Air

For Air, a total of 18 epidemic events are known so far. It is a natural event.

Table

Table

Page	DateStart date of the disease.	SummarySummary of the disease event	OriginalOriginal text	TranslationEnglish translation of the text	ReferenceReference(s) to literature	Reference translationReference(s) to the translation
1238-00-00-London	1238 JL	A flood and a unnatural air which led to diseases in London.	Eodem quoque anno, rivi insoliti et innaturales plurimis agris, stratis, et locis aridis et inaquosis, impetuose proruperunt ; et in rapidos torrentes ac repentinos excreverunt, ita ut pisces educarent. Aeris quoque intemperies et squalor innaturalis morbos diversos generavit, ut aeris inclementia pesti congrueret saeculari, et tam populares et agricolcae, quam milites et magnates, necnon et praelati, sentirent flagellum Domini generale.	In the same year, unusual and unnatural streams burst forth violently in many fields, streets, and dry and waterless places; and they rapidly grew into sudden torrents, even producing fish. The unseasonable and unnatural conditions of the air also generated various diseases, so that the harshness of the air corresponded with a widespread plague, and both common people and farmers, as well as soldiers, nobles, and even prelates, felt the general scourge of the Lord.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 3, p. 519.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1258-00-00-Baghdad	1258 JL	Epidemic in Baghdad after the Mongol conquest of the city: A Mongol army under Hülegü Khan had captured Baghdad and killed the Abbasid caliph al-Mustaʿṣim bi-llāh [February 20, 1258]. Dead bodies were lying around everywhere, a bad smell developed in the city, the air changed. Many people died of the severe epidemic (wabāʾ) that followed the fighting. When the epidemic abated in Baghdad it traveled to Syria.			Al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 2, p. 224	Translation needed
1258-00-00-Baghdad 002	1258 JL	Great mortality in Baghdad, which spreads due to the odor and contaminated water.		It is said that there were more than 800,000 dead in Baghdad, not including the children thrown in the mud, those who perished in the canals, wells, and basements, and those who died of hunger and fear. Those that survived the killing were struck by an epidemic [wabaˉʾ] from breathing the odor of corpses and drinking contaminated water. The inhabitants frequently smelled onions because of the strong smell. The number of flies increased, filling the air; they would fall on food and spoil it.		None
1259-05-00-St. Albans	May 1259 JL	Air corruption was followed by disease and bad weather and harvest.	Item in mayo [1259] fuit maxima aeris corruptio per totum mensem. Inde subsecute sunt multe infirmitates et mortalitas hominum. Arbores non fructificabant. Item mense Julio multa tonitrua et terribilia et fulgura cadentia. Item mense octobri ad festum sancti Dionisii per tres dies continuos et noctes horrid tempestas celum commouit et undas et multi naufragio perierunt	Moreover, in May 1259, there was severe air corruption throughout the entire month. As a result, many illnesses and deaths followed among people. The trees did not bear fruit. Additionally, in July, there were many terrifying thunderclaps and lightning strikes. Furthermore, in October, around the feast of Saint Denis, for three continuous days and nights, a dreadful storm stirred the sky and the waves, and many perished in shipwrecks.	Template:Chronicon S. Andreae in Antona Sempentrionalis (bis 1339) 1929, p. 101.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1346-00-00-Florence	1346 JL	The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested.	Della inaudita mortalità. Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8) Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo. Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio. Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13) Di detta matera. Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro.	Of the outrageous mortality It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...] How long the plague lasted in each country As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God. In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others. About this subject The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 5-14.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1348-00-00-Avignon02	1348 JL	About the outbreak of the Black Death in the East and the arrival of the plague in Sicily and Avignon. People flee from the plague because of the infected air.	Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII. Tempore hyemali vel circa principium veris in partibus ultramarinis exorta est mortalitas seu pestilencia tam grandis, quod infinitam et inestimabilem multitudinem infidelium absorbuit et absumpsit. Que derivata ad terras cristicolarum maxime in locis maritimis, precipue tamen in Sicilia, innumerabilem populum prostravit. Fertur, quod in quadragesima circa Marsiliam urbem et Avionem tam crudeliter endinia sevierit, quod infra spacium unius mensis XVI milia hominum obierint. Immo, ut dicitur, tantum in Avione excessit, quod vivi homines non sufficiebant defunctorum corpora tumulare et [p. 276] ideo tandem in fluvium Rodanum certatim proiciebantur. Fertur insuper, quod papa pestem hanc de Avione ad aliam civitatem fugerit. Nichilominus fama testante in Sicilia homines de Messana metropoli et de aliis quam plurimis civitatibus, in quibus mors prevaluit, relictis eis vacuis fugierunt ad montana se transferentes, ut ibi salubri aere hausto contagiosum in civitatibus captum emitterent et eflarent. In Messana urbe Sicilie memorata de LX fratribus Minoribus conventualibus brevi spacio temporis XXX mox mortis furia de medio sublati sunt. Quo viso superstites conventu illo relicto ad loca se alia contulerunt. Predicta, scilicet terre motus et pestilencia, precurrencia mala sunt extreme voraginis et tempestatis secundum verbum salvatoris in ewangelio dicentis: "Erunt terre motus per loca et pestilencia et fames" et cetera.	In the year of our Lord 1348, at the time of winter or early spring, there was such a great mortality or plague overseas that it devoured and destroyed an infinite and incalculable number of unbelievers. It spread in the Christian areas, but mainly in coastal regions, especially in Sicily, where it struck down countless numbers of people. It is reported that during Lent, a plague raged around the cities of Marseille and Avignon that was so cruel that sixteen thousand people died within a month. It is even said that it became so bad in Avignon that there were not enough living people to bury the corpses, [p. 276] and they were therefore finally eagerly thrown into the river Rhône. It is also reported that the pope fled from Avignon to another city to escape this plague. Nevertheless, according to reports in Sicily, people fled from the metropolis of Messina and many other cities where death was rampant, leaving them empty and taking refuge in the mountains to expel the infected air from the cities and breathe it out. In the city of Messina in Sicily, thirty of the sixty Friars Minor of the convent were snatched from life by the fury of death within a short space of time. When the survivors saw this, they left the convent and travelled to other places.These events, namely earthquakes and pestilence, are harbingers of extreme evils and storms, as it says in the Gospel: "There will be earthquakes in various places and pestilence and famine" etc.	Johannes von Winterthur, p. 275-276	None
