In 1349, a total of 50 epidemic events are known so far. It is a year. See also time and timelines.
Timeline
Table
| Page | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1347-00-00-China | 1347 JL | The Black Death with presumed origins in China or Ethiopia, spreading to Syria and Egypt. Discussion of its spread via Caffa and Constantinopel, Genoa and reaching the Iberian Peninsula. | Die Meinungen über die Herkunft dieses Ereignisses gehen auseinander. Der Gewährsmann erwähnte nach dem Zeugnis mancher christlichen Kaufleute, die nach Almeriah kamen, daß die Krankheit in dem Lande Hata entstanden sei; Hata heißt in der persischen Sprache China, wie ich es von einem Gewährsmann aus Samarkand gelernt habe. China ist die Grenze der bewohnten Erde nach Osten zu. Die Seuche ist in China verbreitet und von da aus ist sie nach dem persischen Irak, den türkischen Ländern gewandert. Andere erwähnten nach dem Bericht christlicher Reisenden, daß sie in Abessinien entstanden sei und von dort aus in die Nachbarländer bis nach Ägypten und Syrien vorgedrungen sei. Diese verschiedenen Berichte beweisen, daß die Katastrophe allgemein alle Länder und Zonen heimgesucht hat. Der Grund der Verschiedenheit der Berichte ist, daß, wenn sie in einem an der (p. 42) Grenze der Erde liegenden Lande erscheint, dessen Einwohner denken, daß die Krankheit dort entstanden sei; und von dort aus verbreitet sich diese Ansicht. Es ist uns auch von vielen Seiten berichtet worden, daß sie in der genuesischen Festung Kaffa gewesen sei, die unlängst durch ein Heer von mohammedanischen Türken und Romäern belagert wurde, dann in Pera, dann in dem großen Konstantinopel, auf den Inseln von Armania an der Küste des Mittelmeeres, in Genua, in Frankreich. Sie griff weiter über nach dem fruchtbaren Andalusien, überschwemmte die Gegenden von Aragon, Barcelona, Valencia u. a., verbreitete sich in dem größten Teil des Königreichs Kastilien bis Sevilla im äußersten Westen, erreichte auch die Inseln des Mittelmeeres Sizilien, Sardinien, Mallorca, Ibiza, sprang über nach der gegenüberliegenden Küste von Afrika und ging von da aus weiter nach Westen. | Opinions differ as to the origin of this event. According to the testimony of some Christian merchants who came to Almeriah, the author mentioned that the disease originated in the land of Hata; Hata means China in the Persian language, as I learnt from an author from Samarkand. China is the border of the inhabited earth to the east. The disease spread in China and from there it travelled to Persian Iraq and the Turkish countries. Others mentioned, according to the report of Christian travellers, that it originated in Abyssinia and from there spread to neighbouring countries as far as Egypt and Syria. These different reports prove that the catastrophe affected all countries and zones in general. The reason for the diversity of reports is that when it appears in a country lying on the (p. 42) frontier of the earth, its inhabitants think that the disease originated there; and from there this opinion spreads. It has also been reported to us from many quarters that it was in the Genoese fortress of Kaffa, which was recently besieged by an army of Mohammedan Turks and Romæans, then in Pera, then in the great Constantinople, on the islands of Armania on the coast of the Mediterranean, in Genoa, in France. It spread further to fertile Andalusia, flooded the regions of Aragon, Barcelona, Valencia and others, spread through most of the kingdom of Castile as far as Seville in the far west, reached the Mediterranean islands of Sicily, Sardinia, Mallorca, Ibiza, jumped over to the opposite coast of Africa and from there continued westwards.. | Dinanah 1927, pp. 41-42 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Constance | 1348 JL | The Jews were accused of poisoning the water in 1348 and as a consequence were killed. In the following year 1349 the flagellants movement arose and traveled through the lands and were forbidden by Pope Clement VI. | Von gottes gepurd MCCC und XLVIII jar kam ein plag uber die juden und burden geczigen, sy hetten basser und prunnen vergift, und burden ir gar vil in vil landen und in steten verprant. Und ist versechenlich, das ir der maist tail sey verbrant borden durch irsz gücz willen etc. (p. 230) Bey den zeitten do man zalt von gottes gepurdt MCCC und XLVIIII jar stund ein fromde bunderliche geschelschaft auff von purgern und von pawren, die giengen durch vil landt und stet mit creuczen und mit vannen und sungen deucze lieder und predigten und gaisleten sich selber vil und vast und vielen nider auf -, peichten und absolvirten selber an ein ander und hielten und geputen vil an ein ander czw halten bunderliche ding und falsch weise und articel wider cristen gelauben und czugen an sich beib und man, arm und reich, das ir zw leczt gar vil bardt und maintenn etlich, ir ber bey zway (p. 231) und vierczig tausent person, aber der vorgenant pabst Clemens der sechst der best bol, das ir beisz nit gerecht was, da gepot er durch alle landt, wer den selben ungelauben fuert und sich offenlich gaislet, das man den vachen und püssen solt, und zergieng da die selb geschelschaft da gar pald. |
In the year of Our Lord 1348, a plague came upon the Jews, and they were accused of poisoning water and wells. Many of them were burned in various lands and cities. It is certain that the majority of them were burned because of their wealth. (p. 230) </ br>In the year of Our Lord 1349, a strange and miraculous society arose among the citizens and peasants, who traveled through many lands and cities with crosses and banners, singing german songs and preaching. They whipped themselves severely and excessively, and many of them fell to the ground, confessing and absolving one another. They held and professed many miraculous things, in a false way and contrary to Christian belief. They recruited many women and men, poor and rich, and eventually their numbers grew to over forty-two (p. 231) thousand people. However, Pope Clement VI, realizing that their beliefs were not just, issued a decree throughout all the lands that anyone who followed this unbelief and publicly flogged themselves should be punished. Consequently, this society quickly dispersed. | Konstanzer Weltchronik 1869, pp. 229-231 | None |
| 1348-00-00-Paris2 | 1348 JL | List of noble victims of the Black Death across the Holy Roman Empire and France; impact on Paris and the Hundred Years War in Gascony. | Anno Domini M°CCC°XLIX° predicto in pestilencia moriebantur circa finem anni filia Karoli Romani regis et Bohemie, regina Ungarie, item soror eiusdem reigs, uxor Iohannis primogeniti Franci. Item uxor Franci de Burgundia; qui Francus filiam regis Navarnie pulcherrimam de suo genere duxit uxorem. Item primogenitus ducis Brabancie, gener predicti Iohannis. Item et domina de Couzin, filia quondam Lupoldi ducis Austrie, et Conradus de Medeburg maritus eius. Item filia regis Sicilie, uxor Stephani ducis Bavarie, relictis sibi pluribus liberis. Qui Stephanus filiam burggravii in Nurenberg duxit uxorem. Tantaque fuit in Francia et in Anglia pestilencia, quod Parisius et in pluribus locis vix nonus homo dicitur remansisse. Et cessare incepit. Anglus quoque, qui durante pestilencia quievit non inquietando Francum, iterum cessante pestilencia in Wasconia per suos Francum invadit, aliquas municiones expugnans et terram quasi usque ad Tholosam sue subiecens dicioni. | In the year of our Lord 1349, during the aforementioned pestilence, towards the end of the year, died the daughter of Charles, King of the Romans and Bohemia, the Queen of Hungary [Margaret of Luxembourg, died 7 September 1349 in Viségrad], as well as his sister [Jutta/Bonne of Luxembourg, died 11 September 1349 at Maubuisson], the wife of John, the eldest son of the King of France. Also, the wife of the French Duke of Burgundy [Jeann, died 12 December 1348]; this Frenchman married the most beautiful daughter of the King of Navarre from his lineage. Also, the eldest son of the Duke of Brabant, son-in-law of the aforementioned John. Also, the Lady of Coucy, [Catherine of Austria] daughter of Duke Leopold of Austria, and Burggrave Konrad I. of Maidburg, her husband. Also, the daughter of the King of Sicily, [Elisabeth of Sicily] wife of Stephen, Duke of Bavaria, leaving behind several children [died 21 March 1349 in Landshut] . This Stephen married the daughter of the Burggrave of Nuremberg. The plague was so severe in France and England that in Paris and in many places barely one out of nine persons is said to have remained alive. And it began to cease. Also, the English, who during the plague refrained from troubling the French, once the plague ceased, invaded Gascony through their own territory, capturing some fortifications and subjecting the land almost up to Toulouse to their rule. | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 439. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1348-02-00-Lucca | February 1348 JL | The Black Death comes to Lucca via Pisa | Avendo Iddio, per i nostri peccati, mandato il segno della carestia, come è stato raccontato, e nonostante questo non essendosi gli uomini pentiti né avendo perdonato le offese, ma organizzatisi addirittura per mali ancora maggiori, la somma potenza di Dio decise di mandare una epidemia per punire quelli senza timore di Lui e pertinaci nel fare del male, nonostante che per essa dovessero perire molti innocenti. Essendo giunte a Pisa dala Romania due galee di Genovesi, con a bordo uomini ammalati di peste, giunti che furono nella Piazza dei Pesci, tutti quelle che parlarono con quei marinai, in breve si ammalarono e [p. 111] morirono; e ciò avvenne del gennaio del 1348. E così l'epidemia iniziò grandemente in Pisa e poi si sparse per tutta la Toscana e sopratutto in Lucca. E in quel tempo, il 18 di febbraio dell'anno suddetto, nacqui io, Giovanni Sercambi, nella contrada di San Cristoforo, nelle case di messer Santo Falabrina; nella quale epidemia morirono più di 80 persone su cento. E l'aria era così impestata, che in qualunque luogo uno andasse la morte lo raggiungeva; e vedendo che tutti morivano, poco si aveva paura della morte. E da molti si credette che fosse la fine del mondo. E quell' epidemia durò in Toscana per più di un anno. E tutti quelli che sopravissero divennero ricchi, perchè il tesoro di molti rimase in proprietà di uno solo. E nonostante tutti questi segni i Pisani non abbondarono Lucca, ma per lungo tempo, con maggiore asprezza, la signoreggiarono. | Since God, due to our sins, had sent the sign of famine, as has been recounted, and despite this, men did not repent nor did they forgive offenses, but rather organized themselves for even greater evils, the supreme power of God decided to send an epidemic to punish those without fear of Him and persistent in doing harm, even though many innocents had to perish because of it. Two galleys from Genoa, carrying men sick with the plague, arrived in Pisa from the Black Sea and Aegean. When they reached the Piazza dei Pesci, all those who spoke with the sailors shortly fell ill and died; and this happened in January of 1348. Thus the epidemic began greatly in Pisa and then spread throughout Tuscany and especially in Lucca. And at that time, on February 18th of the aforementioned year, I, Giovanni Sercambi, was born in the district of San Cristoforo, in the houses of Messer Santo Falabrina; during this epidemic, more than 80 out of every 100 people died. The air was so contaminated that wherever one went, death would reach them; and seeing that everyone was dying, there was little fear of death. Many believed it was the end of the world. This epidemic lasted in Tuscany for more than a year. All those who survived became wealthy because the treasures of many remained in the possession of a single person. Despite all these signs, the Pisans did not abandon Lucca, but for a long time, ruled it with even greater harshness.. | Giovanni Sercambi 2015), pp. 110-111. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1348-04-00-Egypt | April 1348 JL | The Black Death in Egypt and other countries in 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349): People were taken by surprise by the epidemic (wabāʾ) whose death toll was high. The odors of death met them. People died quickly of the disease after buboes had appeared at their earlobes (marrāq). | al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 4 (1970), pp. 126-127; 143. | Translation needed | ||
