fuori del contado di Firenze per vendere, avesse dal Comune fiorino uno d'oro del moggio; ma non si potéo osservare, che tanto montò la carestia e difalta, che ssi vendea fiorino uno d'oro lo staio, e talora libre IIII; e se non fosse la provisione del Comune, come dicemmo adietro, il popolo moria di fame. E per la pasqua di Risoresso seguente, che ffu in calen di aprile MCCCXLVII, il Comune (p. 484) fece offerta di tutti i prigioni ch'erano nelle carcere, che riavessero pace da'loro nimici, e stati in prigione da calen di febraio adietro; e chiunque v'era per debito da libre C in giù, rimanendo obrigato al suo creditore; e ffu gran bene e limosina, che per la 'nopia è ggià cominciata la mortalità, ogni dì morivano nelle carcere due o tre prigioni; furono gli oferti in quello dì CLXXIII, che ve ne avea più di D in più in grande inopia e povertà. E poi a l'uscita di maggio per sudette cagioni si fece riformagione per lo Comune di Firenze, che chiunque fosse nelle carcere o fosse in bando di pecunia da fiorini C d'oro in su, ne potesse uscire pagando al Comune in danari contanti soldi III per libra di quello fosse condannato o sbandito, e scontando ancora i soldi XVII per libra del debito del Comune che s'avea chi llo volea comperare per XXVIII o XXX per C da coloro che doveano avere dal Comune, che venia la detta gabella di pagare da soldi VII e mezzo per libra. Certi gli pagaro e uscirono di bando e di prigione, ma non furo guari; tanto era povero il comune popolo di cittadini per lo caro e ll'altre aversità occorse. |
Of certain measures taken and ordinances made in Florence because of the recent food shortage and the sickness. As we noted a short while ago, there was a great shortage of grain and other foodstuffs in the city and the territory of Florence. The citizens and country folk were afflicted by this shortage, especially the poor and the powerless. Every day this shortage and this lack [of food] grew worse and, what is more, there then began a great sickness and mortality. The commune took things in hand, decreeing on the 23rd of March that until the coming August no one could be arrested for any debt of one hundred gold florins or less, unless by an official of the merchants’ court for twenty-five lire or more—this so that the powerless would not be harassed for their debts, since they were already suffering from hunger and sickness. Moreover, they issued an ordinance that no one could sell a staio of grain for more than forty soldi. And anyone who brought grain to sell from beyond the contado of Florence would receive one gold florin per moggio from the commune. But these ordinances could not be obeyed because the shortage and the lack [of food] so worsened that grain was being sold at one gold florin per staio, and sometimes at four lire per staio. And were it not for the provisions of the commune, which we mentioned earlier, the popolo would have died of hunger. The following Easter, which came in the month of April 1347, the commune made an offering of all jailed prisoners who had been in prison since the previous February and who were able to make peace with their enemies, and of prisoners who had been imprisoned for debts of one hundred Lire or less ([although] they remained obliged to their creditors). This was good and charitable, since the shortage had already provoked sickness and two or three prisoners were dying every day in the jails. On that day, one hundred seventy-three prisoners were offered, and there were more than five hundred others in great want and poverty. And then at the end of May, for the abovementioned reasons, a reform was made by the Commune of Florence—whoever was in jail or under ban for one hundred gold florins or more could get out by paying the commune three soldi for every one lira of the sum for which they had been condemned or banned, forgiving the seventeen soldi per lira of their debt to the commune, for there were those who were willing to buy [this debt] at twenty-eight or at thirty per one hundred from those who were creditors of the commune and this because the said gabelle stood to pay 7% soldi per lira. Some paid and were released from ban and from prison but they (p. 137) were very few, so poor were the common popolo of citizens as a consequence of the shortage and the other adversities which had occured. |
Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, pp. 483-484. | None |
| 1348-00-00-Florence | 1348 JL | In this long plague treatise-like passage, the author describes the Black Death in Florence with its symptoms, death toll and consequences. He describes how to behave in order to avoid the disease and be better prepared, although it is not possible to avoid it with certainty. He also advises people to flee infected areas early and to listen to the doctors' instructions. | Negli anni di Cristo 1348 fu nella città di Firenze una grande mortalità di persone umane le quali morivano di male pestilenziale; e molti gran fatti se n’ode dire dalle persone antiche e assai se ne truova iscritti; e fra gli altri ne (p. 230) scrive assai chopiosamente messer / (c. 65v) Giovanni Bochacci inn u·llibro che fecie di ciento novelle, ed è nel prencipio del libro. Di prima chominciò lavgiente a morire di cierto enfiato che venia chon gran doglia e chon repente febre o nell’anguinaia o sotto le ditella o nella ghola, da piè dell’orechie; e viveano quatro o sei dì. Di poi grebbe, e morivano in due dì o meno; e inn utimo e’ si venne tanto a spargiere questo veleno, che si dimostrava in cierte bolle pichole ch’apariano nelle charni per qualunche luogho della persona: e queste erano più pericholose che l’enfiato e di meno rimedio. E di poi, più nel chuore della moria, aparivano a’ più pe·lle charni cierti rossori e lividori, e sputavano