1348-00-00-Europe 001	1348 JL	These passages describe the catastrophic events of the year 1348 in Europe, including the plague and an earthquake. They mention predictions about political upheavals, famine and other catastrophies.	Item, Anno fequenti 48. in Avinone & in vicinis ibi partibus in Marfilia & in Italia ac multis citra & ultra maritimis regionibus, etiam in Francia, Anglia, Vngaria, Carinthia, Austria, Bauaria, Suevia, Alsatia, & in partibus Rheni & aliis plerisque Germaniae partibus, & praecipue in locis aquosis, & in alpibus, cacuminibus & conuallibus partium montanarum tam maxima pestilentia feu mortalitas (p. 469) fuit hominum, quod plerumque una in hospitio moriente persona, ceteri cohabitantes homines, ut sepius quasi subito, moriuntur. Anno Domini 1348. in die conuersionis Sancti Pauli circa horam vespertinam uniuersalis terrae motus adeo magnus fuit, quod hinc inde & praecipue in partibus Carinthiae & maritimis multae munitiones & domus & praefertim lapideae corruerunt. Anno domini 1348. multa mirabilia contingent, ut Astrologus maximus attestatur, unus solus erit dominus, Romanum Imperium exaltabitur, magna rixa erit in terra, Tyrannus Rex Francie cadit cum Baronibus fuis, magna effusio sanguinis fiet, erit magna fames & mortalitas hominum, haec iam in multis partibus Alemanniae, magnus calor in aestate, magna siccitas, vindicabitur vindicta noui Regis, transfigurabitur Regina Veneris, pulues Lonistae & animalia venenosa abundabunt & multa mirabilia in aere apparebunt.	Moreover, in the following year 1348, in Avignon and its surrounding areas, in Marseille, Italy, and in many regions both on this side and beyond the seas, also in France, England, Hungary, Carinthia, Austria, Bavaria, Swabia, Alsace, and the regions of the Rhine and many other parts of Germany, especially in watery places, in the Alps, the peaks, and the valleys of mountainous areas, there was such a great plague or mortality among humans that often when one person died in a household, the other inhabitants frequently died suddenly as well. In the year of our Lord 1348, on the day of the Conversion of Saint Paul, around the evening hour, there was a universal earthquake so great that here and there, especially in Carinthia and coastal areas, many fortifications and houses, particularly those made of stone, collapsed. In the year of our Lord 1348, many wonders occurred, as the great astrologer attests: there will be only one lord, the Roman Empire will be exalted, there will be great strife on the earth, the tyrant King of France will fall with his barons, there will be great bloodshed, there will be great famine and mortality of people — this has already occurred in many parts of Germany. There will be great heat in the summer, great drought, vengeance will be exacted by the new king, the Queen of Venus will be transformed, the dust of Lonista will abound, and poisonous animals will be plentiful, and many wonders will appear in the air.	Chronicon Wirziburgense breve 1735, pp. 468-469.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Europe 002	1348 JL	These passages describe the catastrophic events of the year 1348 in Europe, including the plague. They mention predictions about political upheavals, famine and other catastrophies like extreme weather.	De magna pestilencia. Item eodem tempore et anno immediate sequenti in curia Romana Avinionis et in vicinis ibi partibus in Marsilia et Ytalia ac multis maritimis citra et ultra marinis regionibus, eciam in Francia Anglia Ungaria Karinthia Austria Bawaria Swevia et Alsacia ac in partibus Reni et aliis plerisque Germanie partibus, et precipue in locis aquosis et in alpibus cacuminibus et convallibus partium montanarum (p. 474) tam maxima pestilentia seu mortalitatis hominum tanta fuit et est, quod plerumque una in hospicio moriente persona ceteri cohabitantes homines et sepius quasi subito moriuntur. De eventibus lamentosis sub anno subscriptio. Anno domini m.ccc.xl.viii. multa mirabilia contingent, ut astrologus maximus attestatur. Unus solus erit dominus. Imperium Romanum exaltabitur. Magna rixa erit in terra. Tyrannus Rex Francie cadet cum baronibus suis. Magna effusio sanguinis. Papa dissipabitur cum cardinalibus suis. Erit magna fames et mortalitas. Hec vero iam in multis partibus Lombardie. Magnus calor in estate. In hieme magna siccitas. Semina corrumpuntur. Vindicabitur vindicta novi regis. Transfigurabitur regina veneris. Pulices locuste et animalia venenosa habundabunt, et multa mirabilia in aere apparebunt.	On the Great Pestilence. Likewise, at the same time and in the following year, in the Roman court at Avignon and in nearby areas, in Marseille and Italy, and in many maritime regions on both sides of the sea, also in France, England, Hungary, Carinthia, Austria, Bavaria, Swabia, Alsace, and in the regions along the Rhine and other parts of Germany, and especially in watery places and in the peaks and valleys of the mountainous regions, there was such a great plague or mortality of people that often, when one person died in a house, the other cohabitants and people would soon die almost immediately. On the Lamentable Events of the Year Described Below. In the year of our Lord 1348, many marvelous events occurred, as the greatest astrologer attests. There will be one sole lord. The Roman Empire will be exalted. There will be a great conflict in the land. The tyrant King of France will fall with his barons. There will be a great bloodshed. The Pope will be dispersed with his cardinals. There will be great famine and mortality. This has already occurred in many parts of Lombardy. There will be great heat in the summer. In winter, there will be great drought. Seeds will be corrupted. The vengeance of a new king will be exacted. The Queen of Venus will be transformed. Fleas, locusts, and venomous animals will abound, and many marvels will appear in the sky.	