Epidemics

For Epidemics, a total of 525 epidemic events are known so far. It is a keyword.

Table

Table

Page	DateStart date of the disease.	SummarySummary of the disease event	OriginalOriginal text	TranslationEnglish translation of the text	ReferenceReference(s) to literature	Reference translationReference(s) to the translation
1092-00-00-Strasbourg	1092 JL	Great mortality in price increase in the world	och wart gros sterbotte und dürunge durch alle welt.	also was great dying and price increase through the entire world.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 435	None
1095-00-00-Strasbourg	1095 JL	Mortality of livestock and people.	Ein sterbotte. Do men zalte 1095 jor, do was ein sterbotte vihes und lüte durch alle welt.	A dying. In the year 1095, a mortality of livestock and people occured through the entire world.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 771	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1151-00-00-Erfurt	1151 JL	Famine and pestilence in Erfurt	Fames valida et pestilencia hominum.	A strong famine and an epidemic among humans.	Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 177	Translation by Martin Bauch
1167-08-15-Rome	14 August 1167 JL	The army of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa suffers from an epidemic while being near Rome, interpreted as divine punishment for treatment of the Pope.	Sed Deus ab alto cuncta prospectans iniuriam summi regis genitrici eiusque vicario beato Petro illatam nequaquam tulit impune. Extimplo siquidem nebula quedam pestilens ac fetida totum pene exercitum attaminavit, primoque Coloniensem archiepiscopum compluresque episcoporum, duces ac quosque in exercitu prepotentes inficiens sine mora extinxit; eademque mortifera lues regem quasi vitabundum cum reliquiis recedentem prosecuta, nunc hos, nunc illos et illos diversis in locis miro divine ulcionis iudicio, cuique nigro quodam caractere inter scapulas apparente, exanimavit.	But God, looking down from on high, by no means allowed the injustice inflicted upon the blessed mother of the supreme king and his vicar, blessed Peter, to go unpunished. Immediately, indeed, a certain pestilent and foul mist contaminated almost the entire army, and it swiftly extinguished the Archbishop of Cologne and several bishops, leaders, and those powerful in the army, infecting them without delay; and this deadly plague, pursuing the king as if fleeing, relentlessly struck him with remnants, now here, now there, and those in various places, with a wondrous judgment of divine vengeance, with a certain black mark appearing between their shoulders, causing them to expire.	Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 184	Translation by Martin Bauch
1170-00-00-Novogrod	1170 JL	Epidemic among horses and soldiers in Novogrod.<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>. Expedition of prince Andrey Bogolyubsky of Suzdal on Novogrod.<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>	(6681) Бы(с)[ть] же моръ великъ вь конѣхъ и вь полкохъ, и нѣ оуспѣша ничтоже городу ихъ, и вьзворотишасѧ ѡпѧть вь своӕси.	In that time (1170) was great epidemic among horses and troops [in Novogrod], and they	Ipаt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 2, Saint Petersburg 1908: Imperatorskaia Arkheograficheskaia Kommissiia, col. 560.	None
1186-00-00-Strasbourg	1186 JL	This passage tells of a false prophecy. It was wrongly predicted that a great destructive wind and mortality and price increase would come in autumn. People were very afraid, but nothing happened.	Eine falsche prophecie. Bi disen ziten verschreip ein meister von dem gestirne in alle lant, das in dem herbeste in dem jore noch gotz gebürte 1186 solte kumen ein wint, der alle bürge, hüser und boume dernyder würfe, und donoch ein gros sterbot und dürunge und vil andere wunderliche ding. und sprach och, das alle sternenseher in der cristenheit und in der heidenschaft und alle wise meistere wol erkantent, das diese ding also geschehen muestent. hievon erschrag das volg und mahtent etliche lüte hütten uf dem velde und hüselin under der erden do sü inne wonetent, und men mahte vil crüzegenge und gebet. do nu der herbest kam, do was es guet wetter und geschach der dinge keines die men gewissaget hette. hiebi mag men merken, das der welte wisheit ist eine torheit vor gotte.	A False Prophecy During this time, a master of the stars wrote to all the lands that in the autumn of the year 1186 after Christ's birth, a wind would come that would topple all castles, houses, and trees. This would be followed by a great death, price increase, and many other strange occurrences. He also claimed that all astrologers in Christendom and in pagan lands, as well as all wise masters, had recognized that these things must happen. This caused fear among the people, leading some to build huts in the fields and little houses underground where they could live. Many people made pilgrimages and prayed fervently. But when autumn came, the weather was good, and none of the predicted events occurred. From this, one can observe that the wisdom of the world is foolishness before God.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 648.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1191-00-00-Neapel 0001	1191 JL	Death in Naples through a Pestilentia.	Imperator vero Neapolim cum obsederit, pene suis omnibus pestilenti morte peremptis, spe sua propositove cassatus est.	When the Emperor indeed besieged Naples, nearly all his own men were killed by a deadly plague, and he was frustrated in his hope or plan	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 24	Translation by Martin Bauch
1191-00-00-Neapel 0002	1191 JL	After the coronation of Henry VI. he conquered all the land to Naples. The siege of Naples falled because a plague broke out among the soldiers and Henry and his wife Constance fell ill as well. Constance died shortly after that. (Actually she died only the 27th November 1198)	Come lo 'mperadore Arrigo conquistò il regno di Puglia Come il detto Arrigo fu coronato imperadore [1191], e isposata Gostanza imperadrice, onde ebbe in dota il reame di Cicilia e di Puglia con consentimento del papa e della Chiesa, e rendendone il censo usato, e già nato Federigo suo figliuolo, incontanente con sua oste e colla moglie n'andòe nel Regno, e vinse tutto il paese infino a la città di Napoli, ma que' di Napoli non si vollono arrendere, onde Arrigo vi puose l'assedio, e stettevi tre mesi. E nella detta oste fue tanta pestilenzia d'infermità e di mortalità, che 'l detto Arrigo e la moglie v'infermaro, e della sua gente vi morì la maggiore parte; onde per necessità si levò dal detto assedio con pochi quasi inn-isconfitta, e infermo tornò a Roma, e la 'mperadrice Gostanza per malatia presa ne l'oste poco appresso si morìo, e lasciò Federigo suo figliuolo piccolino in guardia e in tutela di santa Chiesa. […]	How the emperor Arrigo conquered the kingdom Puglia As the said Arrigo was crowned emperor [1191], and married empress Gostanza, so he had the kingdom of Sicily and Apulia as a dowry, with the consent of the pope and the Church, and making the fee used, and already Federigo his son was born, He went into the kingdom with his entourage and his wife and conquered the whole country as far as the city of Naples, but the people of Naples did not want to surrender, so Arrigo laid siege to it and stayed there for three months. In the camp there was such a plague of sickness and death that the said Arrigo and his wife fell ill, and most of his people died there; so that he had to leave the siege with a few almost unconquered, and he returned to Rome sick, and the empress Gostanza died a short time later of a disease caught in the camp, and left Federigo his young son in the custody of the Holy Church.	Giovanni Villani 1990,Vol. 1, p. 247.	Translation by DeepL
1216-11-28-Egypt	28 November 1216 JL	In a letter a lethal disease in Egypt is mentioned, dated November 28, 1216.	אלמהדב אלמתסוק מן מצר... חואיג עטר ארגוה וצולהא אלינא פתעלמני בדלך לאן קלבי משגול מן דלך ומא כתבת הדה אלכדמה אלא ואנא מריץ ולא תסאל מא אלנאס פיה מן שדה אלאמראץ ואלמות אלעאם אללה ירחם ישראל ויעצור הנגף והדבר ברחמיו הרבים אמן סרעה סרעה תעלמני בוצולהא ליטמאן קלבי בעד תקביל מואטי אקדאמהא אצחאבנא גמיעהם מכתומין(?) באלסלאם... ומהמא כאן ללמולא מן כדמה או חאגה שרף אלכאדם בהא אללה יגמע אלשמל ען קריב ושלומך יגדל ואל ידל נצח סלה אלסאדס ואלעשרין מן כסליו קכח לשטרות	In a letter that has survived as a fragment, a member of one of Egypt’s Jewish communities informs the addressee that a lethal disease (Arab. amrāḍ, Hebr. negef, dever) has affected an unnamed place in Egypt. The letter is dated November 28, 1216 (Kislev 16, 1528 Seleucid era).	Princeton Geniza Project (PGP), T-S 6J6.20, ed. by Alan Elbaum PGP	Translation by Undine Ott
1217-03-00-Cairo	March 1217 JL	The fragment of a letter mentions a great epidemic (al-wabāʾ al-ʿaẓīm) which has struck the different parts of Cairo and has affected the physician and head of the Jews in Egypt (nagid), Avraham Maimonides (d. 1237), and his daughter. The fragment bears no date, but see here.	recto: ואמא חאלנא פאן אלמולי אלרייס הנגיד יג יק[ אלאכבר מריץ פי שדה אללה יעאפיה ובנתה[ איצא והו גיר קאדר עלי מלאזמתה{א} אלא מלאזם ו[ט]אה טול אלאסבוע לא ינזל ליל ולא נהאר והו מן דלך פי שדה עטימה אללה יומן (=ימון) [אלעאפיה] ואמס וצלני ורקה מן צהרה רבנו חננאל הדיין הגדול דאם עזה והו יקול אן הדה אלאיאם מתל יום הדין כל שכץ משגול בנפסה verso: ואנמא עזימתנא וכליתנא עלי אלכלאץ מן הדא אלובא אלעטים אלדי מא פי מצר ואלקאהרה בית מן חשובי ישראל וגירהם אלא ופיה מריץ או מרצי ואלנאס פי שדה עטימה משאגיל אנפסהם ען בעצהם בעץ פכפי ען גריב	As to us, our lord, the Rayyis, the Nagid [may his] gl[ory be] in[creased], the chief [Rav] is seriously ill, may God heal him, and so is his daughter; he is unable to treat her, and confined to his bed; throughout the week he could not get up, neither at night, nor at daytime, which caused him great grief; may God grant him health. Yesterday, I received a note from his father-in-law, our master, Hananel, the chief justice, may his high position endure, saying: "These days are like the Last Judgment; everyone is occupied only with himself." We strive to save ourselves from the great plague. In Miṣr [Fustat] and Cairo, there is no house belonging to important persons and, in fact, to anyone else, where not one or several persons are ill. People are in great trouble, occupied with themselves and unable to care for others, let alone for strangers.	Princeton Geniza Project (PGP), T-S NS 321.93, lines 8-14 recto, 3-6 verso, ed. by Shelomo D. Goitein, Chief Judge R. Ḥanan'el b. Samuel, In-law of R. Moses Maimonides (in Hebrew), in: Tarbiẕ 50, no. 10 (1980), pp. 371-395 PGP	None; None;
1217-03-00-Cairo 002	March 1217 JL	A letter mentions that a disease raged in Cairo, dated on March 17, 1217.	לקד כאן קלובנא ועיוננא מתטלעה אלי אללה סובחאנה ותעאלי באלציאם וגירה ואלדעא אן יפרג' ען ישראל מן אלדבר אלדי כאן ענדכם וכנא נדעו אלי אללה אלא יעדמנא גאה סיידנא ולא נט'רה לאן סיידנא אליום נר ישראל עלי אלחקיקה ולא ארתפע שאננא גמיעא אלא בסיידנא	A letter to Avraham Maimonides (d. 1237), the head of the Jews in Egypt (nagid), in Cairo, written by the teacher, cantor, and clerk Yehuda b. al-ʿAmmānī in Alexandria. Yehuda mentions that the Jewish community in Alexandria had been fasting and supplicating on behalf of the addressee's health and for God to lift the disease (Hebr. dever) that raged in Cairo and had afflicted Avraham, too. The letter is dated to the end of Adar 1528 Seleucid era (the month ended on March 17, 1217).	Princeton Geniza Project (PGP), T-S 16.305, lines 24-31 verso, ed. by Miriam Frenkel, The Compassionate and Benevolent. The Leading Elite in the Jewish Community of Alexandria in the Middle Ages (in Hebrew), Jerusalem 2006 PGP	Translation by Undine Ott
1223-00-00-Strasbourg	1223 JL	Great mortality among livestock and animals.	Ein sterbotte. Do men zalte 1223 jor, do was ein gros sterbotte under vihe und den tieren und nüt under den lüten, und das werte 3 jor, also daz mereteil under dem vihe starp.	A dying. In the year 1223, a great mortality occured among livestock, animals, but not among people, and this lasted for 3 year. The majority of the livestock died.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 771.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1224-00-00-Bologna	1224 JL	Epidemic and price increase in Bologna	Fu gran carestia, e moria à quest' Anno; il formento valeva lire 3., la Farina soldi 44, il Ducato valeva soldi 30; e facendosi lemosina nel Vescovato il Giovedì Santo la Stretta delli Poveri si affogornon 24. Persone.	There was great famine and starvation in this year; wheat was worth 3 lire, flour 44 lire, the Ducato was worth 30 lire; and there was a famine in the Bishop's Palace on Holy Thursday, and the Stretta dell'Poveri was starved 24 people.	Template:Lodovico Ostesani 897–1506, p. 1224	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1225-00-00-Bologna	1225 JL	Disease in animals and humans in Bologna	Quest' anno fu grande mortalità de homeni, e bestie nell' città e contà de bologna	This year was great mortality of humans, and beasts in the city and contà de Bologna.	Giacomo del Poggio, p. 31	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1225-00-00-Bologna-002	1225 JL	Disease in animals and humans in Bologna	Tanta eodem tempore et in agro Bononiensi et urbe contagio pestilentiae fuit ut vix credibilia memoratu videantur quae de hominum pecorumque internectorum numero scriptores providere		Achille Bocchi, XIII, p. 2	Translation needed
1225-00-00-Bologna-003	1225 JL	Cattle disease and (human?) epidemic in Bologna	1225. Fù oltre la peste d' Italia una [f. 12r] gran mortalità di Buovi	Besides the plague of Italy, there was a great mortality of Cattle.	Chronica Azzolina (1106-1457), pp. 11v-12r	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1225-00-00-Trient	1225 JL	Animal disease and Epidemic in Trient	Ci fu una pestilenza di animali e una feroce mortalità di uomini.	There was a plague of animals and a fierce mortality of men.	Template:Giangrisostomo Tovazzi 1986, p. 36	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1227-00-00-Bologna 002	1227 JL	Famine, epidemic and price increase in Bologna; Contado hit even worse; deserted village; Bishop's alms end in mass panic with deaths	In questo anno vi fu una gran carestia in Bologna, come ancora da crudelissima peste, in maniera che molti dei nobili nella città morirono, ma nel contado infiniti perirono; percioche le Castella entire andarono in esterminio [...] in questa penuria in Bologna valse lo staio dell' grano tre lire, la fava soldi vintiotto, la spelta soldi quatordici, et la mollidura soldi quindici, et il duccato d'oro si spendeva per soldi [1]30. Il che mosse il Vescovo della Città il Giovedi Santo a invitare tutti i puoveri a pigliare per carità il pane dove concorse tanta multitudine che ventiquattro per la folta turba morirono: perche ciaschun bramava d'essere il primo, essendo dalla fame.	In this year there was a great famine in Bologna, as there was also a cruel plague, so that many of the nobles in the city died, but countless perished in the countryside; therefore the entire Castella went into extermination [...] in this scarcity in Bologna, the staio dell' grano was worth three lire, the fava bean was worth eight hundred soldi, the spelt fourteen soldi, and the mollidura fifteen soldi, and the dukedom of gold was spent for money 130. This moved the Bishop of the City on Holy Thursday to invite all the people to take bread for charity, where so great a multitude gathered that twenty-four died because of the large crowd: because each one yearned to be the first, being from hunger.	Template:Anonymus, p. 82	Translation by DeepL
1229-00-00-Bologna	1229 JL	Epidemic and price increase in Bologna	e fo una grande carastia valse la grano L 3 la coraba, la fava L. 2 ß 8, la spelta L 1 ß 14 e la melega valse ß 28. Nel dito ano fu una grandi moria impur asai paesi		Template:Giacomo Ronco, p. 304v	Translation needed
1230-00-00-Novgorod	1230 JL	Epidemic of famine in Novgorod.	Того же лѣта [6738] бы(с)[ть] моръ в Новѣгородѣ ѡт глада. Инїи лю(ди) рѣзахү своєго брата и ӕдѧхү, а инїи м[е]ртвоє трүпьє ӕдѧхү, а дрүзїи конїнү, и псинү, и кошки, инїи мохъ соснү, и листъ илемъ. И то все зло бы(с)[ть] за грѣхы наша. И бѣ тог(д)а нїкомү никого погрести мертвы(х)[ъ] ѡт множества.	That year [1230] there was an epidemic in Novgorod from famine. Some people killed their brothers and ate, and others ate the dead bodies, and others ate horses, and dogs, and cats, and others moss, and wych elm <a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> leaves. All this was for our sins. Because of the number of the dead, there was then no one to bury the dead.	Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 512	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1230-00-00-Smolensk	1230 JL	Epidemic in Smolensk (Mass graves mentioned).	Того же лѣта [6738] бы(с)[ть] моръ въ Смоленьсцѣ. Створша д҃ скүделнїци, въ двү положиша ҂s҃ı, а въ третьєи ҂з҃, а въ четвертои .҂ѳ҃. Се же зло бы(с)[ть] по два лѣта.	That year 1230 there was an epidemic in Smolensk. Four mass graves<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> were created. 16,000 were buried in two, 7,000 in the third and 9,000 [bodies] in the fourth. This evil lasted for two years.	Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 511-512.	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1232-00-00-Trient	1232 JL	Epidemic in Trient in northern Italy.	Ci fu una crudelissima peste.	There was a cruel plague.	Template:Giangrisostomo Tovazzi 1986, p. 36	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1233-01-00-Piacenza	January 1233 JL	Extreme cold, which is why the river Po froze over from Piacenza to Venice- trade shipments on the ice; wine freezes in vessels, wines, fruit and nut trees die; people freeze to death in their beds; famine, price increase and epidemic	Eodem anno tantum frigus & gelu fuit, quod flumen Padi de mense Januarii taliter glaciatum est, quod omnes gentes utriusque sexus, & aetatis ipsum quasi terram aridam transibant. Et etiam a Venetiis usque Cremonam super faciem Padi mercationes deducebantur. Vinum inter vegetes congelabatur. Caristia subsequitur, & mortalitas oritur: guerrae & perturbationes incipiunt: ficulneae, & oliveta, nucleares arbores, & vineae aruerunt, & homines in lectis congelabantur	In the same year, there was such severe cold and frost that the Po River was so frozen in the month of January that all people of both sexes and all ages could cross it as if it were dry land. Also, from Venice to Cremona, goods were transported over the surface of the Po. Wine froze inside barrels. Scarcity followed, and mortality arose; wars and disturbances began; fig trees, olive groves, nut trees, and vineyards withered, and people froze in their beds	Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 462	Translation by Martin Bauch
1235-00-00-Limoges	1235 JL	Outbreak of an epidemic in connection with ergotism in Limoges with mass graves.	Sequitur tanta mortalitas quod tam igne sacro quam a pestilentia multa milia hominum moriuntur. Ego una die semel in cimiterio Sancti Geraldi Lemovicensis vidi centum pauperes sepeliri; frequentius autem xxx. et l.	A mortality followed so that many thousands of people died, both from the sacred fire [ergotism] and from the pestilence. On one day, I myself saw a hundred poor people buried in the cemetery of Saint Gerald of Limoges; more frequently, however, thirty and fifty.	Chronicon Girardi de Fracheto 1855, p. 4.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1235-05-17-Limoges	17 May 1235 JL	Outbreak of an epidemic in Limoges after a year of dearth. Precise numbers for the mortality of monks and indicators of mass graves.	AM°.CC°.XXXV°. fuit tanta caritas blade quod ante messes anni sequentis vendebatur sextarium siliginis xvj. solidis et amplius; sextarium albi vini, si inveniri posset, iiij. Solidis; unum pomum, vj. Denariis, et plus et minus, secundum quod erat magnum; urinale, ix. denariis; gallina, xviij. Denariis; malum punicum, xj. solidis et plus; ij pruna, uno denario vel duobus. Et erat tanta in illo anno mortalitas et fuit in Lemovicensi diecesi et circa, quod vix inveniebatur qui ad foveam deferret. Audivi quod Capellanus et sacristia deferebant quandoque in cimiterio Sancti Geraldi, quotidie triginta, xl. velita sepeliebantur; et etiam legi ibi fuisse centum pauperes sepultos una die. Multa (p. 156) millia tunc temporis perierunt tam fame quam peste. In abbatia Sancti Martialis obierunt illo anno, a festo Ascensionis usque ad festum Sancti Michaelis, xx. Duo monachi, exceptis illis qui obidierunt in obedientia.	In the year of the Lord 1235, there was such a dearth of grain that before the harvests of the following year a sextarius of wheat was sold for sixteen solidi or more; a sextarius of white wine, if it could be found, for four solidi; an apple, for six denarii or more, according to its size; a urinal, for nine denarii; a hen, for eighteen denarii; a pomegranate, for eleven solidi or more; two prunes, for one or two denarii. And there was such mortality in that year, and it was in the diocese of Limoges and around, that scarcely anyone could be found to carry the dead to the ditch. I heard that the chaplain and the sacristan sometimes carried [the dead] into the cemetery of Saint Gerald, where thirty, forty, or even a hundred were buried daily; and also I read that there were buried there a hundred poor people in one day. Many thousands perished at that time from both hunger and disease. In the Abbey of Saint Martial, in that year, from the Feast of the Ascension until the Feast of Saint Michael, twenty-two monks died, apart from those who died in obedience (?).	Anonymum S. Martialis chronicon 1874, pp. 157-158.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1238-00-00-London	1238 JL	A flood and a unnatural air which led to diseases in London.	Eodem quoque anno, rivi insoliti et innaturales plurimis agris, stratis, et locis aridis et inaquosis, impetuose proruperunt ; et in rapidos torrentes ac repentinos excreverunt, ita ut pisces educarent. Aeris quoque intemperies et squalor innaturalis morbos diversos generavit, ut aeris inclementia pesti congrueret saeculari, et tam populares et agricolcae, quam milites et magnates, necnon et praelati, sentirent flagellum Domini generale.	