sanque od e’ gittavano pel naso o di sotto: e questo era pessimo sengnio e sanza rimedio. E, brieve, e’ chaschavano, e grandi e piccioli, da un dì a un altro: inn una ora si vedea ridere e mottegiare il brighante e nell’ora medesima il vedevi morire! E venne la chosa a tanto, che molti ne morivano pe·lla via e su pe·lle panche, chome abandonati, sanza aiuto o chonforto di persona: solo erano posti quivi perché fussono da’ vicini sotterrati per fuggire il puzo. E tale vi s’andava, che ssi vedea solo in chasa e abandonato, per avere qualche sochorso. Molti per farneticho andavano impazando pe·lla terra; molti se ne gittavano ne’ pozi, a tterra delle finestre e inn Arno; e tale s’uccideva per gran farneticho o per gran pena o dolore. Molti si morivano che non erano veduti e ’nfradiciavano su pe·lle letta; molti n’erano sotterrati che anchora erano vivi. Non si trovava chi gli servisse né chi gli sotterrasse; e più, che se ttu avessi voluto un testimone a un testamento, tu non llo potevi avere, o se pure ne trovavi niuno, e’ voleva sei o otto fiorini. Aresti veduto iª crocie ire per un chorpo, averne dietro tre o quatro prima giungniesse alla chiesa: assai n’erano posti la notte alle reggi di fuori della chiesa e nella via n’erano gittati assai. Molte chose maravigliose si vidono: assai, per vicitare uno infermo, per ghovernallo o ttocharlo, o llui o suoi panni, di fatto chaschare morti. E fra ll’altre chose, dicie messere Giovanni Bochacci che vide due porci grufolare e stracciare cierti pannicielli d’un povero uomo morto, rimasi nella via: di fatto i detti porci chascharono morti su que’ cienci istracciati da lloro. O vedi di quanto pericholo e di quanto rischio questo male pestilenziale è: non si può troppo guardare. Ora, chome voi avete in parte veduto e potuto chonprendere, la moria fu innistimabile, e diciesi, e chosì fu di cierto, che nella nostra città morirono i due terzi delle persone; ché era istimato / (c. 66r) che in Firenze avesse in quel tenpo CXX mila anime, che nne morirono, cioè de’ chorpi, ottantamila. Pensate se fu frachasso! Non è da prenderne gran maraviglia perché questo fusse, ché molte chagioni ci furono da inciendere il malore; e fu maggiore maraviglia, chi chonsiderasse bene ogni chosa, di que’ che chanparono che di que’ che morirono. E lle chagioni furono in parte queste, cioè: in Firenze non si chonoscieva, diciamo pe·lla chomunità, questo male, perché a gran tenpo non era apparito; era Firenze molto ripiena di giente e di più quantità ch’ella fusse mai; l’anno dinanzi era suto in Firenze gran fame, e credo non era nel centinaio venti che avessono pane o biada alchuna, e quelli chotanti n’avevono pocho: (p. 231) vivettesi d’erbe e di barbe d’erbe e di chattive, non lle chonoscieresti oggi, e beevano acqua, e tutto il chontado era pieno di persone che andavano pasciendo l’erbe chome le bestie. Chonsidera chome i loro chorpi erano disposti! Apresso, chom’è detto, e’ non aveano arghomento né riparo niuno; e fu la chosa sì grande e ssì aspra, che ll’uno non poteva atare l’altro di nulla, e per queste chagioni e’ si morirono sanza rimedio. Oggi è avvenuto, per esenpro di questa e di molte altre che spesso sono di poi istate, che ci s’è preso assai ripari, non però che gran danno non faccia; ma pure credo che assai ne chanpano per virtù de’ rimedi, ché dichono e medici che lle reghole ch’essi danno per rimedio di questo veleno è uno armarsi alla difesa. Non è però che uno che sia molto bene armato non possa essere morto, ché gli fia dato d’una lancia o d’una ghiera o d’una bonbarda o prieta che ll’ucciderà; chosì potrà avenire al buon uomo, che fia provveduto contro alla pestilenza, e gli giungnierà una nebbia o un puzo di chorruzione o un fiato d’altro malato che fia più forte di lui e ucciderallo pure. Ma che è? Egli è assai chiaro che a una zuffa mortale à gran vantaggio chi è bene armato, e meno ne muoiono che de’ disarmati; e però vo’ dire che’ rimedi sono buoni. Vuolsi avere chonsiglio chon valenti medici e pigliare per iscritto loro chonsiglio o loro riciette, e quelle osservare diligientemente e non se ne fare punto beffe. Da mme voglio abbi questo chotanto chonsiglio. Tu udirai dinanzi che lla mortalità sia nella città di Firenze un anno o due, perché prima offende la Romangnia o lla Lonbardia che lla città nostra, e quasi per uso l’anno vengniente ell’è in Firenze; o almeno il verno dinanzi tu nne sentirai qualche isprazo o nel contado o nelle pendici della terra, il perché chiaro si prosu/me (c. 66v) la mortalità dovere essere in Firenze. E sappi che di febraio ella comincia a ffarsi sentire dentro, e chosì va crescendo tutto lulglio; e da mezo luglio in llà ed ella s’apicha alle persone da bene e a quelli che sono vivuti regholati, e chomincia a morire meno giente, ma de’ migliori. E quest’è perché il veleno è tanto isparto e tanto t’à chonbattuto, che t’à rotte l’armi e passato dentro; e per la dura della battaglia e’ ti viene a strachare e a pocho a pocho a chorronperti, e ’nfine e’ t’abbatte. E però piglia questo riparo. Chomincia il verno dinanzi a ghovernare te e la tua famiglia tutta per questa via. Prima, fa di quardarti dall’umido quantunche ttu puoi e non patire punto il freddo. Apresso, usa il fuocho ongni mattina prima escha fuori e piglia qualche chosa sechondo lo stomacho che ài: o un pocho di pane e un mezo bichiere di buon vino o di malvagia, o una pillola apropiata a cciò, o un pocho d’utriacha quando fusse piove o umidori, de’ quindici dì due o tre mattine a llato, sul dì, e prima ti levi e dormi un pocho poi; e non mangiare nulla da ivi a ore cinque. Se tti venisse beuto o volessi bere un mezo bichiere di malvagia sarebbe buono, ma non altri vini grossi; o sse avessi lo stomacho debole o frigido, piglia degli otto dì una volta a