For War, a total of 46 epidemic events are known so far. It is a social response.
Table
Table
| Page | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1158-00-00-Turov | 1158 JL | Horses plague in Turov. | (6666) И стоӕша ѡколо города не(д)[е]ль ı҃, и бъı(с)[ть] моръ в кони(х)[ъ], и тако не оуспѣвше ему ничтоже възвратишасѧ въ своӕси не створше с ним[ъ] мира. И мнози пѣши придоша с тоѣ воинъı. | (1158) And they were standing <a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> about the stronghold [of the Turov] ten weeks, and there was an epidemic among horses. As they did not achieve anything, they returned to themselves, having made no peace. Many on foot returned from this war. | Ipаt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 2, Saint Petersburg 1908: Imperatorskaia Arkheograficheskaia Kommissiia, col. 492 | Translation by Adrian Jusupovic |
| 1191-00-00-Neapel 0002 | 1191 JL | After the coronation of Henry VI. he conquered all the land to Naples. The siege of Naples falled because a plague broke out among the soldiers and Henry and his wife Constance fell ill as well. Constance died shortly after that. (Actually she died only the 27th November 1198) | Come lo 'mperadore Arrigo conquistò il regno di Puglia Come il detto Arrigo fu coronato imperadore [1191], e isposata Gostanza imperadrice, onde ebbe in dota il reame di Cicilia e di Puglia con consentimento del papa e della Chiesa, e rendendone il censo usato, e già nato Federigo suo figliuolo, incontanente con sua oste e colla moglie n'andòe nel Regno, e vinse tutto il paese infino a la città di Napoli, ma que' di Napoli non si vollono arrendere, onde Arrigo vi puose l'assedio, e stettevi tre mesi. E nella detta oste fue tanta pestilenzia d'infermità e di mortalità, che 'l detto Arrigo e la moglie v'infermaro, e della sua gente vi morì la maggiore parte; onde per necessità si levò dal detto assedio con pochi quasi inn-isconfitta, e infermo tornò a Roma, e la 'mperadrice Gostanza per malatia presa ne l'oste poco appresso si morìo, e lasciò Federigo suo figliuolo piccolino in guardia e in tutela di santa Chiesa. […] |
How the emperor Arrigo conquered the kingdom Puglia As the said Arrigo was crowned emperor [1191], and married empress Gostanza, so he had the kingdom of Sicily and Apulia as a dowry, with the consent of the pope and the Church, and making the fee used, and already Federigo his son was born, He went into the kingdom with his entourage and his wife and conquered the whole country as far as the city of Naples, but the people of Naples did not want to surrender, so Arrigo laid siege to it and stayed there for three months. In the camp there was such a plague of sickness and death that the said Arrigo and his wife fell ill, and most of his people died there; so that he had to leave the siege with a few almost unconquered, and he returned to Rome sick, and the empress Gostanza died a short time later of a disease caught in the camp, and left Federigo his young son in the custody of the Holy Church. |
Giovanni Villani 1990,Vol. 1, p. 247. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1250-02-00-Damiette | February 1250 JL | The army of the Sixth Crusade under the leaderhsip of the French King suffers from an epidemic and dearth around Damiette. | Anno Domini MCCL captus est Lodoycus rex Francie, et maior pars exercitus Gallici qui cum rege transfretaverat a Saracenis est interfecta. Sed et prius pestilentia et inedia multi periere. Habuerunt enim caristiam et penuriam comestibilium rerum et victualium, nec talem dispositionem aeris habebant qualem in terra sua | In the year of our Lord 1250, King Louis of France was captured, and the majority of the French army that had crossed over with the king was killed by the Saracens. But even before that, many perished due to pestilence and famine. They experienced a scarcity and shortage of foodstuffs and provisions, and they did not have the favorable climate conditions they were accustomed to in their own land | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 486 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1255-00-00-Foggia | 1255 JL | Many deaths in the army of the Pope in Foggia, but only few in the besieging army. | Talis autem tempore illo fortuna Principis fuit, quod licet de Papali exercitu in Fogia multi quotidie morerentur, multique infirmi jacerent; in Principis tamen exercitu, qui ante Civitatem erat, paucissimi infirmi, duoque tantum ibi defuncti fuerunt. | Such, however, was the fortune of the Prince at that time, that although many from the Papal army in Foggia died daily, and many lay sick, in the Prince's army, which was before the city, very few were sick, and only two died there. | Nicolaus de Jamsilla Historia, p. 576. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1258-00-00-Baghdad | 1258 JL | Epidemic in Baghdad after the Mongol conquest of the city: A Mongol army under Hülegü Khan had captured Baghdad and killed the Abbasid caliph al-Mustaʿṣim bi-llāh [February 20, 1258]. Dead bodies were lying around everywhere, a bad smell developed in the city, the air changed. Many people died of the severe epidemic (wabāʾ) that followed the fighting. When the epidemic abated in Baghdad it traveled to Syria. | Al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 2, p. 224 | Translation needed | ||
| 1258-00-00-Syria | 1258 JL | Around the time when the Mongols took Baghdad, an epidemic (ṭāʿūn) affected the people in Syria. This was in 656 H (January 8, 1258 to December 27, 1258). The former Ayyubid sultan of Damascus, al-Nāṣir Dāwūd, died of the disease in al-Buwayḍāʾ [May 21, 1259], a village in the surroundings of Damascus. His cousin al-Nāṣir Yūsuf, the lord of Damascus, traveled to al-Buwayḍāʾ, transferred Dāwūd's body to al-Ṣāliḥiyya and buried it in the tomb of Dāwūd's father al-Malik al-Muʿaẓẓam. | ولحق الناس بالشام في تلك المدة طاعون مات فيه الناصر داود، وخرج الناصر يوسف صاحب دمشق إلى البويضاء، وأظهر عليه الحزن والتأسف، ونقله إلى الصالحية فدفنه بتربة والده المعظم | In that period, a plague struck the Levant, in which Al-Nasser David died, and Al-Nasser Yusuf of Damascus went to Al-Buwayda, showed grief and sorrow for him, and transferred him to Salhiyah, where he was buried in the soil of his great father. | Ibn Faḍl Allāh al-ʿUmarī - Masālik al-abṣār 2001-2004, vol. 27, p. 369. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1259-00-00-Italy 002 | 1259 JL | High mortality in Italy and death of an elder Italian Lord | 1259 - [...] quo anno fuit in Ytalia hominum et mulierum mortalitas maxima, […] (p. 548) Dominus Rubinus senex erat et plenus dierum et misit pro me, eo anno quo fuit mortalitas maxima et quo Icilinus de Romano captus fuit in bello, scilicet MCCLIX; et confessus est mecum et bene ordinavit de anima sua et mortuus est in senectute bona, transiens de hoc mundo ad Patrem. | In the year 1259, which was the year of the greatest mortality of men and women in Italy, [...] (p. 548) Lord Rubino was old and full of days. He sent for me in that year when there was the greatest mortality and when Icilinus from Rome was captured in war, namely, in the year 1259. He confessed with me and arranged well for his soul, and he died in good old age, passing from this world to the Father | Salimbene De Adam 1966, pp. 539–540, 548 | None |
| 1259-04-15-China | 15 April 1259 JL | An epidemic broke out among the Mongol troops and they withdrew, when they were in Shu. | 三月 (蒙古军在蜀),时蒙古军中大疫,议班师。 《续资治通鉴•宋纪》 一百七十五 | In the third month (when the Mongol army was in Shu), a great epidemic broke out among the Mongol troops, and it was decided to withdraw. | Template:Compendium of Chinese Meteorological Records 2004, Vol. 1, p. 493. | None |