In the same year, unusual and unnatural streams burst forth violently in many fields, streets, and dry and waterless places; and they rapidly grew into sudden torrents, even producing fish. The unseasonable and unnatural conditions of the air also generated various diseases, so that the harshness of the air corresponded with a widespread plague, and both common people and farmers, as well as soldiers, nobles, and even prelates, felt the general scourge of the Lord.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 3, p. 519.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1241-00-00-France	1241 JL	In France a lot of people get an ophthalmic disease.	Et multi in illo anno patiebantur malum maximum in occulis eorum.	In this year, lot of people suffered of the eyes.	Ex brevi chronico ecclesiae S. Dionysii 1876, p. 144	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1247-00-00-Parma	1247 JL	Epidemic with many deaths in Parma.	Item eodem tempore magna mortalitas fuit in civitate Parme, ita quod sepe et sepius quatuor et plures sepeliebantur ad unam ecclesiam.	Also, at the same time (1247), there was a great mortality in the city of Parma, so that often and repeatedly four or more were buried at one church.	Bonazzi 1902, p. 17.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1248-00-00-France	1248 JL	Illness of Hugo von Digne, probably part of an epidemic in Provence	De mora quam cum fratre Hugone contraxi. Ego vero et socius meus remansimus Areis cum fratre Hugone, a festo beati Francisci usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum. Et gaudebam quia habebam occasionem standi cum fratre Hugone, [p. 456] cum quo tota die de doctrina abbatis Ioachym erat sermocinatio mea. Habebat enim omnes libros abbatis Ioachym et erat maximus Ioachita et unus de maioribus clericis de mundo, sanctitate et scientia incomparabilis. Dolebam vero quod sotius meus graviter infirmabatur quasi ad mortem, et nolebat sibi cavere, et tempus navigandi propter hyemem in deterius mutabatur. Et contrata illa illo anno valde infirma erat propter ventum marinum, et vix poteram respirare de nocte, etiam morando sub divo; et audiebam lupos clamantes et ululantes de nocte in maxima quantitate, non semel neque bis. Et dixi socio meo, qui erat iuvenis valde protervus: «Tu non vis tibi cavere a contrariis et semper recidivas, ego vero cognosco contratam istam valde infirmam, et nollem adhuc mori, quia vellem videre illa que predicat frater Hugo. Quapropter noveris quod, si occurrerit de fratribus nostris societas congrua, ibo cum illis». Et dixit: «Placet quod dicis, veniam et ego tecum». Sperabat enim quod nullus veniret, qui frater esset. Et ecce, Domino faciente, statim venit frater Pontius quidam, sanctus homo, qui nobiscum steterat in conventu Aquensi et ibat Niciam, unde factus fuerat guardianus. Et gavisus est, quando vidit nos. Et dixi sibi: «Volumus venire vobiscum, quia Ianuam ire debemus ad habitandum». Et respondit et dixit: Multum placet michi. Vado ergo ad procurandum ut habeamus navem». In crastino autem post prandium ivimus ad navem, que distabat a loco fratrum per unum miliare. Socius autem meus nolebat venire, sed videns quod penitus recedebam, assumpto guardiano loci, venit post nos. Cumque porigerem sibi manum, ut elevarem eum ad navem intrandam, aborruit et ait: «Absit quod tu tangas me, quia non conservasti michi fidem et bonam societatem». Cui dixi: «Miser, cognosce bonitatem Dei erga te, oquia revelatum est michi a Domino quod, si stetisses ibi, absque dubio mortuus fuisses; et Sapiens in Eccle. VII dicit: Noli esse stultus, ne moriaris in tempore non tuo. Et de quibusdam dicitur in Iob XXII: Sublati sunt ante tempus suum, et fluvius(scilicet mortalitatis humane) subvertit fundamentum eorum». Quid plura? Non credebat iste michi quousque vexatiodedit auditui intellectum. Nam per totam hyemem in conventu Ianuensi ab illa [p. 457] infirmitate quam in Provincia contraxerat non potuit liberari; et in festo beati Mathie intravi mare et a Ianua usque ad locum fratris Hugonis in IIII diebus perveni; et sex fratres de illo loco inveni mortuos et sepultos; quorum primus fuit guardianus loci illius, qui socium meum ad navem associaverat; alter fuit frater Guillielmus de Pertuso, bonus predicator, qui in conventu Parmensi habitavit aliquando; et IIII alii quos nominare necesse non est. Cum autem in reversione mea ad Ianuensem conventum retulissem socio meo de morte istorum fratrum supradictorum, gratias referebat michi, quod eruissem eum de faucibus mortis. Convaluit tandem, et post multos annos ivit ad provinciam ultramarinam, eo anno quo rex Francie transfretavit secundo et Tunicium ivit; et fuit ibi custos et pro custode ad generale capitulum venit quod fuit Assisii celebratum, in quo frater Bonagratia factus fuit generalis minister, et declaratio regule ratribus data.	About the delay that I contracted with Brother Hugh. Indeed, my companion and I remained in Aries with Brother Hugh, from the feast of St. Francis until the feast of All Saints. And I was glad because I had the opportunity to stay with Brother Hugh," [p. 456] "with whom my entire day was spent discussing the teachings of Abbot Joachim. For he had all the books of Abbot Joachim and was a great Joachite and one of the most senior clerics in the world, incomparable in sanctity and knowledge. However, I was saddened because my companion fell gravely ill, almost to death, and he did not want to take care of himself, and the time for sailing worsened due to the winter. And the sea that year was very rough because of the marine wind, and I could barely breathe at night, even staying outdoors; and I heard wolves crying and howling at night in great numbers, not just once or twice. And I said to my companion, who was a very impetuous young man: 'You do not want to take care of yourself against the adversities, and you always relapse, but I know that the sea is very treacherous this year, and I do not wish to die yet, because I want to see what Brother Hugh preaches. Therefore, you should know that if a suitable opportunity arises among our brothers, I will go with them.' And he said, 'What you say pleases me, I will come with you.' For he hoped that no brother would come. And behold, by the grace of the Lord, Brother Pontius immediately arrived, a holy man, who had stayed with us in the convent of Aix and was going to Nice, where he had been appointed guardian. And he rejoiced when he saw us. And I said to him, 'We want to come with you, because we must go to Genoa to live there.' And he replied and said: 'I am very pleased. I will go then to arrange for us to have a ship.' On the next day after lunch, we went to the ship, which was one mile away from the place of the brothers. However, my companion did not want to come, but seeing that I was determined, he came after us, taking the guardian of the place with him. And when I reached out my hand to lift him onto the ship, he recoiled and said, 'God forbid that you touch me, for you did not keep faith with me and maintain a good companionship.' To which I said, 'Unfortunate one, recognize the goodness of God towards you, for it has been revealed to me by the Lord that if you had stayed there, undoubtedly you would have died; and the Wise One in Ecclesiastes 7 says: Do not be foolish, lest you die in your time. And it is said of some in Job 22: They were taken away before their time, and the river (namely, the river of human mortality) subverted their foundation.' Why more? This person did not believe me until vexation gave understanding to his hearing. For throughout the entire winter in the convent of Genoa, he could not be freed from the illness he had contracted in Provence; and on the feast of St. Matthias, I entered the sea, and from Genoa, I arrived at Brother Hugh's place in four days; and I found six brothers from that place dead and buried; the first of whom was the guardian of that place, who had accompanied my companion to the ship; the second was Brother William of Pertuso, a good preacher, who had once lived in the convent of Parma; and the other four need not be named. However, when I returned to the convent of Genoa and recounted to my companion the deaths of those aforementioned brothers, he thanked me for rescuing him from the jaws of death. He eventually recovered, and after many years, he went to the overseas province, in the year when the King of France crossed over for the second time and went to Tunis; and there he became the guardian and came as a guardian to the general chapter held at Assisi, where Brother Bonagratia was elected as the general minister, and the declaration of the rule was given to the brothers	Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 456–457	None
1248-00-00-Parma	1248 JL	There was a great mortality in Parma.	Et mortalitas valida fuit	And there was a strong mortality	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 464	Translation by Martin Bauch
1248-00-00-Reggio	1248 JL	High mortality in Reggio	Et mortalitas magna hoc anno fuit; et mortuus est abbas Sancti Prosperii [Gerardus].	Template:TN	Template:Albertus Miliolus 1903, p. 520	None
1250-00-00-Egypt	1250 JL	Deaths among the French army in Egypt due to plague and famine	1250 - Sed et prius pestilentia et inedia multi periere. Habuerunt enim caristiam et penuriam comestibilium rerum et victualium, nec talem dispositionem aeris habebant qualem in terra sua.		Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 486	Translation needed
1250-02-00-Damiette	February 1250 JL	The army of the Sixth Crusade under the leaderhsip of the French King suffers from an epidemic and dearth around Damiette.	Anno Domini MCCL captus est Lodoycus rex Francie, et maior pars exercitus Gallici qui cum rege transfretaverat a Saracenis est interfecta. Sed et prius pestilentia et inedia multi periere. Habuerunt enim caristiam et penuriam comestibilium rerum et victualium, nec talem dispositionem aeris habebant qualem in terra sua	In the year of our Lord 1250, King Louis of France was captured, and the majority of the French army that had crossed over with the king was killed by the Saracens. But even before that, many perished due to pestilence and famine. They experienced a scarcity and shortage of foodstuffs and provisions, and they did not have the favorable climate conditions they were accustomed to in their own land	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 486	Translation by Martin Bauch
1255-00-00-Foggia	1255 JL	Many deaths in the army of the Pope in Foggia, but only few in the besieging army.	Talis autem tempore illo fortuna Principis fuit, quod licet de Papali exercitu in Fogia multi quotidie morerentur, multique infirmi jacerent; in Principis tamen exercitu, qui ante Civitatem erat, paucissimi infirmi, duoque tantum ibi defuncti fuerunt.	Such, however, was the fortune of the Prince at that time, that although many from the Papal army in Foggia died daily, and many lay sick, in the Prince's army, which was before the city, very few were sick, and only two died there.	Nicolaus de Jamsilla Historia, p. 576.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1256-08-29-Kamakura	29 August 1256 JL	In Kamakura spreaded Sekihansō.	近日赤斑瘡、世間流布	Recently, Sekihansō (red rashes or sores) have been spreading widely throughout the world.	xxx, p. 360.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1256-12-17-Kamakura	17 December 1256 JL	In Sōshū subsiding dysentery epidemic.	相州赤痢病事減気云々	It is said that the dysentery epidemic in Sōshū (Sagami Province) is subsiding.	xxx, p. 360.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1257-00-00-England	1257 JL	Starvation und plague during summer.	Jacuerunt terrae incultae, et mortua est prae inedia populi multitude numerosa. […] Annus insuper pestifer letales febres suscitavit, ita ut, si de aliis sileam, apud Sanctum Edmundum in aestate, diebus praecipue canicularibus ingruentibus, plus quam duo milia mortuorum cimiteria spatiosa occuparent.	The lands lay uncultivated, and a great multitude of people died from starvation. […] Additionally, that pestilent year brought about deadly fevers, such that, to mention only one example, at Saint Edmund's in the summer, especially during the dog days, more than two thousand dead occupied the spacious cemeteries.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 660.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1257-00-00-Horning	1257 JL	Plague and mortality due to intemperate weather.	Aeris igitur intemperies, hominum pestem et mortalitatem suscitavit	The intemperate weather caused a plague and mortality among the people.	Chronica Johannis de Oxenedes, p. 215.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1257-09-00-Iceland	September 1257 JL	In Miðfjörðr was a great mortality.	her segir fra mannfalle pui enu mikla er j Midfirde var er till tok Mariu messo sidarre. lette eftir paaska uiku: ok do or sott .cccc. manna j pessum kirkiu soknum at Stad. at Nupe. a Backa. a Mel. J Huamme ok Holum. ok Tiorn	Here tells about the great man-death which was in Miðfjörðr, which began on the later feast of Mary. It eased up after Easter week, and four hundred people died of sickness in these church districts: at Staðr, Gnúpi, Bakki, Mel, Hvamm and Hólar, and Tjörn	xxx, p. 36.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00 Italy	1258 JL	In summer high mortality in Italy.	Eo anno aestate fuit hominum magna mortalitas.	In this year was a high mortality among humans.	Riccobaldo da Ferrara 1726b, Sp. 133	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1258-00-00-Baghdad 001	1258 JL	Famine and plague in the Middle East.		And in his time there was a very severe famine and a pestilence in all the land of SEN'AR, and 'ATHOR (Assyria), and BETH NAHRIN, and SYRIA and BETH RHOMAYE; for in DAMASCUS a young dove for a sick man was sold for twelve nasraye		None
1258-00-00-Baghdad 002	1258 JL	Great mortality in Baghdad, which spreads due to the odor and contaminated water.		It is said that there were more than 800,000 dead in Baghdad, not including the children thrown in the mud, those who perished in the canals, wells, and basements, and those who died of hunger and fear. Those that survived the killing were struck by an epidemic [wabaˉʾ] from breathing the odor of corpses and drinking contaminated water. The inhabitants frequently smelled onions because of the strong smell. The number of flies increased, filling the air; they would fall on food and spoil it.		None
1258-00-00-Bilbeis	1258 JL	Plague in Syria and Egypt.		In this year (i.e. 1258), plague struck across Syria, the regions of Egypt, and the like […] A fever and cough occurred in Bilbeis such that not one person was spared from it, yet there was none of that in Cairo. Then after a day or two, something similar happened in Cairo. I was stationed in Giza at that time. I rode to Cairo and found that this condition was spreading across the people of Cairo, except a few.		None
1258-00-00-Modena	1258 JL	Disease and mortality in Modena.	Eodem anno fuit infirmitas et mortalitas ferre per totum orbem	In the same year (1258), there was widespread illness and mortality throughout the entire world.	Chronache Modenesi 1888, here: Cronca Tassoni, p. 58.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-Prague	1258 JL	In Prague frost and mortality among sheeps.	Hoc anno gelu laesit fructus arboreos et vineas, et mortalitas ovium fuit	This year, frost damaged the fruit trees and vineyards, and there was a mortality among the sheep.	Canonicorum Pragensium Contin. Cosmae, p. 176.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-Senones	1258 JL	A plague of livestock in Senones (Vosges).	Sed tamen pestilentia pecorum ipso anno finiente non finivit, sed per totum sequentem annum regiones plurimas bobus et vaccis [p. 334] penitus vacuavit.	However, the pestilence of livestock did not end with the close of that year, but continued throughout the following year, utterly emptying many regions of oxen and cows.	Richeri Gesta Senoniensis ecclesiae 1880, pp. 333-334.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-St. Albans	1258 JL	Plague among sheeps in St. Albans.	et pecudes necuit pubescentes, ita ut ovium et agnorum pestis fieret generalis	and killed the young livestock, resulting in a widespread pestilence among sheep and lambs.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 674.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-Syria 001	1258 JL	Famine and plague raged in the East.	Cette année, la famine et une maladie dangereuse, désolerent toutes les contrées de l’Orient.[…] Cette meme année, une maladie pestilentielle fit, en Syrie, de grands ravages. Il mourait, à Alep, douze cents personnes par jour. Und grand nombre d’ inhabitants de Damas fut victim de ce fléau	This year, famine and a dangerous disease devastated all the regions of the East. [...] In the same year, a pestilential disease caused great havoc in Syria. In Aleppo, twelve hundred people died per day. A large number of inhabitants of Damascus fell victim to this scourge.	Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks 1845, pp. 77-78.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-Syria 002	1258 JL	Disease in Syria.		Around the time (1258) when the Mongols took Baghdad, an epidemic (ṭāʿūn) affected the people in Syria. This was in 656 H (January 8, 1258 to December 27, 1258)	Ibn Faḍl Allāh al-ʿUmarī - Masālik al-abṣār 2001-2004, Vol. 27, p. 369.	Translation needed
1258-04-00-St. Albans	April 1258 JL	Strong famine and disease in St. Albans.	Defi[ci]ente insuper annona, pauperum multitude innumerabilis mortua est. Et inventa sunt passim eorum corpora tumida prae fame et liventia, quina vel sena in porcariis, sterquiliniis, et lutosis plateis, in semetipsis morticina miserabiliter tabefacta. Nec ausi sunt, qui domos habebant, perituros, propter tabem et contagia infirmorum in suam propriam inediam hospitari. Et cum plura corpora mortua invenirentur, factae sunt in cimiteriis amplae fossae et capaces, in quibus reponebantur corpora plurimorum	Additionally, with the failing grain supply, an innumerable multitude of the poor died. Their bloated and discolored bodies, swollen from hunger, were found everywhere, five or six at a time, in pigsties, dung heaps, and muddy streets, miserably decayed into corpses. Those who had homes did not dare to take in the dying, fearing infection and contagion, even at the cost of their own starvation. And since many dead bodies were found, large and spacious pits were dug in the cemeteries, in which the bodies of many were placed.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 690.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-05-00-London	May 1258 JL	Great famine and mortality in London.	Circa idem tempus, tanta fames et mortalitas ingruebat in terra, ut, ascendente summa blade usque ad pretium quindecim solidorum et ultra, et terra nummis esset vacuata, et per plateas innumerorum jacerent morticinia […] Jacuerunt insuper mortui super sterquilinia et in luto, et per plateas marcentes et tumescentes, ita ut vix erat qui mortuos sepeliret, nec audebant aut volebant cives vix aliqui mortuos propter tabem hospitari.	Around the same time, such great famine and mortality struck the land that, with the price of grain rising to fifteen solidi and beyond, and the land being emptied of money, countless corpses lay in the streets. [...] The dead also lay on dung heaps and in the mud, decaying and swelling in the streets, so that there were scarcely any who could bury the dead, nor did the citizens dare or wish to take in the dead due to the contagion.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 701-702.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-05-19-London	19 May 1258 JL	Immense disease in London.	Anno eodem, circa festum Trinitatis, immanis pestis et intolerabilis populum praecipue invasit et afflictum miserabiliter peremit.	In the same year (1258), around the feast of the Trinity, an immense and intolerable disease especially struck the people, miserably afflicting and killing them.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 693.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-11-00-Cairo	November 1258 JL	Epidemic in Cairo.		Then there happened a great epidemic at Cairo, from which hardly any one escaped; it began on Thursday, the 24th of Shawwál, and Behá ed dín was one of those attacked by it. He survived a few days, and then expired a little before sunset onn Sunday the 4th of Dhu’l Ka’deh in the same year (Nov AD 1258) and was buried the next after midday prayers […]I could not make it for [Bahaˉʾ al-Dīn’s funeral] prayer as I was engaged myself with the disease. When I had recovered from the disease, I proceeded to his grave for visitation and read a part of the Qur’aˉn for him		None
1259-00-00-Alessandria	1259 JL	A plague disturbed a peace and raged also north of the alps.	Ceterum hanc ipsorum quietem aliquamdiu perturbavit vis pestilentiae, quae, tota fere Cisalpina Gallia debacchata, illos itidem vellicavit	Moreover, their peace was disturbed for some time by the force of a pestilence, which, having ravaged almost all of Cisalpine Gaul, also afflicted them.	Annales Alexandrini 1857, col. 233.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Borgo San Donino	1259 JL	The greatest mortality in Borgo San Donino.	Dominus Rubinus senex erat et plenus dierum et misit pro me, eo anno quo fuit mortalitas maxima et quo Icilinus de Romano captus fuit in bello, scilicet MCCLIX; et confessus est mecum et bene ordinavit de anima sua et mortuus est in senectute bona, transiens de hoc mundo ad Patrem.	Lord Rubino was old and full of days. He sent for me in that year (1259) when there was the greatest mortality and when Ezzelino da Romano was captured in war, namely, in the year 1259. He confessed with me and arranged well for his soul, and he died in good old age, passing from this world to the Father.	Template:Salimbene De Adam 1998/99, Vol. 2, pp. 548.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Dijon	6 April 1259 JL	Strong mortality around Dijon.	1259. Hoc anno fuit infirmitas et mortalitas hominum in toto mundo, ita ut pauce domus essent in quibus aliquis sanus inveniretur; cepitque inicium hec mortalitas in magna ebdomada ante pascha, duravitque circiter unum mensem	In the year 1259, there was an illness and mortality of people throughout the whole world, such that there were few houses in which a healthy person could be found. This mortality began in Holy Week before Easter and lasted for about one month.	Template:Annales S. Benigni Divionensis 1844, p. 50	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Ireland	1259 JL	A cough affected humans and horses in Innisfallen.		A common cough this year affecting human beings and horses, which was called galar na placodi.		None