tai tenpacci una barba di gengiovo (p. 232) in chonservo e bei un mezo bichiere di malvagia, e sta di poi cinque ore che ttu non mangi altro. O ttu piglia un gherofano o un pocho di ciennamo o uno ghughiaio di tregiea o quatro derrate di zafferano o due o tre noci chotte e due o tre fichi sanza pane o qualche chosetta, sechondo che sse’ chonsigliato. E quello vedessi ti faciesse noia lascialo istare; e se llo stomacho istà meglio digiuno, non gli dare impaccio. Non uscire fuori troppo avaccio: quand’è nebbia e piova istatti al fuocho. Desina all’ora chonpitente, mangia buone chose e non troppo; levati chon buono apitito, quarti dalle frutte e da’ funghi, non ne mangiare, o pocho e di rado. Esercita la persona, ma non chon faticha, che ttu non sudi e non n’abbi ’ansare o a sciorinarti de’ panni; quarti dal chiavare e dalle femine, non ti impacciare chon niuna in quell’anno. Non mangiare e non bere se non n’ài voglia; e quando avessi in sullo stomacho, lascialo prima digiestire e di poi ista un’ora prima mangi o bei. quarti dalla ciena, pocho mangia e buone cose; non mangiare porcho in niuno modo; usa, se ài buono istomacho, l’acieto e ll’agresto, ma non tanto ti desse noia a smaltire. Fa di stare sobrio del chorpo e che ttu escha il dì due volte il meno: se fussi istiticho e duro del chorpo, fatti uno arghomento degli otto dì o de’ quindici dì. / (c. 67r) Non ti raviluppare troppo nel dormire, levati al levare del sole. E ’n questa forma passa il verno. E tenendo questo o migliore istile, tu verrai a purghare lo stomacho overo il chorpo tutto, per modo che lla churrezione dell’aria non troverrà materia d’apicharsi. Alla primavera o veramente di marzo tu sentirai dove è buono fuggire. Aspetta che de’ tuoi cittadini si muovano: non volere essere de’ primi, ma, partitone quatro o sei piglia partito e va dove ne vanno i più e in sì fatta città che pel tuo danaio tu truovi ciò che bisongnia alla santà del corpo. Non essere isciocho, o per masserizia o per niuna chagione, di rinchiuderti in chastella o in ville o in lluoghi che non vi sia e medici buoni e medicine che nne interviene che l’amicho si muore e spende nella fine due tanti che gli altri ed essene fatto beffe, sanza il dolore e i·rripitio dell’animo che mai te ne puoi dare pacie. Non sono tempi da masserizia, ma da trarre il danaio d’ongni luogho che ttu puoi; e spendi larghamente nelle chose che bisongnia, sanza niuna masserizia che ssia però che non si guadangniano se non per ispenderli per chanpare o vuoi per vivere e per onore, o nelle brighe o in simili casi. E però ti chonforto del fuggire presto e quest’è il più sichuro ischanpo ci sia. Fa d’avere de’ denari: e non giuchare, ché potresti rimanere sulle secche, e a que’ tenpi se ne truovano molto pochi che te ne prestassono per molti rispetti. Sì che sia savio: provediti tanto dinanzi rauni treciento fiorini il meno, e non ne tocchare mai niuno se non abbisogni e non dire che ttu gli abbia, ché ti sarebbono chiesti. E togli chasa agiata pe·lla tua famiglia, e non punto istretta, ma chamere d’avanzo. E nella istate usa chose fresche: buoni vini e picholi, de’ polli e de’ chavretti e de’ ventri o peducci di chastrone choll’acieto o llattugha, o de’ ghanberi, se nne puoi avere. Istatti il dì di meriggio al frescho: non dormire se puoi farlo, o ttu dormi chosì a sedere. Usa d’un lattovaro che fanno fare i medici di ribarbero, danne a’ fanciulli ché uccide i (p. 233) vermini. Mangia alchuna volta la mattina un’oncia di chassia, chosì ne’ bucciuoli, e danne a’ fanciulli: fa d’averne in chasa e frescha e del zuchero e dell’acquarosa e del giulebbo. Se ài sete il dì bei di quello rinfreschati i polsi, le tenpie e al naso choll’acieto ben forte. None istare dove sia molta giente e spezialmente in luogho rinchiuso chome in loggie o in chiese o in simili luoghi. Chon chi venisse dell’aria chorrotta o che avesse infermi in chasa o fusse morto di sua giente, non istare / (c. 67v) cho·llui se none il meno che ttu puoi, non dimostrando ischifarlo per modo s’aveggha, acciò non isdengniasse o non pigliasse ischonforto. Fuggi quanto puoi maninchonia o pensiero: usa dove si faccia chose da diletto e dove tu possa pigliare ispasso chon piacere e chon allegreza, e non pensare punto di chosa ti dia dolore o chattivo pensiero. Chome ti venisse, fuggilo, o in pensare ad altro o dove si ragioni di darsi piaciere o dove si faccia alchuna chosa che tti piaccia o ttu giuocha, quando tai chasi t’avenissono, e di pochi danari per volta: non passare di perdere uno fiorino; e se llo perdi, lascialo andare sanza pensarvi e non volere per quel dì rischuoterti, ché potresti, dove vuoi fuggire pensiero e dolore, andarlo cierchando. Se ài chavallo, vatti a ssollazo e per la terra e di fuori la mattina pe·llo frescho e lla sera. Istà chasto il più che ttu puoi. Fuggi ongni chosa putidra e ll’aria ivi apresso, non vi istare tieni in diletto e in piaciere la tua famiglia e fa cho·lloro insieme buona e sana vita, vivendo sanza pensiero di fare per allora masserizia, ché assai s’avanza a stare sano e fuggire la morte. Al presente non iscriverrò più avanti sopra la detta materia, perché nel vero i medici fidati e che chonoschono la tua natura sarebbono quelli che meglio t’amaestrerrebbono di tale provedimento; e però, chom’è detto, il chonsiglio si vuole avere da lloro, nonistante che lle sopra iscritte chose sieno utili e buone a oservalle ne’ detti tenpi. |
