Children

For Children, a total of 41 epidemic events are known so far. It is a keyword.

Table

Table

Page	DateStart date of the disease.	SummarySummary of the disease event	OriginalOriginal text	TranslationEnglish translation of the text	ReferenceReference(s) to literature	Reference translationReference(s) to the translation
1173-12-00-Germany and France	December 1173 JL	An influenza-like disease spreads out across Germany and north western France. It affected mainly old persons and children, with a low mortality rate.	Ipso anno Kalendis Decembris tussis intolerabilis et inaudita omne Theutonicum regnum et precipue Galliam Comatam pervasit, senes cum junioribus et infantibus debilitavit, plures morti addixit. Monasteriensis episcopus Luodewicus eadem peste occubuit ; cui imperator Herimannum, fratrem comitis de Kazinelinboge, substituit.	This year (1173), at the beginning of December, an intolerable and unprecedented cough disease developed in the kingdom of the Theutons and in particular in Gallia Comata, affecting the elderly, the young and children. Many have died from this plague. The Bishop of Münster himself died. Which the emperor Henry replaced by the brother of the Count of Kazinelinboge.	Chronica regia Coloniensis, p. 124.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1258-00-00-Baghdad 002	1258 JL	Great mortality in Baghdad, which spreads due to the odor and contaminated water.		It is said that there were more than 800,000 dead in Baghdad, not including the children thrown in the mud, those who perished in the canals, wells, and basements, and those who died of hunger and fear. Those that survived the killing were struck by an epidemic [wabaˉʾ] from breathing the odor of corpses and drinking contaminated water. The inhabitants frequently smelled onions because of the strong smell. The number of flies increased, filling the air; they would fall on food and spoil it.		None
1277-00-00-Italy	1277 JL	Epidemic with deaths in Italy and Lombardy.	De magna hominum mortalitate, et de domino Mastino, qui interfectus fuit.[…] Et eodem anno (1277) fuit mortalitas maxima et magne infirmitates hominum, puerorum et mulierum quasi per universum orbem et maxime in regno Ytalie et Lombardie.	About the great mortality of men, and about Lord Mastino, who was killed. [...] And in the same year (1277), there was the greatest mortality and great illnesses of men, children, and women almost throughout the entire world, especially in the kingdom of Italy and Lombardy.	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 727.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-00-00-Florence	May 1347 JL	Epidemic follows famine in Florence, 4000 dead (mainly women and children); particularly bad in Romagna, Provence, Bologna, Vignone, Pistoia and Prato. The mortality was foretold by astrologers.	Di grande mortalità che ffu in Firenze, ma più grande altrove, come diremo apresso Nel detto anno e tempo, come sempre pare che segua dopo la carestia e fame, si cominciò in Firenze e nel contado infermeria, e apresso mortalità di genti, e spezialmente in femine e fanciulli, il più in poveri genti, e durò fino al novembre vegnente MCCCXLVII ma però non fu così grande, come fu la mortalità dell'anno MCCCXL come adietro facemmo menzione; ma albitrando al grosso, ch'altrimenti non si può sapere a punto in tanta città come Firenze, ma in di grosso si stimò che morissono in questo tempo più di IIIIm persone, tra uomini e più femmine e fanciulli; morirono bene de' XX l'uno; e fecesi comandamento per lo Comune che niuno morto si dovesse bandire, né sonare campane alle chiese, ove i morti si sotterravano, perchè lla gente non isbigotisse d'udire di tanti morti. E lla detta mortalità fu predetta dinanzi per maestri di strologia, dicendo che quando fu il sostizio vernale, cioè quando il sole entrò nel principio dell'Ariete del mese di marzo passato, l'ascendente che ffu nel detto sostizio fu il segno della Vergine, e 'l suo signore, cioè il pianeto di Mercurio, si trovò nel segno dell'Ariete nella ottava casa, ch'è casa che significa morte; e se non che il pianeto di Giove, ch'è fortunato e di vita, si ritrovò col detto Mercurio nella detta casa e segno, la mortalità sarebbe stata infinita, se fosse piaciuto a dDio. Ma nnoi dovemo credere e avere per certo che Idio promette le dette pestilenze e ll'altre a' popoli, cittadi e paesi [p. 486] per pulizione de'peccati e non solamente per corsi di stelle, ma tolera, siccome signore dell'universo e del corso del celesto, come gli piace; e quando vuole, fa accordare il corso delle stelle al suo giudicio; e questo basti in questa parte e d'intorno a Firenze del detto delli astrolagi. La detta mortalità fu maggiore in Pistoia e Prato e nelle nostre circustanze all'avenante della gente di Firenze, e maggiore in Bologna e in Romagna, e maggiore in Vignone e in Proenza ov'era la corte del papa, e per tutto il reame di Francia.	Of a great mortality which occurred in Florence, although it was greater elsewhere, as we will recount. In this year and season, as seemingly always after food shortages and famines, a sickness began in the city and countryside of Florence. Soon people began to die, especially women and children, and the most among the poor. It lasted until November 1347, but it was not as great as the mortality of 1340 that we described earlier. If we make a rough guess—it is impossible to do otherwise in a city as great as Florence—it seems that this time more than four thousand people died, men and more women and children. More than one in twenty died. It was ordered by the commune that no death be announced and no church bell be sounded during burials, lest people be terrified to hear of so many deaths. This mortality was foretold by master astrologers who stated that during the vernal solstice—that is when the sun entered the sign of Aries last March—the sign of Virgo was rising and Virgo’s ruler Mercury was in the eighth house of Aries, a house signifying death. And were it not for the fact that Jupiter, which brings fortune and life, accompanied Mercury in this house and sign, the mortality would have been endless—if this had pleased God. But we should believe and be certain that the Lord God promises the said pestilences and others to peoples, cities, and lands to cleanse their sins, and [that he does so] not only through the movement of the stars but sometimes—as Lord of the universe and celestial motion—according to his will. And when he wishes, he matches the movement of the stars to his judgment. Let this suffice regarding Florence, its surroundings, and the sayings of astrologers. This mortality was greater in Pistoia and Prato and in the surrounding territories nearer to Florence; it was greater in Bologna and in Romagna; it was greater at Avignon and in Provence, where the papal court was, and throughout the kingdom of France.	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 485–486.	None
1348-00-00-Florence 002	1348 JL	Fruosino was a good and new man and he died before the plague and his son Niccolò, who was a bad lad, died with all his sisters during the plague.	Il detto Fruosino ebbe poco, però che fu maltrattato e io gli vidi tondere i boldroni; e anche, come potea uncicare il danaio, il prestava. Fu grosso e nuovo uomo, e ebbe una moglie che fu nuova donna; ebbe due figliuoli maschi, e più femmine; Zanobi, e Niccolò vocato Bicocco, Morì innanzi a la mortalità del 1348, d'età di bene LXX anni; e Niccolò morì nella detta mortalità, e fu mercè, ch'era uno pessimo garzone, e avrebbe condotto altrui agevolemente a mali termini, e egli fatto mala fine. Le femmine anche tutte morirono;	The said Fruosino had little, because he was badly treated, and I saw him make the beds; and also, if he could scrape together a farthing, he lent it. He was a great and new man, and had a wife who was a new woman. He had two sons and several daughters; Zanobi, and Niccolò, called Bicocco. He died before the plague in 1348 at the age of a good seventy; and Niccolò died during that plague, it was mercy because he was a bad lad and could easily have got others into trouble, and he came to a bad end. All the daughters died too.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, p. 71	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1348-00-00-Florence 003	1348 JL	The woman Monna Bice survived by God's grace the Black Death which only one in a hundred managed to do.	Della detta monna Bice ebbi più figliuoli, maschi e femmine, che vennono a bene, e di que' che nel partorire non vennono a bene, (p. 292) sconciandosi anche in alcuno; ebbe grandissima infermità per la mortalità del 1348, e campò di quello che non ne campò una nel centinaio. Fu grazia di Dio e in iscampo di me, chè di certo ò per opinione, che s' ella fosse morta, io non sarei scampato, per gli accidenti m' avvennono, che che di quella infermità io non sentissi.	I had several children of the aforementioned Monna Bice, both male and female, who came out well, and of those who were not well at birth, some were mutilated. She had a very serious illness during the plague in 1348 and survived, which only one in a hundred managed to do. It was God's grace and my luck, because I'm sure I wouldn't have survived if she had died, because of the things that happened to me, even though I didn't feel anything from that illness.