| 1284-00-00-Hungary | 1284 JL | Tatars invaded the land of Hungary, then a great famine and plague started. | Eodem anno Tarthari terram Ungarie que dicitur de Septemcastris intraverunt et multos christianos captivaverunt et occiderunt. Christus autem tutor christianorum, magnam famem in eos et pestilenciam inmisit. | The same year, the Tartars entered the land of Hungary, which is called the land of Seven Castles, and captured and killed many Christians. But Christ, the protector of Christians, sent great famine and pestilence upon them. | Annales Polonorum IV. 899-1327, p. 648, l. 28. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1311-00-00-Brescia | 1311 JL | The army of the Roman-Germanic King Henry VII. is decimated by epidemics during the siege of Brescia | Multi quidem de exercitu mortui sunt ferro, alii vero epidemia crudelissima in omni parte praedicti exercitus continue vexati, absque nullo remedio mortui sunt quasi tertia pars eorum; equi eorum et iumenta a muschis occisa in magna quantitate. [...] Multa mala passus est Henricus, et gentes eius, expensis, ferro, peste, et epidemia; dicitur communiter, quod ibi mortui sunt plusquam decem millia viri bellatores | Many from this army were killed by fighting, but othery by a most cruel epidemic that hit everywhere in the aforementioned army. Without any remedy a third part of them died; and their horses and draft animals were killed by the mosquitos in large numbers [...] Henry had to suffer a lot of evil things: Expenses, war, plague and epidemics. Many people said that there died more than ten thousand fighters | Guglielmo Ventura 1848, Sp. 780 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1323-07-00-Iglesias | July 1323 JL | The city of Villa di Chiesa (today Iglesias) on Sardinia is under siege by the crown Prince Alfonso of Aragon. His army and he himself suffer from severe fevers. | ma da un altro lato messer lo infante e tutta la sua oste furono colti da tante malattie ch’e’vi perdettero una gran parte dei combattenti, e l’infante stesso se ne trovò malissimo, e fu in gran pericolo di morire, se non fossero state le sollecitudini di madonna l’infanta; per la qual cosa debbe dirsi debitore a Dio e a lei della ricuperata salute. Ma intanto nè medico, nè altro uomo potette persuadere a messer lo infante, quantunque malato, di staccarsi dall‘ assedio; all‘ incontro più volte colla febbre addosso vestiva gli arnesi di guerra e menava i suoi alla pugna. | But on the other side, the Lord crown prince and all his troops were attacked by lots of diseases that made them lose a great part of their fighters. And the crown prince himself felt very bad and was in danger of dying, if the crown princes had not been so insisting with him. That's why he was indebted to God and her that he regained his health. But neither a doctor nor another man could persuade the crown princes, still ill, to stay away from the siege; in full armour, but still suffering from fevers, he lead his men to attack | Crónica di Raimonodo Muntaner 1844, p. 609 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1323-08-24-Milano | 24 August 1323 JL | Pope John XXII. informs the Florentines of the German mercenaries and the disease that made the Papal Army retreat from Milan | Dum enim noster et ecclesie Romane favente Domino felix exercitus civitatem Mediolanensem intra burgos pre foribus, sicut nostis, cum gente vestra, quam devote ac liberaliter transmisitis, duriter obsideret, quia stipendiariorum Theutonicorum quedam proditrix multitudo transfugit ad hostes et superveniente postmodum intemperie aeris estivalis idem exercitus morbescebat. | But when our and the Roman churches successfull army, with god's grace, lay siege on the city of Milan from its suburbs, with our soldiers and your people that you have sent so liberally and loyally, it had to flee facing a multitude of German mercenaries and inclement summer air that made the said army fell ill. | MGH Const. 5, No. 780, p. 607 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1323-09-00-Milano | 28 July 1323 JL | The Papal commander Raimondo di Cardona leads an army to attack Milan, but a ravaging disease forces him and his army to retreat to Monza | Multi ergo diebus dominus Raymondus praedictus cum militum et peditum copiosa comitiva burogs Mediolani occupavit, et inde Mediolanensibus intrinsecis multa damna dedit, et persaepe alii alios invadebant; tandem causante calore, et multitudine gentium causam praebente, aer corrumpitur, et maxima epidemia generatur in burgis, adeo quod intra modicum tempus magis quam tercenti ex soldatis ipsius domini Raymondi sunt peremti, et fere circa DCCC graviter infirmati, quod attente considerans domninus Raymondus praedictus, timens de futuris, tam de morte infirmantium, quam etiam de statu proprio, et de attenuatione etiam exercitus, per hunc modum, more prodentis, viam eligens tutiorem, caute infirmos omnes super currus et vehicula poni fecit, et Modoeciam secure conduci. | Many days the aforementioned Lord Raimondo occupied with many knights and soldiers the suburbs of Milano, and he caused the besieged Milanese a lot of damage, and often they attacked each other. But because of the heat and the masses of people, the air corrupted and a very big epidemic broke out in the suburbs. Within short time more than 300 soldiers of Lord Raimondo had died, and almost 800 had fell ill. After careful reflection, the aforementioned Lord Raimond who feared for the future both the death of the infected as his personal health, but also the lessening of his army, wisely he chose to put the sick on carts and other vehicles and led them securely to Monza | Guglielmo Ventura 1848, Sp. 816 | None |
| 1346-00-00-Orient | 1346 JL | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: In the Orient happened an unexplained plague, depopultating many regions. During the siege of Feodosia (Caffa) by the Tartars, their army was afflicted by the disease. The plague, which initially struck the Tartars, spread than also inside the city, because they ordered the plague-stricken corpses to be thrown over the walls of Caffa. The situation deteriorated, and people were expecting the impending judgement Day. | Anno domini MCCCXLVI. in partibus orientis, InfinitaTartarorum et Saracenorum genera, morbo inexplicabili, et morte subita corruerunt. Ipsarumque parcium latissime regiones, Infinite prouincie, regna magnifica, vrbes, Castra, et loca, plena hominurn multitudine copiosa, morbo pressa, et horrende rnortis morsibus, propriis Acollis denudata paruo tempore deffecerunt. Nan (!) locus dictus Thanna, in partibus orientis, uersus Acquilonem Constantinopolitana contrada (I) sub Tartarorum dominio constituta, ubi merchatores ytalici confluebant, cum propter quosdam excessus, superuenientibus Tartaris infinitis, modico temporis Interuollo (!) obsessa, et hostiliter debellata, deserta penitus remaneret. Accidit ut uiolenter christianj merchatores expulsi, Intra menia Terre Caffensis, quam ab olim illa Regione Januenses extruxerant, fugientes christiani sese pro suarum tutione personarum et rerum, Tartarorum formidantes potenciam, Armato Nauigio receptarent. Ha deus. Ecce subito, gentes Tartarorum profane, vndique confluentes, Caffensem urbem circurndantes, incluxos christicolas obsederunt, fere Triennio perdurantes. lbique hostium exercitu Infinito uallati, vix poterant respirare, licet Nauigio Alimenta ferrente illud talle subsidium intrinsecis spem modicam exhyberet. Et ecce Morbo Tartaros inuadente totus exercitus perturbatus longuebat et cottidie Infinita millia sunt extincta videbatur eis, sagittas euolare de celo , tangere et opprimere superbiam Tartarorum. qui statim signati corporibus In iuncturis , humore coagulato in Inguinibus, febre putrida subsequente, expirabant, omni conscilio et auxilio medicorum cessante. Quod Tartari, ex tanta clade et morbo pestifero fatigati, sic defficientes attoniti et vndique stupefacti, sine spe salutis mori conspicientes, cadavera, machinis eorum superposita, Intra Caffensem vrbem precipitari Jubebant, ut ipsorum fectore(!) intollerabili, omnino defficerent. Sic sic proiecta videbantur Cacurnina mortuorum, nec christiani latere, nec fugere, nec a tali precipicio liberari valebant, licet deffunctos, quos poterant marinis traderent fluctibus inmergendos. Moxque toto aere inffecto, et aqua uenenata, corrupta putredine, tantusque fetor Increbuit ut vix ex Millibus vnus, relicto exercitu fingere conaretur qui eciam uenenatus alijs ubique uenena preparans, solo aspectu, loca et homines, morbo Inffieret uniuersos. Nec aliquis sciebat, uel poterat viam lnuenire satutis. Sic undique Orientalibus, et meridiana plaga, et qui in Aquilone degebant, sagita percussis Asperima, que coporibus crepidinem Inducebat, morbo pressis pestiffero, fere onmes, defficiebant, et morte subita corruebant. Quanta, qualisque fuerit mortalitas generalis, Cathaijnj, lndi, Perses, Medi , Cardenses, Armeni, Tarsenses, Georgianj, Mesopotami, Nubiani, Ethijopes, Turchumani, Egiptij, Arabici, Saraceni, Greci et fere toto oriente corrupto, clamoribus, flectibus(!) et singultibus occupati, a supra dicto Millesimo usque ad Millesimo, CCCXLVIIII in amaritudine commorantes, extremum deij Judicium suspicantur. |