1259-00-00-Italy	1259 JL	Price increase, famine and epidemics throughout Italy	In questo mentre si ritrouaua tutta l'Italia grandemente afflitta, & per la gran carestia che da ogni parte s'haueua di tutte le cose attenenti al vitto humano, & per la vniuersal pestilentia che da ogni lato regnaua, con miserabile strage d'ogni viuente di qualunque stato, & conditione.	In the meantime, all of Italy was greatly afflicted, and by the great famine on all sides of all things pertaining to human sustenance, and by the universal pestilence that reigned on all sides, with miserable slaughter of every citizen of every state and condition.	Alberti 1541, pp. Dec. II, lib. II, ad a. 1259	Translation by DeepL
1259-00-00-Italy 002	1259 JL	High mortality in Italy and death of an elder Italian Lord	1259 - [...] quo anno fuit in Ytalia hominum et mulierum mortalitas maxima, […] (p. 548) Dominus Rubinus senex erat et plenus dierum et misit pro me, eo anno quo fuit mortalitas maxima et quo Icilinus de Romano captus fuit in bello, scilicet MCCLIX; et confessus est mecum et bene ordinavit de anima sua et mortuus est in senectute bona, transiens de hoc mundo ad Patrem.	In the year 1259, which was the year of the greatest mortality of men and women in Italy, [...] (p. 548) Lord Rubino was old and full of days. He sent for me in that year when there was the greatest mortality and when Icilinus from Rome was captured in war, namely, in the year 1259. He confessed with me and arranged well for his soul, and he died in good old age, passing from this world to the Father	Salimbene De Adam 1966, pp. 539–540, 548	None
1259-00-00-London	1259 JL	Severe plague raged in Paris and London.	Eodem tempore, ascendente sole cancrum, facta est hominum pestilentia et mortalitas inopinata; ita quod [S. 747] ubique morientibus quamplurimis locis aliis omissis tantummodo Parisius plus quam milia hominum sepulcris commendabantur. Oleum etenim, vinum, et annona corrumpebantur. Et quia mortis rumphea nulli parcens nunc hunc nunc illum consumit, aequanimiter egenum et divitem rapiendo, obit in illa peste mortifera dominus Fulco Londoniensis episcopus	At the same time, with the sun rising in Cancer, an unexpected pestilence and mortality among people occurred; so much so that, with many dying everywhere, in Paris alone, more than a thousand people were committed to their graves. Even oil, wine, and grain were being corrupted. And because the scythe of death spared no one, consuming one person after another, rich and poor alike, Lord Fulco, the Bishop of London, died in that deadly plague.	Template:Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 746-747.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Modena	1259 JL	Mortality in Modena.	Eodem anno fuit infirmitas et mortalitas fere per totum Orbem	In the same year, there was widespread illness and mortality almost throughout the entire world.	Annales Veteres Mutinensium 1727, col. 65.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Salzburg	1259 JL	Everywhere a great need, shortage and price increase and thereupon severe plague in Salzburg	1259. Maxima caristia orta est per omnes terras, quam sequitur maxima pestilentia hominum.	In the year 1259, a great scarcity arose across all lands, followed by a severe pestilence among the people.	Template:Annales Sancti Rudperti Salisburgensis, p. 795.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Salzburg 001	1259 JL	Great plague in Salzburg.	et multe civitates exuste, set unde nemo congnoscere quivit. Sequitur etiam maxima pestilencia hominum	and many cities were burned, but no one could understand the cause. A great pestilence among the people followed as well.	Template:Continuatio chronici Magni Presbiteri 1861, p. 529.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Wessobrunn	1259 JL	Mortality of people and livestock in Wessobrunn.	Anno Domini MCCLVIIII. […] morticinium grande nimis hominum atque pecudum.	In the year of Our Lord 1259 […] there was a great mortality of people and livestock.	Template:Historia Monasterii Wessofontani 1753, Vol. 2, p. 33.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-04-00-Borgo San Donino	April 1259 JL	Great mortality in Italy, for example in Bologna, Borgo San Donino, Milan and Florence.	Item eodem anno [1259] in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in dominica olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit domnus Rubinus de Soragna, barbanus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchispoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent	In the same year (1259) in Italy, there was a great mortality among women and men, such that during Vespers, we had two dead bodies at the same time in the church. This curse began in Passion Week, to the point that in the entire province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not recite the office on Palm Sunday, as they were afflicted by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. At that time, Lord Rubinus de Soragna, uncle of Uberto Pelavicini, and Brother Marchispoli, whom I heard in confession, passed away. Likewise, in the town of Borgo San Donnino, more than three hundred people died from that pestilence, and in Milan many thousands, and similarly many thousands in Florence; the bells were not rung, so as not to frighten the sick.	Template:Salimbene De Adam 1998/99, Vol. 2, pp. 674-675.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-04-00-Italy	April 1259 JL	Epidemic and high mortality in Italy.	Et eodem anno MCCLIX magna fuit mortalitas, et composui librum de tediis. [...] In supradicto millesimo habitabam in Burgo Sancti Donini et composui et scripsi alium librum Tediorum ad similitudinem Pateccli. Item eodem anno in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de Passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in Dominica Olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit dominus Rubinus de Soragna, barbánus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchisopoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent.	And in the same year 1259, there was a great mortality, and I composed a book about weariness. [...] In the aforementioned year, I lived in San Donino and composed and wrote another book of weariness, similar to Gherardo Patecchio. Also in the same year, in Italy, there was a great mortality of men and women, so much so that during the evening office, we had two dead in the church at the same time. And this curse began in the week of Passion, so that in the whole province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not perform the office on Palm Sunday, as they were affected by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. Then, Master Rubinus of Soragna, the barber of Uberti Pelavicini, and Brother Marchisopoli, whom I heard in confession, died. Also in San Donino, more than three hundred died from that pestilence, and in Milan, many thousands, and similarly in Florence, many thousands; and the bells did not toll, lest they terrify the sick.	Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, pp. 674–675.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-04-00-Paris 001	April 1259 JL	Great mortality in Paris.	In Paschate etiam post fuit maxima mortalitas Parisius, et antequam essent vindemie fuit vinum ad IIIIor denarios per totum Parisius.	At Easter 1259 and afterwards, there was a great mortality in Paris, and before the grape harvest, wine was sold for 4 denarii throughout Paris.	Template:Annales Clerici Parisiensis 1877, p. 187.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-04-15-China	15 April 1259 JL	An epidemic broke out among the Mongol troops and they withdrew, when they were in Shu.	三月 （蒙古军在蜀），时蒙古军中大疫，议班师。 《续资治通鉴•宋纪》 一百七十五	In the third month (when the Mongol army was in Shu), a great epidemic broke out among the Mongol troops, and it was decided to withdraw.	Template:Compendium of Chinese Meteorological Records 2004, Vol. 1, p. 493.	None
1259-04-29-Kyoto	29 April 1259 JL	Prayers and rites were conducted at 22 shrines due to famine and epidemic, with the "Ninnōkyō" being recited for seven days to combat the epidemic.	廿七日庚子。依飢饉疫疾等御祈。被發遣臨時廿二社奉幣使。去十一日依日吉社火事延引。大納言資季卿以下参之。自今日依疫疾御祈。於諸社七个日被修仁王經御讀經。卅曰癸卯。自今日於仙洞被修仁王經。依疫疾御祈也	On the 27th day of the Gengzi, due to famine and epidemic diseases, a prayer was conducted. Envoys were dispatched to offer rites at 22 shrines. Due to a fire at the Hie Shrine on the 11th, the event was delayed. Dainagon Sukezane and others attended. From today, because of the epidemic, the "Ninnōkyō" (Sutra of Benevolent Kings) was recited for seven days at various shrines. On the 30th day of the Guimao, the "Ninnōkyō" was recited at Sendō, also as a prayer for the epidemic.	Template:Hyakurenshō百練抄 1897-1901, p. 341.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1259-05-00-St. Albans	May 1259 JL	Air corruption was followed by disease and bad weather and harvest.	Item in mayo [1259] fuit maxima aeris corruptio per totum mensem. Inde subsecute sunt multe infirmitates et mortalitas hominum. Arbores non fructificabant. Item mense Julio multa tonitrua et terribilia et fulgura cadentia. Item mense octobri ad festum sancti Dionisii per tres dies continuos et noctes horrid tempestas celum commouit et undas et multi naufragio perierunt	Moreover, in May 1259, there was severe air corruption throughout the entire month. As a result, many illnesses and deaths followed among people. The trees did not bear fruit. Additionally, in July, there were many terrifying thunderclaps and lightning strikes. Furthermore, in October, around the feast of Saint Denis, for three continuous days and nights, a dreadful storm stirred the sky and the waves, and many perished in shipwrecks.	Template:Chronicon S. Andreae in Antona Sempentrionalis (bis 1339) 1929, p. 101.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-05-21-Aleppo	21 May 1259 JL	The sultan of Damascus died of a disease in al-Buwayḍāʾ.		The former Ayyubid sultan of Damascus, al-Nāṣir Dāwūd, died of the general disease in al-Buwayḍāʾ, a village in the surroundings of Damascus. His cousin al-Nāṣir Yūsuf, the lord of Damascus, traveled to al-Buwayḍāʾ, transferred Dāwūd's body to al-Ṣāliḥiyya and buried it in the tomb of Dāwūd's father al-Malik al-Muʿaẓẓam.	Template:Ibn Faḍl Allāh al-ʿUmarī - Masālik al-abṣār 2001-2004, Vol. 27, p. 369.	Translation needed
1259-06-16-Hubei	16 June 1259 JL	About an edict ordering rice to be released for charitable purposes, because of famine and epidemics in the year before.	五月辛亥，雨雹。丁已，诏：“湖北诸郡，去年旱潦饥疫，令江陵、常、澧、岳、寿诸州，发义仓米振粜。”辛未，婺州大水，发义仓米赈之。《宋史·理宗纪》四	On the day Dingsi, an edict was issued: "In the various prefectures of Hubei, due to last year's drought, floods, famine, and epidemics, order was given to the prefectures of Jiangling, Chang, Li, Yue, and Shou to release rice from the charity granaries for relief."	Template:Compendium of Chinese Meteorological Records 2004, p. 493.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1260-00-00-Bologna	1260 JL	Epidemic in connection with the flagellants.	Nell' Anno 1260 seguiura una attrocissima mortalita, che li sette ottavi delle Persone occissi alla sua falce, molte Cittade rimasero disabitate e fù al tempo del B. Riniero dove fù necessario per placare l' ira di Dio, che le persone andassero in Processione nudi insino alla centura disciplinandosi.	In the year 1260 there followed a very terrible death, so that the seven eighths of the people came to his sickle, many cities were left uninhabited and it was at the time of B. Riniero where it was necessary to appease the wrath of God, that the people went in procession naked to the centurion, disciplining themselves.	Template:Giacomo dal Gambaro, p. 182r.	Translation by DeepL
1260-00-00-Bologna 002	1260 JL	Flagellants in context of famine and epidemic	In questo tempo essendo molestata grandemente la Italia de la fame et de la Peste, hebbero principio le Confraternita, o come si chiamano a Bologna le compagnie dei Battuti	At this time, when Italy was greatly afflicted by famine and plague, the Confraternities, or as they are called in Bologna, the Companies of the Battuti, began.	Template:Pompeo Vizzani, p. 182r	Translation by DeepL
1265-00-00-Italy	1265 JL	Great mortality in Italy in the year 1265	Magna mortalitas in Italia	Great mortality in Italy.	Template:Cronica Patricii Ravennatis, p. 1154	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1267-00-00-Austria	1267 JL	Great famine and severe plague with many deaths in people and animals in complete Austria	Anno Domini MCCLXVII. pestilencia et fames, ex nationes civitatum et villarum per Austriam surrexerunt, ita ut innumerus populus cum pecore pene omni in terris peste miserabiliter morerentur, que Deum vulgaris plebs affirmavit propter illivitas regis nupcias induxisse.		Iohannes Victoriensis 1340-1343, p. 170	Translation needed
1267-00-00-Thuringia	1267 JL	Many diseases and plague among people and animals in Thuringia and the surrounding area	Similiter in Thuringia et in confinio eius multe egrotationes ac pestilencie hominum et pecudum irruerunt.	Similarly, in Thuringia and its neighboring regions, many illnesses and pestilences befell both humans and livestock	Chronica minor auctore Minorita Erphordensi, p. 675, l. 8	Translation by Martin Bauch
1270-00-00-Tunisia	1270 JL	Charles of Anjou makes peace in Tunisia, partly because the plague hit his army	Reges, tum propter difficultatem urbem munitissimam capiendi, tum propter pestilentiam mortalitatis, que vehementer exercitum affligebat, tale pactum cum rege Tunicii pepigerunt: quod ipse persolveret regibus omnes transfetationis expensas et tributum redderet regi Karulo et filiis suis, quod ipse solebat persolvere annuatim magno principi Federico.		Template:Anonymus 1207–1270, p. 61	Translation needed
1271-00-00-Austria-Hungary	1271 JL	Plague in Austria and Hungary	Eiusdem tempore anni tam inaudita facta est pestilentia in Austria et Ungaria, ut ex tam vehementi pestilentie plaga in fossatis maximis simul et semel mortui homines tamquam peccora infoderentur.		Historia annorum 1264-1279 1851, p. 651, l. 52	Translation needed
1276-00-00-Italy	1276 JL	Price increase in Genoa, Lombardy, Tuscany, France and in complete Italy, poverty migration and disease	In iam dicto anno [1276] victualium magna fuit penuries nedum in Ianua et districtu, set etiam in Lonbardia, Tuscia, Provintia et Francia, et quasi in Ytalia tota. In Ianua enim et districtu usque in solidos 40 frumenti mine singule vendebantur; quod autem durius est audire, nedum frumentum set nec etiam granum poterat reperiri. Qui enim granum habebant, illud ad libitum vendere potuissent, quantumcunque voluissent inde habere pretium; nisi iussio emanasset qua fuit cunctis inhibitum, ne ultra certam summam frumentum vel granum aliquatenus venderetur. Tanta autem victualium inedia nedum per totum illum annum set etiam quasi per totum sequentem regnavit, quod homines fame peribant. Qua ex causa urgente fame et fructuum paupertate, magna mulierum et hominum multitudo cum eorum familias etiam parvulis quos in cunabulis deferebant, fines Lonbardie, Tuscie, Provintie et totius Ytalie famem fugientes est egressa. Ex diversis quidem civitatibus locis et villis et quasi ex totius Lonbardie et Ytalie finibus homines mulieres magni et parvuli undique concurrebant, qui quasi fame consumpti velud mortui apparebant. Qui omnes habuerunt ad civitatem Ianuensem recursum, et quamquam Ianuensis civitas magna victualium laboraret inopia, tamen ad se fugientes non repulit; set ipsis miseris et oppressis fame [p. 283] compatiens manum aperuit et panem suum et omnia neccessaria eisdem esurientibus ministravit. Illo quippe anno et quasi toto sequenti aer infectus et pestilens celum fuit, et ad hec in omnibus iam dictis partibus morbus invaluit, quod infinitos homines et mulieres magnos et parvos fere in omnibus Ytalie partibus mors invasit.		Obertus Stanconus et al. 1863, pp. 283–284	Translation needed
1276-00-00-Reggio	1276 JL	Epidemic among humans and animals in Reggio Emilia	et magna mortalitas hominum, & bestiarum facta est eo anno		Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 8	Translation needed
1276-07-00-Italy	July 1276 JL	Months of continuous rain destroys crops, famine feared; livestock dies, famine, disease and deaths in Rome and throughout Italy	Eodem tempore [1276] quasi per totum mensem Julij, Augusti, Septembris & Octobris Deus tantum pluit super terram in Italia, quod quasi omnes segetes de Plano guastatae sunt & perditae, & timetur multum de caristia temporis in Italia, & propter multas aquas quasi omnes boves & vaccae & oves & caprae mortuae sunt in Italia, & Romae, & in illis partibus magnae fames, infirmitates, & mortalitates hominum et personarum etiam fuerunt		Template:Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 480	Translation needed
1277-00-00-Italy	1277 JL	Epidemic with deaths in Italy and Lombardy.	De magna hominum mortalitate, et de domino Mastino, qui interfectus fuit.[…] Et eodem anno (1277) fuit mortalitas maxima et magne infirmitates hominum, puerorum et mulierum quasi per universum orbem et maxime in regno Ytalie et Lombardie.	About the great mortality of men, and about Lord Mastino, who was killed. [...] And in the same year (1277), there was the greatest mortality and great illnesses of men, children, and women almost throughout the entire world, especially in the kingdom of Italy and Lombardy.	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 727.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1277-00-00-Lombardy	1277 JL	Epidemic with many deaths and strong price increase of grain in Lombardy and Italy	Item eodem anno fuit maxima caritudo blave, ita quod sestarium furmenti fuit positum in asetum [fixing the price] ad decem solidos imperiales spelte v solidos imperiales; et secrete per episcopatum vendebatur xx solidis imperialibus starium furmenti. Et magna mortalitas hominum, infancium et mulierum fuit per Lombardiam et totam Ytaliam [...] Et illo anno fuit paucum blaudum per totam Lombardiam, ita quod starium furmenti vendebatur xij solidis imperialibus et starium spelte vj solidis imperialibus. Et fuit magna mortalitas per totam Lombardiam		Template:Bonazzi 1902, p. 33	Translation needed
1277-00-00-Steterburg	1277 JL	Severe plague among animals	Anno sequenti pestilencia pecorum est exorta, ita ut nobis secundum veram computacionem mille et ducente oves et plus quam centum vacce morerentur; unde in comparandis lacticiniis multa expendere oportebat.		Gesta praepositorum Stederburgensium continuata, p. 728, l. 42	Translation needed
1277-05-00-Reggio	May 1277 JL	Epidemic and price increase in Reggio	Eo mense [May] coepit morbus Rhegii, & tunc statutum est, ut non pulsentur campanae, nec mortui praeconizentur, nec plorentur, & quod mulieres non sequantur ad Ecclesiam corpora. Et tunc frumentum valebat solidos VIII. imperial. et faba solid. XX Resanorum. [...] Eo anno maximus morbus fuit Rhegii.		Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 8	Translation needed
1277-07-00-Italy	July 1277 JL	In Italy was an epidemic with deaths and rainfall prevent sowing, price increase of all foodstuffs	Et eodem anno [...] steterunt magne infirmitates, pestilentie et mortalitates hominum et mulierum per universum orbem quasi et maxime in Ytalia. Et magna pluvia fuit, ita quod homines non potuerunt colligere melicas de campis nec eas siccare nec potuerunt bene seminare [...] Et eo anno fuit maxima caristia de rebus victualibus, quia aliquando vendictum fuit sest. frumenti VIIII sol. imper. et X sol imper., et sest. fabe XVIII sol. rex. et XVII et XVIIII sol. rex., et sest. milice V sol. imper. et XIII et XIIII sol. rex., et sest. spelte IIII sol. imper. et XIII sol. rex., et libra olei XXI imper. et XXII imper.; et de omnibus aliis rebus victualibus magna caristia fuit.	Template:TN	Template:Albertus Miliolus 1903, p. 551	None
1280-00-00-Bologna	25 January 1280 JL	Many apocalyptic events in Bologna, like on 25. January an earthquake and solar eclipse; Two months of rain, floods and consequently a famine and Epidemic with many deaths	L'anno 1280 all 25 di Gennaro in Bologna fu un gran terremoto et nell' hora di non si ecclisÒ il Sole et stete oscurato per lo spatio di due hore, et finito il detto ecclise appareve la luna di color negro, et fù veduto un Dragone per l'aria con la coda lunga volare; et la brina che poco dopo cade fecce seccare le viti, et le scemenze et in quello istesso tempo cominciorno le pioggie che durrono per due mesi continui, facendo l'aque dei fiumi grandissimi danni, et gettando a terra molti ponti percio ne segui la carestia et la Peste che gran numero di gente levò di vita	In the year 1280, on the 25th of January in Bologna, there was a great earthquake, and at the hour of noon the Sun was eclipsed and darkened for the space of two hours, and when the said eclipse was over, the moon appeared black in colour, and a dragon was seen flying through the air with its long tail; And the frost that shortly afterwards fell dried up the vines, and the fruit, and at the same time the rains began, which lasted for two continuous months, doing great damage to the waters of the rivers, and throwing many bridges to the ground, so famine and the Plague followed, which took a great number of people from life.	Template:Anonymus, p. 140	Translation by DeepL
1281-00-00-Bohemia	1281 JL	High mortality caused by severe famine and plague in Southern Europe and Bohemia.	Fuerunt nives, pluvie et inundaciones aquarum magne, et cepit esse fames valida in cunctis inferioribus partibus Europe, et Bohemi quocumque divertebant fame et pestilencia interibant.		Chronicon imperatorum et pontificum Bavaricum 1292-1300, p. 224, l. 53,	Translation needed