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, pp. 291-292	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-07-00-Damascus	July 1348 JL	In the days of the Black Death, in late July 1348, the governor of Syria Arghūn-Shāh ordered the inhabitants of Damascus to fast for three days and to close the food stalls in the market. People fasted from July 22 to 24. Afterwards, the elites and the other social strata flocked to the Umayyad Mosque to recite ritual prayers, supplications and invocations of God. They spent the night there, and at dawn the morning prayer was said. Then all the inhabitants of the city – men, women and children – went out to the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām), the amirs on bare feet. Muslims, Jews, and Christians all took part, carrying their respective Books and imploring God. At the mosque, people abased themselves before God and supplicated him. At noon they returned to the city and the Friday prayer was said. God, then, reduced their suffering. The daily death toll in Damascus did not reach 2,000 whereas in Cairo it amounted to 24,000.		Anecdote: I witnessed at the time of the Great Plague at Damascus in the latter part of the month of Second Rabīʿ of the year 49, a remarkable instance of the veneration of the people of Damascus for this mosque. Arghun-Shah, king of the amirs and the Sultan's viceroy, ordered a crier to proclaim through Damascus that the people should fast for three days and that no one should cook in the bazaar during the daytime anything to be eaten (for most of the people there eat no food but what has been prepared in the bazaar). So the people fasted for three successive days, the last of which was a Thursday. At the end of this period the amirs, sharifs, qadis, doctors of the Law, and all other classes of the people in their several degrees, assembled in the Great Mosque, until it was filled to overflowing with them, and spent the Thursday night there in prayers and liturgies and supplications. Then, after performing the dawn prayer [on the Friday morning], they all went out together on foot carrying Qur'ans in their hands — the amirs too barefooted. The entire population of the city joined in the exodus, male and female, small and large; the Jews went out with their book of the Law and the Christians with their Gospel, their women and children with them; the whole concourse of them in tears and humble supplications, imploring the favour of God through His Books and His Prophets. They made their way to the Mosque of the Footprints and remained there in supplication and invocation until near midday, then returned to the city and held the Friday service. God Most High lightened their affliction; the number of deaths in a single day reached a maximum of two thousand, whereas the number rose in Cairo and Old Cairo to twenty-four thousand in a day.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 1 (1853), pp. 227-229	None
1349-00-00-Strasbourg 002	1349 JL	Great mortality all over the world. In Marseille died more the half of the people. In the summer the plague arrived in Strasbourg and 16 thousend people died. The Jews were blamed for poisoning the water, which brought the plague. As a consequence they were burned in Strasbourg and other cities along the Rhine.	Von dem grossen sterbotte und Judenbrande Do men zalte 1349 jor, do was der groeste sterbotte der vor ie gewas: das sterben ging von eime ende der welte untz an das ander; gynesit und hie dissit des meres. in der heidenschaft was der sterbotte groesser denne in der cristenheit. Menig lant starp gerwe us, daz nieman me do was. men vant ouch menig schif uf dem mere mit koufmanschatz, do inne die lüte alle dot worent und nieman die schiffe furte. der bischof von Marsilien und pfaffen und müniche und alles volg do, das starp me denne das zweitel. In andern künigrichen und stetten starp so vil volkes, das es were gruwelichen zu sagende. der bobest zu Avion lies alles gerihte under wegen und beslos sich in eine kammer und lies nieman zu ime und hette allewegen ein gros für vor ime. und wovon dirre sterbotte [p. 760], das kundent alle wise meistere noch arzote nüt gesagen anders, denne das es were gottes wille. und so der sterbotte ignote hie was, so was er denne anderswo, und werte me denne ein gantz jor. Dirre sterbotte kam ouch gein Strosburg in dem summer des vorgenanten jores, und sturbent do also men schetzete uf 16 tusent menschen. Von diesem sterbotte wurdent die Juden in der welte verlümet und gezigen in allen landen, das sü es gemaht hettent mit vergift die sü in wasser und in burnen soltent geton han, also men sü zech. und derumb wurdent die Juden verbrant von dem mer untz in dütsche lant, one zu Avion, do beschirmete sü der bobest. […] (p. 763) Men brante die Juden An dem samstage, das was sant Veltins dag [14.02.], do verbrante men die Juden in irme kirchofe uf eime hültzin gerüste: der worent uf zwei tusent. Wele sich aber woltent lossen touffen, die lies men lebende. es wurdent ouch vil junger kinde us dem füre genomen über irer muter und vatter wille, die getouffet wurdent. und was men den Juden schuldig was, das wart alles wette, und wurdent alle pfant und briefe die sü hettent über schulde widergeben. aber das bar gut das sü hettent, das nam der rot und teilete es under die antwerg noch margzal. das gelt was ouch die sache (p. 764) dovon die Juden gedoetet wurdent: wan werent sü arm gewesen und werent in die landesherren nüt schuldig gewesen, so werent sü nüt gebrant worden. do nu dis gut geteilet wart under die antwerg, so gobent etliche ir teil an unser frowen werg oder durch got, noch ihres bihters rote. Sus wurdent die Juden gebrant zu Strosburg und des selben jores in allen stetten uf dem Ryne, es werent frige stette oder des riches oder der herren. in etlichen stetten brante men sü mit urteil, in etlichen one urteil. in etlichen stetten stiessent die Juden ire hüser selber ane und verbrantent sich dinne.	Of the Great Plague and the Burning of the Jews In the year 1349, there was the greatest plague that had ever been seen. This plague spread from one end of the world to the other, across seas and lands. It was worse in pagan lands than in Christendom. Many countries were so devastated that no one was left alive. It was common to find ships at sea with the goods where all the people on board were dead, and no one was left to steer the ship. In Marseille, the bishop, priests, monks, and nearly everyone perished—more than half of the population. In other kingdoms and cities, so many people died that it was horrific to recount. The Pope in Avignon abandoned all official duties, locked himself in a chamber, and allowed no one near him, always keeping a large fire burning before him. No wise master or physician could explain this plague except to say it was God's will. When the plague ceased in one place, it would begin elsewhere, lasting more than a year. This plague also reached Strasbourg in the summer of the aforementioned year, where an estimated 16,000 people died. Because of this plague, the Jews were accused and blamed throughout the world. They were charged in all countries with having caused the plague by poisoning wells and springs. As a result, the Jews were burned from the Mediterranean to the German lands, except in Avignon, where the Pope protected them. The Burning of the Jews. On Saturday, the day of Saint Valentine's [February 14th], the Jews in Strasbourg were burned in their cemetery on a wooden platform. About two thousand were burned. Those who agreed to be baptized were spared. Many young children were taken from the fire against the will of their parents and were baptized. All debts owed to the Jews were canceled, and all pledges and documents they held were returned. However, their movable goods were taken by the city council and divided among the authorities. This wealth was also the reason the Jews were killed: if they had been poor and not owed anything to the lords, they would not have been burned. When this wealth was divided among the authorities, some gave their share to the work of the Virgin Mary or for the sake of God, as directed by their confessor. Thus, the Jews were burned in Strasbourg and that same year in all towns along the Rhine, whether they were free cities, under the Empire, or under local lords. In some cities, the Jews were burned with a formal judgment, in others without one. In some places, the Jews set fire to their own houses and burned themselves inside.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, pp. 759-764	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1349-02-09-Strasbourg	9 February 1349 JL	In Strasbourg, three leaders were expelled after the city granted protection to the Jews. Accusations arose that Jews had poisoned wells, leading to to torture, and persecutions. Around 2,000 Jews were burned, except those who converted to Christianity. This event coincided with the rise of the flagellant movement and a severe outbreak of plague.	