In the year of Christ 1348 there was a great mortality in the city of Florence among the people who died of a pestilential disease. Many stories about it are told by old people, and many are written down; and among others, Giovanni Boccaccio tells about it in detail in a book of a hundred novellas, and it is at the beginning of the book. At first people began to die of a swelling, accompanied with great pain and sudden fever, either in the groin, under the armpits, or in the neck, below the ears; they lived four or six days. Afterwards the disease grew worse, and they died in two days or less; finally this poison spread so far that it showed itself in certain small bumps which appeared on the skin anywhere on the body: and these were more dangerous than the swellings and more difficult to treat. Later, in the heart of the epidemic, certain redness and bruises appeared on the skin of many people, and they spat blood or bled from the nose or underneath: and this was a very bad sign and without cure. In short, they fell, big and small, from one day to the next: one hour you would see someone laughing and joking and the next hour you would see him die! It got to the point that many died in the streets and on the benches, like abandoned people, without help or consolation from anyone: they were only left there to be buried by the neighbours to avoid the smell. And it happened that people left, because they were alone and abandoned at home, to get some kind of help. Many wandered madly through the country because of delirium; many threw themselves into wells, from windows and into the Arno; and some killed themselves because of great delirium or great pain or suffering. Many died without being seen, rotting in their beds; many were buried even though they were still alive. There was no one to serve them or bury them; and what is more, if you needed a witness for a will, you could not get one, or he asked for six or eight florins. Crosses were seen brought for a body, and three or four followed it before it reached the church: many were deposited at night on the lattices outside the church, and many were thrown away in the street. Many marvellous things were seen: many who visited, nursed or touched a sick person, either him or his clothes, fell down dead. Among others, Giovanni Boccaccio relates that he saw two swine rooting and tearing certain rags of a dead poor man who had remained in the street: and immediately the said swine fell down dead on the rags they had torn. Oh, see how dangerous and risky this pestilential disease is: one cannot protect oneself enough. Now, as you have partly seen and understood, the mortality was immeasurable, and it is said, and so it certainly was, that in our city two-thirds of the people died; for it was estimated that there were 120,000 souls in Florence at that time, of whom 80,000 died. Think what an uproar that was! It is not very surprising that this happened, for there were many causes which increased the evil; and it is more surprising, when all is well considered, how many survived than how many died. The reasons were partly these: in Florence this disease, let us say for the community, was not known, as it had not appeared for a long time; Florence was very populous, more so than ever; the year before there was great famine in Florence, and I believe there were not a hundred people that had bread or corn, and those that had had little: they lived on herbs and roots and bad things that would not be recognised to-day, and they drank water, and all the surrounding country was full of people eating herbs like beasts. Think about what state their bodies were in! In addition, as I said, they had no remedies or defences; and the evil was so great and so violent that they could not help each other in anything, and for these reasons they died without remedy. Now it is so, in consequence of these and many others that have often taken place afterwards, that many precautions have been taken, not that it no longer does much harm; but still I believe that many survive by the power of the remedies, for the doctors say that the rules they give to ward off this poison are a kind of defence. This does not mean that one who is very well armed cannot die, for he may be struck by a spear thrust or a bullet or a stone that kills him; so it may happen to the good man who has taken precautions against the plague that a mist or a stench of putrefaction or a breath of another sick person stronger than himself may strike him and still kill him. But what is that? It is clear that in a mortal fight he who is well armed has a great advantage, and dies less than the unarmed; therefore I would say that the remedies are good. One should seek advice from good doctors and get their advice or prescriptions in writing and follow them conscientiously and not make fun of them. I would like you to take this advice to heart. You will hear that mortality lasts a year or two in the city of Florence, because it first strikes Romagna or Lombardy before it reaches our city, and almost always the following year it is in Florence; or at least in the winter before you will hear a whiff of it, either in the surrounding countryside or in the suburbs, so it is clear that mortality will come to Florence. And know that it begins to make itself felt in February, and so it grows into July; and from the middle of July it affects the wealthy people and those who have lived well, and fewer people die, but of the best. This is because the poison has spread so widely and has affected you so badly that it has broken through the armour and got inside; and because of the hardness of the battle it will tire you out and gradually wear you down, and finally it will strike you down. Therefore, take these precautions. In winter, begin to protect yourselves and your whole family in this way. First, beware of dampness as much as possible and do not endure cold. Then use fire every morning before you go out, and take something according to your stomach: a little bread and half a glass of good wine or malmsey, or a suitable pill, or a little theriac, if it is