Poor

For Poor, a total of 14 epidemic events are known so far. It is a keyword.

Table

Table

Page	DateStart date of the disease.	SummarySummary of the disease event	OriginalOriginal text	TranslationEnglish translation of the text	ReferenceReference(s) to literature	Reference translationReference(s) to the translation
1259-00-00-London	1259 JL	Severe plague raged in Paris and London.	Eodem tempore, ascendente sole cancrum, facta est hominum pestilentia et mortalitas inopinata; ita quod [S. 747] ubique morientibus quamplurimis locis aliis omissis tantummodo Parisius plus quam milia hominum sepulcris commendabantur. Oleum etenim, vinum, et annona corrumpebantur. Et quia mortis rumphea nulli parcens nunc hunc nunc illum consumit, aequanimiter egenum et divitem rapiendo, obit in illa peste mortifera dominus Fulco Londoniensis episcopus	At the same time, with the sun rising in Cancer, an unexpected pestilence and mortality among people occurred; so much so that, with many dying everywhere, in Paris alone, more than a thousand people were committed to their graves. Even oil, wine, and grain were being corrupted. And because the scythe of death spared no one, consuming one person after another, rich and poor alike, Lord Fulco, the Bishop of London, died in that deadly plague.	Template:Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 746-747.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1346-00-00-Florence	1346 JL	The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested.	Della inaudita mortalità. Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8) Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo. Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio. Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13) Di detta matera. Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro.	Of the outrageous mortality It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...] How long the plague lasted in each country As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God. In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others. About this subject The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 5-14.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1346-00-00-Florence 001	1346 JL	Florence was threatened by a famine. The city gathered large supplies of grain from elsewhere, however the problems weren't solved, because many people from the countryside came in the city. In addition to the famine diseases broke out amnong the immigrants and then it distributed also among the urban masses.	Cum ergo fames haud dubie immineret, sollers plane ad hoc civitas, in Africa et Sardinia et Sicilia aliisque locis permultis magna vi frumenti comparata, mari simul terraque importandum curavit. Nec eo tamen modo evitari potuit, quin difficultates permaximae (p. 306) eo anno subirentur. Turba enim ex agro in urbem mendicatura longis agminibus mulierum puerorumque advenerat. Ex finitimis etiam civitatibus quae minus ad hoc providae fuerant multitudo concurrerat, ut infinitus prope numerus hominum esset alendus. Magnumque in his civitatis meritum humanitasque eluxit; non modo enim non reiectus est quisquam advenarum peregrinorumque, sed etiam si tenuis foret, liberalitate gratuita per tantam rei frumentariae inopiam sustentatus, ut prope collatum a civitate beneficium in genus humanum videretur. Multa insuper eo anno tenuioribus indulta, et illud in primis, quod creditorum acerbitas repressa est, lege lata, ne quis nisi certa forma pro aere alieno conveniri posset. Satis enim premi caritate ipsa multitudinem existimavit civitas. Et accedebant ad caritatem morbi, qui multitudinem convenam et urbis insuetam consecuti, urbanam quoque apprehenderant turbam, ut et commiserendum et succurrendum esset.	So, as there was now no doubt about the threat of famine, the city showed its resourcefulness, gathering large supplies of grain in Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and many other places and seeing to their importation simultaneously by land and sea. But these steps were not enough to avoid the enormous difficulties they faced that year. For throngs of women and children from the countryside came (p. 308) into the city in long lines to beg. They were joined by multitudes from the nearby cities which had been less provident in this respect, so that there was almost an infinite number of people to feed. Amid these challenges the city’s great merit and humanity shone forth. For not only was not a single immigrant or foreigner turned away, but even the poor, with gratuitous liberality, were sustained throughout this great dearth of provisions, so that Florence seemed almost to have conferred a benefit on the human race. In this year, moreover, many allowances were made on behalf of the poor, and principally this: that the harshness of creditors was kept in check. A law was passed prohibiting suitors to collect debt except under particular conditions; the city felt that the multitude was oppressed enough already by the famine. And in addition to the famine there were the diseases which broke out among the throng of immigrants unused to the city, then spread among the urban masses, so that mercy and succor were needful.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, pp. 306-308.	None