In the year of Our Lord 1346, in the eastern regions, innumerable races of Tartars and Saracens perished due to an inexplicable plague and sudden death. Vast regions of these parts, countless provinces, magnificent kingdoms, cities, castles, and places filled with a dense population, were struck by the plague and succumbed to the horrific bites of death, being emptied of their inhabitants in a short time. For instance, a place called Thanna, in the eastern parts, towards the north near the territory of Constantinople under Tartar rule, where Italian merchants used to gather, was besieged and attacked by countless Tartars over a short period, and left completely desolate after an onslaught. It happened that the Christian merchants, violently expelled, fled to the fortified city of Caffa, which had been constructed long ago in that region by the Genoese, seeking protection for their lives and belongings. The Tartars, fearing the power of their enemy, surrounded the city and laid siege for nearly three years. Besieged by the massive Tartar army, the inhabitants barely managed to survive, despite some help brought by ships carrying supplies, which offered them only slight hope. Suddenly, the Tartars themselves were struck by disease, and their entire army began to weaken and was daily afflicted, with countless numbers dying. It seemed as if arrows were falling from the sky to strike and humble the pride of the Tartars. The infected showed signs in their joints and groins, with a thickened fluid, followed by a putrid fever, causing them to die despite all medical advice or aid. Exhausted by this disastrous plague, the Tartars, seeing no hope of recovery and stunned by the devastation, ordered the bodies of their dead to be catapulted into the city of Caffa to spread the intolerable stench and weaken the inhabitants. Thus, the Christians could neither hide nor escape nor free themselves from this danger, even though they threw the corpses they could into the sea to be carried away by the waves. The air was soon contaminated, the water poisoned, and the corruption spread so intensely that scarcely one in a thousand survived to flee, those who did often carrying the infection, spreading it wherever they went and infecting people and places simply by their presence. No one knew or could find a way to salvation. Thus, in the eastern regions, the southern lands, and the northern inhabitants, struck by the harshest arrows of disease that ate into the body, almost everyone succumbed and fell to sudden death. The scale and nature of the widespread mortality were such that the Cathayans, Indians, Persians, Medes, Kardians, Armenians, Tarsians, Georgians, Mesopotamians, Nubians, Ethiopians, Turcomans, Egyptians, Arabs, Saracens, Greeks, and nearly the entire East, overcome by cries, weeping, and sobs, suspected the final judgment, remaining in bitterness from the said year 1346 until 1349. | Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 48–49 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1346-00-00-Saxony | 1346 JL | Great epidemic and war in Saxony. | 1346 [...] Isto anno fuit pestilencia magna et werra. | 1346 [...] In this year there was an epidemic and war. | Annales Veterocellenses 1859, p. 45 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-02-00-Avignon | February 1347 JL | Famine and afterwards mortality in Avignon (fasting period until Whitsun). | Anno Domini MCCCXLVII in quadragesima et inter pascha et pentecosten circa Avionem propter gwerrarum rabiosam inundacionem circumquaque exortam fames exicialis et prevalida facta est, propter quam innumerabiles populi morte repentina extincti dicebantur. In tantum eciam mortalitas famem horrendam subsecuta seviebat, quod in plateis, vicis et in sterquiliniis prostrati miserabiliter iacuerunt. | In the year of our Lord 1347, during Lent and between Easter and Pentecost, near Avignon, due to the violent outbreak of war, a devastating famine arose everywhere, causing countless people to be struck down by sudden death. Such a terrible mortality ensued from the famine that people were said to be dying innumerable deaths. To such an extent did the deadly famine rage, that people miserably lay prostrate in the streets, alleys, and dung heaps. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 270. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1348-00-00-Paris2 | 1348 JL | List of noble victims of the Black Death across the Holy Roman Empire and France; impact on Paris and the Hundred Years War in Gascony. | Anno Domini M°CCC°XLIX° predicto in pestilencia moriebantur circa finem anni filia Karoli Romani regis et Bohemie, regina Ungarie, item soror eiusdem reigs, uxor Iohannis primogeniti Franci. Item uxor Franci de Burgundia; qui Francus filiam regis Navarnie pulcherrimam de suo genere duxit uxorem. Item primogenitus ducis Brabancie, gener predicti Iohannis. Item et domina de Couzin, filia quondam Lupoldi ducis Austrie, et Conradus de Medeburg maritus eius. Item filia regis Sicilie, uxor Stephani ducis Bavarie, relictis sibi pluribus liberis. Qui Stephanus filiam burggravii in Nurenberg duxit uxorem. Tantaque fuit in Francia et in Anglia pestilencia, quod Parisius et in pluribus locis vix nonus homo dicitur remansisse. Et cessare incepit. Anglus quoque, qui durante pestilencia quievit non inquietando Francum, iterum cessante pestilencia in Wasconia per suos Francum invadit, aliquas municiones expugnans et terram quasi usque ad Tholosam sue subiecens dicioni. | In the year of our Lord 1349, during the aforementioned pestilence, towards the end of the year, died the daughter of Charles, King of the Romans and Bohemia, the Queen of Hungary [Margaret of Luxembourg, died 7 September 1349 in Viségrad], as well as his sister [Jutta/Bonne of Luxembourg, died 11 September 1349 at Maubuisson], the wife of John, the eldest son of the King of France. Also, the wife of the French Duke of Burgundy [Jeann, died 12 December 1348]; this Frenchman married the most beautiful daughter of the King of Navarre from his lineage. Also, the eldest son of the Duke of Brabant, son-in-law of the aforementioned John. Also, the Lady of Coucy, [Catherine of Austria] daughter of Duke Leopold of Austria, and Burggrave Konrad I. of Maidburg, her husband. Also, the daughter of the King of Sicily, [Elisabeth of Sicily] wife of Stephen, Duke of Bavaria, leaving behind several children [died 21 March 1349 in Landshut] . This Stephen married the daughter of the Burggrave of Nuremberg. The plague was so severe in France and England that in Paris and in many places barely one out of nine persons is said to have remained alive. And it began to cease. Also, the English, who during the plague refrained from troubling the French, once the plague ceased, invaded Gascony through their own territory, capturing some fortifications and subjecting the land almost up to Toulouse to their rule. | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 439. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1349-06-24-Strasbourg | 24 June 1349 JL | The hostilities between the kings of England and France were postponed because of a severe plague | [116.] De indicto conflictu inter regem Anglie et Francie in die Iohannis baptiste. Cum autem indictus fuisset dudum conflictus ad diem beati Iohannis baptiste predicti anni quadragesimi noni [24. Juni 1349] inter Francie et Anglie reges, tanta fuit utriusque regni pestilencia, quod vix tercia pars hominum dicitur remanisse. Propter quod conflictus est prorogatus. […] |
116. Of the renewed outbreak of hostilities between the kings of England and France on the day of St John the Baptist. Although the renewed outbreak of hostilities between the kings of France and England had long been announced for the day of St John the Baptist in the year [13]49, a plague raged so severely in both kingdoms that, it is said, barely a third of the people remained alive, and hostilities were therefore postponed. [...] | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 270 | None |
| 1352-00-00-Crete | 1352 JL | Genoese came to Crete to conquer the land. The attacks were carried out with great loses and pestilence and infested land made their stay impossible, thus they returned back to Genoa with a stopover in Venice to harm them with infected galleys. More than 8 thousand Italians died in this war. | Come i Genovesi asediarono Gostantinopoli (p. 319) […] E ferma la pace, i Genovesi con tutta loro armata se ne vennono alla Candia per vincere il paese; e volendo porre in terra; ebbono incontro i paesani con IIIC cavalieri, e lle ciurme delle galee, e contradissono la prima scesa. I Genovesi si providono di fare parate, e dietro a quelle missono i balestrieri, e messe le scale in terra, a contradio di nemici presono campo; e stando in terra trovarono il paese corrotto, e avelenata l'aria e la terra di coruzione e sparta dalle galee di Viniziani e Catalani, e anche tra lloro avea dell'infermi e de' fediti, e per questa cagione, e per li molti disagi sostenuti lungamente, pensarono che 'l soprastare era pistolenzoso e mortale, si ricolsono a galea, e missonsi in mare per tornarsi a Genova; e inanzi pervenissono alla patria più di MD uomini della loro armata gittarono i mare morti: e nondimeno lasciarono nel golfo di Vinegia X galee per danneggiare i Viniziani. E del mese d'agosto del detto anno con XXXII galee tornarono a Genova col loro amiraglio, e con DCC prigioni viniziani e con molta preda dell'acquisto fatto sopra i nimici e sopra le spoglie de' Greci. Della quale vittoria, avegna che molto ne montasse in fama il Comune (p. 320) di Genova, più tristizia ch'allegrezza, più pianto e dolore che festa tornò a la loro patria: trovossi all'ultimo di questa maladetta guerra di queste armate, che tra morti in battaglia, e anegati in mare, e periti di pestilenzia, tra l'una parte e l'altra più di VIIIM Italiani vi morirono in quello anno. E quello avenne solo per attizzamento d'invidia di pari stato di due popoli Genovesi e' Viniziani, che catuno si volea tenere il maggiore. |