De chronicis temporum hominum modernorum 1843, pp. 473-774.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Florence	1348 JL	In this long plague treatise-like passage, the author describes the Black Death in Florence with its symptoms, death toll and consequences. He describes how to behave in order to avoid the disease and be better prepared, although it is not possible to avoid it with certainty. He also advises people to flee infected areas early and to listen to the doctors' instructions.	Negli anni di Cristo 1348 fu nella città di Firenze una grande mortalità di persone umane le quali morivano di male pestilenziale; e molti gran fatti se n’ode dire dalle persone antiche e assai se ne truova iscritti; e fra gli altri ne (p. 230) scrive assai chopiosamente messer / (c. 65v) Giovanni Bochacci inn u·llibro che fecie di ciento novelle, ed è nel prencipio del libro. Di prima chominciò lavgiente a morire di cierto enfiato che venia chon gran doglia e chon repente febre o nell’anguinaia o sotto le ditella o nella ghola, da piè dell’orechie; e viveano quatro o sei dì. Di poi grebbe, e morivano in due dì o meno; e inn utimo e’ si venne tanto a spargiere questo veleno, che si dimostrava in cierte bolle pichole ch’apariano nelle charni per qualunche luogho della persona: e queste erano più pericholose che l’enfiato e di meno rimedio. E di poi, più nel chuore della moria, aparivano a’ più pe·lle charni cierti rossori e lividori, e sputavano sanque od e’ gittavano pel naso o di sotto: e questo era pessimo sengnio e sanza rimedio. E, brieve, e’ chaschavano, e grandi e piccioli, da un dì a un altro: inn una ora si vedea ridere e mottegiare il brighante e nell’ora medesima il vedevi morire! E venne la chosa a tanto, che molti ne morivano pe·lla via e su pe·lle panche, chome abandonati, sanza aiuto o chonforto di persona: solo erano posti quivi perché fussono da’ vicini sotterrati per fuggire il puzo. E tale vi s’andava, che ssi vedea solo in chasa e abandonato, per avere qualche sochorso. Molti per farneticho andavano impazando pe·lla terra; molti se ne gittavano ne’ pozi, a tterra delle finestre e inn Arno; e tale s’uccideva per gran farneticho o per gran pena o dolore. Molti si morivano che non erano veduti e ’nfradiciavano su pe·lle letta; molti n’erano sotterrati che anchora erano vivi. Non si trovava chi gli servisse né chi gli sotterrasse; e più, che se ttu avessi voluto un testimone a un testamento, tu non llo potevi avere, o se pure ne trovavi niuno, e’ voleva sei o otto fiorini. Aresti veduto iª crocie ire per un chorpo, averne dietro tre o quatro prima giungniesse alla chiesa: assai n’erano posti la notte alle reggi di fuori della chiesa e nella via n’erano gittati assai. Molte chose maravigliose si vidono: assai, per vicitare uno infermo, per ghovernallo o ttocharlo, o llui o suoi panni, di fatto chaschare morti. E fra ll’altre chose, dicie messere Giovanni Bochacci che vide due porci grufolare e stracciare cierti pannicielli d’un povero uomo morto, rimasi nella via: di fatto i detti porci chascharono morti su que’ cienci istracciati da lloro. O vedi di quanto pericholo e di quanto rischio questo male pestilenziale è: non si può troppo guardare. Ora, chome voi avete in parte veduto e potuto chonprendere, la moria fu innistimabile, e diciesi, e chosì fu di cierto, che nella nostra città morirono i due terzi delle persone; ché era istimato / (c. 66r) che in Firenze avesse in quel tenpo CXX mila anime, che nne morirono, cioè de’ chorpi, ottantamila. Pensate se fu frachasso! Non è da prenderne gran maraviglia perché questo fusse, ché molte chagioni ci furono da inciendere il malore; e fu maggiore maraviglia, chi chonsiderasse bene ogni chosa, di que’ che chanparono che di que’ che morirono. E lle chagioni furono in parte queste, cioè: in Firenze non si chonoscieva, diciamo pe·lla chomunità, questo male, perché a gran tenpo non era apparito; era Firenze molto ripiena di giente e di più quantità ch’ella fusse mai; l’anno dinanzi era suto in Firenze gran fame, e credo non era nel centinaio venti che avessono pane o biada alchuna, e quelli chotanti n’avevono pocho: (p. 231) vivettesi d’erbe e di barbe d’erbe e di chattive, non lle chonoscieresti oggi, e beevano acqua, e tutto il chontado era pieno di persone che andavano pasciendo l’erbe chome le bestie. Chonsidera chome i loro chorpi erano disposti! Apresso, chom’è detto, e’ non aveano arghomento né riparo niuno; e fu la chosa sì grande e ssì aspra, che ll’uno non poteva atare l’altro di nulla, e per queste chagioni e’ si morirono sanza rimedio. Oggi è avvenuto, per esenpro di questa e di molte altre che spesso sono di poi istate, che ci s’è preso assai ripari, non però che gran danno non faccia; ma pure credo che assai ne chanpano per virtù de’ rimedi, ché dichono e medici che lle reghole ch’essi danno per rimedio di questo veleno è uno armarsi alla difesa. Non è però che uno che sia molto bene armato non possa essere morto, ché gli fia dato d’una lancia o d’una ghiera o d’una bonbarda o prieta che ll’ucciderà; chosì potrà avenire al buon uomo, che fia provveduto contro alla pestilenza, e gli giungnierà una nebbia o un puzo di chorruzione o un fiato d’altro malato che fia più forte di lui e ucciderallo pure. Ma che è? Egli è assai chiaro che a una zuffa mortale à gran vantaggio chi è bene armato, e meno ne muoiono che de’ disarmati; e però vo’ dire che’ rimedi sono buoni. Vuolsi avere chonsiglio chon valenti medici e pigliare per iscritto loro chonsiglio o loro riciette, e quelle osservare diligientemente e non se ne fare punto beffe. Da mme voglio abbi questo chotanto chonsiglio. Tu udirai dinanzi che lla mortalità sia nella città di Firenze un anno o due, perché prima offende la Romangnia o lla Lonbardia che lla città nostra, e quasi per uso l’anno vengniente ell’è in Firenze; o almeno il verno dinanzi tu nne sentirai qualche isprazo o nel contado o nelle pendici della terra, il perché chiaro si prosu/me (c. 66v) la mortalità dovere essere in Firenze. E sappi che di febraio ella comincia a ffarsi sentire dentro, e chosì va crescendo tutto lulglio; e da mezo luglio in llà ed ella s’apicha alle persone da bene e a quelli che sono vivuti regholati, e chomincia a morire meno giente, ma de’ migliori. E quest’è perché il veleno è tanto isparto e tanto t’à chonbattuto, che t’à rotte l’armi e passato dentro; e per la dura della battaglia e’ ti viene a strachare e a pocho a pocho a chorronperti, e ’nfine e’ t’abbatte. E però piglia questo