| 1348-04-00-Middle East | April 1348 JL | From April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented plague hit the Middle East, and lasted about a year, and one third of Greater Syria’s and Egypt’s population died. | The Black Death in the Middle East: In the year 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented wave of plague hit the Middle East. It was the sixth plague which affected the Middle East in the Islamic period. It was called the Kinship Plague (Ṭāʿūn al-Ansāb) since the decease of a person was often followed by the death of some of his or her relatives. People developed pustules, spat yellow blood and died within 50 hours. When people started spitting blood they would bid farewell to their friends, close their shops, their burial would be prepared, and they would die in their homes. The daily death toll reached a maximum of ca. 500 in Aleppo, more than 1,000 in Damascus, and ca. 20,000 in Egypt. Mostly women, youths, poor people, and riffraff died. The plague wave lasted about a year, and ca. one third of Greater Syria’s (Shām) and Egypt’s population died. | Ibn Ḥabīb - Tadhkirat al-nabīh 1976-1986, vol. 3 (1986), pp. 110-112 | Translation by Undine Ott | |
| 1348-06-01-Almeria | 1 June 1348 JL | The Black Death reaches Almeria and other parts of Spain like Valencia and Majorca, but also Northern Africa with cities like Tlemcen and Tunisia. Mortality varies by month and also social topography is provided. | Diese Pest, die jetzt entstanden ist, und nach der gefragt wurde, scheint mir aus der ersten Art der erwähnten Ursachen entstanden zu sein. Es spricht dafür, dass sie sich in den meisten, wenn nicht in allen Ländern, zu allen Jahreszeiten jahrelang hin durch ausbreitete, ohne daß die Regeln des Regens, des Wehens der Winde in den verschiedenen Jahreszeiten sich viel ändern, weder nach eigener Beobachtung noch nach dem, was uns aus anderen Ländern erzählt wird. Die Jahreszeiten wechseln, ohne dass ihr Wechsel die Krankheit anscheinend beeinflusst, sondern sie bleibt sich immer gleich. Sie brach in Almeriah Anfang Rabi I. Jahr 749 aus (1. Juni 1348), wütete einen Teil des Frühlings, den ganzen Sommer bis in die Herbstmonate und einen Teil des Winters bis jetzt, wo mein Buch geschrieben wird, Mitte Di-lkifdah, das heisst die ersten Tage des Februar. Bis jetzt ist sie nicht weg, aber die Erscheinungen der Gnade Gottes sind zu spüren, möge er uns recht bald seine Gnade ganz zuwenden! Die ganze Zeit hindurch blieb die Art der Krankheit die gleiche; es kam aber vor, daß die Symptome sich den Jahreszeiten anpaßten. Sie fing leicht an, und es waren zuerst nur wenige Leute, die befallen wurden; dann nahm sie allmählich und (p. 41) leicht zu bis Ende Ğumādā 2., das heißt Ende September, und dann nahm sie heftig zu und erhielt sich ungefähr mit gleicher Heftigkeit bis jetzt. Es war äußerst gnädig von Gott, daß sie in Almeriah so leicht angefangen hat, denn wenn sie plötzlich die Leute überfallen hätte, wie das in anderen Stätten des Islam der Fall war, wären die Einwohner infolge des Schreckens hilflos zu grunde gegangen. Sie hat angefangen in einer Ecke der Stadt, die unter dem Namen Hūām bekannt ist, die Nordostecke am Ğabala, die Wohnstätte der Armen und Bedürftigen. Die ersten Fälle waren von Leuten mit dem Namen Beni Danna bekannt, und von ihnen aus verbreitete sich die Krankheit allmählich unter den Nachbarn langsam zunehmend, und auf die Umgebung übergreifend, bis sie die äußeren Grenzen der Stadt und dann das Stadtinnere erreichte. Die Höchstzahl an Todesfällen an einem Tage während der ganzen Zeit war 70, eine Zahl, die verhältnismäßig gering ist verglichen mit dem, was uns über andere Städte des Islam und der Christen berichtet wurde. Glaubwürdige Berichterstatter erzählten uns, daß an einem Tage in Tunis 1202 Todesfälle vorkamen, in Tilimsan über 700, unlägst in Valencia am Unsoratag 1500, auf der Insel Mallorca am 24. Mai 1252, wo die Überlebenden auf etwa ein Viertel der Gesamtzahl der Einwohner geschätzt wurden. Das gleiche wurde uns über alle größeren und kleineren Städte berichtet. | This plague which has now arisen, and which has been enquired after, seems to me to have arisen from the first kind of causes mentioned. It appears that in most, if not in all countries, it spread through all seasons for years, without much change in the rules of the rain, the blowing of the winds in the different seasons, either from our own observation or from what we are told from other countries. The seasons change without their change apparently affecting the disease, but it always remains the same. It broke out in Almeriah at the beginning of Rabi I year 749 (1 June 1348), raged part of the spring, the whole summer until the autumn months and part of the winter until now, when my book is being written, in the middle of Di-lkifdah, that is, the first days of February. So far it has not gone, but the manifestations of God's grace can be felt, may he turn his grace to us completely very soon! All this time the nature of the illness remained the same, but it happened that the symptoms changed with the seasons. It began lightly, and at first only a few people were afflicted; then it gradually and (p. 41) slightly increased until the end of Ğumādā 2, that is, the end of September, and then it increased violently and continued with about the same severity until now. It was most merciful of God that it started so easily in Almeriah, for if it had suddenly attacked the people, as it did in other places of Islam, the inhabitants would have perished helplessly as a result of the terror. It started in a corner of the city known as Hūām, the north-east corner of Ğabala, the home of the poor and needy. The first cases were known from people called Beni Danna, and from them the disease gradually spread among the neighbours, slowly increasing and spreading to the surrounding area until it reached the outer limits of the city and then the city centre. The maximum number of deaths in one day during the entire period was 70, a number that is relatively low compared to what we have been told about other Islamic and Christian cities. Credible reporters told us that there were 1202 deaths in one day in Tunis, over 700 in Tlemcen, 1500 in Valencia on the day of the Unsorat, and 1252 on the island of Mallorca on 24 May, where the survivors were estimated at about a quarter of the total number of inhabitants. The same was reported for all larger and smaller towns. | Dinanah 1927, pp. 40-41 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-00-00-Austria | 1349 JL | In 1349, after an earthquake, the Plague arrived in Austria together with flagellants. Around the feast of St John the baptist the disease was so severe that in Vienna 500 funerals were held per day. The disease spread because wells and other waters had been poisoned by the Jews who where persecuted all over the country. | A.D. 1349 incepit pestilencia scilicet post terre motum, et pestilenciam quidam prevenientes per ecclesias nudati usque ad cingulum acutis flagellis usque ad effusionem sanguinis se flagellantes decurrebant cum cantu de passione Domini, plurimos aspicientes in lacrimas commovebant. [...] Mox circa festum Iohannis baptiste facta est pestilencia qualis nunquam audita vel visa est, ita ut in civitate Wiennensi una die 500 funera haberentur, et tamen omnes rite sacramentalibus procurati per triduum et quasi dormiendo et cum magno fetore leniter decesserunt; ulcera habentes quidam circa genitalia sicca, quidam vesicas in cute. De quibus suspicati sunt quidam, Iudeos hoc in ulcionem inter christianos effecisse, quodam pulvere fontes et omnes aquas per necessarios eciam christianos infecisse; de quibus plurimi sunt exusti et in superioribus partibus omnes Iudei occisi et iugulati sunt; eciam in Chrems circa festum sancti Michahelis omnes Iudeorum domus aduste sunt, paucis Iudeis evadentibus. Quapropter dux Albertus, fautor Iudeorum, omnes adiacentes villas iussit spoliare. Iems nebulosa, ver optimus et floridus. | Kalendarium Zwetlense, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 689-698, 692, l. 26-40 | Translation needed | |
| 1349-00-00-Austria-01 | 1 January 1349 JL | Around New Year of 1349 flagellants appeared in Austria and they remained active until Easter, when the plague diminished. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters. | Anno 1349 circa circumcisionem Domini usque in pascham viri 40, 60 vel 100 coadunati per ecclesias discurrentes cum flagellis se denudantes usque ad cingulum publicas egerunt penitencias, cantando de passione Domini, quatenus pestilencia que tunc in quibusdam locis prevaluerat cessaret. Incusati autem Iudei, quod fontes et aquas eciam fluentes quibusdam pulveribus toxicassent, unde in superioribus partibus undique autem iugulati, et in Chremsa adusti sunt una cum domibus eorum. | In the year 1349 from around New Year and until Easter 40, 60 or 100 assembled men spread over the churches and beat themselves naked down to the belt requesting penitence in public and singing about the passion of the Lord until the plague, which in those places prevailed, ebbed away. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters, also flowing ones, with powders. That is why they were killed in the upper parts [of the country] and in Krems they were burned together with one of their masters. | Continuatio Zwetlensis quarta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 684-689, 685 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Austria-02 | 1349 JL | In 1349 flagellants arose in Austria and when they were no longer active a great plague raged the land with unheard of mortality. | Eodem anno flagellatores surrexerunt, qui flagellaverunt se, et ibant de civitate in civitatem, et de villa in villam. Et finita ista secta, venit pestilentia sive mortalitas magna et inaudita, quod sepe una die sepeliebant mille homines nisi in una civitate, et in rure sepeliebantur homines in campis et talis pestilentia nunquam visa fuit, nec visa est. | In this year the flagellants arose, who beat themselves and they went from city to city and from village to village. And when this sect was finished a plague arrived or a great and unheard of mortality by which often in one day thousand people were buried in just one city, and in rural areas the people were buried in the fields and so great was the plague that it was never seen before nor is it seen. | Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis quinta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 735-742, 736 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Austria-Bavaria | 1349 JL | In many places in Austria and Bavaria many people died of a most cruel plague, e.g. in Mühldorf am Inn in Upper Bavaria died on the feastday of St Michael (September 29) 1.400 people. The Jews were made responsible for the plague and in Salzburg, Munich and other places they were persecuted. | 1349. Sevivit crudelissima pestilencia, que interemit forsam terciam partem hominum, quia in Wyenna decesserunt qualibet die due vel tres libre hominum, et una die quatuor libre, una die 960. In Patavia vero moriebantur qualibet die quinque vel sex solidi, et una die 9 solidi, una die 300 minus 30 homines. Lustrabat autem hec pestilencia totum orbem, non simul et semel, sed successive. Cum itaque pestis et decessus hominum prochdolor nimis atrociter lustrasset multos provinciarum fines, venit in Barbariam, videlicet in Muldorf; ubi, ut dicebatur, a festo Michahelis preteriti anni decesserunt 1400 de pocioribus ibidem hominibus. Item in Prawnau sepius uno die moriebantur 16, et in Monaco, et in Lantzhuta, et in aliis quam pluribus civitatibus et oppidis in tantum sevivit mors, quod ab effluxis temporum motibus enormiori peste nemo cogitaret. [...] Ob hanc nemppe nephariam infamiam in Saltzburga et Monaco et in aliis infinitis civitatibus Iudei fuerant cremati, cesi, secti et quomodolibet aliter trucidati et occisi. Et in Praunaw dicebatur eciam, quod Iudei redegerint feculenciam venenosorum animalium in pulveres, et impleverint sacculos in longitudine et latitudine duorum digitorum, et submerserint aquis puteorum et etiam foncium scaturiencium; et tales sacculi pleni intoxicacionibus a christianis per expurgacionem foncium fuerunt inventi. | 1349. A most cruel plague raged through the land, which eliminated maybe one third of the people; as in Vienna died every day two libre (480) or three libre (720) people and one day four libre (960), one day 960 [the editor assumes that 1 libram = 240 people, one solidum = 30 people equalling it to the value of the respective currency]. In Passau died every day really five (150) or six (180) solidi and one day nine solidi (270), one day 300 minus 30 people. But this plague did not wander the whole world at the same time and all at once but sucessively. Because the pestilence and the deceased people caused too much hardness, many wandered over the borders of the province and went to Bavaria namely to Mühldorf, where, it is said, at the feast of St Michael of the last year 1.400 of their best people died. In the same way died often on one day 16 in Braunau; and in Monaco and in Landshut and in numerous other towns and villages raged such a death that in the fluent movement of time noone knows of a more enormous plague. [...] Because of this the infamous Jews in Salzburg and Monaco and in innumerable other towns were burned, slaughtered, cut down and in whatever other way massacred and killed. And in Braunau it was also said that the Jews made poisonous animal faeces to powder and that they filled them into small bags of two finger length and width and dumped them into the wells and other gushing waters; and such bags full with poisons were found by the Christians and carried away for the cleansing of the water. | Annales Matseenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 823-837, 829f. | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Constance | 1349 JL | Great mortality in Constance. | 1349. Anno 1349 in dem winter was gar ain grosser tod zu Costentz. | 1349. Anno 1349, there was a great plague in Constance during the winter. | Konstanzer Chronik, p. 325 | None |
| 1349-00-00-Cracow | 1349 JL | Flagellants came from Hungary during that year and a great plague broke out in Cracov | Anno Domini 1349 flagellatores nudi venerunt de Ungaria. Eodem anno perstilencia magna erat in Cracovia. | In the year 1349 nude flagellants came from Hungary. In the same year there was a great pestilence in Cracov, | Notae Cracovienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 5, p. 905 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Denmark | 1349 JL | Black Death in Denmark in the year 1349. | Mortalitas magna in Dania. | Great mortality in Denmark. | Chronica Sialandie. In: Ellen Jørgensen: Annales Danici medii ævi. København 1920, p. 175 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1349-00-00-Florence | 1349 JL | After the plague the citizens in Florence were still in shock and listless. But peoples of Colle Val d'Elsa and San Gimignano returned to power and castles of the Ubaldini were taken. | Sequenti etiam anno parum aut nihil gestum, consternata adhuc civitate superiori pestilentia. Collenses tantum et Geminianenses domesticis seditionibus laborantes in potestatem florentini populi redierunt. Et circa Apenninum aliquot castella de Ubaldinis capta, quibus latrocinia exercebantur. | In the following year, too, little or nothing was done, as the city was still in shock from the plague. The peoples of Colle Val d’Elsa and San Gimignano, wracked by domestic turmoils, returned to the power of the Florentine People. And in the Apennines several castles of the Ubaldini were taken which had been centers of brigandage. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 314. | None |
| 1349-00-00-Halmstad | 1349 JL | The plague was transmitted to Halland in Denmark, where it erupted in the autumn of 1349 in the port of Halmstad. King Magnus IV calls upon the population of Linköping to visit the mass, go to confession, give alms to the poor and the Church, and fast to keep the great plague away | Kong Magnus af Sverige, Norge og Skåne oppfordrer alle beboere i bispedommet i Linköping til at gå i kirke, ofre til de fattige, faste hver fredag, skrifte og give en svensk penning til ære for Gud og jomfru Marie for at holde den “stoora plago“ borte, som “staar nw omkring alt Norge oc Halland oc naakas nu hiit.” | King Magnus of Sweden, Norway and Scania calls upon all residents of the diocese of Linköping to go to church, make offerings to the poor, fast every Friday, go to confession and give a Swedish penny in honour of God and the Virgin Mary to keep away the "great plague" that "is now around all of Norway and Halland and is now present here." | Diplomatarium Danicum, 1st–3rd series, 3, 3, no. 217, p. 170 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1349-00-00-Limburg | 1349 JL | The Black Death strikes Limburg, but also Mainz and Cologne. In Limburg, the disease killed 2.400 people. From the fear of the plague arose the flagellants movement. A long description of the flagellants movement and their behaviour and rituals follows this source passage. | Item da man schreip dusent druhundert unde in dem nune unde virzigesten jare da quam ein groß sterben in Dusche lande, daz ist genant daz große erste sterben. Und storben si an den drusen, unde wen daz aneging, der starp an dem dretten dage in der maße. Unde storben di lude in den großen steden zu Menze, zu Collen unde also meistlichen alle dage me dan hondert menschen oder in der maße, unde in den kleinen steden als Limpurg storben alle dage zwenzig oder vir unde zwenzig oder drißig, also in der wise. Daz werte in etzlichen stat oder lande me dan dru virtel jahres oder ein jar. Unde storben zu Limpurg me dan vier unde zwenzig hondert menschen, ußgenommen kinde. Item da daz folk den großen jamer von sterbende sach, daz uf ertrich was, da filen di lude gemeinlichen in einen großen ruwen ire sunde unde suchten penitentien unde daden daz mit eigen willen unde namen den babest unde di heilige kirchen nit zu hilfe unde zu rade, daz große dorheit was unde groß vursumenisse unde vurdampnisse ire selen. Unde vurhauften sich di menner in den steden unde in dem lande unde gingen mit den geiseln hondert zweihundert oder druhondert oder in der maße. Unde was ir leben also, daz igliche partie gingen drißig dage mit der geiseten von einer stat zu der andern unde furten cruze unde fanen als in der kirchen unde mit kerzen unde tortisen. Unde wo si qwamen vur eine stat, da gingen si in einer procession zwene unde zwene bit einander bit in di kirchen; unde hatten hude uf, darane stunden vorne roden cruze, unde iglicher furte sine geiseln vur ime hangen unde songen ire leisen […] |
In the year 1349, a great mortality occurred in the German lands, which is called the great first dying. They died of glandular disease, and when it started, people typically died on the third day. People died in the large cities like Mainz, Cologne, and almost daily more than a hundred people or thereabouts, and in the small towns like Limburg, twenty or twenty-five or thirty people died daily, similarly. This lasted more than three quarters of a year or a year in some cities or regions. In Limburg, more than twenty-four hundred people died, children excluded. When the people saw the great misery of the dying that was upon the earth, they generally fell into deep remorse for their sins and sought penance, doing so of their own will without seeking the aid and counsel of the Pope or the Holy Church. This was great folly, a great omission, and damnation of their souls. The men in the cities and the countryside banded together and went with the Flagellants in groups of one hundred, two hundred, or three hundred, or in similar numbers. Their way of life was such that each group went for thirty days with the Flagellants from one town to another, carrying crosses and banners as in church, with candles and torches. And when they came near a town, they would proceed in a procession, two by two, up to the church. They wore hats adorned with red crosses in the front, and each carried his scourge hanging before him, singing their chants [...] | Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 31. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1349-00-00-Norway 001 | 1349 JL | Arrival of the Black Death to Norway in 1349. | Drepsotinn kom fyrst i Babilon a Serklandi sidan for hon til Iorsala lannz ok eyddi Iorsala borg þa for hon yfir hafid ok higat til pafa garz. þa uar Clemens sextus hann uigdi ana Rodanum ok uoru þar a bornir daudir menn er eigi matti iarda sidan for hon um Franz ok Saxland sua nordr um sio til Einglannz ok eyddi þar sua at eigi uar fleira manna i borginni Lunndun en xiiij. Þa vigldi .i. kuggr til Biorguiniar ok uard eiqi ruddr ok do af allt folkid en þegar gozid kom upp i bæinn þa do þegar folkid. for þa drepsottin um allan Noreg. fioldi skipa sock nidr med farmi ok urdu eigi rudd. Sidan for hon um Hialtland Orkneyar Sudureyar Færeyar. Þat uar kyn sottarinnar at menn lifdu iij dægr med hardan stinga þa toku menn blodspyu ok for þar med onndin. fyrr nefndr pafi setti moti þersi drepsott messo er sua byriaz recordare domine et cet. ok gaf þar med pardun rietskriftudum .cc. ok .Ix. daga. þar med dictadi hann eina bæn er sua hefr benediccio dei patris. ok med i uppgiof .dc. daga ok iiij karinur. | The deadly plague appeared first in Babylon in Serkland, then it went to Palestine and desolated Jerusalem. Then, it went over the sea hither to the papal city [= Avignon]. Clement VI consecrated the river Rhône and dead people, who could not be buried, were thrown into it. Then, the disease went across all France and Saxony northwards to England and raged there so heavily that not more than fourteen people survived in the city of London. Then, a cog sailed to Bergen, was not cleared, and all the people [on the ship] died. As soon as the goods were brought into the town, the townspeople died. Then, the disease swept all over Norway. The ship sank with its cargo, and was not cleared. After that, the disease spread across the Shetlands, Orkneys, Hebrides and Faroes. That was the sort of disease that people did not live more than three days with heavy pangs of pain. Then, they began to vomit blood, and then the spirit left them. The aforesaid pope set a mass against this plague that begins with recordare domine etc., and gave a written indulgence of 200 and 60 days. Then he also authored a prayer that starts benediccio dei patris, with the remission of sins for 600 days and four times 40 days of fasting. | Annálarbrót frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 223. | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1349-00-00-Norway 002 | 1349 JL | Arival of the Black Death to Norway via a cog from England in 1349. Two-thirds of the population in Norway die, among others the archbishop of Nidaros and the bishops of Bergen, Stavanger and Hamar. It is explicitly stated that the plague did not reach Iceland | J þenna tima kom drep sott so mickil vm alla nordr halfu heimsins at alldre kom slik fyrr sidan londin bygduzst. fyrst kom sottin vpp i Babilone a Serklande. vt i Affrica. sidan for hon hegat till Jorsalalandz ok i Iorsalaborg. ok eydde naliga borgina. þadan for hon nordr yfir Iorsala haf ok vm alla Romaniam ok sua nordr eftir londum ok vm pauagard. ok eydde allt naliga. vigdi paui aana Rodanum. voru þar vt aa steyttir daudir menn. Gaf paui þat af guds halfu at þat skillde þeira kirkiu gardr þui at eige matte jarda folkit fyrir mannfæd ok sott. sidan for hon vt vm Frakka rike ok vm Saxland. ok sua til Einglandz. ok eydde naliga allt Eingland. ok þat til marks at eige lifdi meir eftir i borginni Lvndunum en fiortan menn. J þann tima sigldi kuggr einn af Einglandi. ok var aa fioldi folks ok lagdi jnn aa Biorgwiniar vogh. ok var litt ruddr. sidan andadizst folkit allt af skipinu. en þegar vpp kom godzit i byinn af þessu skipe þa do þegar bæiar folkit. Þa for sottin vm allan Noreg ok eydde so at eige lifdi einn þridiungr eftir folksins i landinu. Einglandz kuggr saukk nidr med godzinu ok daudum monnum ok vard eige ruddr. fleiri skip buzur ok morg onnur skip sukku nidr ok rak uids vegar en sama sott for vm Hialltland Orkneyiar. Sudreyiar Færeyiar. Þat var kyn sottarinnar at menn lifdu eige meirr en eitt dægr edr tuo. med hordum stinga. eftir þat sætte at blod spyiu ok for þar ondin med sinn vegh. af þessi sott saladizst Arni erkebyskop. ok allir korsbrædr i Nidarose. vtan einn lifdi eftir er Lodinn hiet. ok hann giordi elecceionem kiosandi. Olaf abota af Holmi til erkebyskops. Jtem Ɵ Þorstein byskop. af Biorguin. Jtem Ɵ Guthormr byskop af Stafangre. Halluardr byskop af Hamri saladizst ok þa. Þessi sott kom ecki aa Island. | At that time, such a deadly plague spread all over the northern half of the world that never before had anything similar occurred since the lands were built. The disease started in Babylon in Serkland in Africa. Then then it went to Palestine and Jerusalem, and desolated nearly all towns. From there, it went northwards across the Sea of Jerusalem [= the Mediterranean] and across all the Romania [= Byzantium], and then across the countries further northwards, and to the papal city [= Avignon] and the surrounding area, and desolated nearly everything. The pope consecrated the river Rhône and dead people were thrown into the river. Then the pope prompted with God's help the protection of the churchyards; so that no one was allowed to bury people due to the lack of population and the plague. Then, the disease went across France and Saxony, and then to England. Nearly all of England was laid waste. And as a proof of that, not more than 14 people survived in the city of London. At that time, a cog sailed from England with many people on board, and it was put into the bay of Bergen. A little [cargo] was unloaded. Then, all the people from the ship died. As then the goods were brought into town from this ship, the townspeople began to die. Then, the plague swept all over Norway and raged so heavily that not one-third of the people in the country survived. The English cog sank down with its goods and the dead men, and was not unloaded. More ships, cargo vessels and many other ships sank down or drifted widely around. And the same disease spread across the Shetlands, Orkneys, Hebrides and Faroes. That was the sort of disease that people did not live more than a day or two, with heavy pangs of pain. After that they began to vomit blood, and then the spirit left them. From that plague died Archbishop Arne and all canons of Nidaros, but one who survived, named Lodin. He arranged an election and Abbot Olav of Holm was appointed archbishop. Likewise died Bishop Thorstein of Bergen. Likewise died Bishop Guttormr of Stavanger. Bishop Hallvard of Hamar also died at that time. That disease did not come to Iceland. | Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 275-276 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1349-00-00-Poland | 1349 JL | After referring to the spreading of the Black Death in the entry for 1348, Jan Dlugos adds that in 1349 the Black Death reached Poland. After it had killed many people, the remaining took to religious practices and humiliated themselves through flaggelation and other treatments until God had mercy with them. | Pestifer hic annus eciam aput Polonos fuit morboque epidimie passim grassante multi mortales tam de nobilitate quam de plebe consumpti sunt. Dum quoque diuturni mali nullum esset remedium et plures non domos solum, sed opida et villas pestis desertasset, homines ad religionem conversi, credentes id malum propter indignacionem Divinam sceleribus hominum provocatum accidisse, conversi flagellis virgisque se mutuo verberabant aliisque penitencie generibus se affligebant, donec propiciata Divinitas pestiferam auram sustulit et mortalitatis molem cessare fecit. | This year brought the plague to Poland, too, and as it spread everywhere, many people among the gentry as well as among the peasantry died. And when no remedy could be found for this long-lasting vexation, and when the plague not only killed many in houses but also depopulated whole towns and villages, people convinced themselves that all their troubles fell on them as a divine retribution for their crimes and thus they turned to religious practices. So, they flagellated and birched each other, and humiliated themselves with other forms of penance until God showed his mercy towards them and took away the plague and let the acute mortality cease. | Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 257 | None |
| 1349-00-00-Poland-1 | 1349 JL | In this year there was a great pestilence and people flagellated themselves | Anno Domini 1349 pestilencia magna fuit, et homines se affligebant seu flagellabant. | In the year of the Lord 1349 there was a great pestilence and people beat or flagellated themselves. | Spominki Wladislawskie, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, p. 945 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Prussia | 1349 JL | After writing for several chapters about the way of the Black Death over Europe and of the manifestations of the disease, the chronicler adds that it also raged in Prussia and Pomerania | Predicta ergo pestilencia, que circuivit Pene omnes regiones calidas, proch dolor, ad clima nostrum iam pervenit et iam fere in tota Pruzia et Pomerania innumerabiles viros ac mulieres consumpsit et hodierna die consumere non cessat. | The aforementioned plague, which has spread over almost all southern countries — oh horror of horrors! — arrived at our lands as well; in most of Prussia and Pomerania it has consumed innumerable men and women, and it continues to consume them still. | Chronica Oliviensis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica tom. VI, pp. 310-350, p. 347 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-00-00-Strasbourg | 1349 JL | Plague in Strasbourg | [26.] Pervenit autem ad civitatem Argentinam hec pestilentia anno Domini MCCCXLIX. in estate, et moriebantur ibi, ut dicebatur, XVI milia hominum. | [26.] The plague reached the city Strasbourg in the summer 1349 und there died, how it was reported, sixteen thousand people. | Mathias de Nuwenburg: de progenie, origine et gestis bertholdi de Bucheke episcopi Argentinensis 1924-40, p. 534 | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1349-00-00-Strasbourg 001 | 1349 JL | Greatest death ever in all over the world, which was followed by a burning of the jews and the flagellants movement. |
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Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 480. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1349-00-00-Strasbourg 002 | 1349 JL | Great mortality all over the world. In Marseille died more the half of the people. In the summer the plague arrived in Strasbourg and 16 thousend people died. The Jews were blamed for poisoning the water, which brought the plague. As a consequence they were burned in Strasbourg and other cities along the Rhine. | Von dem grossen sterbotte und Judenbrande Do men zalte 1349 jor, do was der groeste sterbotte der vor ie gewas: das sterben ging von eime ende der welte untz an das ander; gynesit und hie dissit des meres. in der heidenschaft was der sterbotte groesser denne in der cristenheit. Menig lant starp gerwe us, daz nieman me do was. men vant ouch menig schif uf dem mere mit koufmanschatz, do inne die lüte alle dot worent und nieman die schiffe furte. der bischof von Marsilien und pfaffen und müniche und alles volg do, das starp me denne das zweitel. In andern künigrichen und stetten starp so vil volkes, das es were gruwelichen zu sagende. der bobest zu Avion lies alles gerihte under wegen und beslos sich in eine kammer und lies nieman zu ime und hette allewegen ein gros für vor ime. und wovon dirre sterbotte [p. 760], das kundent alle wise meistere noch arzote nüt gesagen anders, denne das es were gottes wille. und so der sterbotte ignote hie was, so was er denne anderswo, und werte me denne ein gantz jor. Dirre sterbotte kam ouch gein Strosburg in dem summer des vorgenanten jores, und sturbent do also men schetzete uf 16 tusent menschen. Von diesem sterbotte wurdent die Juden in der welte verlümet und gezigen in allen landen, das sü es gemaht hettent mit vergift die sü in wasser und in burnen soltent geton han, also men sü zech. und derumb wurdent die Juden verbrant von dem mer untz in dütsche lant, one zu Avion, do beschirmete sü der bobest. […] (p. 763) Men brante die Juden An dem samstage, das was sant Veltins dag [14.02.], do verbrante men die Juden in irme kirchofe uf eime hültzin gerüste: der worent uf zwei tusent. Wele sich aber woltent lossen touffen, die lies men lebende. es wurdent ouch vil junger kinde us dem füre genomen über irer muter und vatter wille, die getouffet wurdent. und was men den Juden schuldig was, das wart alles wette, und wurdent alle pfant und briefe die sü hettent über schulde widergeben. aber das bar gut das sü hettent, das nam der rot und teilete es under die antwerg noch margzal. das gelt was ouch die sache (p. 764) dovon die Juden gedoetet wurdent: wan werent sü arm gewesen und werent in die landesherren nüt schuldig gewesen, so werent sü nüt gebrant worden. do nu dis gut geteilet wart under die antwerg, so gobent etliche ir teil an unser frowen werg oder durch got, noch ihres bihters rote. Sus wurdent die Juden gebrant zu Strosburg und des selben jores in allen stetten uf dem Ryne, es werent frige stette oder des riches oder der herren. in etlichen stetten brante men sü mit urteil, in etlichen one urteil. in etlichen stetten stiessent die Juden ire hüser selber ane und verbrantent sich dinne. |