[...] And after the peace treaty, the Genoese came to Crete with their entire fleet to conquer the land; and when they wanted to land, they met the locals with 300 knights and the crews of the galleys, who repelled the first landing attempt. The Genoese prepared themselves, set up defensive positions and deployed archers behind them. They put ladders ashore and captured a camp despite the enemy attacks. Once ashore, they found the land infested and the air and soil tainted by the plague spread by the Venetian and Catalan galleys. There were also sick and wounded among them, and for this reason, as well as the many prolonged hardships, they decided that staying on was dangerous and deadly. They returned to the galleys, set sail and made their way back to Genoa. Before they reached home, however, they threw more than 1500 men from their fleet dead into the sea. Nevertheless, they left ten galleys in the Gulf of Venice to inflict damage on the Venetians. In August of the same year, they returned to Genoa with 32 galleys under their admiral, 700 Venetian prisoners and much booty that they had taken from the enemy and the Greeks. Despite this victory, which brought great glory to the commonwealth of Genoa, this homecoming brought more sorrow than joy, more weeping and pain than festivity to the homeland. At the end of this accursed war of the fleets, there were more than 8000 Italians who died that year among the dead in the battles, the drowned at sea and the victims of the plague on both sides. And this happened solely because of the fuelled jealousy of two peoples of equal rank, the Genoese and the Venetians, each of whom believed themselves to be the greater. | Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 318-320. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1355-00-00-Florence | 1355 JL | In Florence dry and beautiful until mid-April, then much rain, from June very dry until mid-October. Then much precipitation with loss of a third of the seed grain. In summer, many infections and febrile diseases [rabies outbreak in Calabria?], total loss of the fruit harvest, many dead farm animals; good grain harvest; reason: A lunar eclipse on 16th of February. | Martedì notte alle ore IIII e mezzo, a dì XVI di febbraio MCCCLV, cominciò la scurazione della luna nel segno dell' Aquario, e all'ore V e mezzo fu tutta scurata, e bene dello spazio d'un altra ora si penò a liberare. E non sapiendo noi per astrologia di sua influenzia, considerammo li efetti di questo seguente anno, e vedemmo continovamente infino a mezzo aprile serenissimo cielo, e apresso continove acque oltre al modo usato e i rimanente d'aprile e tutto il mese di maggio, e apresso continovi secchi e stemperati caldi insino a mezzo ottobre. E in questi tempi estivali e autunnali furono generali infezzioni, e in molte parti malatie di febri e altri stemperamenti di corpi mortali umani, e singularmente malatie di ventre e di pondi co lungo duramento. Ancora avenne in questo anno un disusato accidente alli uomini, e cominciossi in Calavra a fFiume Freddo e scorse fino a Gaeta, e chiamavano questo accidente male arrabiato. L'affetto mostrava mancamento di celabro con cadimento di capogirli con diversi dibattimenti, e mordieno come cani e percotiensi pericolosamente, e assai se ne morivano, ma cchi era proveduto e atato guariva. E fu nel detto anno mortalità di bestie dimestiche grande. E in questo anno medesimo furono [p. 729] in Fiandra, e in Francia e in Italia molte grandi e diverse battaglie, e nuovi movimenti di guerre e di signorie, come leggendo si potrà trovare. E nel detto anno fu singolare buona e gra ricolta di pane, e più vino non si sperava, perché un freddo d'aprile l'uve già nate seccò e arse, e da ccapo molte ne rinacquono e condussonsi a bbene, cosa assai strana. E da mezzo ottobre a calen di gennaio furono acque continove con gravi diluvii, e perdessene il terzo della sementa, ma il gennaio vegnente fu sì bel tempo, che lla perduta sementa si raquistò. I frutti delli alberi dimestichi tutti si perderono in questo anno. Non aremmo stesa questa memoria se lla scurazione predetta non vi ci avesse indotto. | On Tuesday night at half past twelve o'clock, on the sixteenth day of February MCCCLV, the moon began to wax and wane in the sign of Aquarius, and at half past five o'clock it was all darkened, and within another hour it was free. And not knowing by astrology of its influence, we considered the effects of this following year, and saw continually until mid-April very clear skies, and thereafter continually counting waters beyond the usual manner and the remainder of April and the whole month of May, and thereafter dry and warm dry spells until mid-October. And in these summer and autumn times there were general infestations, and in many parts sicknesses of fever and other distempering of human bodies, and singularly sicknesses of the belly and abdomen with long duration. Again, in this year, an unfortunate accident happened to men, and it began in Calavra at Fiume Freddo and went as far as Gaeta, and they called this accident an angry disease. The affection showed a lack of celabrums with the fall of the head with various fights, and they bit like dogs and perished dangerously, and many died, but those who were provided and cured. And there was great mortality of domestic beasts in the said year. And in this same year there were [p. 729] in Flanders, and in France and Italy many great and diverse battles, and new movements of wars and lordships, as you will read. And in the said year there was a singularly good and abundant harvest of bread, and more wine was not hoped for, because one cold April the grapes that had already been born dried up and burned, and from the beginning many of them were reborn and were well, which is a very strange thing. And from the middle of October to the middle of January, there were heavy rains, and a third of the seed was lost, but the coming January was such good weather that the lost seed was regained. The fruits of the dimestique trees were all lost in this year. We would not have written this memoir if the aforementioned destruction had not induced us to do so. | Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 728-729 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1358-00-00-Italy | 1358 JL | There was in Tuscany an abundance of fruit. In winter there were colds, in summer tertiary fever. The wine varieties Valdelsa, Chianti and Valdarno had diseases and in France there was a civil war against the nobles. | E ppiù ad aumento di pace in questo anno fu abondanza di tutti i frutti della terra. È vero che furono nel verno malatie di freddo, e nella state molte febri terzane, e semplici e doppie, sicché se lli uomini fer pace delle loro guerre, non di manco li elementi per li peccati sconci delli uomini loro fecero guerra. Nella quale fu da notare che come l'anno passato la Valdelsa, e il Chianti, e il Valdarno furono di molte infertadi gravate e morie, che così nel presente, che ffu mirabile cosa. E perché (p. 208) per queste paci fossono liete molte province, i reame di Francia in questi giorni ebbe grandi e gravi comozioni di popoli contro a' gentili uomini, che molto guastarono il paese, e tre gran compagne di gente d'arme settantrionali conturbarono forte Italia e lla Proenza. Il perché appare che universale pace non può essere nel mondo, come fu al tempo che 'l figliuolo di Dio umana carne della Vergine prese. | And to further increase peace there was abundance of all the fruits of the earth that year. It is true that in winter there were colds, and in summer many tertiary fevers, single and double, so that if men made peace in their wars, the elements still made war on them because of the shameful sins of men. It was remarkable that, as the Valdelsa, the Chianti, and the Valdarno were severely afflicted with many diseases and deaths last year, the same was the case in the present year, which was astonishing. And although many provinces were gladdened by this peace, the kingdom of France in these days experienced great and serious disturbances of the people against the nobles, which greatly devastated the country, and three great hosts of northern warriors greatly troubled Italy and Provence. From this it follows that there can be no universal tranquillity in the world, as there was at the time when the Son of God took on human flesh from the Virgin. | Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 207-208 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1360-00-00-Europe | April 1360 JL | The passage describes the way in which the plague spread, beginning in England in April and May and then spread to France, Lombardy, Romagne, Marche and Majorca. Matteo Villani criticised the persistence of people in their sins and the forgetting of the Judgement Day. | Della pistolenzia dell'anguinaia ricominciata in diversi paesi del mondo, e di sua operazione. In Inghilterra d'aprile e di maggio si cominciò, e seguitò di giugno e più inanzi, la pistolenzia dell'anguinaia