riparo. Chomincia il verno dinanzi a ghovernare te e la tua famiglia tutta per questa via. Prima, fa di quardarti dall’umido quantunche ttu puoi e non patire punto il freddo. Apresso, usa il fuocho ongni mattina prima escha fuori e piglia qualche chosa sechondo lo stomacho che ài: o un pocho di pane e un mezo bichiere di buon vino o di malvagia, o una pillola apropiata a cciò, o un pocho d’utriacha quando fusse piove o umidori, de’ quindici dì due o tre mattine a llato, sul dì, e prima ti levi e dormi un pocho poi; e non mangiare nulla da ivi a ore cinque. Se tti venisse beuto o volessi bere un mezo bichiere di malvagia sarebbe buono, ma non altri vini grossi; o sse avessi lo stomacho debole o frigido, piglia degli otto dì una volta a tai tenpacci una barba di gengiovo (p. 232) in chonservo e bei un mezo bichiere di malvagia, e sta di poi cinque ore che ttu non mangi altro. O ttu piglia un gherofano o un pocho di ciennamo o uno ghughiaio di tregiea o quatro derrate di zafferano o due o tre noci chotte e due o tre fichi sanza pane o qualche chosetta, sechondo che sse’ chonsigliato. E quello vedessi ti faciesse noia lascialo istare; e se llo stomacho istà meglio digiuno, non gli dare impaccio. Non uscire fuori troppo avaccio: quand’è nebbia e piova istatti al fuocho. Desina all’ora chonpitente, mangia buone chose e non troppo; levati chon buono apitito, quarti dalle frutte e da’ funghi, non ne mangiare, o pocho e di rado. Esercita la persona, ma non chon faticha, che ttu non sudi e non n’abbi ’ansare o a sciorinarti de’ panni; quarti dal chiavare e dalle femine, non ti impacciare chon niuna in quell’anno. Non mangiare e non bere se non n’ài voglia; e quando avessi in sullo stomacho, lascialo prima digiestire e di poi ista un’ora prima mangi o bei. quarti dalla ciena, pocho mangia e buone cose; non mangiare porcho in niuno modo; usa, se ài buono istomacho, l’acieto e ll’agresto, ma non tanto ti desse noia a smaltire. Fa di stare sobrio del chorpo e che ttu escha il dì due volte il meno: se fussi istiticho e duro del chorpo, fatti uno arghomento degli otto dì o de’ quindici dì. / (c. 67r) Non ti raviluppare troppo nel dormire, levati al levare del sole. E ’n questa forma passa il verno. E tenendo questo o migliore istile, tu verrai a purghare lo stomacho overo il chorpo tutto, per modo che lla churrezione dell’aria non troverrà materia d’apicharsi. Alla primavera o veramente di marzo tu sentirai dove è buono fuggire. Aspetta che de’ tuoi cittadini si muovano: non volere essere de’ primi, ma, partitone quatro o sei piglia partito e va dove ne vanno i più e in sì fatta città che pel tuo danaio tu truovi ciò che bisongnia alla santà del corpo. Non essere isciocho, o per masserizia o per niuna chagione, di rinchiuderti in chastella o in ville o in lluoghi che non vi sia e medici buoni e medicine che nne interviene che l’amicho si muore e spende nella fine due tanti che gli altri ed essene fatto beffe, sanza il dolore e i·rripitio dell’animo che mai te ne puoi dare pacie. Non sono tempi da masserizia, ma da trarre il danaio d’ongni luogho che ttu puoi; e spendi larghamente nelle chose che bisongnia, sanza niuna masserizia che ssia però che non si guadangniano se non per ispenderli per chanpare o vuoi per vivere e per onore, o nelle brighe o in simili casi. E però ti chonforto del fuggire presto e quest’è il più sichuro ischanpo ci sia. Fa d’avere de’ denari: e non giuchare, ché potresti rimanere sulle secche, e a que’ tenpi se ne truovano molto pochi che te ne prestassono per molti rispetti. Sì che sia savio: provediti tanto dinanzi rauni treciento fiorini il meno, e non ne tocchare mai niuno se non abbisogni e non dire che ttu gli abbia, ché ti sarebbono chiesti. E togli chasa agiata pe·lla tua famiglia, e non punto istretta, ma chamere d’avanzo. E nella istate usa chose fresche: buoni vini e picholi, de’ polli e de’ chavretti e de’ ventri o peducci di chastrone choll’acieto o llattugha, o de’ ghanberi, se nne puoi avere. Istatti il dì di meriggio al frescho: non dormire se puoi farlo, o ttu dormi chosì a sedere. Usa d’un lattovaro che fanno fare i medici di ribarbero, danne a’ fanciulli ché uccide i (p. 233) vermini. Mangia alchuna volta la mattina un’oncia di chassia, chosì ne’ bucciuoli, e danne a’ fanciulli: fa d’averne in chasa e frescha e del zuchero e dell’acquarosa e del giulebbo. Se ài sete il dì bei di quello rinfreschati i polsi, le tenpie e al naso choll’acieto ben forte. None istare dove sia molta giente e spezialmente in luogho rinchiuso chome in loggie o in chiese o in simili luoghi. Chon chi venisse dell’aria chorrotta o che avesse infermi in chasa o fusse morto di sua giente, non istare / (c. 67v) cho·llui se none il meno che ttu puoi, non dimostrando ischifarlo per modo s’aveggha, acciò non isdengniasse o non pigliasse ischonforto. Fuggi quanto puoi maninchonia o pensiero: usa dove si faccia chose da diletto e dove tu possa pigliare ispasso chon piacere e chon allegreza, e non pensare punto di chosa ti dia dolore o chattivo pensiero. Chome ti venisse, fuggilo, o in pensare ad altro o dove si ragioni di darsi piaciere o dove si faccia alchuna chosa che tti piaccia o ttu giuocha, quando tai chasi t’avenissono, e di pochi danari per volta: non passare di perdere uno fiorino; e se llo perdi, lascialo andare sanza pensarvi e non volere per quel dì rischuoterti, ché potresti, dove vuoi fuggire pensiero e dolore, andarlo cierchando. Se ài chavallo, vatti a ssollazo e per la terra e di fuori la mattina pe·llo frescho e lla sera. Istà chasto il più che ttu puoi. Fuggi ongni chosa putidra e ll’aria ivi apresso, non vi istare tieni in diletto e in piaciere la tua famiglia e fa cho·lloro insieme buona e sana vita, vivendo sanza pensiero di fare per allora masserizia, ché assai s’avanza a stare sano e fuggire la morte. Al presente non iscriverrò più avanti sopra la detta materia, perché nel vero i medici fidati e che chonoschono la tua natura sarebbono quelli che meglio t’amaestrerrebbono di tale provedimento; e però, chom’è detto, il chonsiglio si vuole avere da lloro, nonistante che lle sopra iscritte chose sieno utili e buone a oservalle ne’ detti tenpi.	