1282-00-00-Alsace	1282 JL	Epidemic in Alsace	Item mel in Alsatia finibus pluebat, unde multi olera seu fructus commedere recusabant. Item pestilencia in locis pluribus sequebatur	It rained honey in some places in Alsace, and a lot of people refused to eat vegetables and fruits. And, an epidemic follows in several locations.	Jaffe 1861, Sp. 209	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1283-00-00-Italy 002	1283 JL	Cattle death, in the following high mortality among humans in 1284	1283 - De mortalitate boum que fuit hoc anno. Quod sequenti anno fuit hominum mortalitas subsecut[a]. Item supraposito anno Domini MCCLXXXIII fuit maxima boum mortaliltas per totam Lombardiam, Romagnolam et Ytaliam, et sequenti anno subsecuta est mortalitas hominum. Nam apud Salinum in Burgundia in quodam loco fratrum Minorum habitabant XXII fratres, quos ibi vivos invenit quidam frater Gallicus qui habitabat in Grecia et ibat Parisius; eodem anno, cum reverteretur, invenit XI ex illis mortuos, id est medietatem numeri supradicti. Audivi ab ore ipsius hec eadem apud Regium. In aliis vero partibus mundi eodem anno mortui sunt similiter multi. Et breviter ista est regula generalis, ut, quotienscumque fuerit mortalitas boum, statim sequenti anno mortalitas hominum subsequatur.		Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 754	Translation needed
1284-00-00-Hungary	1284 JL	Tatars invaded the land of Hungary, then a great famine and plague started.	Eodem anno Tarthari terram Ungarie que dicitur de Septemcastris intraverunt et multos christianos captivaverunt et occiderunt. Christus autem tutor christianorum, magnam famem in eos et pestilenciam inmisit.	The same year, the Tartars entered the land of Hungary, which is called the land of Seven Castles, and captured and killed many Christians. But Christ, the protector of Christians, sent great famine and pestilence upon them.	Annales Polonorum IV. 899-1327, p. 648, l. 28.	Translation by DeepL
1285-00-00-Augsburg	1285 JL	Severe plague among cattles.	Pestilentia pecudum solito maior per totam estatem duravit, ita ut in Augusta non decima pars vaccarum remaneret viva.	The plague of cattle lasted longer than usual throughout the entire summer, so that in the month of August not even a tenth part of the cows remained alive.	Annales Augustani Minores, p. 10, l. 18.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1285-00-00-Carpathian Mountains	1285 JL	Epidemic and famine among Tatars and Rus soldiers in Carpathian Mountains.	Быс[ть] идоущю окан[ь]номоу и безакон[ь]номоу Ногаеви и Телебоуѕѣ с ним[ь],воевав[ъ]шим[ъ] землю оугор[ь]скоую. Ногай поиде на Брашевь,а Телебоуга поиде поперекь горъ, што бѧше переити треми д[ь]ньми, и ходи по л҃ д[ь]невь блоудѧ въ горах[ъ], водим[ъ] гнѣвом[ь] Б[о]жїим[ь], и быс[ть] в них[ъ] голѡд[ъ] велик[ъ], и начаша люди ӕсти. Потом[ь] же начаша и сами покарѧти, и оумре их[ъ] бесчислен[ь]ное мнѡж[ь]ство. Самовид[ь]ци же тако рекоша: «Оумръших[ъ] быс[ть] р҃ тысѧч[ь]». Окан[ь]ныи же и безаконный Телебоугь выйде пѣшь съ своею женою ѡ одной кобылѣ, посрамлен[ъ] ѡт[ъ] Б[ог]а.	The cursed and lawless Nogaj started back with Telebuga, after they had pillaged the Hungarian land. [Then they separated], and Nogaj set out for Brašev, while Telebuga went through the [Carpathian] Mountains, which one could cross in three days. But he wandered thirty days in the mountains, driven [back and forth] by God's wrath. A great famine arose among [his men] and they began eating [their captives?]. Then they started dying themselves [so that] a countless number of them perished and eyewitnesses testified that there was a hundred thousand dead. [Finally] the cursed and lawless Telebuga made his way on foot out [of the mountains] with his wife and one mare. [And thus he was] shamed by God.	Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Nova Series, Vol. XVI: Chronica Galiciano-Voliniana. Chronica Romanoviciana, ediderunt, praefatione notisque instruxerunt, D. Dąbrowski, A. Jusupović, Kraków-Warszawa 2017, p. 525-527; See https://rcin.org.pl/ihpan/dlibra/publication/223688/edition/190072/content	None
1285-00-00-Italy	1285 JL	Connection of epidemic deaths and animal disease	Et nota, ut etiam alibi me dixisse recordor, quod ista est regula generalis et firma, quia, quotienscumque boum precedit mortalitas, totiens sequenti anno hominum mortalitas subsequatur. Idem post famem que precedit accidere consuevit ut mortalitas hominum similiter subsequatur.		Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 862	Translation needed
1285-00-00-Lucca	1285 JL	Fever epidemic in Lucca	Eodem anno fuit epidemia de tertianis in qua multi sunt de dicta aegritudine mortui, et praecipue qui fuerunt in exercitu supradicto		Ptolemaeus Lucensis 1876, p. 94	Translation needed
1285-00-00-Parma	1285 JL	Epidemics near Parma and Rome with many deaths.	De magna mortalitate hominum que in diversis partibus mundi fuit. Item, millesimo supraposito, in villa Pupilii, que est in episcopatu Parmensi, infra tres menses LXXX homines mortui sunt. Nam ista est regula generalis sive argumentum probatum, ut quotiens boum precedit mortalitas, totiens sequenti anno hominum mortalitas subsequatur. Et eodem millesimo in urbe Romana maxima fuit mortalitas et infirmitas, ita ut mitrati inter abbates et episcopos a Pascha usque ad Assumptionem beate Virginis sub papa Honorio quarto XXIIII morerentur.	About the great mortality of men which occurred in various parts of the world. Likewise, in the aforementioned year, in the village of Pupilii, which is in the diocese of Parma, within three months, eighty men died. For this is a general rule or proven argument, that as often as there is a mortality among cattle, so often in the following year there follows a mortality among men. And in the same year, there was a great mortality and sickness in the city of Rome, so that between Easter and the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, twenty-four mitred abbots and bishops died under Pope Honorius IV.	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 849	Translation by Martin Bauch
1285-00-00-Tivoli	1285 JL	Epidemics in Tivoli.	1285 - Honorius quartus cum cardinalibus suis, in civitate Tyburtina; et fuit ibi mortalitas maxima, usque adeo grandis quod solummodo de forensibus mortui sunt ibi duo milia hominum.	In 1285 Pope Honorius IV, with his cardinals, (ws) in the city of Tivoli; and there was a great mortality there, so great that only among outsiders two thousand men died there.	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 861.	Translation needed
1286-00-00-Cremona	1286 JL	In Cremona, Piacenza, Parma and other regions: high mortality in humans and chickens. Epidemic with deaths in Italy and Lombardy.	1286 - Nam in Cremona et in Placencia et in Parma et in Regio et in multis aliis Italie civitatibus et dyocesibus fuit mortalitas maxima tam hominum quam gallinarum.	For in Cremona, and in Piacenza, and in Parma, and in Reggio, and in many other cities and dioceses of Italy, there was the greatest mortality, both of humans and of chickens.	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 894.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1286-00-00-Parma	1286 JL	Drought from March to May in Parma; epidemic among animals and humans; low grain price from July onwards.	Item eo anno fuit magna mortalitas hominum et bestiarum in civitate et episcopatu Parme, et maxime de bestiis menutis; et non pluvit quasi per totum mensem martij et usque ad medium maij, propter quod homines multum timebant; et eodem anno non fuit nix neque frigus aliquod in civitate vel episcopatu Parme. Et eo anno, scilicet post sanctum Petrum, starium furmenti valuit iiij solidos imperiales	In that year, there was a great mortality of men and animals in the city and diocese of Parma, especially among small animals; and it did not rain for almost the entire month of March and until the middle of May, because of which the people were very afraid; and in the same year there was neither snow nor any cold in the city or diocese of Parma. And in that year, namely after the feast of Saint Peter, a bushel of wheat cost 4 imperial shillings.	Template:Bonazzi 1902, p. 51.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1287-00-00-Poland	1287 JL	Epidemic in Poland.	Тое ж[е] ѕимы и в лѧхох[ъ] быс[ть] моръ великь, изомре их[ъ] бесчислен[ь]ное множ[ь]ство.	That winter there was a great plague in Poland [as a result of which] a countless number [of people] died.	Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Nova Series, Vol. XVI: Chronica Galiciano-Voliniana. Chronica Romanoviciana, ediderunt, praefatione notisque instruxerunt, D. Dąbrowski, A. Jusupović, Kraków-Warszawa 2017, p. 537; See https://rcin.org.pl/ihpan/dlibra/publication/223688/edition/190072/content	None
1288-00-00-Bologna	1288 JL	Encouragement of marriages by the municipality of Bologna; fear of epidemics because of the weather, therefore banishment of lepers from the city to a hospital and financial aid for the poor.	Costumava in questi tempi il Senato di honorare e favorire li Matrimonij che fra li Cittadini si facevano dentro la Città, et in questo medesimo anno se ne feccero quarantuno Matrimonij nel quale lassendolo il Senato fece fare altre tante casselline di panno rosato, et a ciaschuhno secondo era il [S. 150] ne presentò una. Era questo favore di tanta stima che lo spos gloriandosi per otto giorni continui portava in capo la detta cappellina di Rosato. Et da li in poi lo spos la serbava in casa come segno di particolar favore fattogli dal Senato. In questo medesimo anno volle il Senato che si fabricasse un ponte vicino alla città per cui passa l'aqua del Fium Savena. Et perche pareva che l'aere et le gravi infermità minacciassero qualche disordine ne' corpi humani morendo gli' Infermi quasi di repentina morte fù dal senato fatto quest' ordine che nessun Leproso o contaminato nella persona habitasse, ne si accortasse alla Città per ispatio di re miglia, ma si fermasse all' Hospital di S. Lazzaro. Et se alcuno di detti infettati fosse povero, il Senato darebbe per ciascuno povero lire dieci.	It was the custom in these times for the Senate to honour and favour the marriages of citizens within the city, and in this same year forty-one marriages took place, in which the Senate had many other rosy-coloured boxes made, and to each one, according to the [S. 150] order, it presented one. This favour was of such esteem that the bride gloriously wore for eight continuous days the said chapel of Rosato on her head. And from then on, the bride kept it at home as a sign of the special favour done him by the Senate. In the same year, the Senate demanded that a bridge be built near the city through which the waters of the river Savena flow. And because it seemed that the air and the serious infirmities threatened some disorder in the human body, with the infirm dying an almost sudden death, the Senate ordered that no lepers or those infected in person should live in the city, nor should they be seen by the city for a distance of three miles, but that they should stay at the Hospital of S. Lazzaro. And if any of the infected were poor, the Senate would give each poor person ten lire.	Template:Anonymus, pp. 149–150.	Translation by DeepL
1288-00-00-Poland-Rus-Tatars	1288 JL	Epidemic in Poland, Rus and Tatars.	Тое же ѕимы не токмо въ ѡдиной роуси быс[ть] гнѣвь Б[о]жїи морѡм[ь], но и в лѧхох[ъ]. Тое ж[е] ѕимы и в татарех[ъ] изомре все: и кони, и скоти, и ов[ь]цы все изомре, не остасѧ ничегож[е].	That winter God's wrath appeared in the guise of great plague not only in Rus' alone, but also in Poland. That very same winter all of the horses, cattle, and sheep perished also in the land of the Tatars. Everything perished; nothing remained.	Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Nova Series, Vol. XVI: Chronica Galiciano-Voliniana. Chronica Romanoviciana, ediderunt, praefatione notisque instruxerunt, D. Dąbrowski, A. Jusupović, Kraków-Warszawa 2017, p. 539; See https://rcin.org.pl/ihpan/dlibra/publication/223688/edition/190072/content	None
1291-00-00-Vienna	1291 JL	Destruction of the crops [through the invasion of King Andreas II. of Hungary and also a plague	Segetes tempore messis tam per pabulum quam per incendium et conculcationem pedum equorum ac hominum penitus devastavit; et talis pestilencia sex septimanis in terra ista duravit, et multo deterius huic terre fecit, quam Bela		Annales Vindobonenses, p. 716, l. 40	None
1295-05-00-Romagna	May 1295 JL	Epidemic with high mortality in Romagna	De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam		Template:Annales Caesenatenses 2003, p. 51	Translation needed
1298-00-00-Poland	1298 JL	Plague among animals in Poland.	Generalis pestilencia animalium in tota Polonia.	A general plague among animals in all of Poland.	Annales Polonorum I. 965-1325, p. 652, l. 31.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1300-00-00-Ensdorf	1300 JL	Severe plague among animals, particularly among cattles.	Hoc anno maxima pestilentia animalium et maxime vaccarum per totum mundum suborta est.	This year, a great plague of animals, especially cows, broke out worldwide.	Annales Ensdorfenses, p. 6, l. 45.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1307-00-00-Bologna	July 1307 JL	Miracle cure through S. Petronio	Nel detto Anno, esendo multi Infermi et Amaladi, bevevano et lavavasi de laqua del Pozo de San Petronio, in San Stefano, e liberarsi tutti da diverse infirmitade	In the aforementioned year, when there were many infirm and amaleurs, they drank and washed themselves with the water from the Pozo de San Petronio, in San Stefano, and freed themselves from various infirmities	Template:Fragmenti di storia Bolognese, p. 129	Translation by DeepL
1307-07-00-Bologna	July 1307 JL	Healing of fever illnesses in Bologna.	In quest' anno del mese di Luglio et Agosto [f. 192v] furono in Bologna grandi Infermita, e quelli che bevettero con divotione dell' Acqua del Pozzo di S. Pietro, che è di dietro il Sepolcro di San Stefano, sentirono gran giuvamenti e molti della febre furono liberati	In this year, in the month of July and August, there were great epidemics in Bologna, and those who drank with devotion of the water from the Well of St. Peter, which is behind the Sepulchre of St. Stephen, felt great joy and many were freed from the fever.	Template:Anonymus 1586, p. 192r-v.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1307-07-00-Bologna 002	1307 JL	Healing of fever patients in Bologna	Molti Infermi di diverse infirmità andon in s. Stefano a quello Pozo se fece san Petronio, e bevevano di quella aquacon divotione et tutti furono liberati dele lor infirmita	Many sick people of various diseases went to St. Stephen's to that fountain of St. Petronius, and drank of that water with devotion and all were freed of their sicknesses	Template:Memorie della Città di Bologna, p. 73v	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1310-00-00-Bohemia	1310 JL	Severe plague during the reign of King Henry of Carinthia	Tanta devastationis pestilentia sub Heinrico duce de Chorinthia mulctabatur tota Bohemia quod non solum urbes, villae et personae seculares, sed quod lamenteabile est, viri spirituales aratarentur usquequaque etiam in suis coenobiis et claustrales --- Cotidie premebantur.	So great a plague of devastation afflicted all of Bohemia under Duke Henry of Carinthia that not only towns, villages, and laypeople were harried, but—what is lamentable to say—spiritual men as well were everywhere plundered, even within their own monasteries and cloisters. Day by day they were oppressed	Chronicon Aulae Regia 1301-1339, p. 289.	ChatGPT 5.2
1310-00-00-Mattsee	1310 JL	Human and cattle plague	Pestilentia hominum et pecorum atque pecudum facta est magna.	There was a great pestilence of humans as well as of cattle.	Annales Matseenses 1851, p. 825, l. 7f.	Translation by Annabell Engel
1311-00-00-Brescia	1311 JL	The army of the Roman-Germanic King Henry VII. is decimated by epidemics during the siege of Brescia	Multi quidem de exercitu mortui sunt ferro, alii vero epidemia crudelissima in omni parte praedicti exercitus continue vexati, absque nullo remedio mortui sunt quasi tertia pars eorum; equi eorum et iumenta a muschis occisa in magna quantitate. [...] Multa mala passus est Henricus, et gentes eius, expensis, ferro, peste, et epidemia; dicitur communiter, quod ibi mortui sunt plusquam decem millia viri bellatores	Many from this army were killed by fighting, but othery by a most cruel epidemic that hit everywhere in the aforementioned army. Without any remedy a third part of them died; and their horses and draft animals were killed by the mosquitos in large numbers [...] Henry had to suffer a lot of evil things: Expenses, war, plague and epidemics. Many people said that there died more than ten thousand fighters	Guglielmo Ventura 1848, Sp. 780	Translation by Martin Bauch
1311-00-00-Piacenza	1311 JL	Strong price increase, many deaths caused by famine and a desolation in Piacenza	Eodem anno & anno sequenti fuit fames valida in Placentia, & valuit starius frumenti soldos XXX, starius milii soldos XX, starius milicae soldiso XVI, et starius sicalis soldos XXIV. Et dicto anno innumerabiles per Civitatem Placentiae cadentes mortui sunt fame & pestilentia; & tunc Civitas Placentiae quasi tota fuit depopulata & evacuata Populo et laboratoribus.		Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 488	Translation needed
1312-00-00-Bologna	1312 JL	Price increase and epidemic in Bologna.	Die quest' anno fu una gran mortalità sconosciuta dalli medici, fu similmente una grandissima carestia si di pane, come di vino, et aceto, che il fromento si vende sol. [f. 21v] di venti la Corba, che prima si vende una cinque, et il vino, et l'aceto 40 bolognini.	In this year there was a great mortality unknown to the doctors, there was likewise a great famine both of bread and of wine and vinegar, so that the fromento was sold for only. [f. 21v] of twenty la Corba, which was previously sold at five, and the wine, and vinegar 40 bolognini.	Template:Chronica Azzolina (1106-1457), p. 24	Translation by DeepL
1312-00-00-Italy	1312 JL	Price increase and epidemic in Italy	Eo anno fere per omnem Ytaliam caritas anone et comestalium omnium que per totum annum duravit. Hominum etiam lues maxima ubique plus virorum quam mulierum et magis locuplectuum quam egenorum.		Anonymus 1938a, p. 325	Translation needed
1312-00-00-Italy 001	1312 JL	Famine and epidemics in Italy	In Italia, fere per totam, caritas magna annone, vini et omnium escalium, et lues et mortalitas plus virorum quam mulierum et magis locupletum quam egenorum		Cronica Patricii Ravennatis, p. 1166	Translation needed
1312-06-00-Parma	June 1312 JL	Severe epidemic in Parma and also in complete Lombardy with many deaths, mainly men, but also heat; poor people mow wild grass and sell it.	De mense junij, julij et augusti magna mortalitas fuit in civitate Parme, et etiam per Lombardiam, hominum, et pauci qui infirmabantur, liberabantur, et infra octo vel novem dies moriebantur, ita quod prohibitum fuit mortuos cridari per commune Parme per civitatem, sicut antea moris erat; et hoc evenit magis in civitate Parme quam in episcopatu, et magis in masculis quam in feminis; et multi infirmi fuerunt. Et eo tempore maximus calor fuit, et per multos burgos civitatis et stratas erbe selvatice et pabulum nascebatur sic et in campaneis, it quod ribaldi metebant pabulum et erbam que dicitur zovenzonum per burgos et stratas civitatis et portabant eam ad vendendum.		Bonazzi 1902, p. 125	Translation needed
1313-00-00-Trier	1313 JL	Severe plague and famine lasted three years after the death of King Henry VII. in 1313	Etiam pestilentia universalis erat adeo magna, quod multorum pauperum Corpora exanima, fame et pestilentia infecta, in stratis publicis inveniebantur, et a pluribus civitatibus magnae generales foveae in cimiterium consecratae parabantur, et pretia statuebantur, ut ipsa cadavera sepulturae traderentur. Istae plagae, heu! post mortem lamentabilem Henrici imperatoris in flagellum omnium nationum statim esse coeperunt, et plus quam per triennium miserabiliter duraverunt. […]		Gesta Treverorum, p. 235.	Translation needed
1313-05-00-Lombardy	May 1313 JL	Price increase in Lombardy leads to famine deaths and in summer an epidemic throughout Italy	De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam		Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 24	Translation needed
1314-00-00-Bohemia	1314 JL	Severe famine and plague among humans and animals	Ex magnitudine grigios et nivis facta est caristia maxima et pestilentia hominum et brutorum animalium infinita multitudo, et facta est tunc miseria inaudita.	Because of great cold and a high amount of snow there was a great increase in prices and a disease (pestilencia) afflicted humans and wild animals in infinite numbers and it caused then a misery formerly unheard of.	Annales Bohemiae brevissimi, p. 720, l. 40.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1314-00-00-Florence	1314 JL	A comet in the sky was predicted by the astrologers as a sign for novelties and pestilence.	Come apparve una stella commeta in cielo. Nel detto anno MCCCXIIII apparve una commeta di verso settantrione quasi a la fine del segno de la Vergine, e durò di VI semmane, e seconde che (p. 268) dissono gli astrologi, significò molte novità e pestilenze ch'appresso furono, e la morte del re di Francia e di suoi figliuoli, che morirono poco appresso.	How a comet star appeared in the sky. In the said year 1314 a comet appeared in the north almost at the end of the sign of the Virgin, and lasted six weeks, and according to what the astrologers say, it signified many novelties and pestilences that followed, and the death of the King of France and his sons, who died shortly afterwards.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 2, pp. 267-268.	Translation by DeepL
1315-00-00-Asti	1315 JL	Famine in Western Europe, caused by incessant rain, causes epidemics and lack of grain and wine; merchants are fleeing back to Asti	Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod anno MCCCXV fuit fames valida in regionibus Alamanniae, Olandiae, Flandriae, Pannoniae, Lorenae, Brabantiae, Franciae, talis, quod similis non est a saeculo audita, quia granum, quod caperet Astensis mina, vendebatur quindecim grossis turonensibus, et pinta boni vini ad mensuram Astensem in supradictis locis vendebatur grossis sex turonensibus: et tantum duravit dicta fames, quod pro aliquo precio furmentum et avena non inveniebatur et vinum. Et haec acciderunt ex abundantia pluviae,quia in diebus illis pluvia de coelo non cessavit. Ex quibus pauperes innumerabiles obierunt fame, et inveniebantur in viis et plateis mortui sicut canes. Post haec epdimia sive mortalitas supervenit tam divitibus quam egenis, ex qua tercia pars virorum et mulierum supradictarum regionum obierant, et maxime rex Franciae qui non regnavit per annum: et tantum duravit, quod quasi non inveniebatur, qui mortuos sepelliret; et hoch verum est, quia multi Astenses habitantes in partibus illis venientes Asti, et fugientes fames illas et pestes, et alii multi de patria illa quasi mortui fame approbabant, et dicebant omnia esse vera, et in fine omnes eiusdem patriae firmiter asserebant, quod ex eadem fame et epidimia tercia pars virorum et mulierum obierunt.		Guglielmo Ventura 1848, Sp. 773	Translation needed