usata, e ffuvi tale e tanta, che nella città di Londra il dì di san Giovanni e 'l seguente morirono più di MCC Cristiani, e in prima e poi per tutta l'isola. Gran fracasso fece per simile ne reame di Francia: nella Proenza trafisse ogni maniera di gente. Vignone corruppe in forma che no vi campava persona: morironvi nove cardinali, e più di VIIC plelati e gran cherici, e popolo inumerabile. E di maggio e giugno si stese e percosse la Lombardia, e prima Commo e Pavia, co tanta roina, che quais le recò in desolazione. In Milano misse il capo, dove altra volta nonn-era stata, e tirò a terra il popolo quasi affatto, con grande orrore e spavento di chi rimanea. Vinegia toccò in più riprese, e tolsele oltre a XXM viventi. La Romagna opressò forte e assai quasi per tutte sue terre, ma ppiù l'una che l'altra, e nell'entrata del verno cominciò a restare i Lombardia, e a gravare la Marca, e lla città d'Agobbio forte premette. L'isola della Maiolica perdé oltre alle tre parti de li abitanti. Né lasciò l'alpi delli Ubaldini sanza macolo per molti de' (p. 514) luoghi suoi. E molti paesi del mondo inn-uno tempo erano di questo pistolenzia corrotti, né già quelli a ccui parea che Dio perdonasse no ritornavano a llui per contrizione, partendosi dalle iniquitadi e dalle prave operazioni ostinate, e come le bestie del macello, veggendo l'altre nelle mani del beccaio col coltello svenare, saltavano liete nella pastura, quasi come a lloro non dovesse toccare, ma più dimenticando li uomini il giudicio divino si davano sfacciatamente alle rapine, alle guerre, e al mantenere compagne contra ogni uomo, alle ingiurie de' prossimi, e alle disoluta vita, e a' mali guadagni assai più che nelli altri tempi, corompendo la speranza della misericordia di Dio per lo male ingegno delle perverse menti; e cciò per manifesta sperienza si vide in tutte le parti del mondo dove la detta pistolenzia mostrò il giudicio di Dio. |
On the resurgence of the plague of the groin in various countries of the world and its effects In England, the familiar plague of the abdomen began in April and May and continued through June and beyond. It was so devastating that on St John's Day and the following day, more than 1200 Christians died in the city of London, as well as before and after throughout the island. The plague caused similar chaos in the Kingdom of France; in Provence it affected people of all kinds. In Avignon, it raged so strongly that no one there was spared: nine cardinals died, over 700 prelates and great clerics as well as countless people from the populace. In May and June, it spread to Lombardy, first to Como and Pavia, causing such destruction that these cities were almost depopulated. In Milan, where it had not been before, it caused great damage and decimated almost the entire population, causing great fear and terror among the survivors. Venice was hit in several waves and lost over 20,000 people. Romagna was hit hard, almost all towns were affected, some more than others. At the end of the winter, the plague began to subside in Lombardy, while it hit the Marche hard and put the city of Gubbio under severe pressure. On the island of Majorca, over three quarters of the population died. Even the Alps of the Ubaldini were not spared, and many of their towns were badly hit. At the same time, many countries of the world were afflicted by this plague, and those who believed that God had mercy on them did not return to him through repentance, but persisted in their sins and evil deeds. Like cattle for the slaughter, seeing their fellow animals in the hands of the butcher with a knife, they jumped happily to the pasture as if they would not be hit. But people, forgetting divine judgement, shamelessly indulged in robbery, wars and maintaining gangs against everyone, committing injustice against their neighbours, living a dissolute life and seeking ill-gotten gains, far more than at other times. This corrupted the hope of God's mercy by the evil nature of their perverse minds; and this could be observed in all parts of the world, where the aforementioned plague showed the judgement of God. |
Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, pp. 514-515. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1362-00-00-Brescia | 1362 JL | Plague forces troops outside of Brescia to return to Verona | Più la pistilenzia dell'anguinaia avendo aspramente assalito la città di Brescia, ell'oste de' collegati ch'era di fuori, li strinse a partire, e ssi tornarono a Verona, e quindi ciascuna alla terra sua. | The plague hit the city of Brescia so hard that the army of the allies camped outside the city was forced to leave. They returned to Verona, and from there everyone returned to their own homes. | Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, p. 595. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1362-00-00-Italy | June 1362 JL | Pestis secunda in Italy is explained with weather methaphors with regard to its unclear pattern. | In questi tempi, del mese di giugno e luglio, la usata pistolenzia dell'anguinaia con danno grandissimo percosse la città di Bologna, e tutto il Casentino occupò, salvo che certe ville alle quali perdonò, procedendo quasi in similtudine di grandine, la quale e questo e quel campo pericola, e quello del mezzo [p. 586] quasi perdonando trapassa; e sse similtudine di suo effetto dare si può, se cciò procede dal cielo per mezzo dell'aria corrotta, simile pare alle nuvole rade e spesse, per le quali passi i rraggio del sole, e dove fa sprendere e dove no. Or come che 'l fatto si vada, nel Casentino infino a Decomano nelle terre del conte Ruberto fé grande damaggio d'ogni maniera di gente: toccò Modona e Verona assai, e lla città di Pisa e di Lucca, e in certe parti del contado di Firenze vicine all'alpi, e nelle alpi delli Ubaldini: a' Pisani tolse molti cittadini, ma più soldati. Nell' isola di rodi in questi tempi ha ffatti danni incredibili: e nel MCCCLXII del mese di luglio e d'agosto aspramente assalì l'oste de' collegati di Lombardia sopra la città di Brescia per modo che convenne se ne partisse, e nella città danno fece assai. Nella città di Napoli e in molte terre de Regno, ove assai, e dove poco facea, ove neente. Nelle case vicini a fFegghine cominciò d'ottobre in una ruga, e ll' altre vie non toccò. In Firenze ove in una casa ove in un'altra di rado e poco per infino a calen di dicembre. | In these times, in the months of June and July, the recurring plague of the groin area struck the city of Bologna with great harm and spread throughout the entire Casentino region, except for certain villages which were spared. It proceeded almost in a manner similar to hail, which damages one field and the next but spares the one in the middle; if a comparison to its effect can be made, it seems to proceed from the sky through the corrupted air, similar to sparse and dense clouds, through which the sun's rays pass, shining in some places and not in others. However it happened, in Casentino up to Decomano in the lands of Count Ruberto, it caused great damage to all kinds of people: it affected Modena and Verona significantly, as well as the cities of Pisa and Lucca, and in certain parts of the Florence countryside near the Alps, and in the Ubaldini Alps. It took many citizens from the Pisans, but more soldiers. In the island of Rhodes during these times, it caused incredible damage: and in 1362, in the months of July and August, it harshly attacked the allied army of Lombardy above the city of Brescia to the point that they had to retreat, and it caused considerable damage in the city. In the city of Naples and many lands of the Kingdom, it caused much damage in some places, little in others, and none in others. Near Feghine, it began in October in one street but did not touch the others. In Florence, it affected one house or another rarely and slightly until the beginning of December.. | Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, pp. 585–586. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1363-00-00-Montecalvoli | 1363 JL | The siege of Montecalvoli was lifted because the plague struck badly the army and the captain was ill as well. | Come morì messer Piero da Farnese Essendo entrata la furia della pistilenza dell'anguinaia ne l'oste de'Fiorentini, molti n'uccise, molti ne 'ndebolì, molti ne 'nvilì. Il perché essendo levato l'assedio da Montecalvoli, per comandamento de' signori di Firenze, il capitano era in Castello Fiorentino, e quivi lo prese il male dell'anguinaia a dì XVIIII di giugno, e il detto dì n'andò a Sa Miniato del Tedesco, e quivi in su la mezza notte passò di questa vita, e il corpo suo inn-una cassa alle spese del Comune fu recato in Firenze, e posato a Verzaia, aspettando Ranuccio (p. 662) suo fratello per cui era mandato; poi a dì XXV del mese il corpo suo fu recato in Firenze alle spese del Comune con amirabile pompa d'asequio, le quali furono di questa maniera… [...] |