In the year of Christ 1348 there was a great mortality in the city of Florence among the people who died of a pestilential disease. Many stories about it are told by old people, and many are written down; and among others, Giovanni Boccaccio tells about it in detail in a book of a hundred novellas, and it is at the beginning of the book. At first people began to die of a swelling, accompanied with great pain and sudden fever, either in the groin, under the armpits, or in the neck, below the ears; they lived four or six days. Afterwards the disease grew worse, and they died in two days or less; finally this poison spread so far that it showed itself in certain small bumps which appeared on the skin anywhere on the body: and these were more dangerous than the swellings and more difficult to treat. Later, in the heart of the epidemic, certain redness and bruises appeared on the skin of many people, and they spat blood or bled from the nose or underneath: and this was a very bad sign and without cure. In short, they fell, big and small, from one day to the next: one hour you would see someone laughing and joking and the next hour you would see him die! It got to the point that many died in the streets and on the benches, like abandoned people, without help or consolation from anyone: they were only left there to be buried by the neighbours to avoid the smell. And it happened that people left, because they were alone and abandoned at home, to get some kind of help. Many wandered madly through the country because of delirium; many threw themselves into wells, from windows and into the Arno; and some killed themselves because of great delirium or great pain or suffering. Many died without being seen, rotting in their beds; many were buried even though they were still alive. There was no one to serve them or bury them; and what is more, if you needed a witness for a will, you could not get one, or he asked for six or eight florins. Crosses were seen brought for a body, and three or four followed it before it reached the church: many were deposited at night on the lattices outside the church, and many were thrown away in the street. Many marvellous things were seen: many who visited, nursed or touched a sick person, either him or his clothes, fell down dead. Among others, Giovanni Boccaccio relates that he saw two swine rooting and tearing certain rags of a dead poor man who had remained in the street: and immediately the said swine fell down dead on the rags they had torn. Oh, see how dangerous and risky this pestilential disease is: one cannot protect oneself enough. Now, as you have partly seen and understood, the mortality was immeasurable, and it is said, and so it certainly was, that in our city two-thirds of the people died; for it was estimated that there were 120,000 souls in Florence at that time, of whom 80,000 died. Think what an uproar that was! It is not very surprising that this happened, for there were many causes which increased the evil; and it is more surprising, when all is well considered, how many survived than how many died. The reasons were partly these: in Florence this disease, let us say for the community, was not known, as it had not appeared for a long time; Florence was very populous, more so than ever; the year before there was great famine in Florence, and I believe there were not a hundred people that had bread or corn, and those that had had little: they lived on herbs and roots and bad things that would not be recognised to-day, and they drank water, and all the surrounding country was full of people eating herbs like beasts. Think about what state their bodies were in! In addition, as I said, they had no remedies or defences; and the evil was so great and so violent that they could not help each other in anything, and for these reasons they died without remedy. Now it is so, in consequence of these and many others that have often taken place afterwards, that many precautions have been taken, not that it no longer does much harm; but still I believe that many survive by the power of the remedies, for the doctors say that the rules they give to ward off this poison are a kind of defence. This does not mean that one who is very well armed cannot die, for he may be struck by a spear thrust or a bullet or a stone that kills him; so it may happen to the good man who has taken precautions against the plague that a mist or a stench of putrefaction or a breath of another sick person stronger than himself may strike him and still kill him. But what is that? It is clear that in a mortal fight he who is well armed has a great advantage, and dies less than the unarmed; therefore I would say that the remedies are good. One should seek advice from good doctors and get their advice or prescriptions in writing and follow them conscientiously and not make fun of them. I would like you to take this advice to heart. You will hear that mortality lasts a year or two in the city of Florence, because it first strikes Romagna or Lombardy before it reaches our city, and almost always the following year it is in Florence; or at least in the winter before you will hear a whiff of it, either in the surrounding countryside or in the suburbs, so it is clear that mortality will come to Florence. And know that it begins to make itself felt in February, and so it grows into July; and from the middle of July it affects the wealthy people and those who have lived well, and fewer people die, but of the best. This is because the poison has spread so widely and has affected you so badly that it has broken through the armour and got inside; and because of the hardness of the battle it will tire you out and gradually wear you down, and finally it will strike you down. Therefore, take these precautions. In winter, begin to protect yourselves and your whole family in this way. First, beware of dampness as much as possible and do not endure cold. Then use fire every morning before you go out, and take something according to your stomach: a little bread and half a glass of good wine or malmsey, or a suitable pill, or a little theriac, if it is raining or damp, two or three mornings of fifteen days, during the day and before you get up, and then sleep a little; and eat nothing till five hours later. If you are thirsty or wish to drink half a glass of malmsey, that would be good, but no other strong wines; or if you have a weak or cold stomach, once in eight days at such times take a pickled ginger root and drink half a glass of malmsey, and then eat nothing else for five hours. Or take a clove leaf or a little cinnamon or a spoonful of trigonella or four grains of saffron or two or three boiled nuts and two or three figs without bread or anything else, as you are advised. And if you realise that it is not good for you, leave it alone; and if it is better for the stomach to remain sober, do not strain it. Don't go out too early: stay by the fire in fog and rain. Eat at the proper time, eat good things and not too much; get up with a good appetite, avoid fruit and mushrooms, do not eat them, or eat only a little and rarely. Exercise, but not strenuously, so that you