Die nüwe anderunge zu Strosburg Do man zalt 1349 jor, an sente Appollonien dag [9. Februar] der uf einen [p. 127] mendag geviel, und diese drie meister zu Strosburg worent: her Goße Sturm und her Cuntze von Wintertur und her Peter Swarber ammanmeister, do wurdent sü alle drie verstoßen. und kam daz alsus. Die stat hette gut genomen von den Juden, und hetten sü getrofte uf ein zil und hette in des briefe wol versigelt geben und hetten ouch solichen friden: wer in ut hette geton, er muest es swerlicher hon verbeßert, wan hetters eim kristen geton. deruf ließent sich die Juden und wurdent also hochtragendes mutes, daz sü niemanne woltent vorgeben, und wer mit in hette zu dunde, der kunde kume mit in uberein kummen. darumbe wurdent sü verhaßet von meneglichen. Derzu viel ein gezig uf die Juden, daz sü soltent die bürnen und die waßer han vergiftet. des murmelte daz volk gemeinliche und sprochent, man solt sü verburnen. des wolt der rot nüt dun, man mohte danne beweren uf sü daz es wor were, oder daz süs selber verjehen. dar uf fing man ir etwie vil und kesteget sü sere mit dümende, der verjohent drie weis viere andere sachen, der sü schuldig worent, darumbe man sü radebrehte. doch verjohent sü nie, daz sü an der vergift schuldig werent. […] [p. 130] An der mittewoche swur man den rot, an dem dunrestage swur man in deme garten. an deme fritage ving man die juden, an dem samestage brante man die Juden, der worent wol uffe zwei tusent alse man ahtete. wele sich aber woltent lon toufen, die lies man leben. es wurdent ouch vil junger kinde von dem für genomen uber irre mueter und irre vetter wille, die geteufet wurdent. waz man den Juden schuldig waz, daz wart alles wette, unde wurdent alle pfant und briefe die sie hettent uber schulde wider geben. daz bar gut daz sü hettent, daz nam der rot und teiletes under die antwerg noch marczal. daz was ouch die vergift die die Juden dote. […] Des selben jores zu suneihten erhub sich die geischelfart und daz große sterben zu Strosburg, von dem do vor geschriben stot.	The New Changes in Strasbourg. In the year 1349, on the day of Saint Apollonia [February 9th], which fell on a Monday, these three leaders in Strasbourg were: Herr Goße Sturm, Herr Cuntze von Winterthur, and Herr Peter Swarber, the magistrate. All three were expelled, and it happened as follows: The city had taken goods from the Jews, and they had set a target and given them sealed letters of protection, ensuring them such peace: if anyone had harmed them, they would have to make severe amends, just as if they had harmed a Christian. The Jews relied on this and became so arrogant that they refused to submit to anyone, and anyone who had dealings with them could hardly come to an agreement. Because of this, they became hated by many. Furthermore, an accusation fell upon the Jews that they had poisoned the wells and the water. The common people murmured about this and said that they should be burned. The council did not want to do this unless it could be proven against them or unless they confessed themselves. As a result, many Jews were captured and severely tortured. Some of them confessed to three or four other charges they were guilty of, for which they were broken on the wheel. However, they never confessed to being guilty of poisoning. [...] On Wednesday, the [new] council took an oath, on Thursday they swore in the garden, on Friday they seized the Jews, and on Saturday they burned the Jews, who were estimated to be around two thousand in number. Those who wanted to convert to Christianity were allowed to live. Many young children were also taken from the fire against the will of their mothers and fathers and were baptized. Whatever was owed to the Jews was all gone, and all pledges and documents they had over debts were returned. The movable goods they had were taken by the council and divided among the authorities. That was also the alleged poisoning that killed the Jews. In the same year, during Solstice, the flagellant movement arose and the great mortality in Strasbourg, which has been written about before.	Fritsche Closener 1870, p. 126-130.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1358-07-25-Constance	25 July 1358 JL	Great mortality in Constance especially along the Danube in Ulm. In addition descriptions of the weather.	Quo eciam mense [July] et precedentibus mortalitas viguit in dyocesi Constant. maxime circa Danubium in Ulma et usque ad lacum in Constantia et aliis locis circum iacentibus. Et duravit ad annum lix. et tunc cepit cessare. Sed a festo sancti Iacobi [25.07.] usque ad annum prescriptum quinquaginta sex scolares in Constancia mortui sunt. Et omnes habuerunt apostemata qui illa pestilencia decesserunt exceptis paucissimis. Et frigus incepit in vigilia [leere Stelle] anni lix. et duravit usque ad purificationem. Et deinceps fuit tempus bonum et temperatum. Et per totum martium nec nix nec frigus fuit sed bene cum serenitate incepit et cum pluvia modica et temperata in fine mensis finivit. Et eius lunacio incepit xiiii. Numero aurei numeri secundum veram computationem que servanda est, nec fallit nisi ad paucas horas precedentis diei. Anno autem lx. erit xv. Et sic ascensive et descensive deinceps, et incipiendum est in ianuario.	In the same month [July] and the preceding months, mortality raged in the diocese of Constance, especially along the Danube in Ulm and as far as Lake Constance in Constance as well as in other neighbouring areas. It lasted until 1359 and then began to subside. However, from the feast of St James [25 July] until that year, fifty-six pupils died in Constance. All those who died from this plague had abscesses, with very few exceptions. And the cold began on the eve of [blank space] of the year 59 and lasted until the Purification. From then on, the weather was good and temperate. Throughout March, there was neither snow nor cold, but it began with clear skies and ended with light and moderate rain at the end of the month. Its lunar phase began on the 14th, according to the golden number, according to the true calculation which must be observed and is only off by a few hours of the previous day. In the year 60, it will be the 15th. And so it continues ascending and descending from then on, and it is to begin in January.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 113.	None
1360-00-00-Florence	1360 JL	Throughout the summer clear weather and heat, which leaded to abundant harvest of grain, wine and other crops. High mortality in western parts, but also in Italy many diseases with death, for exampel an epidemic of smallpox among children but also among men and women higher age.	Ancora dello stato del tempo e della moria dell'anguinaia Questo anno fu singulare di continovo sereno tutta la state, e di notabile caldo, e ebbe secondo il lungo tempo secco e caldo comunale ricolta di grano e di vino, e degli altri frutti della terra, ma la moria fu (p. 456) grandissima i molte parti occidentali, come narrato di sopra avemo, e lla Italia ebbe molti infermi di lunghe malatie, ed assai morti; e generale infermità di vaiuolo fu nella state di fanciulli e ne' garzoni, ed eziandio nelli uomini e femine di maggiori etadi, ch'era cosa di stupore e fastidiosa a vedere.	About the weather and the inguinal plague This year was characterised by continuously clear weather throughout the summer, accompanied by remarkable heat. Due to the prolonged drought and heat, the harvest of grain, wine and other crops was abundant. However, mortality was very high in many western parts, as described above, and Italy also had many sick with protracted diseases and numerous deaths. In summer there was a general epidemic of smallpox among children and youths, as well as among men and women of advanced age, which was astonishing and unpleasant to see.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 455-456	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Florence 004	1363 JL	A son of Matteo died during the plague, others fled to Forlì.	Antonio, l' altro figliuolo che rimase di Matteo, vivette da XV anni ; sì che di lui poco si può scrivere, se non ch' era diverso e di sangue focoso, e temo, fosse andato per vita, avrebbe fatto delle cose ch' avrebbe riscaldato gli orecchi altrui. Morì per la mortalità del 1363, essendo Bernardo e Salvestro a Forlì là fuggiti per la temenza della mortalità ; come molti altri feciono il simile, e chi ne capitò male e chi bene, ma i più bene.	Antonio, Matteo's other son, lived until he was fifteen, so little can be written about him except that he was different and hot-tempered. I fear that if he had lived a longer life, he would have done things that would have made others' ears prick up. He died during the plague in 1363, when Bernardo and Salvestro had fled to Forlì for fear of the plague. Many others did the same, and some were lucky, some were not, but most were lucky.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, p. 46	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-06-00-Paris	28 May 1363 JL	A mortality breaks out in Paris from June to October. It affects especially children and young people, and among adults, rather men than women.	