Of the Great Plague and the Burning of the Jews
In the year 1349, there was the greatest plague that had ever been seen. This plague spread from one end of the world to the other, across seas and lands. It was worse in pagan lands than in Christendom. Many countries were so devastated that no one was left alive. It was common to find ships at sea with the goods where all the people on board were dead, and no one was left to steer the ship. In Marseille, the bishop, priests, monks, and nearly everyone perished—more than half of the population. In other kingdoms and cities, so many people died that it was horrific to recount. The Pope in Avignon abandoned all official duties, locked himself in a chamber, and allowed no one near him, always keeping a large fire burning before him. No wise master or physician could explain this plague except to say it was God's will. When the plague ceased in one place, it would begin elsewhere, lasting more than a year. This plague also reached Strasbourg in the summer of the aforementioned year, where an estimated 16,000 people died. Because of this plague, the Jews were accused and blamed throughout the world. They were charged in all countries with having caused the plague by poisoning wells and springs. As a result, the Jews were burned from the Mediterranean to the German lands, except in Avignon, where the Pope protected them. The Burning of the Jews. On Saturday, the day of Saint Valentine's [February 14th], the Jews in Strasbourg were burned in their cemetery on a wooden platform. About two thousand were burned. Those who agreed to be baptized were spared. Many young children were taken from the fire against the will of their parents and were baptized. All debts owed to the Jews were canceled, and all pledges and documents they held were returned. However, their movable goods were taken by the city council and divided among the authorities. This wealth was also the reason the Jews were killed: if they had been poor and not owed anything to the lords, they would not have been burned. When this wealth was divided among the authorities, some gave their share to the work of the Virgin Mary or for the sake of God, as directed by their confessor. Thus, the Jews were burned in Strasbourg and that same year in all towns along the Rhine, whether they were free cities, under the Empire, or under local lords. In some cities, the Jews were burned with a formal judgment, in others without one. In some places, the Jews set fire to their own houses and burned themselves inside. |
Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, pp. 759-764 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1349-00-00-Strasbourg 003 | 1349 JL | Great dying in Strasbourg was simultaneously with the flagellants procession. Also about the burial traditions during and after the plague | Der grosse sterbotte. Do men zalte noch gotz gebürte 1349 jor, do was der groeste sterbotte zu Strosburg und durch die welt, also dovor bi der Juden brande ist geseit. Und alle die wile die vorgeschriben grosse geischelfart werte, die wile starp men ouch, und do die abegingent, do minrete sich ouch das sterben. das sterben was so gros, das zu iedem kirspel zu Strosburg alle tage worent 8 liche oder zehen, und das men die spittelgrube die bi der kirchen stunt, muste in einen witen garten machen. die lüte die do sturbent, die sturbent an bülen die sich erhubent under den armen oder an den beynen, und die do sterben soltent, die sturbent am dirten tage oder am vierden. und in weles hus das sterben kam, do horte es nüt uf mit eime. In den selben ziten wart zu Strosburg gebotten, das men keinen doten me sollte in die kirche zu begrebede tragen, noch sollte sü nüt über naht in den hüsern lossen, wan zestunt so sü gestürbent so solte men sü anstette begraben. wan vormols was gewonheit, das men die doten erlichen zu kirchen trug und lies sü in der kirchen untz men selmesse gesang: was der dote guter lüte so trugent in die guten, was er ein gebure so trugent in sine genossen. und do der sterbot ergie, do erloubete men die alte gewonheit wider. do worent die lüte in die nuwe gewonheit kumen, und wenne men einen doten sollte su grabe tragen, so woltes nieman gerne tun von ime selber, und beschametent sich gute lüte, das ir ungenossen sü soltent tragen oder das sü knehten soltent lonen. derumb gebot men es widerumbe. nu was ouch eine gewonheit: [p. 770] wenne man einen doten zu kirchen drug, so stürmete men mit den glocken gegen yme. das selbe det men ouch, so men den doten us der kirchen zu grabe trug. von disem sterbotte sturbent uf 16 tusent menschen zu Strosburg, und starp men doch nüt also vaste zu Strasburg also anderswo. |
The great dying In the year 1349, there was the great dying in Strasbourg and across the world, as mentioned earlier in relation to the burning of the Jews. During the time of the great flagellant processions, people were dying continuously, and when the processions ended, the dying began to decrease. The plague was so severe that in every parish in Strasbourg, there were eight to ten funerals each day. The hospital burial pit next to the church became so full that a large garden had to be used for burials. Those who died suffered from swellings under their arms or on their legs, and those who were destined to die usually did so on the third or fourth day. In any house where the plague struck, it did not stop with just one death. During these times, it was decreed in Strasbourg that the dead should no longer be brought into the church for burial, nor should the dead be kept in houses overnight. Instead, as soon as someone died, they were to be buried immediately. Previously, it had been customary to carry the dead to the church with great honor, leaving them there until a requiem mass could be sung. If the deceased was from a noble family, they were carried by their peers; if they were a commoner, their neighbors would carry them. When the plague erupted, these old customs were reinstated. However, people had grown accustomed to the new way of doing things, and when it was time to carry a body to the grave, no one wanted to do it themselves. Good people felt ashamed to ask their neighbors to carry the dead or to pay servants to do it, so the old customs were reintroduced. There was also a tradition: when someone died and was carried to the church, the bells would be rung in mourning. The same was done when the body was taken from the church to the grave. Because of this plague, about 16,000 people died in Strasbourg. However, the dying in Strasbourg was not as high as in other places. |
Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, pp. 769-770. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1349-00-00-Sweden | 1349 JL | An undated prophecy by Birgitta of Sweden about the monks of the Swedish monastery of Alvastra. According to Tryggve Lundén it is to be set between 1344-49. The revelation if followed by the note that a disease came and took away 33 brothers | Cum domina staret orando rapta in spiritu, vidit domum quandam et super domum celum valde serenum. Cumque diligenter inspiciendo miraretur, vidit de domo columbas ascendentes et penetrare celum. Quas Ethiopes conabantur impedire sed non valebant. Subtus vero domum videbatur chaos, in quo sunt tres ordines fratrum. “Primi sunt simplices quasi columbe. Ideo faciliter ascendunt, quorum tibi nomina indicabo. Secundi sunt, qui veniunt ad purgatorium. Tercii sunt, qui iam alium pedem habent in mari et alium in tabulatu nauis. Quorum iudicium nunc appropinquat. Et vt scias et probes, vnus post alium cicius transibit, secundum quod nomina eorum exprimo tibi.” Quod similiter contigit. Venit enim mortalitas et tulit, sicut predictum est, XXXIII fratres. | As the lady [Birgitta] stood in prayer, rapt in spirit, she saw a certain house and above the house a very clear sky. And when she looked carefully and wondered, she saw doves ascending from the house and entering the sky which the Ethiopians (= devils, cf. ON blámenn) tried to prevent but were not able. Under the house she saw an abyss, and there are three kinds of brothers. The first are simple as a dove. Therefore they ascend easily. The second are those who come to purgatory. The third are those who have one foot in the sea and the other on the ship's deck. Their judgement is now approaching, and in order that you may know and be aware of it, one after another will quickly perish as I reveal their names to you." So it came to pass, for a sickness came and took away thirty-three brethren, as was foretold. | Tryggve Lundén:Den Heliga Birgitta, Himmelska uppenbarelser. Vol. 3., ch. 113. Malmö 1958, p. 182 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1349-00-00-Trier | 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death and other disesases, maybe dysentery and fever - all blamed on the Jews. Unusual symptoms of plague. | Isto etiam anno (1349) Deus genus humanus triplici plaga flagellavit: ita quod plusquam medietas hominum cessit ab humanis; primo percussit ipsum epidemia, cui gibbus grevit quacunque corporis parte; et omnes anhelitum ejus capientes celerius interierunt; secundo hemeroida; tertio sacro igne, ita quod corpora in seipsis celerius fuerant consumata; sic quod orbis initio non fuerant tempore periculosiora. Que plaga fuerat Judaeis imposita, sic quod aquam in omni terra intoxicassent, de quo aer infectus, tales plagae in omnia climata pullulassent. [...] (p. 264) Et ista per sequentem annum duraverunt. | In the same year (1349), God afflicted the human race with a triple scourge: so that more than half of humanity departed from the living; first, it struck with an epidemic, which oppressed with a hunchback anyone in any part of the body; and all who caught its breath perished swiftly; secondly, with hemorrhoids; thirdly, with a sacred fire, so that bodies were consumed more rapidly within themselves; thus, since the beginning of the world, there had not been more dangerous times. This scourge had been blamed on the Jews, so as if they could poison water in all lands, from which infected air such plagues spread into all climates. [...] (p. 264) And these plagues continued into the next year. | Gesta Baldewini 1838, pp. 263-164. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-00-00-Zwiefalten | 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Zwiefalten. | Mors pestilencia prima hic populos pressit. | Death by the first plague weighed heavily on the populace here. | Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 62. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-01-27-Damascus | 27 January 1349 JL | On January 27, 1349, the Friday preacher Tāj al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Raḥīm al-Qazwīnī died of plague in Damascus after two days of illness. The members of his household were infected, too; his brother Ṣadr al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Karīm died soon afterwards. | Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 509. | Translation needed | ||