1347-00-00-Florence 002	1347 JL	The great shortage of food in Florence led to disease and illness. The city took measures to reduce poverty, usury and exploitation. In addition, many prisoners were allowed to go out to freedom under certain terms. The conditions in the prisons were so terrible, that it was unavoidable.	Di certe novità e ordini che ssi feciono in Firenze per lo caro ch'era, e mortalità Essendo in Firenze e d'intorno il caro grande di grano e d'ogni vittuaglia, come poco adietro avemo fatta menzione, essendone afritti i cittadini e contadini, spezialmente i poveri e impotenti, e ogni dì venia montando il caro e lla difalta; e oltre a cciò conseguente cominciata infermità e mortalità, il Comune provide e fece dicreto a dì XIII di marzo che niuno potesse esere preso per niuno debito di fiorini C d'oro, o da indi in giù, infino a calen di agosto vegnente, salvo all'uficiale della mercatantia da libre XXV in su, acciò che ll'impotenti non fossono tribolati di loro debiti, avendo la passione della fame e mortalità. E oltre a cciò feciono ordine che nessuno potesse vendere lo staio del grano più di soldi XL; e chi nne recasse di fuori del contado di Firenze per vendere, avesse dal Comune fiorino uno d'oro del moggio; ma non si potéo osservare, che tanto montò la carestia e difalta, che ssi vendea fiorino uno d'oro lo staio, e talora libre IIII; e se non fosse la provisione del Comune, come dicemmo adietro, il popolo moria di fame. E per la pasqua di Risoresso seguente, che ffu in calen di aprile MCCCXLVII, il Comune (p. 484) fece offerta di tutti i prigioni ch'erano nelle carcere, che riavessero pace da'loro nimici, e stati in prigione da calen di febraio adietro; e chiunque v'era per debito da libre C in giù, rimanendo obrigato al suo creditore; e ffu gran bene e limosina, che per la 'nopia è ggià cominciata la mortalità, ogni dì morivano nelle carcere due o tre prigioni; furono gli oferti in quello dì CLXXIII, che ve ne avea più di D in più in grande inopia e povertà. E poi a l'uscita di maggio per sudette cagioni si fece riformagione per lo Comune di Firenze, che chiunque fosse nelle carcere o fosse in bando di pecunia da fiorini C d'oro in su, ne potesse uscire pagando al Comune in danari contanti soldi III per libra di quello fosse condannato o sbandito, e scontando ancora i soldi XVII per libra del debito del Comune che s'avea chi llo volea comperare per XXVIII o XXX per C da coloro che doveano avere dal Comune, che venia la detta gabella di pagare da soldi VII e mezzo per libra. Certi gli pagaro e uscirono di bando e di prigione, ma non furo guari; tanto era povero il comune popolo di cittadini per lo caro e ll'altre aversità occorse.	Of certain measures taken and ordinances made in Florence because of the recent food shortage and the sickness. As we noted a short while ago, there was a great shortage of grain and other foodstuffs in the city and the territory of Florence. The citizens and country folk were afflicted by this shortage, especially the poor and the powerless. Every day this shortage and this lack [of food] grew worse and, what is more, there then began a great sickness and mortality. The commune took things in hand, decreeing on the 23rd of March that until the coming August no one could be arrested for any debt of one hundred gold florins or less, unless by an official of the merchants’ court for twenty-five lire or more—this so that the powerless would not be harassed for their debts, since they were already suffering from hunger and sickness. Moreover, they issued an ordinance that no one could sell a staio of grain for more than forty soldi. And anyone who brought grain to sell from beyond the contado of Florence would receive one gold florin per moggio from the commune. But these ordinances could not be obeyed because the shortage and the lack [of food] so worsened that grain was being sold at one gold florin per staio, and sometimes at four lire per staio. And were it not for the provisions of the commune, which we mentioned earlier, the popolo would have died of hunger. The following Easter, which came in the month of April 1347, the commune made an offering of all jailed prisoners who had been in prison since the previous February and who were able to make peace with their enemies, and of prisoners who had been imprisoned for debts of one hundred Lire or less ([although] they remained obliged to their creditors). This was good and charitable, since the shortage had already provoked sickness and two or three prisoners were dying every day in the jails. On that day, one