Anno Domini M° CCC° LXIII°, multis diebus ante et post festum Sancte Trinitatis, hora diei tertia, ubi sol in meridie radios extendit, quedam stella modice apparentie visa fuit que, secundum astrologos et qui ex naturalibus causis eventus futuros prenuntiebant, periclitationem communem mulierum in partu denotabat. Hec tamen et plus stupenda hujus stelle apparitionem sunt secuta ; nam a junii mensis initio usque ad festum Sancti Luce tam dira viguit mortalitas et specialiter puerorum utriusque sexus et juvenum et plus virorum quam mulierum, quod erat stupendum visu et auditu. Senes etiam, pauci aspectu juvenum, obierunt unde quando pestis illa apostematum hospitium aliquod subintrabat, primo moriebantur infantes tenelli, deinde familia et parentes vel alter eorum et quod mirum erat, hodie erant sani et jocundi et infra triduum vel biduum decedebant.	In year 1363, a star appeared several days around the Trinity day (28 May), at the 3rd hour of the day, when the sun is in the South. According to astrologers and other experts of predictions with natural events, this star signified hardships to come especially for pregnant women. Several remarkable events followed this apparition. Actually, from the beginning of June to St Luke day (18 October), a cruel mortality broke out, especially among children and young adult of both gender, and among men rather than women. It was marvelous to see and to ear of such an event. Old persons actually died without the young paying much attention to it, but when the plague was effectively entered in a house, the children died first, and then the parents and all relatives. Astonishingly, people were fit on one day, and dead only two or three days after.	Cronica Patricii Ravennatis, p. 1172	None
1364-00-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia MLSKXVv	1364 JL	A great plague (Black Death) in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia.	B лѣтo 6872. Быcть моръ великъ в Hoвѣгopoдѣ Hижнемъ, xpaкaxy людие кpoвью, a инии железою боляxy, и не долго боляxy, но два дни или три, a инии единъ день поболѣвше умирaxy. И толко множество бѣ мертвыx, яко не ycпевaxy живии погребати иxъ. Toe же oceни мѣсяца октября 23 прествися князь Иванъ Иванoвичъ, братъ великого князя Дмитрея, и положенъ быcть въ Apxaггелѣ на Mocквѣ. Toe же oceни и тоѣ же зимы быcть нa люди мopъ великъ в Пepecлавли, на день умираша человѣкъ 20 или 30, иногда же 60 или 70, a иногда и до ста и боле. Болеcтъ же бѣ сица: преже яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или под груди или меж крилъ, и тако paзболѣвъся человѣкъ начнет кровью xpaxaти и огнь зазжьжетъ и потомъ потъ, та же дрожь, и полежавъ eдинъ день или два, a pѣтко того кои 3 дни, и тако умиpaxy, a инии желѣзою умиpaxy. Желѣзa же не y всякого бываше въ единомъ мѣстѣ, но оному на шиe, a иному под скулою, a иному под пазухою, дрyгому за лопадкою, прочимъ же на стегнехъ. Быcть же cие не токмо въ единомъ гpaдѣ Пepecлавли, но и въ всѣхъ прeдѣлex eгo. Приидe же сия казнь, послана отъ бога на люди, снизy от Бездѣжа к Hoвyгopoдy Hижнемy и оттолѣ къ Koломнѣ, та же к Пepecлавлю, по томъ же на дpyгoe лѣто к Мocквѣ, та же и по всѣмъ градомъ и странaмъ быcть мopъ великъ и страшенъ, не ycпевaxy бо живии мepтвыx oпрятывати, вездѣ бo бѣ мepтвии въ градѣхъ и в сѣлex, въ домaxъ и церквеи. И бѣ туга и скорбь и плач неутѣшим, мало бo бѣ живых, но вce мepтвии. Погрѣбaxy же въ едину яму 5 и 6 мepтвыxъ, a индѣ 10 и боле, a дворы мнози пусты бышa, a въ иныхъ единъ ocтacя или двa, ли женескъ пол, ли мужескъ, или отpoчa мaлo.	There was a great plague in Nizhny Novgorod, people were coughing/spitting blood, and others suffered from ulceration/swelling of the glands, and soon they fell ill, barely two or three days, and others, after being sick for one day, died. And there were so many dead that the living couldn't bury them. That autumn, in the month of October, on the 23rd [day], Prince Ivan Ivanovich, brother of Grand Duke Dmitry, died and was laid to rest with the Archangel in Moscow. That fall and winter there was a great plague among people in Pereyaslavl (Zaleski), 20 or 30 people died a day, sometimes 60 or 70, and up to a hundred or more. The disease was as follows: first, it was like being hit by bear spear behind the shoulder blade, under the breast, or between the collarbones. And when he gets sick, he starts spitting blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he gets chills. And after lying for one or two days, rarely for three days, they still die, while others die because of swelling/blisters. The swelling/blisters [occurred] differently, for some it was on the neck, for another it was under the cheekbone, for another it was under the armpit, for another it was behind the shoulder blade, for another it was on the tendons. This was not only in the single town of Pereyaslavl, but also in all its estates. This punishment sent by God to men came from the lower side [from the south] from Bezdiezh<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> to Nizhnyi Novgorod, and from there to Kolomna and also to Pereyaslavl. Then in the second year there was a great and terrible plague in Moscow and in all the towns and regions. The living were unable to prepare the dead for burial, because there were dead everywhere, in towns and villages, in houses and in churches. And there was misery and pain and inconsolable weeping, for there were few living, because they were all dead. In one pit they buried 5 and 6 dead, and in another 10 or more, and many manors were empty, while in others one or two remained, either women or men, or few children.	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 182.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1373-07-00-Pisa	July 1373 JL	Outbreak of the plague and great mortality in Pisa, especially adolescents affected, price increase and shortage of grain	Negli anni domini di 1373 a dì ** di luglio, si chominciò in Pisa la mortalità et bastò due anni et due mesi. Et sappiate che morirono fanciulli di 12 anni in giuso più di octanta per ciento, et morirono huomeni et donne grandi quantità assai. Et dappoi si fu grande charo, valze più di 3 fiorini lo staio di grano et si fu grande charo d'ongni biada	In the year 1373 of July, mortality began in Pisa and it took two years and two months. And you know that more than eighty per hundred children from 12 years old died, and men and women died in great quantities. And then there was a great shortage, more than three florins a bushel of grain and there was a great shortage of every kind of grain	Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, p. 209	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1374-00-00-Florence 001	1374 JL	The family of Giovanni and of Pagolo fled from the mortality of 1374 to Bologna. They lived there together in a house and shared the expenses.	E frall’altre si vide di lui questo: che pe·lla mortalità del 1374 , sendo fuggiti a Bolongnia tutta / (c. 44v) la famiglia rimasa di Giovanni e tutta la famiglia di Pagholo, insieme inn una chasa abitanti e a una ispesa chonchorenti a chomune, chome che chon vantaggio grande per que’ di Giovanni, nondimeno, tornando a quello ch’i’ vo’ dire, noi savamo chontinui tra uomini, donne, fanciulli e balie e fanti forestieri e chonpangnioni più di venti in famiglia. […]	And among other things, this was shown in his case: during the plague of 1374, when the remaining family of Giovanni and the entire family of Pagholo had fled to Bologna, they lived together in one house and shared the expenses, although there was great advantage for those of Giovanni. Nevertheless, to come back to what I wanted to say, we knew that they totalled more than twenty people in the family, including men, women, children, wet nurses and foreign servants and companions.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 197	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1374-03-16-Alexandria	March 1374 JL	Many people, mainly children, died of plague (ṭāʿūn, fanāʾ, wabāʾ) in Alexandria from Shawwāl 775 H (March 16 to April 14, 1374) to Rabīʿ I 776 H (August 10, 1374 to September 8, 1374). Up to 200 people died per day. In Shawwāl, 7,000 people perished within three days. In 775 H (1373), the Nile had failed to reach the necessary gauge (wafāʾ) during the summer flood, and many fields in Egypt could not be cultivated. Prices for grain and other foodstuffs rose in Egypt. Prices remained high also during the following year (776 H: June 13, 1374 to June 1, 1375) despite a sufficient Nile flood and the availability of grain. People became impoverished and died of hunger due to the rise in prices while grain merchants (khazzān) made huge profits. Finally, people revolted against inflation and famine. Plague came on top of famine. In Alexandria, 17,000 people reportedly died of plague, 12,000 of whom were male and female children. [...]	... ... ...		al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 3 (1970), pp. 253-254; vol. 4 (1970), p. 127-129; 143; vol. 6 (1973), pp. 423-425.	Translation needed