do not sweat and do not feel the need to dry your clothes; avoid sexual intercourse and women, do not mix with them this year. Do not eat or drink if you do not feel like it; and if you have something in your stomach, let it digest first and then wait an hour before eating or drinking. Eat little and good things in the evening; do not eat pork in any way; if you have a good stomach, use vinegar and verjuice, but not so much that it gives you difficulty in digesting. Keep your body light, and see that you get out twice a day: If you are constipated and hard in body, take a treatment of eight or fifteen days. (c. 67r) Don't get too entangled in sleep, get up at sunrise. In this way spend the winter. And if you keep up this or a better style, you will so cleanse your stomach or your whole body that the bad air will find no clue. In spring, or really in March, you will realise where you should flee to. Wait till your fellow-citizens move: do not be the first, but after four or six have gone, go where most go, and to such a town where you will find for your money all that is necessary for the health of the body. Do not be foolish, either for miserliness or for any other reason, to shut yourself up in castles or villages or places where there are no good doctors and medicines, for it happens that the friend dies and ends up spending twice as much as the others and is laughed at, without the pain and trembling of the soul that never leaves you in peace. These are not times for miserliness, but to get money from wherever you can; and spend generously on what is necessary, without miserliness, for it is only earned to spend on survival or on life and honour, or on difficulties or similar cases. Therefore, I encourage you to escape early, and that is the safest escape there is. Make sure you have money: Don't gamble, because you could lose it all, and at these times there are very few who would lend it to you for many reasons. So be wise: Take care in advance to collect at least three hundred florins, and do not touch them unless it is necessary, and do not say that you have them, for they would be demanded of you. And take a spacious house for your family, not too cramped, but with extra rooms. And in summer use fresh things: good wine and small, chickens and goatlings, and the bellies or feet of mutton with vinegar or lettuce, or crabs if you can get them. Keep cool at midday: do not sleep if you can avoid it, or sleep sitting up. Use a lotion that doctors make with rhubarb, give it to children as it kills worms. Eat an ounce of cassia sometimes in the morning, in the buds, and give it to the children: keep it fresh in the house together with sugar and rose-water and syrup. If you are thirsty during the day, cool your wrists, temples and nose with strong vinegar. Do not stay in places with many people, especially in closed rooms such as loggias or churches or similar places. Do not stay with someone who comes from a contaminated area or has sick people in the house or whose relatives have died, as little as possible without showing it, so as not to offend or discourage them. Flee as much as you can from melancholy or sorrow: Stay in places where you can find joy and entertainment, and don't think about things that cause you pain or bad thoughts. When they come, flee from them by thinking of something else or by staying in places where there is pleasure or where people do things you like or where you can play, but only with little money: do not lose more than a florin; and if you lose it, let it go without thinking about it and do not try to recover that day, because where you want to flee sorrow and pain, you go in search of it. If you have a horse, go out in the morning and evening for pleasure. Be as chaste as possible. Flee from everything foul and the air in the neighbourhood, do not stay there. Keep your family in joy and contentment and lead a good and healthy life together, without thinking of miserliness, for it is enough to stay healthy and avoid death. I will not write further on this subject for now, because in truth, trustworthy doctors who know your nature are the ones who can give you the best advice; therefore, as I said, advice should be sought from them, although the things mentioned above are useful and good to observe in the times mentioned.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 229-233	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1348-00-00-Poland	1348 JL	The Black Death appears in Poland and other kingdoms (Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany) caused by a polution of the air by the Jews.	Pestis horrenda in Polonia et aliis Regnis ex corruptione aeris per Iudaeos infecti: quam etiam terrae motus subsecutus est. Gravis epidemiae pestis apud Poloniae Regnum saeva mortalitate in universos irruens, non Poloniam tantummodo, sed et Hungariam, Bohemiam, Daciam, Franciam, Almanniam et fere universa Christianitatis et barbarica Regna horrenda lue quassavit.	There was a horrible plague in Poland and other kingdoms which resulted from the infection of the air by the Jews. And directly afterwards the earth shook. There was a grave epidemic of plague in the kingdom of Poland and a terrible mortality burst over them, not only in Poland, but also in Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany and pretty much the whole of Christianity and of the barbaric kingdoms where terribly shaken by the plague.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 252	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-04-00-Egypt	April 1348 JL	The Black Death in Egypt and other countries in 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349): People were taken by surprise by the epidemic (wabāʾ) whose death toll was high. The odors of death met them. People died quickly of the disease after buboes had appeared at their earlobes (marrāq).	...		al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 4 (1970), pp. 126-127; 143.	Translation needed