raining or damp, two or three mornings of fifteen days, during the day and before you get up, and then sleep a little; and eat nothing till five hours later. If you are thirsty or wish to drink half a glass of malmsey, that would be good, but no other strong wines; or if you have a weak or cold stomach, once in eight days at such times take a pickled ginger root and drink half a glass of malmsey, and then eat nothing else for five hours. Or take a clove leaf or a little cinnamon or a spoonful of trigonella or four grains of saffron or two or three boiled nuts and two or three figs without bread or anything else, as you are advised. And if you realise that it is not good for you, leave it alone; and if it is better for the stomach to remain sober, do not strain it. Don't go out too early: stay by the fire in fog and rain. Eat at the proper time, eat good things and not too much; get up with a good appetite, avoid fruit and mushrooms, do not eat them, or eat only a little and rarely. Exercise, but not strenuously, so that you do not sweat and do not feel the need to dry your clothes; avoid sexual intercourse and women, do not mix with them this year. Do not eat or drink if you do not feel like it; and if you have something in your stomach, let it digest first and then wait an hour before eating or drinking. Eat little and good things in the evening; do not eat pork in any way; if you have a good stomach, use vinegar and verjuice, but not so much that it gives you difficulty in digesting. Keep your body light, and see that you get out twice a day: If you are constipated and hard in body, take a treatment of eight or fifteen days. (c. 67r) Don't get too entangled in sleep, get up at sunrise. In this way spend the winter. And if you keep up this or a better style, you will so cleanse your stomach or your whole body that the bad air will find no clue. In spring, or really in March, you will realise where you should flee to. Wait till your fellow-citizens move: do not be the first, but after four or six have gone, go where most go, and to such a town where you will find for your money all that is necessary for the health of the body. Do not be foolish, either for miserliness or for any other reason, to shut yourself up in castles or villages or places where there are no good doctors and medicines, for it happens that the friend dies and ends up spending twice as much as the others and is laughed at, without the pain and trembling of the soul that never leaves you in peace. These are not times for miserliness, but to get money from wherever you can; and spend generously on what is necessary, without miserliness, for it is only earned to spend on survival or on life and honour, or on difficulties or similar cases. Therefore, I encourage you to escape early, and that is the safest escape there is. Make sure you have money: Don't gamble, because you could lose it all, and at these times there are very few who would lend it to you for many reasons. So be wise: Take care in advance to collect at least three hundred florins, and do not touch them unless it is necessary, and do not say that you have them, for they would be demanded of you. And take a spacious house for your family, not too cramped, but with extra rooms. And in summer use fresh things: good wine and small, chickens and goatlings, and the bellies or feet of mutton with vinegar or lettuce, or crabs if you can get them. Keep cool at midday: do not sleep if you can avoid it, or sleep sitting up. Use a lotion that doctors make with rhubarb, give it to children as it kills worms. Eat an ounce of cassia sometimes in the morning, in the buds, and give it to the children: keep it fresh in the house together with sugar and rose-water and syrup. If you are thirsty during the day, cool your wrists, temples and nose with strong vinegar. Do not stay in places with many people, especially in closed rooms such as loggias or churches or similar places. Do not stay with someone who comes from a contaminated area or has sick people in the house or whose relatives have died, as little as possible without showing it, so as not to offend or discourage them. Flee as much as you can from melancholy or sorrow: Stay in places where you can find joy and entertainment, and don't think about things that cause you pain or bad thoughts. When they come, flee from them by thinking of something else or by staying in places where there is pleasure or where people do things you like or where you can play, but only with little money: do not lose more than a florin; and if you lose it, let it go without thinking about it and do not try to recover that day, because where you want to flee sorrow and pain, you go in search of it. If you have a horse, go out in the morning and evening for pleasure. Be as chaste as possible. Flee from everything foul and the air in the neighbourhood, do not stay there. Keep your family in joy and contentment and lead a good and healthy life together, without thinking of miserliness, for it is enough to stay healthy and avoid death. I will not write further on this subject for now, because in truth, trustworthy doctors who know your nature are the ones who can give you the best advice; therefore, as I said, advice should be sought from them, although the things mentioned above are useful and good to observe in the times mentioned. |
Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 229-233 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1365-00-00-Strasbourg | 1365 JL | Price increase and plague during the stay of Englishmen in the Alsace region | Türunge. Donoch in den andern joren kam missewahs und müse die die fruht verossent, das diese türunge wol 6 jor annander werte. und wenne korn underwilen abe fluog in einre ernen, daz ein viertel kam an 8 sol. oder an 10 sol. d., so sluog es in dem jore wider uf, also das ein viertel kornes die 6 jor gewonlichen galt 10 sol. Oder 12 sol. und dicke ein pfunt oder 18 sol. Darzuo koment ouch sterbotte, also daz noch disen [p. 490] Englendern vil unglückes kam in Elsas. aber noch den andern Engelendern die darnoch koment über zehen jor, kam kein breste noch türunge, wie wol es ein grosser volg was und lunger in dem lande logent denne die vördern Engelender. und von den selben andern Engelendern wurt hernoch geseit in dem fünften capitel. |
Price increase. After that, in the following years, there was a poor harvest, and the crops were ruined, so that this price increase lasted for about six years in a row. And when grain sometimes fell in price during a harvest, so that a quarter of it cost 8 or 10 shillings, it would rise again that same year, so that a quarter of grain, which usually cost 10 or 12 shillings during those six years, sometimes reached a pound or 18 shillings. Additionally, there was also a plague, so that after the Englishmen great misfortune befell the Alsace. But in the years following the other Englishmen, who came over the next ten years, there was no more plague or price increase, although it was a great people, and they stayed longer then the first Englishmen. More about those other Englishmen will be mentioned in the fifth chapter. | Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 489-490. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1370-00-00-Florence | 1370 JL | Due to the bad weather in the previous year, there was a great famine in Florence. This was fuelled by wars in Italy and a mortality of cattle, which is why no livestock came to Florence. | Rubrica 723a - Come' in questo anno fu grande carestia d'ogni cosa. Nel detto anno [1370] fu grandissima carestia, perocchè per la gran pioggia dell'anno passato, e perchè era stata guerra, non s'era raccolto assai abbastanza; di che convenne si mandasse per grano di fuori. E valse quell'anno lo staio fiorentino, tre mesi: ciò fu febbraio, marzo e aprile e parte di maggio, un fiorino lo staio. E quel medesimo anno di vino fu gran carestia, perocchè valse fiorini uno la barile di ricolta, e di state fiorini uno e mezzo il barile. Ancora fu carestia di carne, perocchè quell'anno era stata in Lombardia la guerra e in Toscana e in molte luogora, per la quale cagione non era venuto a Firenze bestiame di Puglia, donde ne solea venire assai. Quell'anno v'ebbe mortalità di bestiame, la qual cosa gittò assai carestia oltre all'altre cagioni di sopra narrate. | Rubrica 723a - How in that year there was a great famine of everything. In the year in question [1370] there was a great famine because not enough grain had been harvested due to the heavy rains of the previous year and the war, so grain had to be brought in from outside. In the months of February, March, April and partly in May, a staio of Florentine grain cost one florin. In the same year there was a great shortage of wine, as a barrel of wine cost one florin and in summer one and a half florins. There was also a shortage of meat, because in that year there was war in Lombardy and Tuscany and in many other places, which is why no cattle came to Florence from Apulia, where they often came from in the past. In that year there was a great death of cattle which, in addition to the other reasons mentioned above, caused a great famine. | Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 275 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1374-00-00-Florence 003 | 1374 JL | Great mortality in Florence, besides price increase for grain and other crops and great wars. | Nell'anno 1374 secondo il corso degli anni, cominciandosi dalla Natività del Signore Giesù Cristo, fu calende di Gennaio in Domenica. Fu nel detto anno mortalità di gente, e grandissimo caro di grano, e d'ogni altra biada quasi per tutto il mondo; fu caro di carne, d'olio, e quasi d'ogni altro bene, ed anco il vino non fu vile. La Pasqua di Surresso fu a' dì due d'Aprile, e grandi guerre furono in detto anno. | In the year 1374, beginning after the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, January 1st fell on a Sunday. In that year there was great mortality among the people and an enormous price increase for grain and almost all other crops throughout the world; meat, oil and almost all other goods were also expensive, and wine was not cheap either. Easter fell on April 2, and there were great wars that year. | Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 1. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1374-03-16-Alexandria | March 1374 JL | Many people, mainly children, died of plague (ṭāʿūn, fanāʾ, wabāʾ) in Alexandria from Shawwāl 775 H (March 16 to April 14, 1374) to Rabīʿ I 776 H (August 10, 1374 to September 8, 1374). Up to 200 people died per day. In Shawwāl, 7,000 people perished within three days. In 775 H (1373), the Nile had failed to reach the necessary gauge (wafāʾ) during the summer flood, and many fields in Egypt could not be cultivated. Prices for grain and other foodstuffs rose in Egypt. Prices remained high also during the following year (776 H: June 13, 1374 to June 1, 1375) despite a sufficient Nile flood and the availability of grain. People became impoverished and died of hunger due to the rise in prices while grain merchants (khazzān) made huge profits. Finally, people revolted against inflation and famine. Plague came on top of famine. In Alexandria, 17,000 people reportedly died of plague, 12,000 of whom were male and female children. [...] | ![]() |
al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 3 (1970), pp. 253-254; vol. 4 (1970), p. 127-129; 143; vol. 6 (1973), pp. 423-425. | Translation needed | |