1383-00-00-Florence 002	1383 JL	The plague raged in Florence. It began slightly in 1382, was then almost imperceptible, raged violently from March 1383 to September and was weak again until March 1384. During the worst months, many people fled the city.	Rubrica 955a - Come fu una grande mortalità nella città di Firenze. Nel detto anno [1383] cominciò a Firenze una pestilenza primiera, e primiera di ciò per rispetto ch'era cominciata infino nell'anno dinanzi in alcuna casa, al Canto a Monteloro ed a S. Piero Maggiore, forse in quattro case, ed avie casa dove in uno mese n'erano morti 10 e lasciatore due, e poi restata; ma per la città quasi niente si sentì se non in sul marzo e aprile; allora cominciò a rucellare, e bastò infino al settembre molto fiera, pure al modo dell'altre mortalità, di quello segno del grosso sotto il braccio e sopra la coscia all'anguinaia. Molti buoni uomini morti, ma più fu ne'giovani e fanciulli che negli uomini e femmine di compiuta età. Ultimamente ristette, come detto è, di settembre, non sì che alcuno, e questo era a rado, infino al marzo vegnente' dello altro anno non ne sentisse, ma radi e pochi. Pure com'è d'usanza di tenerne lo conto che muoiono, in quello anno ne morirono circa (p. 427) di … (lacuna). E così posata la maggior parte di novembre si tornarono alla città: alquanti stettero infino passata la primavera, e poi tornarono.	Rubrica 955a - How a great plague raged in the city of Florence In the year in question (1383), a severe plague began in Florence. The first signs had already been seen the previous year in some houses on the Canto a Monteloro and near S. Piero Maggiore, perhaps in four houses, whereby there were ten deaths in one house in one month and only two survived. After that, the epidemic subsided and was hardly noticed in the city until March and April. Then it began to rage violently and lasted until September, with typical symptoms such as large bumps under the arm and on the groin. Many good men died, but it was young people and children who were most affected, rather than adults. The epidemic finally subsided in September, but there were still isolated cases until March of the following year. The deaths were counted, and in that year about ... (gap). Most returned to the city in November; some stayed away until after spring and then returned.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, pp. 426-427.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-06-24-Montpellier	24 June 1383 JL	A mortality breaks out in Montpellier from June 1383 to August 1384. The members of the town council order the manufacturing of a gigantic candle, to burn day and night at the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. During the plague, the university has been lockdown from the 10th of May to the 8th of September 1384.	Item, per so que mortalitat granda, majorment dels enfans de XX ans o entorn et en aval, renhava et avia renhat de San Johan, l’an LXXXIII en sa en esta vila & caix pertot, los senhors cossols a XXX de mars feron mezurar tota la muralha de la vilanota de Monpeylier deforas costa la escama de las dogas, & la palyssada de part dedins, et las ymages de Nostra Dona de Taulas et de son filh,mortalitat et de l’autar de la gleya. Et fo trobat, cananLo torn de Montpellier de las palissadas IXc XXXV canas am fil, que la muralha que es foras la palissada a de lonc IXcXXXV canas mieg. Item, la muralha deLa muralha dedins la villa de torn Vc XXX canas la villa que es deffra la palissada a VcXXX canas mieg. Item, la clausura de la palissada a de lonc pertot VIIIc LXXXXIIII canas. Item, la dicha gleya a de roda tot entorn LXXX canas. Item, l’autar a de lonc am los dos caps IIa canas et II palms. Item, las doas ymages an de gros III palms. Item, la ymage de Nostra Dona a de lonc III palms e ters. Et d’aquest fil am d’autres feron far I rezench sus l’autar de Nostra Dona en aut de una roda que y era et y fon facha l’an LXXIIII per so que∙l dich rezench y Del rezem de Nostra Dona de Taulas creme nuech e jorn ad honor de Dieu et de la benezecta Verges Maria, que lur plassa far cessar aquesta mortalitat et la empedimia de bossas renhant, et deverdonar pas de cel en terra, et salvar los frutz de la terra. Et fo senhat lo II jorn d’abril per mossen Jacme de la Manhania, prior de Taulas. Et duret la dicha mortalitat entro mieg aost aquest an LXXXIIII, en lo qual temps moriron, part los enfans petitz e grans, mostz bos homes notables antixz et donas, specialmens joves, d’aquesta vilamortalitat. Et enayssi duret la dicha mortalitat et empedimia per l’espazi o entorn de XIIII meses, la qual cauza jamays non fo vista que mortalitatz dures tant longuament en aquest paÿs & per ayso vaquet lo studi del tot de Pantacosta entro Nostra Dona de setembre.		Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1384.html (20 April 2020).	Translation needed
1383-07-00-Florence	July 1383 JL	Great mortality in Florence. In the beginning more than 400 persons per day died, later 8,9,12 per day. Many people flee to Bologna and the Romagna. On 22. July great riot, caused by the Ciompi and on 7th October an earthquake	Nota: del mese di Luglio, e d'Agosto del detto anno morì grandissima quantità di gente in Firenze, massimamente dal mezzo Luglio a tutto Agosto. Morirono molti fanciulli, e fanciulle piccoli, ed uomini, e donne: per dì ne morirono 400. e più; e poì in su l'entrata di Settembre mancò la detta mortalità, e morivanone per dì infino a mezzo Settembre quaranta, e più; poi mancò, e morianone otto, dieci, o dodici per infino a mezzo Ottobre. E nota, che a' dì 21. (anzi 22.) di Luglio, il dì di S. Maria Maddalena, fu grandissimo romore in Firenze, il quale levarono i Ciompi. Poi laudato Dio la detta mortalità cessò via in tutto. Nota, che detto anno a'di 7. d'Ottobre, la vigilia di S. Liperata, la notte furono tremoti in Firenze. Nota, che nel tempo della detta mortalità molta, e molta gente si partì di Firenze, e fuggì la mortalità, ed andaronne molti a Vinegia, e più in Romagna, perchè la mortalità v'era stata.	Note: In July and August of the same year (1383), a large number of people died in Florence, especially from mid-July and throughout August. Many young children and adolescents, as well as men and women, died; 400 or more people died per day. Then, at the beginning of September, the plague subsided, and forty or more people died daily until the middle of September; after that the number continued to decrease, and by mid-October only eight, ten or twelve people died daily. Note that on July 21 (actually 22), the feast day of St. Mary Magdalene, there was a great riot in Florence, caused by the Ciompi. Thank God the plague finally stopped completely. Note that on the night of October 7, on the eve of the feast of St. Liperata, earthquakes struck Florence. Note that during the said plague, many people left Florence and fled from the plague; many went to Venice and even more to Romagna because the plague had already been there.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 66.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1389-00-00-Bingen	1389 JL	Outbreak of plague in Bingen, Mainz, along the Rhine and in Franconia. It affected mainly children and young people.	Item in illis diebus (1389) erat iterum pestilencie epidimia in partibus Rheni, maxime in Pinguia et partibus circumsitis et Maguncia, et maxime infestabat iuventutem et infantes, et erat talis pestilencia in Franckonia et multis aliis terre.	Also, in those days (1389), there was again an epidemic of pestilence in the regions of the Rhine, especially in the Palatinate and surrounding areas, and in Mainz, and it mostly afflicted the youth and infants. Such a pestilence was also present in Franconia and many other lands.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 63.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1391-12-00-Montpellier	December 1391 JL	The mortality that began in June continues to spread in Montpellier and across the country. The bishop of Maguelone is asked to prolong the papal indulgence for three more months.	Item, car la sancta indulgencia de nostresenhr lo papa dessus dicha devia falhir a VIII de dezembre & car la pestilencia de bossas et de febres et d’autres duravan encares, per la qual eron mortz effans et gens joves sens nombre et personas vielhas alcunas, per so, los senhors cossols escrisseron a nostresenhr lo papa et a monsen de Magalona per alongar la dicha indulgencia, la qual nostresenhr lo papa alonguet a autres III mezes.	The effect of the above mentioned papal indulgence should stop on the 8th of December. But the pestilence of bosse that already killed numerous childre and young people, as well as some old persons, continued to rage. Therefore, the consulate asked to the bishop of Maguelone to prolong this indulgence for three more months	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1391.html (last access [20 April 2020]).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1396-00-00-Montpellier	1396 JL	Epidemic of smallpox la (picota) all over Languedoc. It affects children and adults.	Item, lo dich an, en los petitz enfans et ausi en mots grans corrie la picota et fonc general en tota Lenguadoc.	This year, smallpox ("la picota") has been virulent among children and adults, and it spread all across the Languedoc.	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1396.html (20 April 2020).