How Messer Piero da Farnese Died When the fury of the plague struck the Florentine army, it killed many, weakened many, and demoralized many. After the siege of Montecalvoli was lifted on the orders of the lords of Florence, the captain was in Castello Fiorentino, where he was struck by the disease known as "Anguinaia" (plague boils) on June 19th. On that same day, he went to San Miniato al Tedesco, where he passed away around midnight. His body was placed in a coffin at the expense of the Commune and taken to Florence, where it was laid in Verzaia while waiting for his brother Ranuccio, who had been summoned. Then, on the 25th of the month, his body was brought to Florence at the expense of the Commune with remarkable pomp and ceremony, which proceeded in this manner… [...] | Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 661-662 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1363-06-00-Florence 001 | July 1363 JL | In Florence there was great mortality. For this reason, and because the Pisans were well supplied, the Florentines were attacked by the Pisans who caused great damage. | Rubrica 691a - Come li Pisani cavalcarono, e fecero gran danno d'arsioni e di prede. Negli anni del Signore 1363 li Pisani avendo a memoria la ingiuria ricevuta da'Fiorentini, e stimando ch'eglino si poteano vendicare largamente, sì perchè erano forniti di gente, e che la mortalità era grande in Firenze, si mossero del mese di luglio, e vennorsene a Pistoia lo dì S. Iacopo [25.07.]. Ed indi partiti se ne vennero a S. Donnino e a Campi, ed arsero, e fecero grande danno. E così feciono grandissimo danno di preda e di prigioni e d'arsione, e poi si partirono, e tornaronsi a Pisa con grande festa ed allegrezza; e li Fiorentino il contradio per lo danno ricevuto e per la grande mortalità, ch'era allora in Firenze e per tutto il suo contorno. | Rubrica 691a - How the Pisans rode and caused great damage to weapons and booty. In the year of our Lord 1363, the Pisans, remembering the insult they had received from the Florentines, and reckoning that they could take ample revenge because they were well supplied with men and because the mortality in Florence was great, set out in the month of July and came to Pistoia on the day of St James [25.07.]. And then they travelled on and came to S. Donnino and Campi, plundering and causing great damage. And so they did great damage in spoils and prisons and plundering, and then they departed and returned to Pisa with great feasting and rejoicing; and the Florentines were angry with them because of the damage they had suffered and because of the great mortality that was then in Florence and in the whole neighbourhood. | Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 261. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1363-07-00-Firenze | July 1363 JL | Pestis secunda in Florence and refugees to Bologna, since August Pestis secunda even in Padua, Ferrara and Venice | Et in quisti dì [Juli] era in Fiorenza una grandissima mortalità, per tucta la Toschana; che venne in Bologna assai Thoschani, per ussire della morìa. [...] [p. 167] Ancora in lo dicto millesimo si fu una grandissima mortalità a Ferara, a Padoa, a Vinesia. Et deti sapere che l'anno passado la gli era stata grande; et per quello che se diseva ogni homo, l'era mortalità et guerra et per tucta la christianitade; et fu in molte terre de za che la gli fu doe volte, zoè in la più parte. | And in these days [July] there was in Florence a very great mortality, for all of Tuscany; that many Thoskans came to Bologna, to get away from the death ... [p. 167] Still in the said thousand year, there was a very great mortality in Ferara, in Padua, in Venice. And you should know that last year there was great mortality; and for what every man said, there was mortality and war and for the whole of Christianity; and in many lands it was twice, that is, in the most part. | Anonymus 1938b, pp. 166–167 | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1363-07-00-Pisa | July 1363 JL | Pestis secunda in Pisa, which is explained through astrometeorology and description of the symptoms of the plague. | Innel ditto anno milletrecentosessantatré Pisa ebe due grandissimi affanni, cioè guerra e mortalità di gente, grandi e picciuli, maschi e femmine. La morìa fue grande, e 'ncomincciò (p. 187) la morìa del mese di luglio e durò sine a novembre, e moritte molti padri di famigla, tra i quali molti grandi mercanti cittadini e altri assai. E moriano di male di bolle e di soditelli e di anguinaie e di tinchoni e di faoni, e non ffu casa in Pisa né in del suo contado che nnon ritrovasse e quale trovò inel tutto che non vvi rimase persona. E duroè la ditta morìa mesi sei. E li fiorentini ardendo in quello tenpo lo contado, ma ellino non sentiano in quello anno di morìa, ma poi tocchò a lloro. Questa morìa fue sotto la pianeta di Saturno, la qual pianeta pena a ffare lo suo corso anni trenta, e ppoi che ella inchomincciò non restò mai, che ella non cerchasse lo mondo per ogni cità e castella e contado di tenpo in tenpo. E ciercoè Pisa in quindici, 15, anni due volte, senssa l'autro di queste due moriè. Fue la prima del milletrecientosessantatré, 1363, che àe anni quindici, 15, l'una dall'una morìa all'autra, e di questa segonda ne moritta in Pisa più della metà delle persone. | In the said year one thousand three hundred and sixty-three, Pisa suffered two very great afflictions, that is, war and mortality of people, great and small, male and female. The death rate was great, and it began (p. 187) in the month of July and lasted until November, and many fathers of families died, among whom were many great merchant citizens and many others. And they died of blisters and sodomy and anguinaie and tinchoni and faoni, and there was no house in Pisa nor in its countryside that was not found, and which found in all that there was no person left. And the company died for six months. And the Florentines burned the countryside at that time, but they did not hear in that year of his death, but then it was their turn. This death took place under the planet of Saturn, which took thirty years to make its course, and after its fall there never remained that it did not search the world for every city, castle and countryside from time to time. And ciercoè Pisa in fifteen, fifteen, years twice, without the other of these two deaths. Fue la prima del , 1363, che àe anni quindici, 15, l'altra morìa all'altra, e di questa segonda ne moritta in Pisa più della metà delle persone. Template:TN | Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 187 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1365-10-12-Alexandria | October 1365 JL | A Muslim woman who had been taken prisoner by the Franks who had seized Alexandria in October 1365 reportedly related that after the Franks had withdrawn from the city [around October 12], an epidemic (wabāʾ) broke out among its inhabitants. The disease was caused by an odor that altered the air and by the smell emanating from the bodies of those who had been killed during the conquest and whose corpses had been lying around for too long. The maximum daily death toll exceeded 100. The woman, then, began to work as a washer of female corpses in order to earn a living. | al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 4 (1970), p. 295. | Translation needed | ||
| 1369-00-00-Lombardy | 1369 JL | The king tried to conquer the Lombardy, but without success. The lords of Meygelon flooded a river (Po?), nearly drowning the emperor's army. A plague also struck the army. | do meinde der keyser, er wolte das lant han, und reysete in dem lande zu Lamparten von ostern untz sant Michels tag, doch gewan er keine stat noch vesten. und die herren von Meygelon verswelletent das wasser genant der Pot, und mahtent es usgona über das velt do der keyser und sin volg lag, das der keyser und das volg kume entrunnent, daz sü nüt erdrunkent. ouch kam gros sterbotte under das volg und sunderliche under die Beheme, der unzelliche vil do was. | The emperor intended to conquer the land and campaigned in the region of Lombardy from Easter until Saint Michael's Day. However, he did not succeed in capturing any town or fortress. The lords of Meygelon flooded the river called the Pot, causing it to overflow onto the field where the emperor and his army were camped. The emperor and his troops barely escaped drowning. Additionally, a great plague struck the army, particularly affecting the Bohemians, resulting in an innumerable number of deaths. | Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 491 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1370-00-00-Florence | 1370 JL | Due to the bad weather in the previous year, there was a great famine in Florence. This was fuelled by wars in Italy and a mortality of cattle, which is why no livestock came to Florence. | Rubrica 723a - Come' in questo anno fu grande carestia d'ogni cosa. Nel detto anno [1370] fu grandissima carestia, perocchè per la gran pioggia dell'anno passato, e perchè era stata guerra, non s'era raccolto assai abbastanza; di che convenne