| 1389-00-00-Pistoia | 1389 JL | Grain increased a lot in price and the municipality of Florence had to import grain, otherwise there would have been a great famine. In Pistoia, Arezzo and Città di Castello was a great mortality because of the plague. | Capitolo XXVIII. - Che valse il grano e'l vino in questo anno in Firenze, e come la mortalità fu nel loro contado in più parti. Questo anno fu molto caro il grano in Firenze, alcuna volta valse lo staio lire tre, e 'l vino valse di vendemia dieci fiorini il cogno perché ne fu molto poco,' e tutte l'altre cose furon care mollo, e alli poveri mancò il guadagno, e a' cittadini crebbono le spese, e a gran parte de' cittadini pareva istar male; e se non fosse che 'l Comune, con grande sollecitudine e spese, fece venire di Pelago di mollo grano di più parti del mondo circa di 30 milia moggia, grande moltitudine di gente nella città e nel contado arebbono patito grandissima nicistà di vittuvaglia; ma quel grande riparo li salvò. In questo anno medesimo fu grande mortalità in Pistoia e in tutti li luoghi e intorno a quella; e morivano di posteme pestilenziose e velenose in due o in tre di; e alla città d'Arezzo e in tutto il suo contado cominciarono a morire di pestilenzia, ed ebbevi Castello che vi mori più che 'l terzo delle bocche. E ancora la della mortalità in molte terre d' Italia grandissima; della qual cosa molto isbigottirono i Fiorentini temendo di non averla l'anno vegnente. |
Chapter 28: The development of the value of grain and wine in Florence this year and the mortality in its surroundings. Grain was very expensive in Florence that year. Sometimes a bushel cost three lire, and the wine of the harvest was sold for ten florins a barrel, because there was very little of it. All other things were also expensive and the poor lacked income, while expenses for the citizens increased, causing great inconvenience to many citizens. If the municipality had not taken great care and expense to import large quantities of grain from Pelago and other parts of the world, some 30,000 moggia, there would have been a great famine in the city and the countryside. But these extensive measures saved them. In the same year there was a great mortality in Pistoia and in all the surrounding areas. People died of pestilential and toxic abscesses every two or three days. In the city of Arezzo and its entire surrounding area, they began to die of the plague, and in Castello more than a third of the population died. Mortality was also very high in many other parts of Italy, which worried the Florentines greatly, as they feared they would suffer the same fate the following year. |
Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 88. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1397-05-00-Limburg | May 1397 JL | Mortality in Limburg at the time of the grain and grape blossom | 20. Anno Domini millesimo tricentesimo nonagesimo septimo [1397] tempore Maii floruerunt blada simul et botri, et eodem tempore fuit magna pestilencia, et in mense Iulio eodem anno inventi sunt botri maturi. | In the year of our Lord 1397, during the month of May, the grain and grape clusters blossomed simultaneously, and during that same time, there was a great plague. In the month of July of that same year, ripe grape clusters were found. | Limburger Chronik 1883, Limburger Annalen, p. 112. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1421-00-00-Sweden 001 | 1421 JL | Great rainfall in south-central Sweden is succeeded by bad harvests, pestilence and drought in 1421 and 1422. | Eodem anno tanta fuit pluvie inundacio, quod in multis locis computruerunt segetes stantes in stipula; veneruntque simul pestilencia et sterilitas. Ipsa quoque pestilencia iam duraverat per annum integrum et necedum cessavit; que in multis terrarum finibus ita grassata fuerat, quod domus relinquerentur absque habitatore. | In the same year (1421), such great amounts of rain fell that the corn in many places rotted away uncut; and at the same time came pestilence and drought. This plague epidemic had now lasted a whole year and had not yet ceased; in many countries it had ravaged so violently that houses were left uninhabited. | Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 174 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1425-07-08-Würzburg | 8 July 1425 JL | Great plague in Würzburg, sometimes more than 40 deaths per day, which led to unharvested fields. | Von ainem grossen sterben [...] Da man zalte nach der geburt Christi 1425 jare, ist ain erschrockenlicher grausamer sterbe in disen landen vnd sunderlich hie zu Wirtzburg gewest; von sant Kilians tag an bis vf Ostern des andern jors hat diese sucht an ain ander geweret. Die herbst zeit vber sturben hie zu Wirtzburg gewonlich ain tag virtzigk menschen, etwan darüber. Es sind auch vor grossem schrecken vnd mangel halben der leute vil obs, getraid vnd weins desselbigen jors vf dem velde vneingeheimst stehen bliben. |
About a great dying [...] In the year 1425 after the birth of Christ, a terrifying and cruel plague struck these lands, especially here in Würzburg. From Saint Kilian's Day until Easter of the following year, this illness continued uninterrupted. During the autumn, it was common for around forty people to die each day in Würzburg, sometimes even more. Due to great fear and the lack of people, much of that year's fruits, grain, and wine remained unharvested in the fields. |
Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 3 (1999), p. 150. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1437-06-00-Würzburg | June 1437 JL | Price increase and a plague in Würzburg | Von grosser theürüng vnd sterben In dem obgemelten 1437. jare galte ein malter korns vmb sant Peters tag stuelfeier sechs pfund, vmb Mitfasten siben, vmb Ostern sechtzehen, sibentzehen vnd achtzehen pfunde. Vnd an dem Freitag den zehen des Maien erforen die weinstocke allenthalben an bergen vnd in thalen. Dannoch, dweil das getraid so theür war, fande man zimlich guten wein, das füder vmb neun vnd zehen gülden zu kaüffen. Vnd fiele im brachmond ein heftiger sterbe an, der weret in das ander jore. Vff sant Marie Magdalene tag starben in der pfar zum dom hie zu Wirtzburg bei [p. 321] dreissig menschen, vnd schluge das korn ser wider ab, also das man vmb vnd nach sant Martins tag ain malter umb funf pfund kauft, vnd sein dis mals zu Wirtzburg bey vier thaüsent menschen gestorben. |
On great famine and death In the aforementioned year 1437, a malter of grain was priced at six pounds around Saint Peter's Day [February 22], seven pounds around Lent [March 10], nine pounds around Easter [March 31], thirteen pounds during the Cross Week [May 5-8], and sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen pounds by Pentecost [May 19]. On Friday, the tenth of May, all the vines died everywhere in the hills and in the valleys. Nevertheless, because grain was so expensive, one found quite good wine available for purchase, costing around nine to ten guilders. A severe plague broke out in June, which continued into the following year. On Saint Mary Magdalene's Day [July 22], thirty people died in the parish of the cathedral here in Würzburg, and the grain was severely damaged, so that around and after Saint Martin's Day [November 11], one could buy a malter for about five pounds and around four thousand people having died in Würzburg this time. |
Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 3 (1999), pp. 320-321. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1438-00-00-Constance | 1438 JL | When the gypsies came to a place, a price increase came shortly after them. In addition, the people fell in the poverty, suffered hunger and a mortality occured. | Und wo sy [Zigeuner] gezogen warent, do kam in nach in dem 1438 jar ain sollich große türy, der nie kain mensch gedacht hett, wan es kam, das man ain viertel kernen gab umb 4 Pfd. heller und des gelichen alle ding, und kament die lüt in groß armut von hunger. Und darnach kam ain großer sterbet, der darnach an dem adern blatt stat. | And wherever they [gypsies] went, there came after them in 1438 such a great price increase that nobody would have thought. When it came, you had to give 4 pounds Heller for a quarter of grain. It was the same with other things. People fell into great poverty and suffered hunger. This was followed by a great dying, which will be described on another page. | Anonymus: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 174. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1456-00-00-Florence | 1456 JL | In Florence was a shortage due to the weather and a flooding. The city had to provide food for the population especially for the poor. | Eodem anno per inundationem aquarum, in agris impedientem sationem agrorum et aliam intemperiem supervenientem tempore spicationis in agris satis, defectus magnus modicitatis in segetibus repertus est Florentie, et [in] territorio eius. Creatis autem officialibus habundantie, provisum est competenter de frumentis de diversis locis extra territorium adductis. Sed et pauperibus provisum est, quorum a diu in preteritum nunquam tantus inventus est numerus; quod contigit, quia mercatores et artifices parum negotiantur vel artificia exercent, tum propter guerras impedientes discursum per mare et per terram, tum timore nove impositionis prestantiarum, ne nimis onerentur, tum eciam peste civitatem invadente, etsi lente, tamen in futurum magis de grassatione eius dubitatur. Decretum igitur [p. 98] fuit, ut per quatuor menses precedentes recollectionem frumenti, quingenti floreni mensatim expenderentur a communitate eleemosynaliter erogati pro frumento pauperibus in pane concedendo. Quod optimum fuit tum ut peccata sua civitas, eis plena, eleemosynis redimat, tum ut caritatem ad fratres suos et membra reipublice ostendat, nec non ad prudenter auferendos tumultus et clamores famelice plebis. Quid enim non audeat rabies famis, cum aliquando et matres filios proprios occidere et comedere coegerit, sacra historia ac eciam infidelium hoc referente? | In the same year, due to flooding that hindered the sowing of fields and other adverse weather conditions during the grain ripening season, there was a significant shortage in the harvest in Florence and its surrounding territory. Officials were appointed to manage the scarcity, and grain was competently procured from various places outside the territory. Provisions were also made for the poor, whose numbers had not been this high for a long time. This situation arose because merchants and craftsmen were engaging in little trade or work, partly due to wars disrupting travel by sea and land, partly out of fear of new tax burdens, and partly because of a plague slowly affecting the city, which was feared to worsen in the future. It was decreed that, for the four months preceding the next grain harvest, 500 florins would be spent monthly by the community to provide grain to the poor in the form of bread. This was seen as beneficial both to help the city atone for its sins, which were abundant, through acts of charity, and to demonstrate care for fellow citizens, as well as to prudently prevent uprisings and outcries from the starving populace. For what would the rage of hunger not dare to do, when history—even sacred texts—reports that, in such times, mothers have been forced to kill and eat their own children? | Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, pp. 97-98. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
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