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1397-04-00-Arles	April 1397 JL	A mortality breaks out in Arles and all over the world. People dies of bosse and of carboncles. The disease kills adults, but mainly children and young people.	L'an M CCC IIIIxx XVII fon granda mortalitat per tot lo mont. Item, en Arles acomenset la Pasqua, que fon lo premier jorn d'abril, e duret tro l'an IIIIxx XVIII del mes de jonoier. Item, morien las gens de boses lo plus, alcuns de carboncles; et moriron y grans gens, plus enfans e gens joves, que autras gens.	In the year 1397, there was a great mortality all over the world. In the city of Arles, it began at Easter Day which occurs the 1rst of April, and it lasted until the month a January in 1398. Most of the people died of bosses, and some of them of carboncles. Some adults died, but the victims were in vast majority children and young people.	Bertrand Boysset, Chronique, p. 352	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1400-00-00-Florence	1400 JL	The wife of Bartolomeo, who already passed away in a previous plague, died in the mortality of 1400 in Florence. She left around 4 thousand gold florins to her children.	Passò di questa vita il detto Bartolomeo in Furlì a di ***: morì di pistolenza † in pochi dì; soppellissi al luogho de’ frati minori in Furlì, e di poi se ne fé rechare il chorpo suo in Firenze ed è seppellito in Santa Crocie in Firenze cholgli altri anticessori, onorevolemente chome s’usava pe·gli altri. Rimase la donna dopo lui, e vivette vedova cho’ suoi figliuoli in sino alla (p. 197) mortalità del 1400: in quella mortalità si morì e llasciò reda i figliuoli. Credo rimanesse loro di valente, chon quello della madre, fiorini 4000 d’oro. […]	The aforementioned Bartolomeo died in Forlì on ***, he died of the plague within a few days; he was buried in the monastery of the Friars Minor in Forlì, and later his body was brought to Florence and buried with honour in Santa Croce together with his ancestors, as was usual. His wife survived him and lived with her children until mortality in 1400: in this mortality she died, leaving her children as heirs. It is assumed that they left around four thousand gold florins with their mother's fortune.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 196-197	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1400-00-00-Florence 001	1400 JL	The lady Chatelana had three daughters, all of whom died. Two died in the plague in 1400, one in Florence and one in Quinto. Her five sons survived.	Ànne avuti [Chatelana figliuola di Stefano di Vanni Chastellani] per insino a oggi otto o nove figliuoli, ed èssi ischoncia circha di tre volte: la prima volta si schonciò, credo, dal dì la menò a due anni o circha, innuna fanciulla femina; e di poi ne fecie due femine a bene. La prima ebbe nome Bartolomea; e nacque chostei con uno infiato nel chapo, chosì dal lato, era a modo ch’una vescicha, cioè a ttochare: fessi medichare al maestro Franciescho Dal Ponte: e’ la forò in più luoghi, e gittò sangue e puza. E ‘nfine ella non poté reggiere e morissi in pochi dì: riposesi in Santa Crocie. E di poi naque un’altra fanciulla ebbe nome Antonia, e nacque chol medesimo infiato; e questa non si medicò, ma ttenesi chaldo il chapo chon una berretta foderata d’andesia, e ‘nfine e’ gli asolvè lo ’nfiato e guarì bene. Visse chostei sette anni o circha, e di poi si morì di male pestilenziale † nel 1400, di luglio, nel palagio Ispini:riposesi il chorpo suo in Santa Trinita, nella / (c. 48v) sepoltura della famiglia degli Ispini, cioè nell’utima chapella si truova a man mancha ‘andare all’altare maggiore. E questo si fecie per nicistà, chonsiderato ch’egli era la mortalità grande e non si trovava apena chi volesse trarre i chorpi di chasa; e oltre a questo, nonn era in Firenze di noi se non monna Filippa, che chonvenia s’inbochasse nelle chose di bisongnio pe·lle mani d’altri. La terza fanciulla ebbe nel prencipio di quella mortalità, ed ebbe nome Filippa: questa vivette pochi mesi, e inn utimo morì nella detta mortalità prima che ll’Antonia, a Quinto dove era a balia, e ivi nella Chiesa di Quinto fu sepellita. Non abiamo a ffare di più femine memoria: ànne de’ maschi cinque, grazia di Dio vivi. […]	To this day she [Chatelana, Stefano di Vanni Chastellani's daughters] has had eight or nine children, and an accident has happened about three times: the first time, I think, was two years after she gave birth to them, with a little girl; then she gave birth to two more daughters in good health. The first was called Bartolomea; she was born with a swelling on her head, on one side that looked and felt like a blister. She had it treated by Master Francesco Dal Ponte: he pricked her in several places and blood and pus came out. In the end, she could not stand it and died within a few days: she was buried in Santa Croce. Then another girl was born, called Antonia, who was also born with the same swelling; this was not treated, but her head was kept warm with a lined cap, and in the end the swelling disappeared and she recovered. She lived for about seven years and then died of the plague in 1400, in July, in Palazzo Spini: her body was buried in Santa Trinita, in the Spini family tomb, in the last chapel on the left side of the main altar. This was done out of necessity, as mortality was high and there was hardly anyone who wanted to take the bodies out of the house; besides, of us in Florence there was only Monna Filippa, who had to take care of the necessary things with the help of others. The third girl was born at the beginning of this mortality and was called Filippa: she lived only a few months and finally died before Antonia during the same plague, in Quinto, where she was with the nurse, and there in the church of Quinto she was buried. We don't need to remember the daughters any further: they have five sons who are alive thanks to God's grace.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 204	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1400-07-03-Florence	3 July 1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence, thus Salviati remained in Arezzo with his men. Many people fled from Florence. Salviati himself was ill and some members of his family died.	Partimi [Salviati] della detta Terra di Montepulciano adì 3. di Luglio 1400. Et perchè in Firenze era grandissima mortalità, et dicevasi, che ad Arezzo l'aria v'era sana, et eravi fugiti assai Fiorentini, per questa cagione non tornai a Firenze, ma rimasi in Arezzo con tutta la brigata mia, che io haveva condotta meco, et tutti ne gli condussi sani, et di buona voglia; ma giunto che io fui, parve, che io fussi maladetto con ogni avversità, et d'infermità, et di morte, che mentre che io vi fui, mai non si ristette, et più, che non che quegli, che io menai, ma essendo venuta di Firenze ad Arezzo quella mia venerabile madre Mona Contessa per aiutarmi, sentendo la mia famiglia inferma, piacque al nostro Signore Dio, che ella morisse, et chiamolla a se, a la cui anima Cristo benedetto habbia fatto ver perdono. […] et ancora vi morì un mio fanciullo, che hebbe nome Andrea, d'età di 9. anni, che Dio l'habbi benedetto, e fu seppellito in S. Francesco; et di tutta l'altra mia famiglia non vi fu niuno, che havesse (p. 184) difetto, salvo che io, lodato Dio. Spesivi tra spese della casa, et per l'infirmità, et per i mortorii grandissimo denaio. Stettivi da' dì 4. di Luglio infino a' dì 28. d'Agosto, et quel dì mi partì di là come abbandonato, e disperato, et tornai in Firenze col resto della mia famiglia, tra' quali ne menai dua mia figliuoli maschi, cioè Alamanno, et Bernardo infermi per modo, che mai non credetti si conducessero vivi; pure per grazia di Dio vi si condussero, e guarirono, et in questo tempo, che io stetti ad Arezzo, mi morirono quì in Firenze 2. mie fanciulle, che una have nome Lisa, che era d'età d'anni 7 1/2, e l'altra Margherita, d'età d'anni 5. in circa, et furono seppellite nella Badia di Firenze; che Dio l'habbia benedette, et ricevute.	I [Salviati] left the aforementioned town of Montepulciano on July 3, 1400. Since there was a great mortality in Florence and it was said that the air in Arezzo was healthy and many Florentines had fled there, I did not return to Florence, but stayed in Arezzo with all the followers I had with me. I brought them all there in good health and good spirits. But as soon as I arrived, it seemed as if I was cursed by every misfortune, illness and death, because they did not stop while I was there. And not only for those I had brought with me, but also for my venerable mother, Mona Contessa, who had come to Arezzo from Florence to help me, as my family was ill. It pleased our Lord God that she died and called her to Himself; may Christ have mercy on her soul. [...] Moreover, my child, named Andrea, died there at the age of 9, may God bless him. He was buried in St. Francesco. The rest of my family remained unharmed, apart from me, praise be to God. I spent a great deal of money, both on household expenses and on the illness and burial. I stayed there from July 4 to August 28, and on that day I left Arezzo in despair and hopelessness and returned to Florence with the rest of my family. Among them were two of my sons, Alamanno and Bernardo, who were so ill that I didn't think I could bring them home alive. But by the grace of God, they survived and recovered. During my time in Arezzo, two of my daughters died in Florence, Lisa, aged 7 1/2, and Margherita, about 5 years old. They were buried in the Abbey of Florence; may God bless and receive them.	Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, pp. 183-184.	None