hundred seventy-three prisoners were offered, and there were more than five hundred others in great want and poverty. And then at the end of May, for the abovementioned reasons, a reform was made by the Commune of Florence—whoever was in jail or under ban for one hundred gold florins or more could get out by paying the commune three soldi for every one lira of the sum for which they had been condemned or banned, forgiving the seventeen soldi per lira of their debt to the commune, for there were those who were willing to buy [this debt] at twenty-eight or at thirty per one hundred from those who were creditors of the commune and this because the said gabelle stood to pay 7% soldi per lira. Some paid and were released from ban and from prison but they (p. 137) were very few, so poor were the common popolo of citizens as a consequence of the shortage and the other adversities which had occured.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, pp. 483-484.	None
1348-00-00-Constance	1348 JL	The Jews were accused of poisoning the water in 1348 and as a consequence were killed. In the following year 1349 the flagellants movement arose and traveled through the lands and were forbidden by Pope Clement VI.	Von gottes gepurd MCCC und XLVIII jar kam ein plag uber die juden und burden geczigen, sy hetten basser und prunnen vergift, und burden ir gar vil in vil landen und in steten verprant. Und ist versechenlich, das ir der maist tail sey verbrant borden durch irsz gücz willen etc. (p. 230) Bey den zeitten do man zalt von gottes gepurdt MCCC und XLVIIII jar stund ein fromde bunderliche geschelschaft auff von purgern und von pawren, die giengen durch vil landt und stet mit creuczen und mit vannen und sungen deucze lieder und predigten und gaisleten sich selber vil und vast und vielen nider auf -, peichten und absolvirten selber an ein ander und hielten und geputen vil an ein ander czw halten bunderliche ding und falsch weise und articel wider cristen gelauben und czugen an sich beib und man, arm und reich, das ir zw leczt gar vil bardt und maintenn etlich, ir ber bey zway (p. 231) und vierczig tausent person, aber der vorgenant pabst Clemens der sechst der best bol, das ir beisz nit gerecht was, da gepot er durch alle landt, wer den selben ungelauben fuert und sich offenlich gaislet, das man den vachen und püssen solt, und zergieng da die selb geschelschaft da gar pald.	In the year of Our Lord 1348, a plague came upon the Jews, and they were accused of poisoning water and wells. Many of them were burned in various lands and cities. It is certain that the majority of them were burned because of their wealth. (p. 230) </ br>In the year of Our Lord 1349, a strange and miraculous society arose among the citizens and peasants, who traveled through many lands and cities with crosses and banners, singing german songs and preaching. They whipped themselves severely and excessively, and many of them fell to the ground, confessing and absolving one another. They held and professed many miraculous things, in a false way and contrary to Christian belief. They recruited many women and men, poor and rich, and eventually their numbers grew to over forty-two (p. 231) thousand people. However, Pope Clement VI, realizing that their beliefs were not just, issued a decree throughout all the lands that anyone who followed this unbelief and publicly flogged themselves should be punished. Consequently, this society quickly dispersed.	Konstanzer Weltchronik 1869, pp. 229-231	None
1348-00-00-Florence 005	1348 JL	During the plague, the society of Orto San Michele became very rich, because people willingly left their money and wealth to the society. With these riches they helped many poor people, but with time greedy people tried to use the money for their own benefit.	Come alla compagnia d'Orto Sa Michele fu lasciato gran tesoro. Nella nostra città di Firenze, l’anno della detta mortalità, avenne mirabile cosa: che venendo a morte li uomini, per la fede che i cittadini di Firenze avieno a l'ordine e alla sperienza che veduta era della chiara, e buona e ordinata limosina che s'era fatta lungo tempo, e facea per li capitani della compagnia di madonna santa Maria d’Orto Sa Michele, sanza alcuno umano procaccio, si trovò per testamenti fatti (i quali testamenti nella mortalità, e poco apresso, si poterono trovare e avere) che’ cittadini di Firenze lasciarono a stribuire a’ poveri per li capitani di quella compagnia più di CCCLM di fiorini d’oro. Che vedendosi (p. 20) la gente morire, e morire i loro figliuoli e i loro congiunti, ordinavano i testamenti, e chi avea reda che vivesse, legava la reda, se lla reda morisse, volea la detta compagnia fosse reda; e molti che non avieno alcuna reda, per divozione dell’usata e santa limosina che questa compagnia solea fare, acciò che 'l suo si stribuisse a’ poveri com'era usato, lasciavano di ciò ch’avieno reda la detta compagnia; e molti altri novolendo che