1316-00-00-Bohemia	1316 JL	High mortality and plague in Bohemia and all over the world	et secuta est postmodum maxima pestilencia et mortalitas hominum in omnibus partibus mundi, ita ut magne fierent ubique fovee ad sepelienda corpora mortuorum, quia cymiteria illa capere non valebant.	and in the following there was the greatest plague and mortality in all pars of the world so that everywhere large grave pits were dug to bury the bodies of the dead, for which the capacity of the graveyards was not large enough.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 472	Translation by Christian Oertel
1316-00-00-Europe	1316 JL	High mortality of cattles caused by plague in many kingdoms	[…] eodem anno per plure regna pecora bovina valde communiter ex pestilentia morerentur	[...] the same year (1316), throughout several kingdoms, cattle commonly died from pestilence.	Anonymus Leobiensis 1350, pp. 917–18.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1316-00-00-Northwest-Europe	1316 JL	Great Famine in Northwest-Europe, therefore grain export from southern Italy; epidemic also in Italy	Nel detto anno MCCXVI grande pestilenzia di fame e mortalità avenne nelle parti di Germania, cioè nelle Magna di sopra verso tramontana, e stesesi in Olanda, e in Frisia, e in Silanda, e in Brabante, e in Fiandra, e in Analdo, e infino ne la Borgogna, e in parte di Francia; e fu sì pericolosa, che più che il terzo de la gente morirono, e da l'uno giorno a l'altro quegli che parea sano era morto. E 'l caro fu sì grande di tutte vittuaglie e di vino, che se non fosse che di Cicilia e di Puglia vi si mandò per mare gli mercantati per lo grande guadagno, tutti morieno di fame. Questa pestilenzia avenne per lo verno dinanzi, e poi la primavera e tutta la state fu sì forte piovosa, e 'l paese è basso, che l'acqua soperchiò e guastò ogni semanta. Allora le terre affogarono sì, che più anni appresso quasi non fruttarono, e corruppe l'aria. E dissono certi astrolaghi che la cometa ch'apparve, ch'ella dovea venire perché la sua infruenzia fu sopra quegli paesi. E in quello tempo la detta pestilenzia contenne simigliamente i Romagna e in Casentino infino in Mugello.	In the said year (1316) there was a great plague of famine and death in the parts of Germany, that is, in Magna above towards the north, and it spread to Holland, and to Friesland, and to Silesia, and to Brabant, and to Flanders, and to Analde, and even to Burgundy, and to parts of France; and it was so dangerous that more than a third of the people died, and from one day to the next those who seemed healthy were dead. And the cost was so great of all the victuals and wine, that if it were not for the fact that the merchants of Cicilia and Apulia were sent there by sea for the great profit, all died of hunger. This pestilence happened during the winter before, and then the spring and the whole state was so rainy, and the land was so low, that the water overpowered and spoiled every seed. Then the land drowned so, that more years after it scarcely bore fruit, and corrupted the air. And certain astrologers said that the comet that appeared, that it had to come because its infuence was over those countries. And at that time the said pestilence similarly contained the Romagna and Casentino until Mugello.	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 2: p. 285	Translation by DeepL
1316-00-00-Romagna	1316 JL	Many deaths caused by epidemic, which rages mainly in Romagna	De mortalitate universa Anno Domini .M.°.CCCXVIIII.°, et duobus preteritis annis, mirandum quidem acidit, atque stupendum: mortalitas videlicet tam immensa per totum fere mundum, sed in provincia Romandiole acerbior: quod multi, terra gentibus pauperata, caruerunt ecclesiastica sepultura		Template:Annales Caesenatenses 2003, p. 108	Translation needed
1316-00-00-Strasbourg	1316 JL	In 1316 was a shortage, a price increase and a mortality which filled the hospital.	Der grosse Spittel zu Strosburg der stunt zum ersten in Kremergasse bi sant Erhardes cappelle, also es noch heisset "zum alten Spittel". do men nu zalte noch gotz gebürte 1316 jor, do galt ein viertel kornes zu Strosburg 30 sol. und in dem lande 2 lib. d. die türunge werte ein gantz jor. von der dürunge und gebresten kam ein grosser sterbotte, das der spittel und [die] gruben bi sant Erhartz cappellen wurdent alle vol mit doten gefüllet, und hette men zu enge, me gruben zu machen. Dovon wart der spittel uffewendig der stat gemaht, nebent unser frowen brueder closter.	The large hospital in Strasbourg initially stood on Kremergasse near St. Erhard's Chapel, when it was named "to the old Hospital." In the year 1316, a quarter of grain in Strasbourg cost 30 sol., and in the countryside, 2 lib. d. The price increase lasted an entire year. After the price increase and shortage a significant mortality ensued, filling the hospital and the graves near St. Erhard’s Chapel with the dead, to the point where there was not enough space, than it was closed. Because of this, the hospital was moved out of the city, next to the Our Lady's Brothers’ Monastery.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 738	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1316-00-00-Strasbourg 001	1316 JL	In Strasbourg was a price increase and a shortage, that led to a mortality.	Do men zalte 1316 jor, do galt ein viertel rocken zu Strosburg 30 sol. und in dem lande lib. d. diese türunge verzoch sich untz in das ander jor. und von der türunge und bresten kam ein grosser sterbotte, das der spittel wart us der stat gesetzet, also vor bi den sterbotten geschriben stet.	In the year 1316, a quarter of rye costed 30 shillings in Strasbourg an in the countryside one pound denar. This price increase continued until the next year. Due to the price increase and shortage arose a great dying. The hospital was moved out the city, like it was written for the dyings.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 868.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1316-00-00-Würzburg	1316 JL	Great famine and animal plague in Würzburg.	magna fames erat et pestilentia grandis boum et pecorum.	There was a great famine and a great mortality of cattle and pigs .	Template:Chronicon Wirziburgense, a. 688-1466, p. 821.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1317-00-00-Luebeck	1317 JL	Great famine all across the North of the Empire, but also in Lübeck and Holstein, with dearth and mortality because of famine and epidemic	In nulla autem praedictarum partium erat locus, in quo tempus esset tollerabilius, quam in civitate Lubicensi, in qua modius siliginis solvebat sex solidos et citra, modius ordei 3 solidos, avenae duos solidos. Et non solum isto anno, sed annis pluribus ante solvebat annona in partibus Slaviae et Holtzatiae et partibus aliss vicinis circa pretium praenotatum. Propter hanc karistiam, quae ante et post duravit fere 15 annis, et propter hominum seditiones et pestilentias eo tempore perierunt et depauperati sunt multi divites et potentes.	However, in none of the aforementioned regions was there a place where the cost of living was more bearable than in the city of Lübeck, where a bushel of wheat was selling for six shillings, and a bushel of barley for three shillings, and oats for two shillings. And not only in this year but in several preceding years, there was a stable grain supply in the parts of Slavia and Holstein, as well as in other neighboring regions, at the mentioned prices. Due to this abundance, which persisted for almost 15 years, and because of human revolts and epidemics during that time, many wealthy and powerful individuals perished and were impoverished.	Annales Lubicenses 1859, p. 426	Translation by Martin Bauch
1317-00-00-Romagna	1317 JL	Epidemics in Northern Italy	Anno Domini Millesimo CCCXIX. & duobus praeteritis Annis mirandum quidem accidit atque stupendum, Mortalitas videlicet tam immensa per totum fere Mundum; sed in Provincia Romandiolae acerbior, quod multi Terrae gentibus pauperatae caruerunt Ecclesiasticam sepulturam.	Template:TN	Anonymus 1729, p. 1138	None
1319-00-00-Bologna	1319 JL	Epidemic	Al tempo della mortalità morì Folco Lombardi da Lucca e sepolto in S.	At the time of his mortality, Folco Lombardi of Lucca died and was buried in S.	Diario estratto dallo studio dell’ Alidosio, p. 35r	Translation by DeepL
1321-00-00-Rus	1321 JL	Epidemic among people and horses in Rus.	Того же лѣта [6829] моръ [б]ы(с)[ть] на люди и на кони.	That year [1321] the epidemic was on people and on horses.	Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 530	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1327-09-06-Pisa	6 September 1327 JL	Epidemic hits the army of Castruccio Castracani during or after the siege of Pisa, a German count and the Bishop of Eichstätt die.	Vocatus per Castrucium dominum Lucanum venit in Tusciam, ubi obsedit civitatem Pysanam, quam tandem obtinuit, et dominum ibidem Castrucio commisit. Ubi pestilencia gravis multos homines interemit, inter quos fuit Gebhardus de Graispach episcopus Eystetensis et comes de Sein nomine Gozibertus.	Summoned by Lord Castruccio of Lucca, he came to Tuscany, where he besieged the city of Pisa, which he eventually captured, and entrusted it to Lord Castruccio. There, a severe pestilence killed many people, among whom were Gebhard III. of Graisbach, Bishop of Eichstätt, and Gottfried II, Count of Sayn.	Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, p. 38.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1328-02-18-Prague	18 February 1328 JL	After lunar eclipse heavy storm for one month; high mortality and cattle plague in April, after that processions in Prague	Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per hebdomadas quatuor continuatus hanc eclipsim subsequitur; multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth, Bohemie regina, metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero Pragensi indicit et populo; quibus factis notabiliter cessavit quassacio et placatus factus est Dominus populo suo. Hac nece cessante gaudet populus velut ante.		Chronicon Aulae Regia 1301-1339 2, p. 288, lib. 2, cap. 20.	Translation needed
1335-00-00-Mattsee	1335 JL	Epidemic outbreak among humans.	Pestilentia hominum et facta est magna.	There was a great pestilence of humans.	Annales Matseenses 1851, p. 829.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1340-00-00-Europa	1340 JL	A plague before easter in the area of Klettgau	Hoc eciam tempore in quadragesima in Kleggow pestilencia hominum grandis et satis prevalida orta est, ita quod citra Tuͥengen et Keiserstůl et Klingnow certatim morerentur et multi periculose infirmarentur.		Johannes von Winterthur, p. 173	Translation needed
1340-00-00-Florence	1340 JL	Epidemic with 20'000 deaths in Florence, shortage	Ipso anno fuit penuria, & morbus magnus; nam Florentiae mortui sunt viginti milia hominum..		Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 129	Translation needed
1340-00-00-Klettgau	1340 JL	Plague with high mortality in Klettgau, Tiengen, Kaiserstuhl and Klingnau in period of fasting	Hoc eciam tempore in quadragesima in Kleggow pestilencia hominum grandis et satis prevalida orta est, ita quod citra Tuͥengen et Keiserstůl et Klingnow certatim morerentur et multi periculose infirmarentur.	At this time also, during Lent, a great and quite prevalent pestilence of humans arose in Klettgau, so that without exception around Tiengen, Kaiserstuhl, and Klingnau, people were dying in droves and many were dangerously falling ill.	Template:Johannes von Winterthur, p. 173.	Translation by DeepL
1340-03-00-Florence	March 1340 JL	Beginning of a severe epidemic that lasts into the winter and claims 15,000 lives (1/6 of the city), fewer deaths in the surrounding area, grain imported from there; Processions in Florence	Che incontanente cominciò grande mortalità, che quale si ponea malato, quasi nullo ne scampava; e morinne più che il sesto di cittadini pure de' migliori e più cari, maschi e femmine, che non rimase famiglia ch'alcuno non ne morisse, e dove due o ttre e più; e durò quella pestilenzia infino al verno vegnente. E più di XVm corpi tra maschi e femmine e fanciulli se ne sepellirono pure nella città, onde la città era tutta piena di pianto e di dolore, e non si intendea apena ad altro, ch'a sopellire morti. E però si fece ordine che come il morto fosse recato alla chiesa la gente si partisse; che prima stavan tanto che si facea l'asequio, e a tali la predicta con solenni uffici a' maggiorenti; e ordinossi che non andasse banditore per morti. In contado non fu sì grande la mortalita, ma pure ne morirono assai. Con essa pistolenza seguì la fame e il caro, agiunta a quello dell' anno passato; che con tutto lo scemo di morti valse lo staio del grano più di soldi XXX, e più sarebbe assai valuto, se non che 'l Comune ne fece provedenza di farne venire di pelago [...] [p. 227] Per questa mortalità, a dì XVIII di giugno, per consiglio del vescovo e di religiosi si fece in Firenze generale processione, ove furono quasi tutti i cittadini sani maschi e femmine col corpo di Cristo ch'è a Santo Ambruogio, e con esso s'andò per tutta la terra infino a ora di nona, con più di CL torchi accesi	Suddenly there began a great mortality, so that almost no one who fell ill could escape it; and more than a sixth of the best and dearest citizens, male and female, died, so that there was no family that did not die, and where two or three or more; and the pestilence lasted until the coming winter. And more than fifteen male and female bodies and children were buried in the city, so that the city was filled with weeping and sorrow, and there was nothing else to do but mourn the dead. And so it was ordered that when the dead were brought to the church, the people should leave; they had been so long before the funeral was made, and then they were preached with solemn offices to the mayors; and it was ordered that no bannermen should go out for the dead. In the countryside the death toll was not so great, but there were many who died. The famine and dearth followed, added to that of the previous year, so that with all the death toll, the staio of grain was worth more than 30 money, and it would have been worth much more, if the Commune had not taken steps to bring in more money [...] [p... 227] Because of this mortality, on the eighteenth day of June, on the advice of the bishop and the religious, a general procession was held in Florence, where almost all the healthy male and female citizens were present with the body of Christ, which is in Santo Ambruogio, and with it it went throughout the whole city until the ninth hour, with more than 150 torchi lit	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 226–227	Translation by DeepL
1340-06-00-Florence	June 1340 JL	Epidemic in Florence and Romagna	Eodem millesimo de mense junii et julii. Maxima pestis mortalitas fuit in civitate Florentie districtu, qua mortui sunt circa XVIm homines et mulieres; et similis casus accidit in Romandiola		Template:Anonymus 1908, p. 111	Translation needed
1341-12-22-Pisa	22 December 1341 JL	Price increase and famine lead to a great mortality in Pisa, especially among adolescents and the general captain Fazio Novello della Gherardesca died.	Nel milletrecentoquarantuno, essendo stato grande caro di grano l'anno dinansi che ss'era fatto la piassa del Grano e ffue grandissima fame, di che l'anno 1341 ditto si ffue grande mortalità di giovani. Inella quale mortalità, a d*i vindtidue, 22, di dicienbrew moritte lo ditto conte Fasio, nella chui morte ne menòe Pisa grande duolo e quazi tutta Toschana e ciaschuno lo piansse come se fusse stato suo padre o suo figluolo.	In the year 1341, since there had been a great shortage of grain in the year of the wheat harvest, and there was great hunger, there was a great mortality of young men. In this mortality, on the 22nd day of October, the said Count Fasio died, in whose death there was great grief in Pisa and all of Tosca and everyone mourned him as if he had been his father or his son	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 105.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1342-00-00-Aquileia	1342 JL	Plague in Aquileia	Hoc anno, tempore Augusti pestifer ventus oram Aquilegensis i portus afflavit de spumis maris Adriatici procellosis, qui in districtus illius complexu plurimos in mortem stravit, plurimos in infirmitatibus diucius colligavit.	In this year, during the time of August, a pestilent wind blew from the turbulent shores of the Adriatic Sea into the harbors of Aquileia, which, with the foaming waves of the stormy sea, brought death to many in that area and afflicted many with lingering illnesses.	Iohannes Victoriensis 1340-1343, p. 229.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Bologna	1346 JL	Epidemic in Bologna	Fu gran peste in Bologna, e morirno più di 4000 persone, fra quali morì Ms. Jacomo Bottivigari, Dottore di legge, Ms. Mraion da S. Marino Cavaliere, Salvadio Delfino, Bibozo Sava Medico.	There was a great plague in Bologna, and more than 4,000 people died, including Ms. Jacomo Bottivigari, Doctor of Law, Ms. Mraion da S. Marino Cavaliere, Salvadio Delfino, Bibozo Sava Medico.	Diario estratto dallo studio dell’ Alidosio, pp. 47r	Translation by DeepL
1346-00-00-Florence	1346 JL	The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested.	Della inaudita mortalità. Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8) Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo. Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio. Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13) Di detta matera. Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro.	Of the outrageous mortality It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...] How long the plague lasted in each country As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God. In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others. About this subject The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 5-14.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1346-00-00-Florence 001	1346 JL	Florence was threatened by a famine. The city gathered large supplies of grain from elsewhere, however the problems weren't solved, because many people from the countryside came in the city. In addition to the famine diseases broke out amnong the immigrants and then it distributed also among the urban masses.	Cum ergo fames haud dubie immineret, sollers plane ad hoc civitas, in Africa et Sardinia et Sicilia aliisque locis permultis magna vi frumenti comparata, mari simul terraque importandum curavit. Nec eo tamen modo evitari potuit, quin difficultates permaximae (p. 306) eo anno subirentur. Turba enim ex agro in urbem mendicatura longis agminibus mulierum puerorumque advenerat. Ex finitimis etiam civitatibus quae minus ad hoc providae fuerant multitudo concurrerat, ut infinitus prope numerus hominum esset alendus. Magnumque in his civitatis meritum humanitasque eluxit; non modo enim non reiectus est quisquam advenarum peregrinorumque, sed etiam si tenuis foret, liberalitate gratuita per tantam rei frumentariae inopiam sustentatus, ut prope collatum a civitate beneficium in genus humanum videretur. Multa insuper eo anno tenuioribus indulta, et illud in primis, quod creditorum acerbitas repressa est, lege lata, ne quis nisi certa forma pro aere alieno conveniri posset. Satis enim premi caritate ipsa multitudinem existimavit civitas. Et accedebant ad caritatem morbi, qui multitudinem convenam et urbis insuetam consecuti, urbanam quoque apprehenderant turbam, ut et commiserendum et succurrendum esset.	So, as there was now no doubt about the threat of famine, the city showed its resourcefulness, gathering large supplies of grain in Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and many other places and seeing to their importation simultaneously by land and sea. But these steps were not enough to avoid the enormous difficulties they faced that year. For throngs of women and children from the countryside came (p. 308) into the city in long lines to beg. They were joined by multitudes from the nearby cities which had been less provident in this respect, so that there was almost an infinite number of people to feed. Amid these challenges the city’s great merit and humanity shone forth. For not only was not a single immigrant or foreigner turned away, but even the poor, with gratuitous liberality, were sustained throughout this great dearth of provisions, so that Florence seemed almost to have conferred a benefit on the human race. In this year, moreover, many allowances were made on behalf of the poor, and principally this: that the harshness of creditors was kept in check. A law was passed prohibiting suitors to collect debt except under particular conditions; the city felt that the multitude was oppressed enough already by the famine. And in addition to the famine there were the diseases which broke out among the throng of immigrants unused to the city, then spread among the urban masses, so that mercy and succor were needful.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, pp. 306-308.	None