1418-08-00-Paris	August 1418 JL	Mortality due to plague (boce) in Paris, especially dangerous among young persons and children	Item, en celuy temps, vers la fin du moy d'aoust, faisoit si grant chalour de jour et de nuyt, que homme ne femme ne povoit dormir par nuyt, et avec ce estoit tres grant mortalité de boce et l'espidymie, et tout sur jeune gent et sur enfens	That year, in the end of August, the heat was so important day and night that people could not even sleep. Meanwhile, there was a great mortality of boce and a great epidemic, mostly among young people and children.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, Sp. 129	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1418-09-00-Paris	September 1418 JL	Great mortality in Paris in September. The loss is estimated to 50 000 dead people in the city, and the epidemic is estimated to be the worst one since 300 years. Young people and children are most at risk	Item, cedit mois de septembre, était à Paris et autour la mortalité si très cruelle, qu'on eut vu depuis 300 ans par le dit des anciens; car nul n'échappait qui fû féru de l'épidémie, especialement jeunes gens et enfants. Et tant en mourut vers la fin dudit mois, et si hâtivement, qu'il convint faire es cimetières de Paris grandes fosses, où on en mettait trente ou quarante en chacune, et étaient arrangés comme lards, et puis un peu poudrés par dessus de terre; et touours jour et nuit on n'était en rue qu'on ne rencontrât Notre Seigneur, qu'on portait aux malades, et trétous avaient la plus belle connaissance de Dieu Notre Seigneur à la fin, qu'on vit oncques avoir à chrétiens. Mais au dit des clercs, on n'avait oncques vu ni ouï parler de mortalité qui fût si desvée, ni plus âpre, no dont mins échappèrent de gens qui férus en furent, car en moins de cinq semaines trépassa en la ville de Paris plus de 50 000 personnes. Et tant trépassa de gens d'église qu'on enterrait quatre, ou six, ou huit chefs d'hôtel à une messe de notte, et convenait marchander aux prêtres pour combien ils la chanteraient, et bien souvent en convenait payer 16 ou 8 sols parisis, et d'une messe basse 4 sols parisis	Item, this September, was in Paris and around the very cruel mortality, which had been seen for 300 years by the elders; for no one escaped who was keen on the epidemic, especially young people and children. And so many died towards the end of that month, and so hastily, that he agreed to make the cemeteries of Paris into large pits, where thirty or forty were placed in each, and were arranged like bacon, and then a little powdered over the ground; and day and night we were always in the street until we met Our Lord, which we brought to the sick, and all had the most beautiful knowledge of God Our Lord at the end, which we saw we had to Christians. But, according to the clerics, they had neither seen nor heard of a mortality that was so desperate, nor more bitter, nor did many people who were fervent about it escape, for in less than five weeks more than 50,000 people died in the city of Paris. And so many churchmen died that four, or six, or eight heads of hotel were buried at a mass of notte, and agreed to bargain with the priests for how much they would sing it, and often agreed to pay 16 or 8 sols parisis, and for a low mass 4 sols parisis.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, Sp. 133-134	Translation by DeepL
1421-08-00-Paris	August 1421 JL	A mortality breaks out in Paris in August. Poeple get headaches and heavy fever. Children and women were most at risk	Item, en ce temps, était très grande mortalité, et tous mouraient de chaleur qui au chef les prenait et puis la fièvre et mouraient sans rien ou peu empirer de leur chair, et toutes femmes et les plus jeunes gens.	In this time was a great mortality. People, mostly women and young ones, died because of headache and of fever, but their bodies were not injured.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, p. 171	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1422-07-00-Paris	July 1422 JL	Epidemic of 'vérole' in Paris, especially among children who could die or become blind	Item, cette année fit merveilleusement chaud en juin et en juillet (...) Et pour cette grande chaleur fut si grande année d'enfants malades de la vérole qu'oncques de vie d'homme on eût vu, et tant en étaient couverts qu'on ne les connaissait; et plusiseurs grands hommes l'avaient, espécialement les Anglais, et disait-on que le roi d'Angleterre en eut sa part. Et est vrai que moult de petits enfants en furent si agrevés que les uns en mouroient, les autres en perdaient la vue corporelle	This year was terribly hot and warm in June and in July (...) Because of this heat, a lot of children were struck by the 'vérole', as never seen before. They were so covered with spots, that it was even difficult to recognize them. Several adults were ill too, especially among English people, and it was said that the king of England too. Truly, a lot of children were so ill, that some of them died and some other became blind.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, p. 190	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1432-00-00-Paris	1432 JL	Mortality in Paris, especially among young people and children	Item, en celui temps, était très grande mortalité sur jeunes gens et sur petits enfants, et tout d'épidémie	In this time was a great mortality among young people and children, by a disease.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, p. 320	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1433-08-00-Paris	August 1433 JL	A mortality of plague affects children in Paris in August	Et si fit moult bel août, mais très grande mortalité était en celui temps, espécialement sur petits enfants, de bosse ou de vérole plate	The weather was benevolent in August, but the mortality due to 'bosse' or 'vérole plate' was important in that time, especially among children.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, p. 326	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1438-Summer-Paris	1438 JL	Mortality by plague (boce) in Paris during summer and autumn. 45 000 persons died in the city	Item, la mortalité fut si grande, espécialement à Paris, car il mourut bien à l'Hôtel-Dieu en cette année cinq mille personnes, et parmi la cité plus de quarante-cinq mille, tant homme, que femme et enfants; car quand la mort se boutait en une maison, elle en emportait la plus grande partie des gens, et espécialement des plus forts et des plus jeunes	The mortality was so great in Paris, that at least 5000 persons died at the Hôtel-Dieu. In the city, 45 000 persons died, either men, women and children. When the disease spread in a house, almost every inhabitants died, especially the strongest and the youngest.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, pp. 382-383	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1439-00-00-Basel	1439 JL	A plague causes great mortality in Basel during a famine. The death toll is estimated to 8000 dead people, both adults and children.	Anno Domini 1439 fuit magna karistia in Basilea, et etiam cum hoc fuit magna pestilencia et in orribilibus obierunt in numero plus qum octo milia hominum cum pueris; et presertim in ecclesia majori inter canonicos dominus Kaspar thesaurius, dominus prepositus Turicensis, dominus Michahel de Reno prepositus in Sancto Ursicino, et bene viginti cappelanos.	The year 1439 occured a great dearth in Basel. A pestilence broke out simultaneously and more than 8000 persons, adults and children, died dramatically. Among the canons of the cathedral died the treasurer master Kaspar, the prior master Turicensis, master Michael de Reno, prior of Sanctus Ursinus and 20 other canons.	Ehrard von Appenwiler chronicle, pp. 251-252	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1448-00-00-Florence	1448 JL	The plague raged in Florence. Many people fled to other cities. The plague spread to Rome. The passages talks also about the social responses, for instance that people avoided the contact to the infected, even if they were their relatives.	