per successione il suo venisse a' suoi congiunti, o a’ suoi consorti, legavano alla detta compagnia tutti i loro beni. Per questa cagione, ristata la mortalità in Firenze, si trovò improviso quella compagnia in sì grande tesoro, sanza quello che ancora no potea sapere. E i mendichi poveri erano quasi tutti morti, e ogni feminella era piena e abondevole delle cose, sicché non cercavano limosina. Sentendosi questo fatto per cittadini, procacciarono molti con sollicitudine d’essere capitani per potere aministrare (p. 21) questo tesoro, e cominciarono a ragunare le masserizie e i danari; ch'avendo a vendere le masserizie nobili de'grandi cittadini e mercatanti, tutte le migliori e lle più belle volieno per loro a grande mercato, e l'altre più vili facieno vendere in plubico, e i danari cominciarono a serbare, e chi ne tenea una parte, e chi un'altra a lloro utilità. […]	A great treasure was left to the society of Orto San Michele. In our city of Florence, during the year of this deadly plague, something remarkable happened: as people were dying, the citizens of Florence, trusting in the order and experience demonstrated by the clear, good, and organized charity that had been practiced for a long time by the captains of the society of Our Lady of Orto San Michele—without any human intervention—left, according to wills (that could be found during the plague and shortly thereafter) more than 350,000 gold florins to be distributed to the poor by the captains of this society. People, seeing their children and relatives dying, arranged their wills, and those who had heirs who survived would pass on their inheritance; if the heirs died, they wanted the society to be their heir. And many who had no heirs, out of devotion to the customary and holy charity that this society used to perform, left what they had as inheritance to this society so that it could be distributed to the poor as was customary. And many others, not wanting their wealth to go to their relatives or associates through succession, bequeathed all their possessions to this society. For this reason, once the plague ceased in Florence, it was found that the society unexpectedly held a great treasure, aside from what could not yet be accounted for. And the poor beggars were almost all dead, and every household was full and abundant with supplies, so much so that they did not seek alms. When the citizens heard about this situation, many eagerly sought to become captains to be able to manage this treasure. They began gathering the goods and money; when they had to sell the valuable possessions of prominent citizens and merchants, they would take the best and finest for themselves at a good price, while the lesser items were sold publicly, and the money was kept by those who held parts of it, each for their own benefit. [...]	Matteo Villani 1995, pp. 19-21.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-06-15-Rimini	15 May 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Rimini.	Ditto anno, e die XV de magio. Cominzoe in Arimino una grandissima mortalità, e poi per lo contado, e durò infina adì primo de decembre. E morì de tre persone le doe. E prima morì la poveraglia e poi gli altri grandi, fora ca tiranni e grandi signuri non morì nissuno. E questa mortalitade fo generale in ogne paese.	That year, and the fifteenth of May. A great mortality began in Arimino, and then in the countryside, and lasted until the first of December. And the two people died of three. And first the poor died, and then the other great ones, except that tyrants and great lords did not die. And this mortality was general in every country.	Template:Anonymus 1912, p. 17	Translation by DeepL
1358-00-00-Strasbourg	1358 JL	A plague came to Strasbourg, similar to the previous one, thus a new graveyard had to be built.	Ein sterbote. Do man zalt 1358 jor, do kam ein gemein sterben zu Strosburg uf die selbe zit des jores. daz was nüt also groß alse daz vorder, doch was es nüt vil kleiner. daz kam von Niderlant heruf, do kam das erste von Oberlande herabe. zu disen zwein sterboten gebrast armen luten begrebede zu dem munster, darumbe maht man dernoch einen nüwen lichofe bi der steinhütten. daz geschach in dem jore do man zalt von gotz gebürte 1360 jor.	A dying In the year 1358, a widespread plague came to Strasbourg at the same time of year. It was not as severe as the previous one, but it was not much smaller. This plague came up from the lower land, whereas the first one had come down from the upper land. Due to these two plagues, the burial ground for the poor overflowed, and thus a new graveyard was established near the stone cottage. This happened in the year 1360 according to the counting from the birth of Christ.	Fritsche Closener 1870, p. 121.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1358-00-00-Strasbourg 001	1358 JL	A plague which came from the lower land and a new cemetery had to be built.	