si mandasse per grano di fuori. E valse quell'anno lo staio fiorentino, tre mesi: ciò fu febbraio, marzo e aprile e parte di maggio, un fiorino lo staio. E quel medesimo anno di vino fu gran carestia, perocchè valse fiorini uno la barile di ricolta, e di state fiorini uno e mezzo il barile. Ancora fu carestia di carne, perocchè quell'anno era stata in Lombardia la guerra e in Toscana e in molte luogora, per la quale cagione non era venuto a Firenze bestiame di Puglia, donde ne solea venire assai. Quell'anno v'ebbe mortalità di bestiame, la qual cosa gittò assai carestia oltre all'altre cagioni di sopra narrate. | Rubrica 723a - How in that year there was a great famine of everything. In the year in question [1370] there was a great famine because not enough grain had been harvested due to the heavy rains of the previous year and the war, so grain had to be brought in from outside. In the months of February, March, April and partly in May, a staio of Florentine grain cost one florin. In the same year there was a great shortage of wine, as a barrel of wine cost one florin and in summer one and a half florins. There was also a shortage of meat, because in that year there was war in Lombardy and Tuscany and in many other places, which is why no cattle came to Florence from Apulia, where they often came from in the past. In that year there was a great death of cattle which, in addition to the other reasons mentioned above, caused a great famine. | Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 275 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1374-00-00-Florence 003 | 1374 JL | Great mortality in Florence, besides price increase for grain and other crops and great wars. | Nell'anno 1374 secondo il corso degli anni, cominciandosi dalla Natività del Signore Giesù Cristo, fu calende di Gennaio in Domenica. Fu nel detto anno mortalità di gente, e grandissimo caro di grano, e d'ogni altra biada quasi per tutto il mondo; fu caro di carne, d'olio, e quasi d'ogni altro bene, ed anco il vino non fu vile. La Pasqua di Surresso fu a' dì due d'Aprile, e grandi guerre furono in detto anno. | In the year 1374, beginning after the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, January 1st fell on a Sunday. In that year there was great mortality among the people and an enormous price increase for grain and almost all other crops throughout the world; meat, oil and almost all other goods were also expensive, and wine was not cheap either. Easter fell on April 2, and there were great wars that year. | Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 1. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1382-00-00-Naples | 1382 JL | The army of the Duke of Anjous was defeated near to Naples. There and in many other places, like Ferrara, Bologna and Pisa was a high mortality. | Più, e più volte fu detto, che della gente del Duca d'Angiò, assai ne sono stati sconfitti, morti, e presi. Dicesi ch'è presso a Napoli a otto miglia, o così, e che ivi è mortalità di gente, ed hae grande caro di vettovaglia. In detto anno cominciò la mortalità in più luoghi, in Ferrara, in Bologna, in Pisa, ed in più altri luoghi. |
It has been reported several times that many of the Duke of Anjou's men were defeated, killed and captured. It is said that he is near Naples, about eight miles away, and that there is a high mortality rate there and great scarcity of food. In that year the mortality began in many places, in Ferrara, in Bologna, in Pisa and in many other places. | Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 61. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1390-00-00-Florence | 1390 JL | Mortality in Florence and people flee to Bologna | Chome messer Beltotto inghilese fue fatto nostro chapitano contro a' sanesi, e chome fu morìa […]La morìa è chominciata i Firenze e per lo chontado, e moionciene ogni in dì da XX a XXX. Molti cittadini si sono partiti e partono e fughono la mortalità a Bolognia. […] |
How Messer Beltotto, an Englishman, became our Captain against the Sienese and how he died. The mortality began in Florence and its surrounding areas, every day there died 20 to 30 people. Many citizens had already left and still flee from the mortality to Bologna. |
Anonymus:Alle Bocche della piazza 1986, p. 97 | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1395-00-00-Magdeburg | 1391 JL | A great mortality in Magdeburg, afflichting mostly children, is connected with a dearth and food scarcity caused by Danish-Swedisch war. Mortality had been prevalent since 1391. | In dussem sulven jare (1395) storven vele lude und bi namen untellike kinder. Dat stervent hadde gewart wol veir jar, dat de lude in dusser stad an underlat storven. In dissen veir jaren was strenge tid an korn, an spise, an heringe und an allerleie kopmescop; dat makede ein grot krich de dar was twischen den twey koningen Denemakren nd Sweden. | In the same year (1395) many people died, especially countless children. The mortality had probably lasted four years, during which the people in this city died without ceasing. During these four years there was a great shortage of grain, food, herring and all kinds of goods. This was because of a great war between the two kings of Denmark and Sweden. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, p. 294 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1400-07-03-Florence | 3 July 1400 JL | Great mortality in Florence, thus Salviati remained in Arezzo with his men. Many people fled from Florence. Salviati himself was ill and some members of his family died. | Partimi [Salviati] della detta Terra di Montepulciano adì 3. di Luglio 1400. Et perchè in Firenze era grandissima mortalità, et dicevasi, che ad Arezzo l'aria v'era sana, et eravi fugiti assai Fiorentini, per questa cagione non tornai a Firenze, ma rimasi in Arezzo con tutta la brigata mia, che io haveva condotta meco, et tutti ne gli condussi sani, et di buona voglia; ma giunto che io fui, parve, che io fussi maladetto con ogni avversità, et d'infermità, et di morte, che mentre che io vi fui, mai non si ristette, et più, che non che quegli, che io menai, ma essendo venuta di Firenze ad Arezzo quella mia venerabile madre Mona Contessa per aiutarmi, sentendo la mia famiglia inferma, piacque al nostro Signore Dio, che ella morisse, et chiamolla a se, a la cui anima Cristo benedetto habbia fatto ver perdono. […] et ancora vi morì un mio fanciullo, che hebbe nome Andrea, d'età di 9. anni, che Dio l'habbi benedetto, e fu seppellito in S. Francesco; et di tutta l'altra mia famiglia non vi fu niuno, che havesse (p. 184) difetto, salvo che io, lodato Dio. Spesivi tra spese della casa, et per l'infirmità, et per i mortorii grandissimo denaio. Stettivi da' dì 4. di Luglio infino a' dì 28. d'Agosto, et quel dì mi partì di là come abbandonato, e disperato, et tornai in Firenze col resto della mia famiglia, tra' quali ne menai dua mia figliuoli maschi, cioè Alamanno, et Bernardo infermi per modo, che mai non credetti si conducessero vivi; pure per grazia di Dio vi si condussero, e guarirono, et in questo tempo, che io stetti ad Arezzo, mi morirono quì in Firenze 2. mie fanciulle, che una have nome Lisa, che era d'età d'anni 7 1/2, e l'altra Margherita, d'età d'anni 5. in circa, et furono seppellite nella Badia di Firenze; che Dio l'habbia benedette, et ricevute. | I [Salviati] left the aforementioned town of Montepulciano on July 3, 1400. Since there was a great mortality in Florence and it was said that the air in Arezzo was healthy and many Florentines had fled there, I did not return to Florence, but stayed in Arezzo with all the followers I had with me. I brought them all there in good health and good spirits. But as soon as I arrived, it seemed as if I was cursed by every misfortune, illness and death, because they did not stop while I was there. And not only for those I had brought with me, but also for my venerable mother, Mona Contessa, who had come to Arezzo from Florence to help me, as my family was ill. It pleased our Lord God that she died and called her to Himself; may Christ have mercy on her soul. [...] Moreover, my child, named Andrea, died there at the age of 9, may God bless him. He was buried in St. Francesco. The rest of my family remained unharmed, apart from me, praise be to God. I spent a great deal of money, both on household expenses and on the illness and burial. I stayed there from July 4 to August 28, and on that day I left Arezzo in despair and hopelessness and returned to Florence with the rest of my family. Among them were two of my sons, Alamanno and Bernardo, who were so ill that I didn't think I could bring them home alive. But by the grace of God, they survived and recovered. During my time in Arezzo, two of my daughters died in Florence, Lisa, aged 7 1/2, and Margherita, about 5 years old. They were buried in the Abbey of Florence; may God bless and receive them. | Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, pp. 183-184. | None |