Interea anno Domini MCCCCXLVIII, pestis invadere cepit Florentiam et per biennium civitatem infectem tenuit, que tamen quasi erat evacuata, non solum maioribus et divitibus, sed et plebeis et pauperibus ex urbe egredientibus et per villas et castra refugientibus. Diutina quidem fuit, sed lenta et paucos de medio subtraxit, sicque morbus ille contagiosus a MCCCC anno, quo grassatus est ita ut prope tertiam partem viventium absumeret, usque ad MCCCCLVII, in quo sumus peste a Domino visitati iam per menses quatuor, septies Florentiam occupaverit, videlicet anno MCCCCXI, anno supra Millesimum CCCCXXXVIII demum, ut dictum est, anno MCCCCXLVIII et VIIII civitas Florentina ea contagione infecta est: que cum postea urbem romanam attigisset, in qua presulabatur Nicolaus V cum curia sua, [p. 83] Fabrianum se contulit. Ubi tunc facta inquisitione et processu contra quosdam hereticos, infectos lepra erroris Fraticellorum, qui ibi diu habuerant magnum receptaculum et favorem, obstinati in sua perfidia igni traditi sunt, miracula consueta ostendentes pulveris et cineris. In anno autem isto LVII supra CCCC, pauci adhuc de hac luce subtracti sunt, necdum cessavit; quid autem in futurum erit, novit Deus. Nunquam autem apparet tantum exterruisse homines talis contagio morbi ut nunc, ita quod parentes filiorum et filii parentum obliviscantur infectorum et cum difficultate reperiantur qui necessaria eis administrent tam corpori quam anime, vel procurent ut sacramenta et ecclesiasticam sepulturam habeant. Quamvis autem nulla sit lege prohibitum ad loca divertere ab infectione libera, ex quo morbus est valde contagiosus (ut quotidiana docet experientia), ac eciam conversationem domesticam et locutionem cum infectis et venientibus a locis infectis [effugere] nisi cura animarum eis immineat, quos de necessitate salutis sue oportet per se vel alium idoneum sacramenta ministrare quantumcunque infectis, tantum tamen abhorrere infectos ut necessaria subtrahantur est contra omnem caritatem, humanitatem et xpistianam pietatem. Itaque etsi humane prudentia est et de ratione medicine vitare infectos, tamen contra dilectionem et xpistianam pietatem est subtrahere infectis necessiara seu non ministrare anime et corpori et ita abhorrere eis ministrantes sacramenta et corpori necessaria ut habeantur tanquam ethnici et publicani nec audiantur eorum misse et officia nec patiantur sacerdotes ire ad infirmos, in quo nullo modo debent eis assentire. Communitas autem pie et caritative providit infirmis ex eo morbo illo tempore scilicet anno domini MCCCCXLVIII et nono pestis. Nam tria milia florenorum statuit assignanda archiepiscopo civitatis certo tempore, modo et forma, ut infectis provideretur. Unde quidam optimi iuvenes per civitatem discurrebant, querendo infectos et dando pullos, confectiones et alia necessaria.	Meanwhile, in the year of our Lord 1448, the plague began to invade Florence and for two years it kept the city infected. The city was almost emptied, not only by the departure of the wealthy and nobles but also by the common people and the poor, who fled from the city to villages and towns. It was indeed prolonged, but slow, and removed only a few people. That contagious disease, which had ravaged since the year 1400, when it nearly consumed a third of the living, until 1457 (the year we are currently in), struck Florence seven times: in 1401, again in 1438, and finally, as mentioned, in 1448 and 1449, when the city of Florence was infected by this contagion. When it later reached the city of Rome, where Pope Nicholas V resided with his court, he withdrew to Fabriano. There, an inquiry and trial were conducted against certain heretics infected with the leprosy of the Fraticelli error, who had long found a haven and favor there. Persisting in their stubborn wickedness, they were handed over to the flames, displaying the usual miracles of ashes and dust. However, in this year 1457, few have been taken from this life, and the plague has not yet ceased. What will happen in the future, God knows. Never before has such a contagious disease so greatly terrified people as it does now, so much so that parents forget their children and children forget their parents when they are infected, and it is difficult to find anyone willing to provide them with the necessities for both body and soul, or to ensure they receive the sacraments and Christian burial. Although there is no law prohibiting people from fleeing to places free from infection, since the disease is highly contagious (as daily experience shows), and it is prudent to avoid domestic interactions and conversations with the infected or those coming from infected areas—except when the care of souls is at stake and they must, for the sake of their own salvation, administer the sacraments either in person or through a suitable intermediary to those infected—it is nonetheless against all charity, humanity, and Christian compassion to withhold necessities from the infected or refuse to minister to their bodies and souls, treating them as outcasts and pagans. It is wrong not to hear their masses and services or allow priests to go to the sick, and no one should agree to such practices. However, the community provided for the sick with piety and charity during this outbreak in the year 1448 and the ninth plague. Indeed, 3,000 florins were allocated to the archbishop of the city at a specific time, in a particular manner, and form, to provide for the infected. As a result, certain noble youths went around the city, seeking out the infected and giving them chickens, remedies, and other necessities.	Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, p. 82-83.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1464-00-00-Braunschweig	1464 JL	Plague in which mostly men died and many children	incepit pestilentia satis rara et insolita, quia viri fortes in ea moriebantur et pauce mulieres; de pueris vero valde raro aliqui obierunt.	This plague began in a rather rare and unusual way, because strong men and few women died from it; but very few children.	Chronica S. Aegidii 1711, p. 597.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-00-00-Thuringia	1464 JL	Plague in Thuringia and surroundings with many deaths in all age groups	Anno dni 1464 stund auff in dem lande zu Duringen und in allen umbliegenden landen pestilentie uberschwenglich gros zeitlichen im jhare, also das aus des massen viel volcks starb auff den schlossern, in den stedten, in clostern, in dorffern und in allem geistlichen und weldlichen wessen, alte leuthe, mittelmessige und manich junk volck, an mannen, frawen und jungfrawen udn gar viel kinder. Und gott der almechtige that seine gnade, also das die pestilentie zeytlich als umb Galli [16.10.] in Duringen lande auffhorte, aber in Sachssen, an der sehe und anders wohe, da es auff die zeyt nicht gestorben hette, hup es do an und uberging gemeiniglich alle deutzsche und welsche landt.	In the year 1464 there was a great pestilence in the whole land of Thuringia and in all the surrounding countries, so that many of the people died in the castles, in the towns, in monasteries, in villages and in all spiritual and secular beings, old people, mediocre people and many young people, men, women and virgins and many children. And God Almighty showed his mercy when the plague ceased around St Gall's Day [16 October], but in Saxony it only began there and spread to all German and French lands.	Die Chronik Hartung Cammermeisters, p. 208.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1489-00-00-Metz	1489 JL	An epidemic of properieulle breaks out in Metz, affecting five sixth of the children and many young adults.	Item, en celle année, rengnait et fut ung grand cours de la maladie con dit Properieulle, et sy fort qu'il n'y avoit mie, de VI ainffans, ung qui ne l'eust. Et, avec ce, y avoit beaucop de gens de XX ans, ou environ yceluy eaige, que l'avoient, dont on disoit que c'estoit signe d'avoir une grant mortalité.	This year the so-called 'properieulle' disease broke out so strongly that five sixth of every children were affected. On top of that, a lot of people aged around 20 years old get it too, and it was said that this was a sign of great mortality to come.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 217	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1493-00-00-Savigny	1493 JL	While the summer weather has been outstandingly dry and hot, a lot of people suffer from a disability called glene, that kills men, women and children.	Viguit infirmitas, quam glene vocamus, mirabiliter, ita quod multi homines, mulieres et pueri ex infirmitate illa, tam in villa Lugduni quam per patriam obierunt.	A disability spread wonderfully, that is called 'glene'. So that a lot of men, women and children died from this disease in Lyon and elsewhere in the region.	Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, p. 167	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1498-06-06-Metz	6 June 1498 JL	A procession is organized in Metz to prevent the city against an epidemic of rubeola and properieulle (?). Mortality among children and adults.	Item, le mercerdy des festes de la Pentecotte, qui fut le VIe jour de jung, on fit une procession générale [...] en priant Dieu que voloit garder les biens de la terre, et garder la cité et le pays de guerre, et les corps humains de pestillence. Car tous les einffans devenoient mallades et de rougerieulle et de la propérieulle, et en mouroit beaucop, et morut des grans gens aussy.	On Wenesday after the Pentecost, the 6th of June, was held a procession [...] praying God to keep safe the agricultural goods, to prevent the country of the war, and human bodies of pestilence. Every children became actually sick with 'rougerieulle' and 'properieulle', and a lot of them died, as did some adult too.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 405	Translation by Thomas Labbé

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