| 1349-02-09-Strasbourg | 9 February 1349 JL | In Strasbourg, three leaders were expelled after the city granted protection to the Jews. Accusations arose that Jews had poisoned wells, leading to to torture, and persecutions. Around 2,000 Jews were burned, except those who converted to Christianity. This event coincided with the rise of the flagellant movement and a severe outbreak of plague. | Die nüwe anderunge zu Strosburg Do man zalt 1349 jor, an sente Appollonien dag [9. Februar] der uf einen [p. 127] mendag geviel, und diese drie meister zu Strosburg worent: her Goße Sturm und her Cuntze von Wintertur und her Peter Swarber ammanmeister, do wurdent sü alle drie verstoßen. und kam daz alsus. Die stat hette gut genomen von den Juden, und hetten sü getrofte uf ein zil und hette in des briefe wol versigelt geben und hetten ouch solichen friden: wer in ut hette geton, er muest es swerlicher hon verbeßert, wan hetters eim kristen geton. deruf ließent sich die Juden und wurdent also hochtragendes mutes, daz sü niemanne woltent vorgeben, und wer mit in hette zu dunde, der kunde kume mit in uberein kummen. darumbe wurdent sü verhaßet von meneglichen. Derzu viel ein gezig uf die Juden, daz sü soltent die bürnen und die waßer han vergiftet. des murmelte daz volk gemeinliche und sprochent, man solt sü verburnen. des wolt der rot nüt dun, man mohte danne beweren uf sü daz es wor were, oder daz süs selber verjehen. dar uf fing man ir etwie vil und kesteget sü sere mit dümende, der verjohent drie weis viere andere sachen, der sü schuldig worent, darumbe man sü radebrehte. doch verjohent sü nie, daz sü an der vergift schuldig werent. […] [p. 130] An der mittewoche swur man den rot, an dem dunrestage swur man in deme garten. an deme fritage ving man die juden, an dem samestage brante man die Juden, der worent wol uffe zwei tusent alse man ahtete. wele sich aber woltent lon toufen, die lies man leben. es wurdent ouch vil junger kinde von dem für genomen uber irre mueter und irre vetter wille, die geteufet wurdent. waz man den Juden schuldig waz, daz wart alles wette, unde wurdent alle pfant und briefe die sie hettent uber schulde wider geben. daz bar gut daz sü hettent, daz nam der rot und teiletes under die antwerg noch marczal. daz was ouch die vergift die die Juden dote. […] Des selben jores zu suneihten erhub sich die geischelfart und daz große sterben zu Strosburg, von dem do vor geschriben stot. |
The New Changes in Strasbourg. In the year 1349, on the day of Saint Apollonia [February 9th], which fell on a Monday, these three leaders in Strasbourg were: Herr Goße Sturm, Herr Cuntze von Winterthur, and Herr Peter Swarber, the magistrate. All three were expelled, and it happened as follows: The city had taken goods from the Jews, and they had set a target and given them sealed letters of protection, ensuring them such peace: if anyone had harmed them, they would have to make severe amends, just as if they had harmed a Christian. The Jews relied on this and became so arrogant that they refused to submit to anyone, and anyone who had dealings with them could hardly come to an agreement. Because of this, they became hated by many. Furthermore, an accusation fell upon the Jews that they had poisoned the wells and the water. The common people murmured about this and said that they should be burned. The council did not want to do this unless it could be proven against them or unless they confessed themselves. As a result, many Jews were captured and severely tortured. Some of them confessed to three or four other charges they were guilty of, for which they were broken on the wheel. However, they never confessed to being guilty of poisoning. [...] On Wednesday, the [new] council took an oath, on Thursday they swore in the garden, on Friday they seized the Jews, and on Saturday they burned the Jews, who were estimated to be around two thousand in number. Those who wanted to convert to Christianity were allowed to live. Many young children were also taken from the fire against the will of their mothers and fathers and were baptized. Whatever was owed to the Jews was all gone, and all pledges and documents they had over debts were returned. The movable goods they had were taken by the council and divided among the authorities. That was also the alleged poisoning that killed the Jews. In the same year, during Solstice, the flagellant movement arose and the great mortality in Strasbourg, which has been written about before. | Fritsche Closener 1870, p. 126-130. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1349-02-20-Oslo | 20 February 1349 JL | Three canons in Oslo announce that Bothild Arnesdatter ceded 12 öresbol (landed property with the rental value of 12 öre per year) in Faluvold in Nes Parish in Romerike to her husband Olaf Peterssön in order to go on a pilgrimage to Rome. Peterssön in turn sold the estate to the newly built St Sebastian's Altar in St Halvards Church in Oslo | Ollum monnum þæim sæm þetta bref sea ædr hœyra senda Æirik Œystæins son Haluarder Biærnar son Arnulfuer Stæinars son korsbrœdr j Oslo q. g. ok sina kunnikt gerande at ver varom j hia j garde varom brœdranna a friadaghen nesta firir Mathios messo anno domini mo. ccco. xlo. nono saam ok hœyrdom at Bottilder Arna dotter gaf ok afhendi Olafue Peters syni husbonda sinum xii aura boll j Faluuælli er ligger auster medr aani j Ness sokn medr ollum lunnindum sæm till liggia eder leget hafua fra forno ok nyu vttan gardz ok innan honom till Rumfærdar ok samstundis seldi fyrnemfder Olafuer medr ja ok handarbande altare hins hælgha Sebastiani er nybygt er j kirkiu hins hælga Haluardz j hender æreleghs manz sira Gyrdz Asla sonar sambrodor vars firir half fimtu mark ræidu gangs penigha huart œyris boll medr samþykt skylrikz manz Þronda Kraka sonar logmanz j kononghs garde er settir ero ok samþyktir ok lystir vmbods men vm þa almoso ok salo hialper sæm gefner ero ok gefuazdz kan till fyrnemfdz sancti Sebastiani altares honom at hagnyta ok till nytsæmdar venda sæm þæir sia firir gudi at haglaste se. jattade ok en Botilder medr handarbande ef fyrnemfd jord Falu uoller verder æighi friollss æder j nokorom lutt amaghæt skall oftnæmft altare æigha xii aura boll j Folmo er ligger j samre sokn medr ollum foruord ok skilmala sæm seghir ok till sannynda þessa þæira kaups ok vare hiauero settum vær var insigli firir þetta bref er gort var deghi are ok stad sæm fyr seghir. | DN II, no. 298. In: Chr. C. A. Lange, C. R. Unger: Diplomatarium Norvegicum. Vol. 2. Christiania 1851, p. 246 | Translation by Carina Damm | |
| 1349-03-22-Damascus | 22 March 1349 JL | In the year 750 H (March 22, 1349 to March 10, 1350), the number of plague infections in Damascus greatly declined. The number of deceased people with taxable inheritance which the Office of Inheritances (dīwān al-mawārīth) recorded was ca. 20 for 750 H while it had been 500 for 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 21, 1349). Plague did not yet disappear entirely, though: on March 25, 1349, the jurist Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad b. al-Thiqa, his son and his brother all died of plague within one hour. They were buried in one grave. | Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 509. | Translation needed | ||
| 1349-04-05-Frankfurt | 5 April 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions and the presence of flagellants. | Die palmarum eodem anno et die exaltationis sanctae crucis fuit statio generalis cappis nigris nudis pedibus propter epidemiam habita Francofordiae. Flagellantes etiam fuerunt hic magno numero (Antiquitates) / Die exaltationis sanctae crucis stacio generalis cappis nigris nudis pedibus propter epidimiam habebatur (Acta). | On Palm Sunday of the same year (1349), and on the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, a general procession was held in Frankfurt for those affected by the epidemic, with people wearing black cloaks and barefoot. There were also a great number of flagellants present (Antiquitates) / On the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, a general procession was held in Frankfurt for those affected by the epidemic, with people wearing black cloaks and barefoot (Acta). | Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 93. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-04-12-Frankfurt | 12 April 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt until early 1350. | Post pascha 1349 tanta pestis fuit Francofordiae quanta numquam audita est antea et innumerabiles homines etiam cicrumquaque absumpti sunt et diem extremum clauserunt. Duravitque pestis illa inguinaria a festo paschae ad hiemem initio anni jubilaei. | After Easter in 1349, there was such a great plague in Frankfurt as had never been heard of before, and countless people perished everywhere, closing their final day. That inguinal plague lasted from Easter to the beginning of the jubilee year in winter. | Collectanea Petri Herp 1884, p. 59. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-04-12-Frankfurt 001 | 12 April 1349 JL | During the plague was the flagellants movement, jews were killed in Frankfurt and Mainz and the jews burned down the roof of a church in Frankfurt | Item anno domini McccXLIX post festum pasche [12 April 1349] usque in hiemem tunc proxime venientem flagellatores ire inceperunt quasi et ad annum jubileum, et interim maxima hominum multitudo utriusque sexus per diversas mundi partes de pestilencia gravi moriebatur. Item eodem anno domini XLIX in vigilia beati Jacobi apostoli [24. Juli] Judei Frankenfordenses omnes, deinde in die beati Bartholomei apostoli [24. August] tunc proxime venturi Judei civitatis Moguntinensis omnes, tam per ipsorum Judeorum utrobique ignem proprium quam eciam aliunde, ac habitaciones eorundem totaliter per laicorum invasionem sunt perempti et devastati. Item eodem anno XLIX in dicta vigilia Jacobi tectum chori omnino et tectum ecclesie sancti Bartholomei ibidem in parte per hujusmodi Judeorum Frankenfordensium ignem fuerant concremata. |