Ein sterbotte. Do men zalte 1358 jor, do was ein gros sterbotte zu Strosburg. der kam von Nyderlant heruf und das erste sterben kam von Oberlant herabe. in disem sterbotte gebrast armen lüten begrebede zu dem münster, derumb mahte men dernoch einen nuwen lichof zum münster bi der steinhütten, noch gotz gebürde 1360 jor.	A dying. In the year 1358, a great dying was in Strasbourg, which came from the lower land and the first dying came from the upper land. In this plague burial space for the poor people at the cathedral became full, so in 1360, a new cemetery was created next to the church near the stone houses.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 771.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1360-05-00-Flandern	May 1360 JL	The plague reappeared in Flanders and one third died of it, especially the common people. In the diocese of Liège more than the half of the people died. It raged especially in these countries, which were spared previously. The passages talks about the symptoms and that in Poland the jews were persecuted and killed, because they were accused of being the reason for the plague.	Come mortalità dell'anguinaia ricominciò in diverse parti del mondo Nonn-è da llasciare in oblazione la moria mirabile dell'anguinaia in questo anno ricominciata, simile a quella che prencipio ebbe nel MCCCXLVIII insino nel MCCCL, come narrammo nel cominciamento del primo libro di questo nostro trattato. Questa pistilenzia ricominciò del mese di maggio in Fiandra, che di largo il terzo de' cittadini e oltra morirono, offendendo più il minuto popolo e povera gente che a' mezzani, maggiori e forestieri, che pochi ne perirono, e duròvi insino all'uscita d'ottobre del detto anno, e così seguitò per l'altra Fiandra. In Brabante toccò poco, e così in Piccardia, ma nel vescovado di Legge fé spaventevole dammaggio, però che lla metà di viventi periro. Dipoi si venne stendendo nella bassa Allamagna toccando non generalmente ogni terra, ma quasi quelle dove prima non avea gravate, e valicò nel Frioli e nella Schiavonia; e ffu di quella medesima infertà d'enfiatura d'anguinaia e sotto il ditello come la prima generale, e ssì era passato dal tempo di quella e suo cominciamento a cquello di questa per ispazio di XIIII anni, e anni X della fine di quella a cquesta, essendo alcuna volta tra questo tempo ritocca ora in uno ora in altro luogo, man non grande come questo anno, certificando li uomini correnti nel male che lla mano di Dio nonn-è stanca né limitata da costellazioni nè dda fisiche ragioni. Adivenne nel Frioli e in (p. 449) Ungheria che lla moria cominciata inn-enfiatura tornò in uscimento di sangue, e poi si convertì in febre, e molti febricosi farnetici, ballando e cantando morivano. E in questi tempi occorse cosa assai degna di nota, che in Pollonia, nelle parti confinanti colle terre dello 'mperio, essendo in esse grandissima quantità di Giudei, li paesani cominciarono a mormorare, dicendo che questa pistolenzia loro venia per li Giudei; onde li Giudei temendo a rre loro mandarono de' loro anziani a cchiederli misercordia, e ffecioli gran doni di muneta, e d'una corona di smisurata valuta; lo re conservare li volea, ma lli popoli furiosi no ssi poterono quietare, ma correndo straboccatamente tra' Giudei, e quasi a ultima consumazione, con ferro e ffuoco oltre a XM Giudei spensono, e alla camera del loro re tutti li loro beni furono incorporati.	How the inguinal plague resurged in different parts of the world It should not go unmentioned that the remarkable death of the plague of the groin reappeared this year, similar to the one that began in 1348 and lasted until 1350, as we reported in the first book of this treatise. This plague began in Flanders in May, where more than a third of the citizens died, and it particularly affected the common people and the poor, while the middle class, the wealthy and foreigners suffered few losses. It lasted there until the end of October of the same year and continued throughout Flanders. In Brabant, few were affected, as in Picardy, but it caused devastating damage in the diocese of Liège, where half the population died. It then spread to Lower Germany, not touching every country but mainly those that had previously been spared, and reached Friuli and Schiavonia. It was the same disease with swellings in the groin and under the arm as the first great plague, and fourteen years had passed from the beginning of the first to this, and ten years from the end of the first to this, during which time the plague sometimes reappeared in one place or another, but never so strongly as this year. This confirmed to men that the hand of God is neither tired nor limited by constellations or physical causes. In Friuli and Hungary the plague began with swellings, then turned into haemorrhages, and finally into fever, and many of those suffering from fever died in delusions, dancing and singing. During these times, a remarkable thing happened in Poland, in the border areas of the empire, where there were large numbers of Jews. The natives began to murmur, saying that this plague was coming through the Jews; so the Jews, in their fear, sent some of their elders to the king to beg for mercy, and they made him great gifts of money and a crown of immeasurable value. The king wanted to protect them, but the enraged people could not be pacified and charged against the Jews, killing more than ten thousand Jews with iron and fire and incorporating all their possessions into the royal chamber.