1346-00-00-Orient	1346 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: In the Orient happened an unexplained plague, depopultating many regions. During the siege of Feodosia (Caffa) by the Tartars, their army was afflicted by the disease. The plague, which initially struck the Tartars, spread than also inside the city, because they ordered the plague-stricken corpses to be thrown over the walls of Caffa. The situation deteriorated, and people were expecting the impending judgement Day.	Anno domini MCCCXLVI. in partibus orientis, InfinitaTartarorum et Saracenorum genera, morbo inexplicabili, et morte subita corruerunt. Ipsarumque parcium latissime regiones, Infinite prouincie, regna magnifica, vrbes, Castra, et loca, plena hominurn multitudine copiosa, morbo pressa, et horrende rnortis morsibus, propriis Acollis denudata paruo tempore deffecerunt. Nan (!) locus dictus Thanna, in partibus orientis, uersus Acquilonem Constantinopolitana contrada (I) sub Tartarorum dominio constituta, ubi merchatores ytalici confluebant, cum propter quosdam excessus, superuenientibus Tartaris infinitis, modico temporis Interuollo (!) obsessa, et hostiliter debellata, deserta penitus remaneret. Accidit ut uiolenter christianj merchatores expulsi, Intra menia Terre Caffensis, quam ab olim illa Regione Januenses extruxerant, fugientes christiani sese pro suarum tutione personarum et rerum, Tartarorum formidantes potenciam, Armato Nauigio receptarent. Ha deus. Ecce subito, gentes Tartarorum profane, vndique confluentes, Caffensem urbem circurndantes, incluxos christicolas obsederunt, fere Triennio perdurantes. lbique hostium exercitu Infinito uallati, vix poterant respirare, licet Nauigio Alimenta ferrente illud talle subsidium intrinsecis spem modicam exhyberet. Et ecce Morbo Tartaros inuadente totus exercitus perturbatus longuebat et cottidie Infinita millia sunt extincta videbatur eis, sagittas euolare de celo , tangere et opprimere superbiam Tartarorum. qui statim signati corporibus In iuncturis , humore coagulato in Inguinibus, febre putrida subsequente, expirabant, omni conscilio et auxilio medicorum cessante. Quod Tartari, ex tanta clade et morbo pestifero fatigati, sic defficientes attoniti et vndique stupefacti, sine spe salutis mori conspicientes, cadavera, machinis eorum superposita, Intra Caffensem vrbem precipitari Jubebant, ut ipsorum fectore(!) intollerabili, omnino defficerent. Sic sic proiecta videbantur Cacurnina mortuorum, nec christiani latere, nec fugere, nec a tali precipicio liberari valebant, licet deffunctos, quos poterant marinis traderent fluctibus inmergendos. Moxque toto aere inffecto, et aqua uenenata, corrupta putredine, tantusque fetor Increbuit ut vix ex Millibus vnus, relicto exercitu fingere conaretur qui eciam uenenatus alijs ubique uenena preparans, solo aspectu, loca et homines, morbo Inffieret uniuersos. Nec aliquis sciebat, uel poterat viam lnuenire satutis. Sic undique Orientalibus, et meridiana plaga, et qui in Aquilone degebant, sagita percussis Asperima, que coporibus crepidinem Inducebat, morbo pressis pestiffero, fere onmes, defficiebant, et morte subita corruebant. Quanta, qualisque fuerit mortalitas generalis, Cathaijnj, lndi, Perses, Medi , Cardenses, Armeni, Tarsenses, Georgianj, Mesopotami, Nubiani, Ethijopes, Turchumani, Egiptij, Arabici, Saraceni, Greci et fere toto oriente corrupto, clamoribus, flectibus(!) et singultibus occupati, a supra dicto Millesimo usque ad Millesimo, CCCXLVIIII in amaritudine commorantes, extremum deij Judicium suspicantur.	In the year of Our Lord 1346, in the eastern regions, innumerable races of Tartars and Saracens perished due to an inexplicable plague and sudden death. Vast regions of these parts, countless provinces, magnificent kingdoms, cities, castles, and places filled with a dense population, were struck by the plague and succumbed to the horrific bites of death, being emptied of their inhabitants in a short time. For instance, a place called Thanna, in the eastern parts, towards the north near the territory of Constantinople under Tartar rule, where Italian merchants used to gather, was besieged and attacked by countless Tartars over a short period, and left completely desolate after an onslaught. It happened that the Christian merchants, violently expelled, fled to the fortified city of Caffa, which had been constructed long ago in that region by the Genoese, seeking protection for their lives and belongings. The Tartars, fearing the power of their enemy, surrounded the city and laid siege for nearly three years. Besieged by the massive Tartar army, the inhabitants barely managed to survive, despite some help brought by ships carrying supplies, which offered them only slight hope. Suddenly, the Tartars themselves were struck by disease, and their entire army began to weaken and was daily afflicted, with countless numbers dying. It seemed as if arrows were falling from the sky to strike and humble the pride of the Tartars. The infected showed signs in their joints and groins, with a thickened fluid, followed by a putrid fever, causing them to die despite all medical advice or aid. Exhausted by this disastrous plague, the Tartars, seeing no hope of recovery and stunned by the devastation, ordered the bodies of their dead to be catapulted into the city of Caffa to spread the intolerable stench and weaken the inhabitants. Thus, the Christians could neither hide nor escape nor free themselves from this danger, even though they threw the corpses they could into the sea to be carried away by the waves. The air was soon contaminated, the water poisoned, and the corruption spread so intensely that scarcely one in a thousand survived to flee, those who did often carrying the infection, spreading it wherever they went and infecting people and places simply by their presence. No one knew or could find a way to salvation. Thus, in the eastern regions, the southern lands, and the northern inhabitants, struck by the harshest arrows of disease that ate into the body, almost everyone succumbed and fell to sudden death. The scale and nature of the widespread mortality were such that the Cathayans, Indians, Persians, Medes, Kardians, Armenians, Tarsians, Georgians, Mesopotamians, Nubians, Ethiopians, Turcomans, Egyptians, Arabs, Saracens, Greeks, and nearly the entire East, overcome by cries, weeping, and sobs, suspected the final judgment, remaining in bitterness from the said year 1346 until 1349.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 48–49	Translation by Martin Bauch
1346-00-00-Saxony	1346 JL	Great epidemic and war in Saxony.	1346 [...] Isto anno fuit pestilencia magna et werra.	1346 [...] In this year there was an epidemic and war.	Annales Veterocellenses 1859, p. 45	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-00-00-Bologna 005	1347 JL	Massive price increase, many deaths and epidemics in Bologna	In questo anno 1347 fu la mazora charastia che se arechordasse mai homo lchuno che fuse vivo al prexento et fu generalmente per tuta la christianita. Et del mexo di zenaro munto el formento a ß 40 la chorbe e del mexo di marzo munto a ß 60 la chorbe e del mexo d' aprile munto a ß 70 la chorbe et stete quossi per persino al recholto. Vedendo tal quosa el nostro S[ignore] M[esser] Tadio di Pepoli di tanta charastia ne feze venire per Bologna circha 50 milia chorbe che chomparo per diversi luchi molto charo per tenire la tera abondante et fe valo dare a quili da Bologna per ß 40 la chorbe. E questo feva per fare abondanzia al suo populo di bologna et ne perisse assai per che [stavua per morir che lino] li veniva e queste per far abondanzia al suo populo di Bologna et esendo venuto el recholto fu uno bono recholto e formento unde per la festa di santo [petronio] chalo el dito formento in tri sabati [cueve] a ß 20 la chorbe e valse la chorbe a fiorenza tri fiorini e malo se ne poseva avere per i 60 [soi] dinari e molte persone se afochorno per la pressia a la cha drimenchato donde se vendeva el formento. e questa tal charistia et famre super tuta christianita i chontadini venivano a la citade e per la fame chadevano per la chontea morti et vedovassi tanti poveri andare cerchanodo limoxena et alchuna volta non atrovavano limoxena chadevano morti per la fame. Et in frian di ubaldi schivando questa partida di suxo una latra chronicha el scriptore che avea schripto quela chronica disse di avere veduto chon li ochi soi morire alchuni pote di fame in braza a le madre e quando erano morti aveano la schiuma a la bocha et era una ghrandisima schurita	Template:TN	Friano Ubaldini 1378, p. 278r	None
1347-00-00-Bologna 006	1347 JL	Epidemics in Bologna.	In questo anno 1347 fu in Bologna una ghrandisima mortalita et mori per Bologna per la dita moria di molti boni homini fra li quai li morti quisti zoe [...] et molti altri assai morino di questa moria ma quisti nominati furno deli principali di Bologna.	In this year 1347 there was in Bologna a great mortality and many good men died in Bologna, among whom these two died [...] and many others died as a result of this death, but those named were the principal ones of Bologna .	Friano Ubaldini 1378, p. 279r.	Translation by DeepL
1347-00-00-Bologna 007	1347 JL	Famine and epidemic in Bologna with more than 4'000 deaths, also deaths from the upper class (with names).	Fò in Bologna tanta fame, e mortalità, che ne morì più di 4000 persone pizoli e grandi, e assai poveri caschavano de fame per le strade, e molti assai vecchi morivano de fame, perche non posseano avere del Pane per li suoi dinari a benchè molti assai ricchi, è questi sono li capi de li homini che morino di fame, e li nomi soi sono scritti quie de sotta, e prima: Misser Jacomo di Butrigiani Donore di lege. Misser Rainiero Samaritani Chavaliero. El Salvatico Dalfino da Loiano. Misser Bertuzo Soprano Medico. Mattiuzo Bianchetto di Bianchitti. Misser Bornino di Pepoli. Misser Marchium degl' Azigreidi. Misser Lippo di Pepoli. misser Azo di Romagno Dottore. Misser Piero di Bonpieri Dottore.	There was so much hunger and death in Bologna, that more than 4000 people died, both young and old, and many poor people were starving in the streets, and many very old people were starving, because they could not get bread for their money, although many were very rich, and these are the heads of the people who died of hunger, and their names are written here underneath, and before: Misser Jacomo di Butrigiani Donore di lege. Misser Rainiero Samaritani Chavaliero. El Salvatico Dalfino da Loiano. Misser Bertuzo Soprano Medico. Mattiuzo Bianchetto di Bianchitti. Misser Bornino di Pepoli. Misser Marchium degl'Azigreidi. Misser Lippo di Pepoli. Misser Azo di Romagno Dottore. Misser Piero di Bonpieri Dottore.	Pietro Fabio 1359–1424, p. 52	Translation by DeepL
1347-00-00-Central Asia	1347 JL	Fire comes out of the earth or falls from heaven in Central Asia as a reason for the outbreak of the Black Death.	Avemmo da mercatanti genovesi, uomini degni di fede, che avieno avute novelle di que' paesi, che alquanto tempo inanzi a questa pistilenzia, nelle parti dell' Asia superiore, uscì della terra, overo cadde da cielo un fuoco grandissimo, il quale stendendosi verso il ponente arse e consumò grandissimo paese sanza alcun riparo. E alquanti dissono che del puzzo di questo fuoco si generò la materia corruttibile della generale pistolenzia: ma questo non possiamo acertare. Apresso sapemmo da uno venerabile frate minore di Firenze vescovo di ..... de Regno, uomo degno di fede, che s'era trovato in quelle parti dov'è la città del Lamech ne' tempi della mortalità, che tre dì e tre notti piovvono in quelle paese biscie con sangue ch' apuzzarono e coruppono tutte le contrade:sc e in [p. 15] quella tempesta fu abattuto parte tel tempio di Maometto, e alquanto della sua sepoltura.	We have had from Genoese merchants, men worthy of faith, who have had news of those countries, that some time before this pistilenzia, in the parts of Upper Asia, a great fire came out of the earth, or fell from the sky, which, spreading towards the west, burned and consumed a great country without any shelter. And some say that from the stench of this fire was generated the corruptible matter of the general conflagration: but this we cannot ascertain. Later we learned from a venerable friar minor of Florence, bishop of ..... of the Kingdom, a man worthy of faith, who had been in those parts where the city of Lamech is in the times of mortality, that three days and three nights it rained in that country snakes with blood that apuzzarono and covered all the countries; and in [p. 15] that storm was torn down part of the temple of Muhammad, and some of his burial place.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 1, pp. 14–15.	Translation by DeepL
1347-00-00-Florence	May 1347 JL	Epidemic follows famine in Florence, 4000 dead (mainly women and children); particularly bad in Romagna, Provence, Bologna, Vignone, Pistoia and Prato. The mortality was foretold by astrologers.	Di grande mortalità che ffu in Firenze, ma più grande altrove, come diremo apresso Nel detto anno e tempo, come sempre pare che segua dopo la carestia e fame, si cominciò in Firenze e nel contado infermeria, e apresso mortalità di genti, e spezialmente in femine e fanciulli, il più in poveri genti, e durò fino al novembre vegnente MCCCXLVII ma però non fu così grande, come fu la mortalità dell'anno MCCCXL come adietro facemmo menzione; ma albitrando al grosso, ch'altrimenti non si può sapere a punto in tanta città come Firenze, ma in di grosso si stimò che morissono in questo tempo più di IIIIm persone, tra uomini e più femmine e fanciulli; morirono bene de' XX l'uno; e fecesi comandamento per lo Comune che niuno morto si dovesse bandire, né sonare campane alle chiese, ove i morti si sotterravano, perchè lla gente non isbigotisse d'udire di tanti morti. E lla detta mortalità fu predetta dinanzi per maestri di strologia, dicendo che quando fu il sostizio vernale, cioè quando il sole entrò nel principio dell'Ariete del mese di marzo passato, l'ascendente che ffu nel detto sostizio fu il segno della Vergine, e 'l suo signore, cioè il pianeto di Mercurio, si trovò nel segno dell'Ariete nella ottava casa, ch'è casa che significa morte; e se non che il pianeto di Giove, ch'è fortunato e di vita, si ritrovò col detto Mercurio nella detta casa e segno, la mortalità sarebbe stata infinita, se fosse piaciuto a dDio. Ma nnoi dovemo credere e avere per certo che Idio promette le dette pestilenze e ll'altre a' popoli, cittadi e paesi [p. 486] per pulizione de'peccati e non solamente per corsi di stelle, ma tolera, siccome signore dell'universo e del corso del celesto, come gli piace; e quando vuole, fa accordare il corso delle stelle al suo giudicio; e questo basti in questa parte e d'intorno a Firenze del detto delli astrolagi. La detta mortalità fu maggiore in Pistoia e Prato e nelle nostre circustanze all'avenante della gente di Firenze, e maggiore in Bologna e in Romagna, e maggiore in Vignone e in Proenza ov'era la corte del papa, e per tutto il reame di Francia.	Of a great mortality which occurred in Florence, although it was greater elsewhere, as we will recount. In this year and season, as seemingly always after food shortages and famines, a sickness began in the city and countryside of Florence. Soon people began to die, especially women and children, and the most among the poor. It lasted until November 1347, but it was not as great as the mortality of 1340 that we described earlier. If we make a rough guess—it is impossible to do otherwise in a city as great as Florence—it seems that this time more than four thousand people died, men and more women and children. More than one in twenty died. It was ordered by the commune that no death be announced and no church bell be sounded during burials, lest people be terrified to hear of so many deaths. This mortality was foretold by master astrologers who stated that during the vernal solstice—that is when the sun entered the sign of Aries last March—the sign of Virgo was rising and Virgo’s ruler Mercury was in the eighth house of Aries, a house signifying death. And were it not for the fact that Jupiter, which brings fortune and life, accompanied Mercury in this house and sign, the mortality would have been endless—if this had pleased God. But we should believe and be certain that the Lord God promises the said pestilences and others to peoples, cities, and lands to cleanse their sins, and [that he does so] not only through the movement of the stars but sometimes—as Lord of the universe and celestial motion—according to his will. And when he wishes, he matches the movement of the stars to his judgment. Let this suffice regarding Florence, its surroundings, and the sayings of astrologers. This mortality was greater in Pistoia and Prato and in the surrounding territories nearer to Florence; it was greater in Bologna and in Romagna; it was greater at Avignon and in Provence, where the papal court was, and throughout the kingdom of France.	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 485–486.	None
1347-00-00-Florence 001	1347 JL	Until harvest-time the problems of food shortage still existed in Florence. The first signs of the Black Death were seen in this time, but the plague arose already 2 year earlier in the East. The symptoms were horrible and many people died.	Altero dehinc anno, priusquam segetes maturescerent, eaedem quae superiori tempore difficultates rei frumentariae populum tenuere. Maturis deinde frugibus atque collectis, difficultates illae pristinae cessavere. Variis tamen morborum generibus laborabatur, et pestilentiae, qua postmodum vastata Italia est, signa quaedam horrenda tunc primum apparuerunt. Ea clades biennio fere ante (quantum haberi notitia poterat) in Orientis partibus coorta; mox inde per populos pestilenti contagio evagata, alia subinde appetendo loca, regiones cumulatis funeribus inanierat. Febris erat sopifera et inguinis tumor. Id quasi venenum quoddam robustissimos iuvenes, alioquin sanos, repente invadens, paucissimis interdum enecabat horis. Contagia omnium exitiosa erant. Ea igitur tunc civitatem ingressa imbecilliora primum corpora puerorum puellarumque conficere coepit; inde ad firmiora transgrediens, per omnem sexum aetatemque vagata est.	The next year, up until harvest-time, the People were preoccupied with the same difficulties of provisioning as before; but once the crops ripened and were harvested, these earlier difficulties ceased. Yet they were still suffering from diseases of various kinds, and certain horrid signs of the pestilence which afterwards devastated Italy then became manifest for the first time. As far as one can tell, this disaster had arisen two years earlier in parts of the East, then soon spread with epidemic virulence from populace to populace, seeking out one place after another, emptying whole regions with piles of corpses. It caused a sleep-inducing fever and a swelling in the groin. Like a kind of poison it suddenly attacked the most robust young men, otherwise healthy, and killed them in a few hours. It was the most destructive of all epidemics; and it was this epidemic that entered the city at that time. It began by first consuming the weaker bodies of boys and girls, then passed on to the stronger, spreading through both sexes and persons of every age.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 310.	None
1347-00-00-Florence 002	1347 JL	The great shortage of food in Florence led to disease and illness. The city took measures to reduce poverty, usury and exploitation. In addition, many prisoners were allowed to go out to freedom under certain terms. The conditions in the prisons were so terrible, that it was unavoidable.	Di certe novità e ordini che ssi feciono in Firenze per lo caro ch'era, e mortalità Essendo in Firenze e d'intorno il caro grande di grano e d'ogni vittuaglia, come poco adietro avemo fatta menzione, essendone afritti i cittadini e contadini, spezialmente i poveri e impotenti, e ogni dì venia montando il caro e lla difalta; e oltre a cciò conseguente cominciata infermità e mortalità, il Comune provide e fece dicreto a dì XIII di marzo che niuno potesse esere preso per niuno debito di fiorini C d'oro, o da indi in giù, infino a calen di agosto vegnente, salvo all'uficiale della mercatantia da libre XXV in su, acciò che ll'impotenti non fossono tribolati di loro debiti, avendo la passione della fame e mortalità. E oltre a cciò feciono ordine che nessuno potesse vendere lo staio del grano più di soldi XL; e chi nne recasse di fuori del contado di Firenze per vendere, avesse dal Comune fiorino uno d'oro del moggio; ma non si potéo osservare, che tanto montò la carestia e difalta, che ssi vendea fiorino uno d'oro lo staio, e talora libre IIII; e se non fosse la provisione del Comune, come dicemmo adietro, il popolo moria di fame. E per la pasqua di Risoresso seguente, che ffu in calen di aprile MCCCXLVII, il Comune (p. 484) fece offerta di tutti i prigioni ch'erano nelle carcere, che riavessero pace da'loro nimici, e stati in prigione da calen di febraio adietro; e chiunque v'era per debito da libre C in giù, rimanendo obrigato al suo creditore; e ffu gran bene e limosina, che per la 'nopia è ggià cominciata la mortalità, ogni dì morivano nelle carcere due o tre prigioni; furono gli oferti in quello dì CLXXIII, che ve ne avea più di D in più in grande inopia e povertà. E poi a l'uscita di maggio per sudette cagioni si fece riformagione per lo Comune di Firenze, che chiunque fosse nelle carcere o fosse in bando di pecunia da fiorini C d'oro in su, ne potesse uscire pagando al Comune in danari contanti soldi III per libra di quello fosse condannato o sbandito, e scontando ancora i soldi XVII per libra del debito del Comune che s'avea chi llo volea comperare per XXVIII o XXX per C da coloro che doveano avere dal Comune, che venia la detta gabella di pagare da soldi VII e mezzo per libra. Certi gli pagaro e uscirono di bando e di prigione, ma non furo guari; tanto era povero il comune popolo di cittadini per lo caro e ll'altre aversità occorse.	Of certain measures taken and ordinances made in Florence because of the recent food shortage and the sickness. As we noted a short while ago, there was a great shortage of grain and other foodstuffs in the city and the territory of Florence. The citizens and country folk were afflicted by this shortage, especially the poor and the powerless. Every day this shortage and this lack [of food] grew worse and, what is more, there then began a great sickness and mortality. The commune took things in hand, decreeing on the 23rd of March that until the coming August no one could be arrested for any debt of one hundred gold florins or less, unless by an official of the merchants’ court for twenty-five lire or more—this so that the powerless would not be harassed for their debts, since they were already suffering from hunger and sickness. Moreover, they issued an ordinance that no one could sell a staio of grain for more than forty soldi. And anyone who brought grain to sell from beyond the contado of Florence would receive one gold florin per moggio from the commune. But these ordinances could not be obeyed because the shortage and the lack [of food] so worsened that grain was being sold at one gold florin per staio, and sometimes at four lire per staio. And were it not for the provisions of the commune, which we mentioned earlier, the popolo would have died of hunger. The following Easter, which came in the month of April 1347, the commune made an offering of all jailed prisoners who had been in prison since the previous February and who were able to make peace with their enemies, and of prisoners who had been imprisoned for debts of one hundred Lire or less ([although] they remained obliged to their creditors). This was good and charitable, since the shortage had already provoked sickness and two or three prisoners were dying every day in the jails. On that day, one hundred seventy-three prisoners were offered, and there were more than five hundred others in great want and poverty. And then at the end of May, for the abovementioned reasons, a reform was made by the Commune of Florence—whoever was in jail or under ban for one hundred gold florins or more could get out by paying the commune three soldi for every one lira of the sum for which they had been condemned or banned, forgiving the seventeen soldi per lira of their debt to the commune, for there were those who were willing to buy [this debt] at twenty-eight or at thirty per one hundred from those who were creditors of the commune and this because the said gabelle stood to pay 7% soldi per lira. Some paid and were released from ban and from prison but they (p. 137) were very few, so poor were the common popolo of citizens as a consequence of the shortage and the other adversities which had occured.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, pp. 483-484.	None