In the year of our Lord 1349, the Flagellants began after Easter [12 April] until the coming winter, as if they were going to the Jubilee. In the meantime, a large number of men and women died of a severe plague in various parts of the world. Also in the same year 1349, on the eve of St James the Apostle [24 July], all the Jews of Frankfurt, and then on the day of St Bartholomew the Apostle [24 August], all the Jews of the city of Mainz, both by their own fire and by the invasion of the laity, were killed and their houses completely destroyed. Also in the same year, 1349, on the eve of the feast of St James [24 July], the roof of the choir and the roof of the church of St Bartholomew in Frankfurt were destroyed by fire from the Jews of Frankfurt. | Annales Francofurtani 1884, p. 2. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1349-05-00-Parma | May 1349 JL | A friend of Francesco Petraca, Paganino da Bizzozzero and his his entire family died because of the plague in Parma | Et hic quidem - quod sine multis lacriminis non dico et cum pluribus dicerem nisi precedentibus malis exhaustos hosce oculos atque omnes, sique sunt, lacrimarum reliquias instantibus reservarem - hic, inquam, pestilenti morbo qui nunc orbem populatur, repente correptus, ad vesperam postquam cenam cum amicis, et quod occidui temporis restabat in nostro tantum sermone et amicitie rerumque nostrarum commemoratione consumpserat, noctem illam inrapida morte subtractus est. Ac nequid de funesta consuetudine laxaretur, triduo inexpleto illum filii omnisque familia consecuti sunt. | And this one now - what I cannot say without many tears (and would say among several, if I did not want to save my eyes exhausted in misfortune and all remaining tears, if there are any, for what is to come), he has, I say, been taken away quite suddenly by the plague, which is just now depopulating the whole earth, and that after he had dined with friends towards evening and then spent the remaining evening hours in conversation with me alone and in the thought of our friendship and our affairs. He endured the following night in extreme pain, but with unflinching courage, and in the morning a sudden death snatched him from us. And so that nothing of the usual course of the disease would be left to us, his sons, indeed his entire family, followed him in less than three days. | Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, p. 1140 | None |
| 1349-05-31-Austria | 31 May 1349 JL | A plague lasting from Penthecost (May 31st) until the feast of St Michael (September 29th) killed about two thirds of the population of Austria. | A.D. 1349 [...] Pestis vero contagiosa predicta successive pervenit usque ad Wyennam, necnon in omnes terminos, ita ut homines absque estimacione exspirarent, et tercia pars hominum vix remaneret. Ideo propter fetorem et horrorem cadaverum non sinebantur sepeliri in cimiteriis ecclesiarum, sed mox cum fuissent extincta deferebantur ad communem locum in agrum Dei extra civitatem, ubi quinque fovee in brevi profunde et late usque ad summum sunt corporibus mortuorum replete; et duravit hec pestilencia a festo penthecostes usque Michaelis. Non solum Wyennam sed et alia loca circumiacencia crudeliter invasit; monachis et monialibus minime pepercit, cum in Sancta Cruce 53 religiosi de hoc seculo eodem tempore migraverunt. | In the year of the Lord 1349 [...] The earlier mentioned really contagious plague arrived not only in Vienna but in all regions. In this way people [in numbers] beyond estimation died and hardly one third of the people remained. Because if the stench and the horror of the dead bodies they could not be allowed to be buried in the cemeteries of the churches, but soon the deseases were brought to public places them cemetaries outside of the cities, where five deep and wide ditches where filled up to their maximum with the bodies of the dead. And this plague lasted from the feast of Penthecost until [the feast of] St Michael. Not only Vienna but also other surrounding places were cruelly invaded. Monks and nuns were by no means spared, since in Sancta Cruce 53 members of their community passed away. | Continuatio Novimontensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 669-677, 676 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1349-06-00-Italy | June 1349 JL | Letter from Francesco Petrarca to his friend Ludwig van Kempen in Avignon about the plague in Italy in 1348 (mentioning an Earthquake | Heu michi, frater amantissime, quid dicam? unde ordiar? quonam vertar? undique dolor, terror undique. [...] Utinam, frater, aut nunquam natus aut prius extinctus forem! quodsi nunc optare cogor, quid dicturum putas si ad extremem senectutem venero? ad quam o utinam non venirem; sed veniam, timeo, non ut diutius vivam, sed ut diu moriar. Nosco etenim fatum meum, et sensim intelligo ad quid in hanc (p. 1124) erumnosam et infelicem vitam sim proiectus. Heu michi, frater optime! piget ex intimis ax miseret me mei. [...] (p. 1126) Qua in re benigno sub iudice forsan excuser, si ad examen venerit illud quoque, non leve aliquid, sed millesimum trecentesimum quadragesimum octavum sexte etatis annum esse quem lugeo, qui non solum nos amicis, sed mundum omnen gentibus spoliavit; cui siquid defuit, sequens ecce annus illius reliquias demetit, et quicquid (p. 1128) illi procelle superfuerat, mortifera falce persequitur. Quando hoc posteritas credet, fuisse tempus sine diluvio sine celi aut telluris incendio sine bellis aut alia clade visibili, quo non hec pars aut illa terrarum, sed universus fere orbis sine habitatore remanserit? quando unquam in annalibus lectum est, vacuas domos, derelictas urbes, squalida rura, arva cadaveribus angusta, horrendam vastamque toto orbe solitudinem? [...] (p. 1128) Ubi dulces nunc amici, ubi sunt amati vultus, ubi verba mulcentia, ubi mitis et iocunda conversatio? quod fulmen ista consumpsit, quid terre motus evertit, que tempestas demersit, que abyssus absorbuit? Stipati eramus, prope iam soli sumus. Nove amicitie contrahende sunt. UNde autem sive ad quid, humano genere pene extincto, et proximo, ut auguror, rerum fine? Sumus, frater, sumus - quid dissimulem? - vere soli; (p. 1134) | Woe is me, dearest brother, what shall I say, what shall I do, where shall I turn? Pain is everywhere, terror is everywhere! [...] Would that I, brother, had never been born or had been snuffed out earlier! If I am compelled to wish for this already, what will I say when I have reached the highest old age one day? And may I not even reach that day! But I will reach it, I fear, but not to live longer, rather to die longer. I know my fate, and gradually I understand why I was thrust into this sorrowful and luckless life. Woe is me, dearest brother, I am sickened to my core, and I mourn my [...] (p. 433) Perhaps I will at least be excused by a merciful judge in this matter, if he takes into account that I am not complaining about something trivial but about the year 1348 in the sixth age! It has not only (p. 434) deprived us of our friends, but the whole world of its peoples. And if anything escaped this year, behold, the new year is now mowing down the rest. And if something withstood the storms of the old year, it is now being overtaken by the deadly sickle. Will posterity ever believe that in a time free from flood and world conflagration, wars, and indeed from any visible disaster, nearly the entire globe, not just this or that region, was depopulated? When has such a thing ever been seen or heard through rumors? In which annals was such to be read? There are empty houses, deserted cities, fallow fields, fields covered with corpses, and a horrifying, boundless desolation everywhere in the world! [...] (p. 435) Where are the familiar friends now, where are the beloved faces, where are the charming conversations? Where is the cheerful and intimate companionship with them? What lightning bolt has removed all of this? What earthquake has overturned it? What storm has drowned it, and what abyss has swallowed it? We were surrounded by friends; now we are almost alone. We would have to form new friendships! But where and for what purpose? Since the human race is almost extinct, and, I fear, the end of the world is near. We are, my brother, we are – what should I suppress it! – truly alone! | Template: Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, pp. 1124-1134 | None |
| 1349-06-00-Strasbourg | June 1349 JL | The Black Death comes to Strasbourg, kills 16.000 people and Jews are persecuted in its aftermath. | Pervenit autem ad civitatem Argentinam hec pestilentia anno Domini MCCCXLIX. in estate, et moriebantur ibi, ut dicebatur, XVI milia hominum. Iudei autem propter pestilenciam precedentis anni infamati sunt, quod eam fecerint vel auxerint fontibus et puteis iniecto veneno. Et cremati sunt a mari usque ad Alemanniam preterquam Avinioni, ubi ipsos papa defendit. | However, this pestilence reached the city of Strasbourg in the year of our Lord 1349, in the summer, and as it was said, sixteen thousand people died there. The Jews, however, were defamed because of the pestilence of the preceding year, on the allegation that they had caused or increased it by poisoning wells and springs. They were burned from the sea to Germany, except in Avignon, where the Pope himself protected them. | Gesta Bertholdi 1924-40, p. 534 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-06-00-Strasbourg 001 | June 1349 JL | With the spreading of the plague in Germany, simultaneously the Flagellants movement arose. In the middle of June, 700 of them came to Strasbourg. | [117.] De principio pestilencie et flagellacionis in Alamannia Incipiente autem paulatim pestilencia in Alamannia ceperunt se populi flagellare transeuntes per terram. Et venerunt DCCC de Swevia Argentinam predicto anno XLIX in medio Iunii, habentes inter se unum principalem (p. 272) et duos alios magistros, quorum mandatis omnia parebant. […] |
118. The beginning of the plague and scourging in Germany. As the disease gradually spread through Germany, people began to scourge themselves and travelled through the country. In the year 49, seven hundred from Swabia came to Strasbourg in the middle of June. They had a leader and two other masters, whose orders they all obeyed. [...] The masters then went round in a circle and exhorted them to implore the Lord for mercy for the people, for their benefactors, for their enemies, for all sinners, for those in purgatory and many others. [...] |
Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 271-272 | None |
| 1349-06-24-Strasbourg | 24 June 1349 JL | The hostilities between the kings of England and France were postponed because of a severe plague | [116.] De indicto conflictu inter regem Anglie et Francie in die Iohannis baptiste. Cum autem indictus fuisset dudum conflictus ad diem beati Iohannis baptiste predicti anni quadragesimi noni [24. Juni 1349] inter Francie et Anglie reges, tanta fuit utriusque regni pestilencia, quod vix tercia pars hominum dicitur remanisse. Propter quod conflictus est prorogatus. […] |
116. Of the renewed outbreak of hostilities between the kings of England and France on the day of St John the Baptist. Although the renewed outbreak of hostilities between the kings of France and England had long been announced for the day of St John the Baptist in the year [13]49, a plague raged so severely in both kingdoms that, it is said, barely a third of the people remained alive, and hostilities were therefore postponed. [...] | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 270 | None |