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2 pp. 448-449.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Florence 001	1363 JL	The brothers of Pagolo died in the mortality and left him alone with the business. He had many debts which made his life full of wories.	Fu di nicistà che ’l detto Pagholo, giovane gharzone, e, sechondo l’età d’allora, fanciullo, provedesse al tutto; e se fu fatichoso e di sollecitudine e di rischio, i’ penso choll’aiuto di Dio dirtene tanto innanzi che ttu arai chagione d’inmaginare il tutto. Questi suoi fratelli morirono di (p. 193) pistolenza nella mortalità fonda del sesantatré, che ffu grande, e andaronsene a piè di Dio inn ispazio di venti dì; e, chome ài inteso, i due erano avillupati nel trafficho del guado e nella tinta, dove egli aveano inviluppati circha di quindicimila fiorini. Il terzo, e primo a morire, avea donna, e viva rimase dopo lui e giovane. Era invillupato questo nell’usure, ché pocho fecie altro; e none si distendea questo suo viluppo pure in Firenze ma per tutto il chontado, e pure chon lavoratori e poveri il forte, e chon grandi / (c. 42v) uomini e potenti, e in Firenze e di fuori. Il detto Pagholo, giovane, soro, solo, sanza alchuno aiuto o chonsiglio se non di suoi amici, a tenpo di mortalità, isbighottito della morte de’ suoi e della paura di sé, trovatosi in gran viluppi di molti crediti a rischuotere e di migliaia di fiorini, sendone morti assai d<e’> creditori e de’ fattori che aveano nel chapo i fatti loro, avendo etiandio a cierchare d’essi non pure in Firenze o nel chontado, ma di fuori, ‘Arezo, al Borgho, a Siena, a Pisa e per altre istrane parti, a ritrarre merchatantia, a venderla, e a svilupare tutto, non fu sanza grande sollecitudine e faticha.	It was necessary for the said Pagholo, a young lad and still a child by the standards of the time, to take care of everything; and although it was laborious, worrying and risky, I think that with God's help I can tell you so much about it that you will understand the whole thing. His brothers died of the plague in the great mortality of 1363, and they went to God within twenty days. As you have learnt, two were involved in the woad trade and dyeing business, where they had invested about 15,000 florins. The third, who was the first to die, had a wife who was left a young widow after him. He was in the usury business and little else; his business extended not only in Florence but throughout the surrounding area, especially with labourers and the poor, but also with rich and powerful people, both in Florence and beyond. The aforementioned Pagholo, young and alone, without any help or advice except from his friends, in a time of mortality, terrified by the death of his loved ones and in fear for his own life, found himself in great entanglements with many debts, which is why he had to risk many loans and thousands of florins. Many of the debtors and administrators who ran their businesses had also died. He not only had to retrieve and sell goods in Florence or the surrounding area, but also outside, in Arezzo, the Borgo, Siena, Pisa and other foreign places, and unravel everything. This was not done without great care and effort.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 192-193.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-00-00-Florence 003	1383 JL	During the plague, many people fled the city of Florence. To prevent this, the rulers tried in vain to force people to stay and even a tax did not help, as some paid and others did not.	Rubrica 956a- Come per la detta mortalità si fece più leggi e ordini a Firenze. Nel detto anno si feciono di molte leggi, acciocchè niuno cittadino si partisse per la detta mortalità, a ciò che sospettavano che la minuta gente non partisse, e facesse romore, ed i mali contenti s'accozzassero con loro. Poi veduto che pur si partivano li ricchi, cominciarono a non lassare partire niuno sanza il bullettino. Ancora a questo era impossibile a tenergli. Poi all'ultimo impuosero danari a chi s'era partito, o partisse: comecchè la cosa non andò uguale, che di quelli a cui fu posto, pagarono e tale no, com'è sempre d'usanza che gli animali grossi e possenti saltano e rompono le reti; pure n'entro in Comune fiorini … (lacuna). Dissero che gli voleano per soldare fanti, acciocchè lo stato stesse fermo.	