1354-00-00-Tunis	1354 JL	In Tunis and surrounding areas was a plague of locusts, which destroyed the fields and grass. Their decay corrupted the air, leading to mortality and famine. In the following year, the same thing happened in Cyprus, thus the king issued a decree to contain the plague.	De' grilli ch'abondarono in Barberia e poi in Cipri In questo anno abondarono in Barberia, a Tunisi e nelle contrade vicine tanta moltitudine di grilli che copersono tutto il paese, e rosono e consumarono tutta l'erba che trovarono viva sopra la terra, e del puzzo ch'uscia della loro coruzzione corruppono tanto l'aria del paese, che nne seguitò grande mortalità nelli uomini, e grande fama a tutta la provincia. E questa medesima pestilenzia di grilli nel seguente anno accupò l'isola di Cipri per sì sconcio modo, che' campi e le strade n'erano pieni, alti da terra u mezzo braccio e più, e guastarono ciò che v'era di verde. E per cessare la pistilenzia della loro coruzione i re fece per dicreto che ogni uomo grande e popolare, plelato e cittadino e barone e contadino, ne dovesse rassegnare certa misura alli uficiali eletti sopra cciò per lo re, i quali feciono fare per li campi grandi fosse, ove li mettieno e ricoprieno. E per questa legge i villani si dispuosono a ffare loro civanza, e patteggiarono colli uomini ch'avieno a ffare il servigio che comandato e imposto li era, e avieno della misura certo (p. 480) prezzo, e rasegnavalli per nome di colui che li avea pagati alli uficiali diputati sopra ciò, i quali tenieno il conto di catuno; e durò questa maladizione in questa isola parecchi anni. Con tutto l'argomento che ffu utilissimo ad alleggiare i campi e cessare la coruzione, ma grande noia e confusione fu a tutto il paese.	That year, in Barbaria, Tunis and the neighbouring areas, there were so many crickets that they covered the whole country, eating and destroying all the grass they found on the ground. The stench emanating from their decay so corrupted the air of the land that a great mortality among the people and a great famine followed throughout the province. In the following year this same plague of locusts attacked the island of Cyprus in such a disgraceful manner that the fields and roads were full of them, up to half an arm and more high, and they destroyed all the greenery there was. To put an end to the pestilence of their decay, the king issued a decree that every man, great or small, plebeian or commoner, baron or peasant, should give a certain amount to the officials he chose. These had large trenches dug in the fields, into which they placed the crickets and covered them up again. As a result of this law, the farmers began to set to work and they traded with the men who were to perform the ordered and imposed service and had a certain price for the quantity. They handed them over in the name of the one who had paid them, to the appointed officials who kept a record of each one. This plague lasted for several years on this island. Although the measure was very useful in relieving the fields and stopping the decay, it was a great labour and confusion to the whole country.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 479-480.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1365-10-12-Alexandria	October 1365 JL	A Muslim woman who had been taken prisoner by the Franks who had seized Alexandria in October 1365 reportedly related that after the Franks had withdrawn from the city [around October 12], an epidemic (wabāʾ) broke out among its inhabitants. The disease was caused by an odor that altered the air and by the smell emanating from the bodies of those who had been killed during the conquest and whose corpses had been lying around for too long. The maximum daily death toll exceeded 100. The woman, then, began to work as a washer of female corpses in order to earn a living.			al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 4 (1970), p. 295.	Translation needed
1379-00-00-Nuremberg	1379 JL	Great plague in Nuremberg and Bamberg that led to insects flying densely in the air.	801. By der tiid in deme somer do was een grot plage bi deme Rine tusschen Norenberge unde Bavenberge, dat de lucht was so vul wormete, also dat de rupen unde de loofvorsche vlogen so dicht, dat kume de lude kunden dar dor wanderen. dit betekende een grot stervent, dat na was komende in den landen.	801. At the time in the summer (1379), there was a great plague by the "Rine" [Regnitz?] between Nuremberg and Bamberg, so that the air was so full of worms, and also the caterpillars and tree frogs flied densely, that reported the people, who walked there. This signified a great death, that was soon to come to the lands.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, p. 564.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1383-08-21-Florence	21 August 1383 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Antonio di Ser Chello, in which he criticises the medical theories of the plague, such as that the air is the cause of the plague. He cites examples from Pisa and Viterbo. He also gives data on mortality.	Sed pestis, inquiunt, unicum remedium est de loco infecto ad salubriorem aerem se transferre, que dementia est ab aere non fugere venenoso? Leditur venenis, non alitur, humana natura; (p. 89) hoc medici consulunt, philosophi tenent et certior omni ratione experientia clare docet. Paucos enim ex fugientibus secundum numerum mori, multos vero ex remanentibus videmus extingui, ut cum ex fugientibus vix de centum unus expiret, de stantibus in patria pene quarta aut quinta pars, si recte computaveris, absumatur. Hec sunt fere que dicitis; hec in tanti erroris excusationem, imo iustificationem, si bene concipimus, allegatis. Sed de aere paucis expediam. Si venenosus est, cur non occidit omnes? Sed dices: aptior est unius quam alterius natura tales impressiones accipere. Fateor; venenum autem nullius homini complexioni dicitur convenire, ut saltem, licet non occidat, sensibilie tamen afferat nocumentum. Multos tamen hic videmus hoc tempore non solum non mori, sed nec quidem etiam leviter infirmari. An forsan aliquis hominum nactus est turdorum naturam, quibus napellus suavissimus cibus est, qui ceteros animantes extinguit? Sed esto, venenum sit; non est tamen, ut sensus admonent, adeo violentum quin de multis plurimos non relinquat. Hanc autem fugam, dices, medici consulunt. [...] (p. 90) hi demum, quibus quid et quantum credi debeat et de se patet et experientia quotidiana demonstrat, ne parum multa scire videantur, pestilentie, quam Dei iudicium constat esse, remedium fugam dicunt. Nam quid de philosophis asseram, quorium iudicium solet a physicis in his que medicinam respiciunt communiter reprobari, et qui, etsi pungentibus rationibus aliquid astruant, cogunt id quod affirmant credere potius quam ostendant? Vellem autem unus de medicorum aut philosophorum grege doceret cure in eadem vicinia, ex una domo tot educantur funera quot sint ibi viventes, ex contigua vero nec unius moriatur; cur in illa senes deficiant, in altera pueri; hec masculos, illa mulieres amittat; hec, si quid de complexionibus scire possumus, robustiores perdat, debilioribus reservatis; et denique, quod ante omnia interrogari debuit, quid aerem inficiat et corrumpabat? Et si venti, si paludes, si neglecat cadavera vel aliud quippiam, cur in eadem regione pestiferis his pariter obnoxia, non omnes urbes simul, sed nunc ista, nunc illa de vicinitatis ratione vexetur? Cur extra muros civitatis nostre, quod hoc tempore vidimus, usque in ianuas pestis illas sevierit et intra menia nullus penitus egrotaret? Cur Pisana civitatis inceperit intra menia laborare, cum extra portas ubquie salubriter viveretur? An muro separatur aer salutifer ab infecto? An forsan potest obiectu murorum mors (p. 91) imminens aut pestis veniens arceri? Sed vidi et ego, cum tempore felicis recordationis Urbani quinti curia romana Viterbii tenertur, pestem maximam solum inter curiales et forenses terribiliter debacchari; que quidem ad tria milia virorum absumpsit, cum interea nullus civis cuiuscunque foret etatis et sexus penitus egrotaret.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2, pp. 88–91	None