| 1349-07-00-Strasbourg | July 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Strasbourg with 16.000 vicitms, a detailed description of symptoms and course of the disease. The dating of the epidemic is parallel to the presence of flagellants in the city | Do man zalt 1349 jor, do die vorgeschribenen geischeler gen Strosburg koment, do kam ouch ein gemeinre schelme und ein sterben under die lute dar, daz nieman von ime selben gedohte noch von horsagenden, daz so großes sterbe ie do gewere. Und alle die wile daz die geischeler weretent, die wile starb man ouch, und do die abgegingent, do minret sich daz sterben ouch. Daz sterbe was so gros daz gemeinlich alle tage in iegelichem kirspel liche worent 7 oder 8 oder 9 oder 10 oder noch danne me, one die man zuo kloestern begruob und one die man in den spital druog: der waz als unzellich vil, daz man die spitelgruobe di bi der kirchen stuent, mueste in einen witen garten setzen, wann die alte gruobe zuo enge und zuo klein waz. Die lute die do sturbent, die sturbent alle an bülen und an druesen die sich erhubent under den armen und obenan an den beinen, und wen die bülen ankoment, die do sterben soltent, de sturben an dem vierden tage oder an dem virten oder an dem andern. Eteliche sturben ouch dez ersten tages. Es erbet ouch eins von dem anderen: dovon, in welhes hüs daz sterben kam, do hort es selten uf mit eime. [...] (p. 121) Man will ouch, daz von dem sterben zuo Strosburg stürbe 16 dusent lütes, doch starb minr lutes do noch margzahle, alse man sprach, wande in andern steten. Ouch wurdent ettelich lute erneret die die bulen hettent, den sü usgingen und ir genosent. | In the year 1349, when the mentioned flagellants came to Strasbourg, there also came a common epidemic and a pestilence among the people, so great that no one ever remembered or heard of such a great mortality. And all the while that the flagellants were present, people also died, and when they departed, the mortality decreased. The mortality was so great that generally every day in every parish there were 7 or 8 or 9 or 10 or even more deaths, except for those who were buried in monasteries and those who were taken to hospitals: their number was so incredibly high that the pits dug next to the churches had to be moved to a wide garden, because the old pit was too narrow and too small. Those who died did so from swellings and boils that appeared under their arms and the upper part of their legs, and when the boils appeared, those who were supposed to die did so on the fourth day or the third or the second. Some even died on the first day. It also spread from one to another: where the mortality entered a house, it rarely ceased with just one person. [...] (p. 121) It is said that 16,000 people died in Strasbourg, but fewer people died there than elsewhere, as it was said. Also, some people were fed who had the boils, but they diasappeared and they recovered. | Fritsche Closener 1870, pp. 120-121. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1349-07-05-Strasbourg | 5 July 1349 JL | 200 flagellants arrived in Strasbourg and made their typical processions. | Von der grossen geischelfart. In dem vorgeschriben jore, do men zalte 1349 jor, als men vaste starp und die Juden brante, 14 tage nach sünigihten [solstice] do koment gein (p. 765) Strosburg uf 200 geischeler, die hettent leben und wise also ich ein teil hie sagen wil. zum ersten so hetten sü gar kosper vanen uf 8 oder 10 von semyt und sydin, und also menige gewunden kertze. die drug men in vor wo sü in stette oder dörfer gingent, und sturmete men alle glocken gegen in, und die geischeler gingent den vanen noch ie zwene und zwene mittenander, und hettent alle mentelin ane und huete uffe mit roten crüzen und zwene sungent vor und denne die andern alle noch. |
About the Great Procession of the Flagellants. In the year 1349, when there was great mortality and Jews were being burned, 14 days after the summer solstice, 200 flagellants came to Strasbourg. They were living and behaving in a way I will describe here. First, they carried large banners with 8 or 10 images of saints and angels, and many wrapped candles. They processed through towns and villages, and all the church bells were rung in opposition to them. The flagellants marched in groups of two or three, each carrying a banner, and they all wore mantles and hats with red crosses. They sang in front, and the others followed. |
Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 764-765 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1349-07-22-Frankfurt | 22 July 1349 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt with 2000 people dead and a duration of seven months. Jews were burned troughout Germany | Anno 1349 Alemanniae pestilentia est suborta. Judei sunt cremati. Anno eodem [1349] Judei omnes et domus eorum per totam Allemanniam igne combusti. Anno eodem a die Mariae Magdalenae ad diem purificationis (p. 145) Mariae proxime Francoforti pestilentia totius mundi. Intra 72 dies 2000 et ultra hominum obiere. Secunda quacunque hora sine campanis candelis sacerdotibus 35 una die tumulati. |
In 1349, a plague broke out in Germany. The Jews were burned. [...]
In the same year, all Jews and their homes were burned throughout Germany. In the same year (1349), on the day of Mary Magdalene up to the day of the Purification of Mary, a plague struck the whole world and near Frankfurt. Within 72 days, 2000 or more people died. Twenty-five priests were buried in a single day, without bells or candles, at any hour. |
Acta Francofurtana 1884, pp. 144-145. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None; |
| 1349-08-17-Syria | August 1349 JL | The governor (nāʾib) of Aleppo, Sayf al-Dīn Quṭlīshā, died. News of his death reached Damascus in the beginning of Jumādā II (August 17 to September 14, 1349). Many people rejoiced at his death given his misconduct in Hama during the plague (ṭāʿūn) (before he became governor of Aleppo). It was reported that he had enriched himself on the inheritance of the deceased. | Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 515-516 | Translation needed | ||
| 1349-09-00-Carpi | September 1349 JL | Letter from Francesco Petrarca to his friend Ludwig van Kempen in which he mentions the plague breaking out again in Carpi | Sicut enim quid cupiam scio, sic nescio quid sperem; quo fit ut mira michi in animo rebellantium cogitationum turba consurgat; ad omnem enim vite mee modum non leve momentum mors aut vita tua est; et vite quidem tue spem michi prestat etas modestia valitudo; terrent morbi contagia renascentis et celum apud vos, ut memorant, rursus infame. | I know what I wish for, but I do not know what I may hope for. Thus, it happens that within me, a peculiar heap of conflicting thoughts rises up. For every aspect of my life, your death and your life are of significant importance to me. Your youth, temperance, and robust nature provide hope that you are alive, while the reemerging plague and the infamous weather conditions reportedly occurring among you terrify me. | Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, p. 1366 | None |
| 1349-10-03-Oslo | 3 October 1349 JL | Two men announce that Olaf Peterssön had received from Jon Vigleikssön 54 marks in current coins for 12 öresbol in the estate Faluvold that was bought for the altar of St Sebastian in St Halvard's church in Oslo | Ollum monnum þæim sæm þettæ bref sea edær hœyræ sendæ Þordæ Æiriks son ok Þrondæ Erlings son q. g. ok sinæ mit villium ydær kunnik gerra at mit varom j hia j Halfuards kirkiu garde j Oslo a laughærdaghen nestæ eftir Mikkials mœsso a œlluftæ arre ok xxtæ rikkis okkars vyrdulegs herræ Magnus med guds nad Noregs Sviæ ok Skane kungs ok hœyrdum aa at Olafuær Pettes son vidær kendis at Jon Viglæigs son hafde loket hanom fiorær mærkær ok fimtighiu markæ gan(g)s penighæ firir tolfauræ boll jærdær j Folluollum sæm ligher j Droghuness sonk a Raumæriki. sæm ærelegher menn siræ Gyrdæ Aslæ son korsbroder j Oslo ok Þrondær Kraka son hofdu kæyft till altærens hælghæ Sebastiani. firir þa penigæ sæm bymenn j Oslo hofdu hanom jattæ. ok till sansz vitnis burdæ þa setum mit okkor jnsigli firir þettæ bref er gort var aa dæghi ok arre sæm fyr seghir. | DN II, no. 348. In: Chr. C. A. Lange, C. R. Unger: Diplomatarium Norvegicum. Vol. 4. Christiania 1851, p. 278 | Translation by Carina Damm | |
| 1349-11-25-Orvieto | 25 November 1349 JL | Prohibition of demolition of vacant houses in Orvieto after the Black Death, except for renovation and expansion | Comperto quod propter seva et pestifera tempora, que, satore seminante zizania in Civitate et comitatu Urbisveteris, huc usque diutius multiformiter viguerunt, domus, hedificia et casamenta gentium et populi consumptorum et in necem et exilum positorum remanserunt quam plurima vacuata, et inhabitata persistant, cuius causa venduntur et alienantur ab improbis, et emuntur et ponuntur plerique sub exterminio et ruina, interdum etiam sub ficto iuris velamine, in contumeliam, diminutionem, detrimentum, obrobrium et jacturam Civitatis, Comunis et Populi predictorum; quibus nisi per oportuna reparentur remedia, evidenter paulatim sedulo et interpolatim ipsa suis hedificis Civitatis nichilatur et orbatur, ut hiis reprobis finis deinceps apponatur saluber; igitur [...] nulla persona [...] possit [...] aliquam domum vel hedificium domus in Civitate vel burgis destruere vel scarcare in totum vel pro parte [...] ad penam [...] 50 libr. Domus vero et hedificia, que quomodolibet ruinam minarentur occasione terremotus vel alterius casus inoppinati, vel devasterentur pro rehedificando ipsam cum melioramento, pro parte vel in totum scarcari et dirui possint sine penam | It has been discovered that because of the severe and deadly times, which, like a sower sowing tares, have long prevailed in the City and county of Orvieto in various forms, many houses, buildings, and dwellings of the people who have been consumed, killed, or exiled, have remained vacant and persist uninhabited. As a result, these properties are sold and alienated by unscrupulous people and are often bought and placed under extermination and ruin, sometimes even under the guise of legal pretext, to the insult, diminution, detriment, disgrace, and loss of the City, the Commune, and its People. Unless appropriate remedies are provided, the city and its buildings will clearly be gradually but diligently and progressively destroyed and depleted, so to put an end to these reprehensible practices henceforth in a healthy manner; therefore [...] no person [...] may destroy or dismantle any house or building in the City or its suburbs in whole or in part [...] under the penalty of 50 pounds. However, houses and buildings that might be threatened by ruin due to an earthquake or another unforeseen event, or are demolished for the purpose of rebuilding them with improvements, may be dismantled and destroyed in whole or in part without penalty | Anonymus 1922-24, p. 25, note 2 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1353-00-00-Altusried | 1349 JL | Impact of the Black Death on the demographics of the small village of Altusried in the Allgäu region according to tax records from Constance four years later. | Item ante bestilentiam fuerunt ibidem centum et L domicilia, nunc autem tantum sunt ibidem LX vel citra. | Similarly, before the pestilence, there were one hundred and fifty households there, but now there are only sixty or fewer | Haid 1870, sp. 61. | Translation by Martin Bauch |