Rubrica 956a - How many laws and regulations were passed in Florence due to the aforementioned plague. In that year (1383), many laws were passed to prevent citizens from leaving the city because of the plague. It was feared that the common people who stayed would cause unrest and join forces with the discontented. When they saw that the rich were leaving anyway, they began to prevent anyone from leaving without authorisation. But it was impossible to enforce this. In the end, a tax was levied on those who had left or wanted to leave. However, this measure was not uniform: some paid, others did not, as is always the case when the strong and powerful circumvent the rules. Nevertheless, some florins [gap] came into the community treasury. It was said that the money should be used to pay soldiers to maintain order.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 427	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1448-00-00-Florence	1448 JL	The plague raged in Florence. Many people fled to other cities. The plague spread to Rome. The passages talks also about the social responses, for instance that people avoided the contact to the infected, even if they were their relatives.	Interea anno Domini MCCCCXLVIII, pestis invadere cepit Florentiam et per biennium civitatem infectem tenuit, que tamen quasi erat evacuata, non solum maioribus et divitibus, sed et plebeis et pauperibus ex urbe egredientibus et per villas et castra refugientibus. Diutina quidem fuit, sed lenta et paucos de medio subtraxit, sicque morbus ille contagiosus a MCCCC anno, quo grassatus est ita ut prope tertiam partem viventium absumeret, usque ad MCCCCLVII, in quo sumus peste a Domino visitati iam per menses quatuor, septies Florentiam occupaverit, videlicet anno MCCCCXI, anno supra Millesimum CCCCXXXVIII demum, ut dictum est, anno MCCCCXLVIII et VIIII civitas Florentina ea contagione infecta est: que cum postea urbem romanam attigisset, in qua presulabatur Nicolaus V cum curia sua, [p. 83] Fabrianum se contulit. Ubi tunc facta inquisitione et processu contra quosdam hereticos, infectos lepra erroris Fraticellorum, qui ibi diu habuerant magnum receptaculum et favorem, obstinati in sua perfidia igni traditi sunt, miracula consueta ostendentes pulveris et cineris. In anno autem isto LVII supra CCCC, pauci adhuc de hac luce subtracti sunt, necdum cessavit; quid autem in futurum erit, novit Deus. Nunquam autem apparet tantum exterruisse homines talis contagio morbi ut nunc, ita quod parentes filiorum et filii parentum obliviscantur infectorum et cum difficultate reperiantur qui necessaria eis administrent tam corpori quam anime, vel procurent ut sacramenta et ecclesiasticam sepulturam habeant. Quamvis autem nulla sit lege prohibitum ad loca divertere ab infectione libera, ex quo morbus est valde contagiosus (ut quotidiana docet experientia), ac eciam conversationem domesticam et locutionem cum infectis et venientibus a locis infectis [effugere] nisi cura animarum eis immineat, quos de necessitate salutis sue oportet per se vel alium idoneum sacramenta ministrare quantumcunque infectis, tantum tamen abhorrere infectos ut necessaria subtrahantur est contra omnem caritatem, humanitatem et xpistianam pietatem. Itaque etsi humane prudentia est et de ratione medicine vitare infectos, tamen contra dilectionem et xpistianam pietatem est subtrahere infectis necessiara seu non ministrare anime et corpori et ita abhorrere eis ministrantes sacramenta et corpori necessaria ut habeantur tanquam ethnici et publicani nec audiantur eorum misse et officia nec patiantur sacerdotes ire ad infirmos, in quo nullo modo debent eis assentire. Communitas autem pie et caritative providit infirmis ex eo morbo illo tempore scilicet anno domini MCCCCXLVIII et nono pestis. Nam tria milia florenorum statuit assignanda archiepiscopo civitatis certo tempore, modo et forma, ut infectis provideretur. Unde quidam optimi iuvenes per civitatem discurrebant, querendo infectos et dando pullos, confectiones et alia necessaria.	Meanwhile, in the year of our Lord 1448, the plague began to invade Florence and for two years it kept the city infected. The city was almost emptied, not only by the departure of the wealthy and nobles but also by the common people and the poor, who fled from the city to villages and towns. It was indeed prolonged, but slow, and removed only a few people. That contagious disease, which had ravaged since the year 1400, when it nearly consumed a third of the living, until 1457 (the year we are currently in), struck Florence seven times: in 1401, again in 1438, and finally, as mentioned, in 1448 and 1449, when the city of Florence was infected by this contagion. When it later reached the city of Rome, where Pope Nicholas V resided with his court, he withdrew to Fabriano. There, an inquiry and trial were conducted against certain heretics infected with the leprosy of the Fraticelli error, who had long found a haven and favor there. Persisting in their stubborn