| 1418-10-05-Paris | 5 October 1418 JL | A procession is organized at the church of Saint-Victor of Paris against the mortality that reigns in the city and other places of the Kingdom. | Furent au conseil maistres J. de Longueil et J. Rapiout, presidens (et huit conseillers) lesquelz se departirent assez tost de la Chambre de Parlement pour aler, ceulz qui vouldroient aler à Saint-Victor leiz Paris en la procession générale qui avoit esté ordonnée estre faicte pour occasion des guerres et grant mortalité estans en ce royaume. Et fu ce jour generalement à Paris faicte abstinence de cher par le commandement de l'evesque de Paris ou ses vicaires. | Those who were present at the coucil this day, J. de Longueil and J. Rapiout with 8 consultants, went out earlier that usual in order to go to the procession that was held at the church of Saint-Victor of Paris. This procession has been decided because of the war and the epidemic that ravage the Kingdom. For this day, the bishop of Paris promoted a fasting. | Journal de Clément de Fauquemberge, vol. 1, p. 179-180 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1418-10-15-Paris | 15 October 1418 JL | While war and an epidemic raged in Paris, food prices are very high. | Et combien que le peuple de Paris fust grandement diminué tant par le fait des guerres comme de l'épidémie, neantmoins estoient les vivres en grant chierté à Paris, et vendoit on busche, blefs et avoines à plus haut pris que on n'avoit fait long temps par avant. | And while the people of Paris was undermine by the war and the epidemic, prices of all goods, like wood, wheat and oat, reached their highest level since long. | Journal de Clément de Fauquemberge, vol. 1, p. 184 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1440-00-00-Sweden 001 | 1440 JL | The imperial regent Karl Knutsson consults a maiden about his chances of being elected king. She replies that he should become king, and if not, three plagues would come upon Sweden: the first two are war and famine, and the third is pestilence. According to Karlskrönikan, the three biblical plagues hit Sweden in the same year when not Karl, but but Christopher of Bavaria was elected king | Jumfrun swarade ather swa tre plagar skal riket ther förre faa – stort örlog finna i alla endha oc minsta thera gotz ä hwart the wenda – aff hungar skola the lida nödh sa at mange haffua hwaske öll eller brödh – oc otalige warda saa osell at aff hungar skola the swelta i heel – the tridia pestilentia skal offuergaa at mange garda öda staa | The virgin answered so again therefore shall the kingdom receive three plagues – great wars shall be found at all ends, and the least of these shall be everywhere – from hunger they will suffer misery so that many will have neither beer nor bread - and countless will be so miserable that from hunger they will starve to death - the third, pestilence, will pass by, leaving many farms desolate. | Gustaf Edvard Klemming 1866, p. 230–31, col. 6720–6729 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1451-00-00-Sweden | 1451 JL | As foreseen by another virgin, Sweden is hit by a severe plague shortly after the end of Christopher of Bavaria's reign and the begin of Karl VIII's rulership. Since there had also been a war and a famine, the chronicler considers all three prophecies to have been fulfilled. As a consequence of the plague, many farms all over the country are deserted. The number of victims in Stockholm is given as 9,000. | Thz andra jomfrun spadde sannedis tha thz war sa stor pestilencia J stocholm ouer ixM [900] dödde. A landet stodo manga stadz gardana ödhe | The second maiden foresaw truthfully that there was such a great pestilence in Stockolm that over 9,000 [people] died. Many towns were deserted all over the country. | Gustaf Edvard Klemming 1866, p. 290, col. 8485–8488. | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1453-08-00-Flanders | 1453 JL | A pestilence breaks out in the region, as a consequence of a dearth caused by war. | Messis tempore non invenit quod colligeret; hinc annona solito carior et, quae communiter sequi solet, pestilentia populum gravare coepit. | At harvest time, not enough people came at the fields. Then prices have been higher than usual, and a pestilence broke out, as it is common in such conditions. | Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 347 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1455-00-00-Deir Kifa | 1455 JL | There were war, plague, famine, shortage and price increase. | En l’an 1766 [1455] Malik al-Kalif prit la forteresse de Kifa et y régna. […] Il y eut des troubles, des guerres et la terreur, une terrible <épidemie>, la famine et la disette. Tout ce qu’il y avait à manger se vendait au plus haut prix. | In the year 1455 Malik al-Kalif took the fortress of Kifa and reigned there. [...] There were troubles, wars and terror, a terrible epidemic, famine and scarcity. Everything there was to eat was sold at the highest price. | Bar Hebraeus 2013, p. 151 | Translation by Thomas Wozniak |
| 1462-01-21-Cologne | 21 January 1462 JL | A comet appeared over Cologne, then wars and plague. | Int selve jaer openbaerde een commeet int beginsel van jaer die omtrent Sinte-Agnietendach stont boven die stadt van Coelen teghen dat teyken geheten Lijbra. Ende hadde een langhe staert te wesstenwaert omtrent xxx graden. Ende op Sinte-Blasiusdach stont se int teyken geheten Aries mitten staert ad Pilades ten oestenwaert. Sij was seer wilt, onderwijlen wit ende somwijle vuyerich, mit veel straalen. Hiernae volchden in veel landen oerlogen ende pestilencien. | In the same year (1462) a comet appeared in principle on Saint Anne's Day above the town of Cologne against the mountain called Lijbra. And had a long stand to the west about 30 degrees. And on Saint Blasiusday she stood in the sign called Aries with her standing in Pilades in the east. It was very white and sometimes dirty, with many rays. After this, many countries suffered from wars and pestilence. | Die historie of die cronicke van Hollant, p. 547 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1482-05-07-Metz | 7 May 1482 JL | A procession is organized in Metz because of the plague. | Item, le VIIe jour du mois de may, nos seigneurs firent faire une procession générale à Saint-Clément [...] Laquelle procession fut ordonnée pour deux choses; la première pour la guerre, et la seconde pour la mortalité, car on commensoit fort à mourir de la peste | Our lords organized a procession on the 7th of May at the chruch of Saint-Clément. I has been decided for two reasons. Fisrtly because of the war, and secondly because of the mortality. Yet, people began to die of pestilence. | Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 147 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1483-07-02-Metz | 2 July 1483 JL | A procession is organized in Metz because of the plague. | Item, le second jour de jullet, on fit une procession généralle à St-Arnoult [...]. Et la cause d'icelle procession fut pour troix raixons, le première en remerciant Dieu de la belle année et de la fertillité des biens de terre qu'il nous avoit envoyés, luy priant de les amender; la seconde, luy priant qu'il ly pleut à cesser son ire, pour le fait de la pestillance qui alors couroit trè fort en la cité et au pays; et la tierce, en luy requérant qu'il noz voulust donner victoire encontre nous ennemis, par especial contre ceux de Rechiesmont, où que la cité tenoit le siège. | The 2nd of July was held a procession at St-Arnoult church [...] There was three reasons for this procession. First, to thank God for the fruitful year we had and to ask Him to keep agricultural goods safe. Secondly, to ask Him to stop his wrath, because of the pestilence that ravaged the city and the countryside. Third, to ask Him to give us victory against our enemies, especially concerning the siege of Richemont. | Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 154 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1498-06-06-Metz | 6 June 1498 JL | A procession is organized in Metz to prevent the city against an epidemic of rubeola and properieulle (?). Mortality among children and adults. | Item, le mercerdy des festes de la Pentecotte, qui fut le VIe jour de jung, on fit une procession générale [...] en priant Dieu que voloit garder les biens de la terre, et garder la cité et le pays de guerre, et les corps humains de pestillence. Car tous les einffans devenoient mallades et de rougerieulle et de la propérieulle, et en mouroit beaucop, et morut des grans gens aussy. | On Wenesday after the Pentecost, the 6th of June, was held a procession [...] praying God to keep safe the agricultural goods, to prevent the country of the war, and human bodies of pestilence. Every children became actually sick with 'rougerieulle' and 'properieulle', and a lot of them died, as did some adult too. | Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 405 | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
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