1347-00-00-Italy1	1347 JL	Spread of the Black Death across the Mediterranean into Italy and its major islands with processions emerging in Florence.	E stesesi la detta pistolenza infino in Turchia e grecia, avendo prima ricerco tutto Levante i Misopotania, Siria, Caldea, Suria, Ciptro, il Creti, i Rodi, e tutte l'isole dell'Arcipelago di Grecia, e poi si stese in Cicilia, e Sardigna, Corsica, ed Elba, e per simile modo tutte le marine e riviere di nostri mari; ed otto galee di Genovesi c'erano ite nel mare Maggiore, morendo la maggiore parte, non ne tornarono che quattro galee piene d'infermi, morendo al continuo; e quelli che giunsono a Genova, tutti quasi morirono, e corruppono sì l'aria dove (p. 487) arivavano, che chiunque si riparava co lloro poco apresso morivano. Ed era una maniera d'infermità, che non giacia l'uomo III dì, aparendo nell'anguinaia o sotto le ditella certi enfiati chiamati gavoccioli, e tali ghianducce, e tali gli chiamavano bozze, e sputando sangue. E al prete che confessava lo 'nfermo, o guardava, spess s'apiccava la detta pistilenza per modo ch'ogni infermo era abbandonato di confessione, sagramento, medicine e guardie. Per la quale sconsolazione il papa fece dicreto, perdonando colpa e pena a' preti che confessassono o dessono sagramento alli infermi, e lli vicitasse e guardasse. E durò questa pestilenzia fina a ... e rimasono disolate di genti molte province e cittadini. E per questa pistilenza, acciò che Iddio la cessasse e guardassene la nostra città di Firenze e d'intorno, si fece solenne processione in mezzo marzo MCCXLVII per tre dì. E tali son fatti i giudici di Dio per pulire i peccati de' viventi..	This pestilence spread into Turkey and Greece, having first circled the Levant—Mesopotamia, Assyria, Chaldea, Syria, Cyprus, Crete, Rhodes, and all the islands of the archipelago of Greece—and then spread to Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and Elba and in like manner to all the shores and coasts of our seas. [When] eight Genoese galleys sailed into the Black Sea, the greater part of their crews died, and only four galleys returned, full of sick men who were dying one after another. Almost all those who reached Genoa died, and so corrupted the air where they landed, that whoever met with them died shortly afterward. This was the manner of the sickness: certain swellings appeared on the groin or below the armpits, swellings which some called gavoccioli and some ghianducce and some bozze, and which oozed blood. A man could not live for more than three days after they appeared. And this pestilence often attached itself to the priests who heard the confessions of the sick, or who looked after the sick, so that the sick were deprived of confession, sacrament, medicine, and watchers. This terrible problem led the pope to issue a decree, pardoning sin and penance to those priests who confessed or gave the sacrament to the sick, and who visited and watched over them. (p. 139) And this pestilence lasted until [. . .] and many provinces and cities were desolated. And in mid-March 1347, a solemn procession was held [every day] for three days, so that the Lord God might end this pestilence and Protect our city of Florence and its surroundings. ‘Thus do the judgments of God cleanse the sins of the living. Let us leave this matter, and speak somewhat of the deeds of the newly elected Emperor Charles of Bohemia.	Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 487–488	None
1347-00-00-Kuyavia	1347 JL	Severe plague in Kuyavia and after that Jews were being burned all over Germany	Anno Domini 1347 fuit gravis pestilencia et tunc Iudei per totam Almaniam fuerunt cremati, quia dicebantur christianum populum intoxicasse, ut fuit compertum.	In the year of our Lord 1347, there was a great plague, and at that time, the Jews throughout Germany were burned because they were accused of poisoning the Christian people, as it was determined.	Annales Cuiavienses II, p. 889	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1347-00-00-Middle East	1347 JL	Fire comes out of the earth or falls from heaven in Middle East and beginning of the Black Death at the mouth of the Don and in Trabizond.	Ma infinita mortalità, e che più durò, fu in Turchia, e in quelli paesi d'oltremare, e tra' Tarteri. E avenne tra' detti Tarteri grande giudicio di Dio e maraviglia quasi incredibile, e ffu pure vera e chiara e certa, che tra 'l Turigi e 'l Cattai nel paese di Parca, e oggi di Casano signore di Tartari in India, si cominciò uno fuoco uscito di sotterra, overo che scendesse da cielo, che consumò uomini, e bestie, case, alberi, e lle pietre e lla terra, e vennesi stendendo più di XV giornate atorno con tanto molesto, che chi non si fuggì fu consumato, ogni criatura a abituro, istendendosi al continuo. E gli uomini e femine che scamparono del fuoco, di pistolenza morivano. E alla Tana, e Tribisonda, e per tutti que' paesi non rimase per la detta pestilenza de' cinque l'uno, e molte terre vi s'abbandarono tra per la pestilenzia, e tremuoti grandissimi, e folgori. E per le lettere di nostri cittadini degni di fede ch'erano in que' paesi, ci ebbe come a Sibastia piovvono grandissima quantità di vermini [p. 487] grandi uno sommesso con VIII gambe, tutti neri e conduti, e vivi e morti, che apuzzarono tutta la contrada, e spaventevoli a vedere, e cui pugnevano, atosicavano come veleno. E in Soldania, in una terra chiamata Alidia, non rimasono se non femmine, e quelle per rabbia manicaro l'una l'altra. E più maravigliosa cosa e quasi incredibile contaro avenne in Arcaccia, uomini e femmine e ogni animale vivo diventarono a modo di statue morte a modo di marmorito, e i signori d'intorno al paese pe' detti segni si propuosono di convertire alla fede cristiana; ma sentendo il ponente e paesi di Cristiani tribolati simile di pistolenze, si rimasono nella loro perfidia. E a porto Tarlucco, inn-una terra ch'ha nome Lucco inverminò il mare bene x miglia fra mare, uscendone e andando fra terra fino alla detta terra, per la quale amirazione assai se ne convertirono alla fede di Cristo.	But the mortality was much greater and much more severe in Turkey and in Outremer, and among the Tartars. And a great judgment of God occurred among these Tartars, a marvel almost unbelievable but which was true, clear, and certain. Between the Turigi and the Cattai in the land of Parca, presently ruled by Casano, lord of the Tartars in India, a fire began to burn forth from the ground, or indeed to fall from the sky. It consumed men, animals, houses, trees, and (p. 138) the stones, and the earth, spreading a distance of more than fifteen days’ travel all around, with such great harm that those who did not flee were consumed—every creature and every inhabitant—as it ceaselessly spread. The men and women who escaped this fire died of pestilence. At Tana and Trebizond, and in all those lands, not one person out of five survived and many cities were abandoned because of the pestilence and terrible earthquakes and lightning. We learn from letters sent by trustworthy citizens of our city who were in those lands that a very great quantity of little worms rained down on Sibastia. Each was one span in length, colored black with eight legs and a tail. They fell both alive and dead and were terrifying to behold, filling the city with their stench, and those whom they stung were poisoned as with venom. In Soldania, in a city called Alidia, only the females remained and these [worms], driven by rage, ate one another. [The letters] tell of an even more marvelous and almost unbelievable thing that occurred in Arcaccia: men and women and every living animal became like dead statues of marble. Nearby lords saw these signs and considered converting to the Christian faith, but when they heard that the West and the Christian lands were suffering from these same pestilences, they persisted in their wickedness. At Porto Talucco, in a city called Lucco, the sea was filled for ten miles with worms that crawled out of the water and across the land all the way up to the city. Many people were so astonished by this that they converted to the faith of Christ.	Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 486–487	None
1347-00-00-Naples	1347 JL	Louis I of Hungary went on pilgrimage to Apulia to confirm the barons and to escape the plague which already raged in Naples.	[…] E partita del Regno la detta compagna, se n'andò il re il Puglia in pellegrinaggio al Monte Santo Agnolo e San Nicolò di Bari, e per sagire i baroni e paese di Puglia alla sua signoria, e per cessare la pistolenza della mortalità, che già era cominciata a Napoli grandissima.	After this company departed the regno, the king went on pilgrimage to Puglia, to Monte Santo Angelo and San Niccolò di Bari, to confirm the barons and the land of Puglia under his lordship and to escape the pestilence of sickness which had already begun and was already great in Naples.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, p. 548.	None
1347-01-00-Piombino	January 1347 JL	Black Death in Piombino, but only a few deaths in Milan.	Il detto morbo s'atachò a Pionbino, inperochè vi venne cierti Genovesi di quelle maledette galee, e morivi e' 3 quarti de le persone in Pionbino; per tanto si fu per abandonare. Queste maledette galee de' Genovesi venivano e aveano aiutato a' Saraceni e al Turco a pigliare la città di Romania che era de' Cristiani che non féro i Turchi, e per questo si tenea che Dio avea mandato tanta mortalità a i detti Genovesi e a' Cristiani e in Turchia, e morì in Saracina e' tre quarti e così de' Cristiani. A Milano morì poca gente, inperochè morì 3 fameglie, le quali le case loro furo murate l'uscia e le finestre, chè nissuno v'entrasse.	The disease came to Piombino, because some Genoese from those cursed galleys came there, and three quarters of the people died in Piombino; therefore it was abandoned. These accursed galleys of the Genoese came and had helped the Saracens and the Turks to take the city of Romania, which belonged to the Christians, rather than the Turks, and for this reason it was believed that God had sent so much mortality to the said Genoese and the Christians and in Turkey, and three quarters died in Saracina and so of the Christians. In Milan few people died, for three families died, and their houses were walled up with doors and windows, so that no one could enter.	Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939, p. 553.	Translation by DeepL
1347-08-00-Florence	August 1347 JL	A comet was seen as a sign of evil things, such as the death of kings and potentates and mortality. The predictions turned out to be true, as the forthcoming events have shown, especially in the Orient during this time.	Come in cielo aparve una commeta. Nel detto anno, del mese d'agosto, aparve in cielo la stella commeta, che ssi chiama Nigra, nel segno del Tauro, a gradi XVI nel capo della figura e segno del Gorgone, e durò XV dì. Questa Nigra è della natura di Saturno, e per sua infruenzia si cria, secondo che dice Zael filosofo e strolago, e più altri maestri della detta scienzia, la quale significa pure male e morte di re e di potenti; e questo dimostrò assai tosto in più re e reali, come inanzi leggendo si troverà; e ingenerò grande mortalità ne' paesi ove il detto pianeto e segno signoreggiano; e bene il dimostrò inn-Oriente e nelle marine d'intorno, come dicemmo adietro.	How a comet appeared in the heavens. In August of that year (1347) the comet called Nigra appeared in the heavens in the sign of Taurus, at sixteen degrees in the head of the constellation and sign of Gorgon and stayed there for fifteen days. This Nigra is of the nature of Saturn, whose power creates it, according to Zael, philosopher and astrologer, and many other masters of this science. It is a sign of evil things - the deaths of kings and of potentates; this was soon revealed [by what happened to] many kings and royals - as one will find by reading ahead. It brought great mortality to the lands where the planet and the sign rule. And events in the Orient and on nearby shores, which we have recounted, demonstrate this well.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, p. 510.	None
1347-10-00-Messina	October 1347 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Messina, Sicily on board of Genoese ships.	Caput XXVII. De repentina mortalitate orta in Regno Sicilie & quo tempore duravit, & quid actum eo tempore extitit [...] Accidit ergo, quod de mense octobris anno dominice incarnationis MCCCXLVII circa principium mensis octobris prime indictionis, duodecim galee januensium, divinam fugientes ulcionem, quam Dominus noster pro eorum iniquitatibus desuper eis transmiserat, applicuerunt in portum civitatis Messane, talem secum morbum ossibus infixum deferentes, quod si quis cum aliquo ipsorum locutus fuisset , erat infirmitate effectus letali, quam mortem nullatenus evadere poterat inmediate. Signa vero mortis ianuensium et messanensium cum eis participantium talia erant. Quod propter infectionem hanelitus inter eos mixti universaliter alloquentes , adeo unus alterum inficiebat , quod quasi totus dolore concussus videbatur, et quodammodo conquassatus; ex cujus doloris conquassatione, et hanelitus inficatione oriebatur quedam pustula circa femur , vel brachium ad modum lenticule. Que ita inficiebat et penetrabat corpus, quod violenter spuebant sanguinem: quo sputo spuendo per triduum, incessanter sine aliqua cura curabili vitam expirabant; et non tantum moriebantur quicumque eis conversabantur, ymmo quicumque de rebus eorum 63) emeret, tangeret, seu affectaret. Messanenses vero cognoscentes dictam eorum repentinam mortem eis incurrere propter januensium galearum adventum, eos de portu et civitate predicta cum festinantia maxima expulerunt. Remansitque dicta infirmitas in civitate predicta, ex qua sequuta extitit immensa mortalitas. Et in tantum unus alium habebat exosum, quod si filius de morbo predicto infirmabatur, pater sibi adherere penitus recusabat; et si ad eum ausus esset appropinquare, adeo infectus erat morbo predicto, quod mortem nullatenus evadere poterat, quin per triduum suum spiritum non exalaret. Et non tantum solus ipse de domo moriebatur, sed omnes familiares in eadem domo astantes, catuli, et animalia in dicta domo existentia patrem familias mortui sequebantur. Et intantum mortalitas ipsa Messanensibus invaluit, quod petebant multi sacerdotibus confiteri sua peccata, et testamenta conficere, et sacerdotes, judices et notarii ad domos eorum accedere recusabant; et si aliqui ipsorum ad eorum hospitia ingrediebantur pro testamentis, et talibus conficiendis, mortem nullatenus repentinam poterant (p 83) evitare. Fratres vero Ordinis minorum et Predicatorum et aliorum ordinum accedere volentes ad domos infirmorum predictorum, et confitentes eisdem de eorum peccatis, et dantes eis penitentiam juxta velle sermus. divinam justitia, adeo letalis mors ipsos infecit, quod fere in eorum cellulis de eis aliqui remanserunt. Quid ultra? Cadavera stabant sola in hospitiis propriis, nullus sacerdos, filius, sive pater, atque consanguineus ausus erat in eisdem intrare, sed tribuebant bastatiis non modicam pensionem pro cadaveribus in sepultura deferendis predictis. Hospitia defunctorum remanebant aperta, et patentia cum omnibus jocalibus, pecunia, et thesauris; adeo ut si quis ingredi vellet, aditus a nullo proibitus erat. Nam tanta subito pestilentia exorta est, ut ministri quoque primum non sufficerent, deinde non essent. Quapropter Messanenses hunc casum terribilem et monstruosum intuentes, migrare de civitate quam mori potius elegerunt; et non solum in urbem veniendi, sed etiam appropinquandi ad eam negabatur. In aeris et in vineis extra civitatem cum eorum familiis statuerunt mansiones. Aliqui vero et pro majori parte in civitatem Catanie perrexerunt, confisi quod beata Cataniensis Agatha virgo eosdem tali infirmitate liberaret. Inclita regina Helisabeth regina Sicilie, existens in civitate Catanie, don Fridericum filium suum, qui in civitate Messane tunc temporis aderat, ad se festinante jussit venire; qui cum galeis venetorum Cataniam festinanter applicuit.	Chapter XXVII: On the sudden mortality that arose in the Kingdom of Sicily, the duration of that time, and what happened during that time Therefore, it happened that in the month of October in the year of our Lord's Incarnation 1347, around the beginning of October, twelve Genoese galleys, fleeing divine retribution which our Lord had sent upon them for their sins, docked at the port of the city of Messina. They brought with them a disease so deeply embedded in their bones that if anyone spoke with any of them, they were struck with a fatal illness from which they could not escape immediate death. The signs of death among the Genoese and those of Messina who interacted with them were such that, because of the infection from their breath, mingling with them universally, one infected another so that it seemed as if they were entirely shaken by pain, and in a way crushed by it; from this crushing pain and the infection from their breath, there arose pustules around the thigh or arm, like a lentil. These pustules infected and penetrated the body so violently that they coughed up blood; and with this coughing up of blood for three days, constantly without any cure, they expired; and not only did those who interacted with them die, but also anyone who bought, touched, or desired any of their belongings (page 563). The people of Messina, recognizing that this sudden death was befalling them because of the arrival of the Genoese galleys, expelled them from the port and the aforementioned city with the greatest haste. The aforementioned disease remained in the aforementioned city, resulting in immense mortality. To such an extent did one hate another, that if a son fell ill from the aforementioned disease, the father entirely refused to stay near him; and if he dared to approach him, he was so infected by the aforementioned disease that he could not escape death and would expire within three days. And not only did the individual in the house die, but all the family members present in the same house, including pets and animals in the house, followed the head of the dead family. The mortality increased so much among the people of Messina that many asked priests to confess their sins and make their wills, but priests, judges, and notaries refused to go to their houses; and if any of them entered their houses to make wills and other such documents, they could not avoid sudden death. Friars of the Order of Minors and Preachers and members of other orders, wishing to go to the houses of the aforementioned sick people, confessing their sins and giving them penance according to divine justice, were so lethally infected that almost none of them remained in their cells. What more? Corpses lay alone in their homes, no priest, son, father, or relative dared to enter them, but they paid considerable sums to others to bury the bodies. The houses of the deceased remained open and unguarded with all their jewels, money, and treasures; so that if anyone wished to enter, the entrance was prohibited by no one. Such a sudden pestilence arose that at first there were not enough servants, and eventually, there were none. Therefore, the people of Messina, seeing this terrible and monstrous event, chose to migrate from the city rather than die; and not only was it forbidden to come into the city, but also to approach it. They set up camps in the air and vineyards outside the city with their families. Some, and for the most part, went to the city of Catania, believing that blessed Agatha of Catania would free them from such an illness. The noble Queen Elisabetta, Queen of Sicily, residing in the city of Catania, hastily summoned her son Federico, who was then in the city of Messina, to come to her; and he hurried to Catania with Venetian galleys.	Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83	None
1347-11-00-Genoa	November 1347 JL	Genoese galleys spread the Black Death in Genoa and Sicily.	Le galee de' Genovesi tornaro d'oltremare e da la città di Romania a dì ... di november e tornaro con molta infermità e corutione d'aria la quale era oltremare, in perrochè in quel paese d'oltremare morì in questo tenpo grande moltitudine di gente di morbo e pestilentia. Essendo gionte a Gienova le dette galee tenero per la Cicilia e lassorovi grande infermità e mortalità, che l'uno non potea socorare l'altro; e così gionti a Gienova di fatto v'attacoro il detto morbo e per questo tutti quelle navili furono tutti cacciati di Genova.	The galleys of the Genoese returned from overseas and from the city of Romania on dì ... of November, and returned with much infirmity and corruption of the air which was overseas, for in that overseas country a great multitude of people died of disease and pestilence at that time. When they reached Gienova, the said galleys sailed to Cicilia, and there they left great infirmity and mortality, so that the one could not support the other; and so when they reached Gienova, they attacked the said disease there, and for this reason all those galleys were expelled from Genoa.	Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939, p. 553.	Translation by DeepL