1383-09-02-Florence	2 September 1383 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati; he writes that the Plague is almost gone and mortality is decreasing	Sed hic sedatur pestis, aer pulcerrimus et saluber effectus est; iam pauci infirmantur, et ex egrotantibus longe plures liberantur quam pereant.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2 p. 99	None
1400-07-03-Florence	3 July 1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence, thus Salviati remained in Arezzo with his men. Many people fled from Florence. Salviati himself was ill and some members of his family died.	Partimi [Salviati] della detta Terra di Montepulciano adì 3. di Luglio 1400. Et perchè in Firenze era grandissima mortalità, et dicevasi, che ad Arezzo l'aria v'era sana, et eravi fugiti assai Fiorentini, per questa cagione non tornai a Firenze, ma rimasi in Arezzo con tutta la brigata mia, che io haveva condotta meco, et tutti ne gli condussi sani, et di buona voglia; ma giunto che io fui, parve, che io fussi maladetto con ogni avversità, et d'infermità, et di morte, che mentre che io vi fui, mai non si ristette, et più, che non che quegli, che io menai, ma essendo venuta di Firenze ad Arezzo quella mia venerabile madre Mona Contessa per aiutarmi, sentendo la mia famiglia inferma, piacque al nostro Signore Dio, che ella morisse, et chiamolla a se, a la cui anima Cristo benedetto habbia fatto ver perdono. […] et ancora vi morì un mio fanciullo, che hebbe nome Andrea, d'età di 9. anni, che Dio l'habbi benedetto, e fu seppellito in S. Francesco; et di tutta l'altra mia famiglia non vi fu niuno, che havesse (p. 184) difetto, salvo che io, lodato Dio. Spesivi tra spese della casa, et per l'infirmità, et per i mortorii grandissimo denaio. Stettivi da' dì 4. di Luglio infino a' dì 28. d'Agosto, et quel dì mi partì di là come abbandonato, e disperato, et tornai in Firenze col resto della mia famiglia, tra' quali ne menai dua mia figliuoli maschi, cioè Alamanno, et Bernardo infermi per modo, che mai non credetti si conducessero vivi; pure per grazia di Dio vi si condussero, e guarirono, et in questo tempo, che io stetti ad Arezzo, mi morirono quì in Firenze 2. mie fanciulle, che una have nome Lisa, che era d'età d'anni 7 1/2, e l'altra Margherita, d'età d'anni 5. in circa, et furono seppellite nella Badia di Firenze; che Dio l'habbia benedette, et ricevute.	I [Salviati] left the aforementioned town of Montepulciano on July 3, 1400. Since there was a great mortality in Florence and it was said that the air in Arezzo was healthy and many Florentines had fled there, I did not return to Florence, but stayed in Arezzo with all the followers I had with me. I brought them all there in good health and good spirits. But as soon as I arrived, it seemed as if I was cursed by every misfortune, illness and death, because they did not stop while I was there. And not only for those I had brought with me, but also for my venerable mother, Mona Contessa, who had come to Arezzo from Florence to help me, as my family was ill. It pleased our Lord God that she died and called her to Himself; may Christ have mercy on her soul. [...] Moreover, my child, named Andrea, died there at the age of 9, may God bless him. He was buried in St. Francesco. The rest of my family remained unharmed, apart from me, praise be to God. I spent a great deal of money, both on household expenses and on the illness and burial. I stayed there from July 4 to August 28, and on that day I left Arezzo in despair and hopelessness and returned to Florence with the rest of my family. Among them were two of my sons, Alamanno and Bernardo, who were so ill that I didn't think I could bring them home alive. But by the grace of God, they survived and recovered. During my time in Arezzo, two of my daughters died in Florence, Lisa, aged 7 1/2, and Margherita, about 5 years old. They were buried in the Abbey of Florence; may God bless and receive them.	Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, pp. 183-184.	None
1427-09-15-Paris	15 September 1427 JL	A disease (named: dando) breaks out in Paris in September and October. Many people get it. First, they get strong kidneyache and shoulderache, then they chill. After that they loose appetite and cannot sleep for 8 to 15 days, and they continually cough.	Item, en ce temps, environ quinze jour devant la saint Rémi (1 Oct), chut un mauvais air corrompu, dont une très mauvaise maladie advint qu'on appelait dando, et n'était nul ni nulle qui aucunement ne s'en sentît dedans le temps qu'elle dura. Et la manière comment elle prenait: elle commençait ès reins et ès épaules, et n'était nul quand elle prenait qui ne cuidât avoir la gravelle, tant faisoit cruelle douleur, et après ce à tous venaient les assées ou forts frissons, et était-on bien huit ou dix ou quinze jours qu'on ne pouvait ni boire, ni manger, ni dormir, les uns plus, les autres moins, après ce venait une toux si très mauvaise à chacun que quand on était au sermon, on ne pouvait entendre ce que le sermonneur disait, pour la grande noise des tousseurs	In this time, somewhat 15 days before Rémi's Day, a corrupted air felt upon the city and brought a bad disease called dando. Almost everybody get it. The symptoms were as follows. It began first with a kidneyache and shoulderache, so strong that everybody thought to have been affected by the gravelle. The pain was cruel, and then victims chilled strongly. It was impossible for them to eat, to drink and to sleep for about 8, or 10 and sometimes 15 days, depending on persons. After that stage, a strong cough developed, so loud that it even covered the priest voice at the sermon during the mass.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, pp. 239-240	Translation by Thomas Labbé

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