wickedness, they were handed over to the flames, displaying the usual miracles of ashes and dust. However, in this year 1457, few have been taken from this life, and the plague has not yet ceased. What will happen in the future, God knows. Never before has such a contagious disease so greatly terrified people as it does now, so much so that parents forget their children and children forget their parents when they are infected, and it is difficult to find anyone willing to provide them with the necessities for both body and soul, or to ensure they receive the sacraments and Christian burial. Although there is no law prohibiting people from fleeing to places free from infection, since the disease is highly contagious (as daily experience shows), and it is prudent to avoid domestic interactions and conversations with the infected or those coming from infected areas—except when the care of souls is at stake and they must, for the sake of their own salvation, administer the sacraments either in person or through a suitable intermediary to those infected—it is nonetheless against all charity, humanity, and Christian compassion to withhold necessities from the infected or refuse to minister to their bodies and souls, treating them as outcasts and pagans. It is wrong not to hear their masses and services or allow priests to go to the sick, and no one should agree to such practices. However, the community provided for the sick with piety and charity during this outbreak in the year 1448 and the ninth plague. Indeed, 3,000 florins were allocated to the archbishop of the city at a specific time, in a particular manner, and form, to provide for the infected. As a result, certain noble youths went around the city, seeking out the infected and giving them chickens, remedies, and other necessities.	Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, p. 82-83.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1456-00-00-Florence	1456 JL	In Florence was a shortage due to the weather and a flooding. The city had to provide food for the population especially for the poor.	Eodem anno per inundationem aquarum, in agris impedientem sationem agrorum et aliam intemperiem supervenientem tempore spicationis in agris satis, defectus magnus modicitatis in segetibus repertus est Florentie, et [in] territorio eius. Creatis autem officialibus habundantie, provisum est competenter de frumentis de diversis locis extra territorium adductis. Sed et pauperibus provisum est, quorum a diu in preteritum nunquam tantus inventus est numerus; quod contigit, quia mercatores et artifices parum negotiantur vel artificia exercent, tum propter guerras impedientes discursum per mare et per terram, tum timore nove impositionis prestantiarum, ne nimis onerentur, tum eciam peste civitatem invadente, etsi lente, tamen in futurum magis de grassatione eius dubitatur. Decretum igitur [p. 98] fuit, ut per quatuor menses precedentes recollectionem frumenti, quingenti floreni mensatim expenderentur a communitate eleemosynaliter erogati pro frumento pauperibus in pane concedendo. Quod optimum fuit tum ut peccata sua civitas, eis plena, eleemosynis redimat, tum ut caritatem ad fratres suos et membra reipublice ostendat, nec non ad prudenter auferendos tumultus et clamores famelice plebis. Quid enim non audeat rabies famis, cum aliquando et matres filios proprios occidere et comedere coegerit, sacra historia ac eciam infidelium hoc referente?	In the same year, due to flooding that hindered the sowing of fields and other adverse weather conditions during the grain ripening season, there was a significant shortage in the harvest in Florence and its surrounding territory. Officials were appointed to manage the scarcity, and grain was competently procured from various places outside the territory. Provisions were also made for the poor, whose numbers had not been this high for a long time. This situation arose because merchants and craftsmen were engaging in little trade or work, partly due to wars disrupting travel by sea and land, partly out of fear of new tax burdens, and partly because of a plague slowly affecting the city, which was feared to worsen in the future. It was decreed that, for the four months preceding the next grain harvest, 500 florins would be spent monthly by the community to provide grain to the poor in the form of bread. This was seen as beneficial both to help the city atone for its sins, which were abundant, through acts of charity, and to demonstrate care for fellow citizens, as well as to prudently prevent uprisings and outcries from the starving populace. For what would the rage of hunger not dare to do, when history—even sacred texts—reports that, in such times, mothers have been forced to kill and eat their own children?	Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, pp. 97-98.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5

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