1347-12-25-Avignon	25 December 1347 JL	Great mortality in the south of France, especially in Avignon.	Quo eciam tempore maxima mortalitas viguit in Grecia in Thurchia ac Lompardia Tussia ac in provincia Waschonia et in Francia, quod ville et civitates alique dicebantur incolis destitute. Nam in civitate Avenionensi a festo nativitatis domini [25.12.1347] usque ad festum omnium sanctorum [01.11.1348] cclxxx milia hominum decesserunt, inter quos sex cardinales duces fuerunt transeuntium de hoc mundo ad patrem.	During this time, there was also enormous mortality in Greece, Turkey, Lombardy, Tuscany and the province of Vashonia [Gascony] as well as in France, so that houses and cities were named that were without inhabitants. For in the city of Avignon, 280,000 people died from the Feast of the Nativity of the Lord [25 December 1347] to the Feast of All Saints [1 November 1348], including six cardinals who passed from this world to the Father.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 65.	None
1348-00-00-Apulia	1348 JL	The Black Death hits Apulia and other parts of Southern Italy like Calabria. King Louis the Great of Hungary flees back home from the epidemic outbreak	sequitur annus qui nostre salutis MCCCXLVIII numeratur, in quo pestis iam pridem cepta insigni strage per universam pene Italiam desevire cepit. Que, cum iam Brutios et Calabros ac universum Apulie Regnum inficere cepisset, et in dies magis obrepert, tantaque augmenteratur sevitia, ut solo contactu passim vulgaret morbos, et tabe ac pestifero odore inficeret validos, et egros biduo aut minori temporis spatio (p. 12) conficeret, ingens mortis formido Ludovicum, Ungarie regem, invasit, qua deterritus in Pannoniam aufugere quam celerrime constituit.	There follows the year which is numbered 1348 of our salvation, in which the plague, already begun some time before, began to rage with remarkable slaughter throughout almost the whole of Italy. And when it had already begun to infect the Calabrians and the entire Kingdom of Apulia, and was spreading more and more each day, and was increasing with such savagery that by mere contact it widely transmitted diseases, and by corruption and pestilential stench infected even the healthy, and carried off the sick within two days or a shorter space of time, a great fear of death seized Louis, king of Hungary; terrified by this, he resolved to flee as quickly as possible into Pannonia.	Matteo Palmieri 1918, pp. 11-12	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-00-00-Apulia 001	1348 JL	King of Hungary left Apulia because of the plague and Joanna, wife of Duke Louis of Taranto returned to Naples and resubdued the country.	112.) Qualiter rex Ungarie recessit ab Apulia propter pestilenciam. Reverso autem propter pestilenciam Ungaro Iohanna relicta Andree fratris sui uxor de auxilio pape Neapolim revertitur, et eiectis Ungari fidelibus terra sibi iterum subiugatur, Wernhero de Urselingen Swevo, qui primo Ungaro adhesit et ab eo propter quandam suspicionem sibi falso impictam, ut dixit, licenciatus fuit, eidem Iohanne propter pecuniam assistente. Tribunus enim Urbis, fautor Ungari, disparens eo tempore non erat potens in Urbe. Vendidit autem ipsa Iohanna, quantum in ea fuit pape civitatem Avinionensem pro multa pecunie quantitate.	113.) How the King of Hungary left Apulia because of the plague. After the Hungarian had gone home on account of the prevailing plague, Joanna, the widow of his brother Andrew and wife of Duke Louis of Taranto, returned to Naples with the help of the pope, expelled the followers of the Hungarian, and resubdued the country, being assisted for money by Werner of Urslingen, a Swabian, who had formerly served the Hungarian (p. 171), but had been dismissed by him on account of what he said was an unjust suspicion. The tribune of Rome, the supporter of the Hungarian, had disappeared around this time and no longer had any power in Rome. Queen Joan, however, sold the city of Avignon to the pope for a large sum of money.	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 262	None
1348-00-00-Avignon	1348 JL	Origins of the Black Death beyond the sea, its way via Naples to Montpellier and Marseille, and its impact in Avignon.	Postea, videlicet anno Domini MCCCXLIX., [p. 422] presertim in partibus ultramarinis et aliis vicinis, qualis a tempore diluvii non est facta, aliquibus terris hominibus penitus vacuatis multisque trieribus in mari cum mercimoniis, habitatoribus extinctis, sine rectore repertis. Marsilie episcopus cum toto capitulo et quasi omnes Predicatores et Minores cum dupla parte inhabitancium perierunt. Quid in Monte Pessulano, in Neapoli et aliis regnis et civitatibus actum sit, quis narraret? Multitudinem moriencium Avinione in curia, contagionem, morbi, ex qua sine sacramentis perierant homines et nec parentes filiorum nec e contra nec socii sociorum nec famuli dominorum curam habuerant, quot domus cum omni suppellectile vacue fuerunt, quas nullus ingredi audebat, horror est scribere vel narrare! Nulla fuit ibi causarum agitacio. Papa inclusus camere habenti ignes magnos continue nulli dabat accessum. Terrasque hec pestis transibat, nec poterant philosophantes, quamvis multa dicerent, certam de hiis dicere racionem, nisi quod Dei esset voluntas. Hocque nunc hic, tunc ibi per integrum annum immo pluries continuabantur.	Later, namely in the year of our Lord 1349, especially in overseas regions and other neighboring places, such devastation occurred as had not been seen since the time of the flood, with entire lands emptied of people and many ships left in the sea with their cargoes, their inhabitants extinct, and no leader found. The Bishop of Marseille, with his entire chapter, and almost all the Dominicans and Franciscans, along with half of the inhabitants, perished. Who could recount what happened in Montpellier, in Naples, and other kingdoms and cities? The multitude dying in Avignon, the contagion, the disease from which people died without sacraments, neither parents for their children nor vice versa, nor companions for each other, nor servants for their masters, had care, how many houses were left vacant with all their furnishings, which no one dared to enter— it is horrifying to write or tell! There was no debate of causes there. The Pope, confined to his chamber with large fires continually burning, granted access to no one. And this plague spread across lands, and philosophers, though they spoke much, could not give a certain explanation of these things, except that it was the will of God. And thus, now here, then there, throughout the entire year, indeed repeatedly, it continued..	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 421-422.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1348-00-00-Avignon 004	1348 JL	The Pope Clement VI. made a great indulgence for all the repentant christians in times of the Black Death.	Della 'ndulgenzia diede il papa per la detta pistolenza. In questi tempi della mortale pestilenzia papa Clemento sesto fece grande indulgenza generale della pena di tutti i peccati a coloro che pentuti e confessi la domandavano al loro confessoro, e morivano: e in quella certa mortalità catuno Cristiano credendosi morire si disponea bene, e con molta contrizione e pazienzia rendevano l’anima a Dio.	Of the indulgence given by the pope for the said pestilence. In these times of the deadly plague, Pope Clement the Sixth made a great general indulgence of the punishment of all sins to those who repented and confessed and asked their confessor, and died: and in that certain mortality, each Christian believing himself to be dying, disposed himself well, and with much contrition and patience rendered his soul to God.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 15.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Avignon02	1348 JL	About the outbreak of the Black Death in the East and the arrival of the plague in Sicily and Avignon. People flee from the plague because of the infected air.	Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII. Tempore hyemali vel circa principium veris in partibus ultramarinis exorta est mortalitas seu pestilencia tam grandis, quod infinitam et inestimabilem multitudinem infidelium absorbuit et absumpsit. Que derivata ad terras cristicolarum maxime in locis maritimis, precipue tamen in Sicilia, innumerabilem populum prostravit. Fertur, quod in quadragesima circa Marsiliam urbem et Avionem tam crudeliter endinia sevierit, quod infra spacium unius mensis XVI milia hominum obierint. Immo, ut dicitur, tantum in Avione excessit, quod vivi homines non sufficiebant defunctorum corpora tumulare et [p. 276] ideo tandem in fluvium Rodanum certatim proiciebantur. Fertur insuper, quod papa pestem hanc de Avione ad aliam civitatem fugerit. Nichilominus fama testante in Sicilia homines de Messana metropoli et de aliis quam plurimis civitatibus, in quibus mors prevaluit, relictis eis vacuis fugierunt ad montana se transferentes, ut ibi salubri aere hausto contagiosum in civitatibus captum emitterent et eflarent. In Messana urbe Sicilie memorata de LX fratribus Minoribus conventualibus brevi spacio temporis XXX mox mortis furia de medio sublati sunt. Quo viso superstites conventu illo relicto ad loca se alia contulerunt. Predicta, scilicet terre motus et pestilencia, precurrencia mala sunt extreme voraginis et tempestatis secundum verbum salvatoris in ewangelio dicentis: "Erunt terre motus per loca et pestilencia et fames" et cetera.	In the year of our Lord 1348, at the time of winter or early spring, there was such a great mortality or plague overseas that it devoured and destroyed an infinite and incalculable number of unbelievers. It spread in the Christian areas, but mainly in coastal regions, especially in Sicily, where it struck down countless numbers of people. It is reported that during Lent, a plague raged around the cities of Marseille and Avignon that was so cruel that sixteen thousand people died within a month. It is even said that it became so bad in Avignon that there were not enough living people to bury the corpses, [p. 276] and they were therefore finally eagerly thrown into the river Rhône. It is also reported that the pope fled from Avignon to another city to escape this plague. Nevertheless, according to reports in Sicily, people fled from the metropolis of Messina and many other cities where death was rampant, leaving them empty and taking refuge in the mountains to expel the infected air from the cities and breathe it out. In the city of Messina in Sicily, thirty of the sixty Friars Minor of the convent were snatched from life by the fury of death within a short space of time. When the survivors saw this, they left the convent and travelled to other places.These events, namely earthquakes and pestilence, are harbingers of extreme evils and storms, as it says in the Gospel: "There will be earthquakes in various places and pestilence and famine" etc.	Johannes von Winterthur, p. 275-276	None
1348-00-00-Avignon03	1348 JL	All the Carmelites and conventual brothers of the Eremites in Messina were killed.	In predicta pestilencia omnes Carmelite et omnes fratres Heremitarum conventuales in Messana civitate Sicilie memorata morte absumpti sunti.	In the aforementioned plague, all the Carmelites and all the conventual brothers of the Eremites in Messina, the Sicilian city mentioned above, were killed.	Johannes von Winterthur, p. 279.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-00-00-Bologna	May 1348 JL	Black Death in Bologna	Maxima et inaudita mortalitas fuit Bononiae, quae vocata fuit et semper vocabitur la mortalega grande, quia numquam fuit aliqua similis. Et incoepit de mense maji et duravit per totum annum et fere fuit per totum mundum et tam magna, quod duae partes ex tribus partibus personarum firmiter decesserunt; inter quos decesserunt duo doctores bononienses per totum mundum famosissimi, videlicet dominus Johannes Andreae, decretorum, et dominus Jacobus de Butrigariis, legum doctores	The greatest and unprecedented mortality was in Bologna, which was called and will always be called "the great mortality," because there was never anything like it. It began in the month of May and lasted for the whole year, and it was nearly worldwide and so severe that two out of every three people certainly died. Among those who died were two of the most famous doctors in the world from Bologna, namely, Master Johannes Andreae, a doctor of decrees, and Master Jacobus de Butrigariis, a doctor of law	Griffoni 1902, p. 56	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Cathay	1348 JL	In parts of Cathai it rained worms and snakes	Eodem millesimo (1348), in partibus Captay pluit in maxima copia vermium et serpentium qui devoraverunt maximam quantitatem gentium et quoscumque homines, homines vel feminas, tangebat aqua, subito moriebantur		Anonymus 1908, p. 160	Translation needed
1348-00-00-Constance	1348 JL	The Jews were accused of poisoning the water in 1348 and as a consequence were killed. In the following year 1349 the flagellants movement arose and traveled through the lands and were forbidden by Pope Clement VI.	Von gottes gepurd MCCC und XLVIII jar kam ein plag uber die juden und burden geczigen, sy hetten basser und prunnen vergift, und burden ir gar vil in vil landen und in steten verprant. Und ist versechenlich, das ir der maist tail sey verbrant borden durch irsz gücz willen etc. (p. 230) Bey den zeitten do man zalt von gottes gepurdt MCCC und XLVIIII jar stund ein fromde bunderliche geschelschaft auff von purgern und von pawren, die giengen durch vil landt und stet mit creuczen und mit vannen und sungen deucze lieder und predigten und gaisleten sich selber vil und vast und vielen nider auf -, peichten und absolvirten selber an ein ander und hielten und geputen vil an ein ander czw halten bunderliche ding und falsch weise und articel wider cristen gelauben und czugen an sich beib und man, arm und reich, das ir zw leczt gar vil bardt und maintenn etlich, ir ber bey zway (p. 231) und vierczig tausent person, aber der vorgenant pabst Clemens der sechst der best bol, das ir beisz nit gerecht was, da gepot er durch alle landt, wer den selben ungelauben fuert und sich offenlich gaislet, das man den vachen und püssen solt, und zergieng da die selb geschelschaft da gar pald.	In the year of Our Lord 1348, a plague came upon the Jews, and they were accused of poisoning water and wells. Many of them were burned in various lands and cities. It is certain that the majority of them were burned because of their wealth. (p. 230) </ br>In the year of Our Lord 1349, a strange and miraculous society arose among the citizens and peasants, who traveled through many lands and cities with crosses and banners, singing german songs and preaching. They whipped themselves severely and excessively, and many of them fell to the ground, confessing and absolving one another. They held and professed many miraculous things, in a false way and contrary to Christian belief. They recruited many women and men, poor and rich, and eventually their numbers grew to over forty-two (p. 231) thousand people. However, Pope Clement VI, realizing that their beliefs were not just, issued a decree throughout all the lands that anyone who followed this unbelief and publicly flogged themselves should be punished. Consequently, this society quickly dispersed.	Konstanzer Weltchronik 1869, pp. 229-231	None
1348-00-00-Europe	1348 JL	Preface to Gabriele de Mussi's report on the plague in 1348. God seeks to punish humanity for its sins, warning of dire consequences for each individual. Filled with fear, the people turn back to the Almighty, repenting for their sins, and in response, God shows mercy and forgives them. However, the disease continues to persist.	In nornine domini amen. Incipit ystoria de Morbo siue mortalitate que fuit anno domini MCCCXLVIII. Compylata per Gabrielem de Mussis placensem. Ad perpetuam rei memoriam Nouerint vniuersi presentes, pariter et futuri, quod omnipotens deus, rex celestis qui uiuorum dominator et mortuorum, in cuius manu sunt omnia, ex alto respiciens, vniuersum genus ad omnia scelera pronum et lubricum,criminibus obuolutum, innumeris perseuerancie delictis, et in omni genere uiciorum inextimabili malitia usque ad Interiora dimersun, omni bonorum gracia denudatum, dei Judicia non exhorrens, ad omnia malla opera prosilleret, tot abhominabilia, tot horribilia ulterius ferre non ualens, clamauit ad terram. Quid agis terra, miserorum captivata cateruis, peccatorum sordibus maculata, tota es Ineffecta quid agis. cur humano sanguine madefacta non postulas ultionem. cur hostes et aduersarios meos pateris. debuisses jam Inimcos meos, producta libie (libidine ?) suffocasse, prepara te ut possis exercere uindictam. Et ego terra, tuo Imperio fundata, postquam jubes, apperiam venas meas et infinitos degluciam criminosos. negabo fructus solitos blada, vina et olea non effundam. § Cumque in celestibus demisso tonitruo irattus uehementer. Judex, ellementa, planetas, sydera, et ordines Angelorum, contra humanum genus ineffabili censura conduceret et singulos animatos in exterminium peccatorum armaret, et quodam crudelitatis impetu prouocaret Inquit meum est exercere Justiciam. Ego sum uita uiuencium.ego mortis cleues (!) gero . ego retribuo, reddens unicuique, quod suum est .manus mee formanerunt celos. lucem fabricauj , mundum constitui , omnibus ornamenta concessi. 0, peccator infelix, et cunctis jnfelicior, etw mini resistere decreuisti, mandata mea, leges et omnes Justicias contempsisti. ubi fides baptismi, et mee redemptionis merces. O, condam mea creatura , non de ea forte consideraueram ut in has plagas et in hoc exitium peruenires, paradixum tibi paraueram, non Infernum, et ecce quo te perduxisti , ubi me descendere compulisti, substinui globos vteri virginalis , famem, sitim, labores , crucis , patibulum et mortem pertuli, quid fecisti Ingratissime, adhuc me postulas crucifigi, debuissem eternis te punire supplicijs, fateor vincit me pietas. En ego tuj misertus fui , et me tumi saluatorem minime cognouisti, Indignus es beatitudinis eterne, te dignum constituisti tormentotum Infernj , egredere de terra mea, te desero draconibus lacerandum. Ibis ad tenebras, ubi perpetuus gemitus, et dencium stridor erit. Jam tue calamitatis terminus adest. desinant vires tue, uanitates et uoluptates quibus te in omnibus dedicasti, conspicio ipsis ad iram nie non modicarn prouocasti. Accedant maligni spiritus, te deuorandi eisdem concedatur potestas, non sit libi libertas vlterius. Ago Judicia, Baudia tua conuertantur jn luctum. prospera conturbentur aduersis. nullus uite ordo. sed sempiternus horror Inhabitet. Ecce mortis yrnago. Ecce caracteres et portas Infernales apperio, fames captivatos prosternat. Pax a mundi finibus euellatur. Scandalla consurgant. Regna adversus regna odio execrabili consumentur. pereat in terris misericordia. clades, pestes, uiolencie, latrocinia, lites, et omnia genera scandalorum nascantur . post hec nutu meo, planete Aerem Infficiant, atque vniuerssam terrarn corrumpant, vbique sit dolor et gemitus. Vndique mortis jacula Impietatis morsibus dominentur. Nemini parcatur.non sexui non etati. pereant cum nocentibus innocentes. Nulli sit ex euadendo libertas. Sed quia pastores mundi quos constitui, greges suos lupis rapacibus dimiserunt et uerbum deij non predicant, cuibis negligentes dominici, et penitenciam minime clamauerunt, duram contra eos exercebo uintlictam. delebo eos a facie terre. et texauros eorum absconditos, inimicus et aduersus possidebit, pacientur cum delinquentibus grauia onera delictorum. Nil proderit eis falax officium et quia plus homines quam deum timuerunt et magis suam graeiam dilexerunt, omnia pessima sustinebunt ypocritarum scelerata, religio suis finibus ellungata (elongata) lugebit. Sacerdotum et tocius ordinis clericalis, falsa et inimica societas suis periclitata deffectibus Interibit. Nulli dabitur requies singulos sagita uenenata percuciet. febres superbos deicient. et morbus Incurabilis fulminabit. Sic sic monitione premissa mortalibus uibrata omnipotentis Iancea, duris aculleis undique destinatis, egressus morbus, totum genus lnfecit humanum. Nempe Orion illa stella crudelis et seua cauda draconis. et gelus ueneni fiallis precipitatis in mare. et Saturni horribilis et indignata tempestas, quibus datum est nocere terre et mari , hominibus et arboribus, ab oriente in occidentem, pestiferis gradibus incedentem, per mundi uaria climata, uenenata pocula detullerunt. bulls igneas infirmantibus relinquentes, ex quibus mortis impetus horribilis discurrens mundi comminans ruijnam, mortales subita percussione consumpsit ut infra patebit. plangite plangite populi manibus, et dei misericordiam inuocate. —	Template:TN	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 45–46	None
1348-00-00-Florence	1348 JL	In this long plague treatise-like passage, the author describes the Black Death in Florence with its symptoms, death toll and consequences. He describes how to behave in order to avoid the disease and be better prepared, although it is not possible to avoid it with certainty. He also advises people to flee infected areas early and to listen to the doctors' instructions.	Negli anni di Cristo 1348 fu nella città di Firenze una grande mortalità di persone umane le quali morivano di male pestilenziale; e molti gran fatti se n’ode dire dalle persone antiche e assai se ne truova iscritti; e fra gli altri ne (p. 230) scrive assai chopiosamente messer / (c. 65v) Giovanni Bochacci inn u·llibro che fecie di ciento novelle, ed è nel prencipio del libro. Di prima chominciò lavgiente a morire di cierto enfiato che venia chon gran doglia e chon repente febre o nell’anguinaia o sotto le ditella o nella ghola, da piè dell’orechie; e viveano quatro o sei dì. Di poi grebbe, e morivano in due dì o meno; e inn utimo e’ si venne tanto a spargiere questo veleno, che si dimostrava in cierte bolle pichole ch’apariano nelle charni per qualunche luogho della persona: e queste erano più pericholose che l’enfiato e di meno rimedio. E di poi, più nel chuore della moria, aparivano a’ più pe·lle charni cierti rossori e lividori, e sputavano sanque od e’ gittavano pel naso o di sotto: e questo era pessimo sengnio e sanza rimedio. E, brieve, e’ chaschavano, e grandi e piccioli, da un dì a un altro: inn una ora si vedea ridere e mottegiare il brighante e nell’ora medesima il vedevi morire! E venne la chosa a tanto, che molti ne morivano pe·lla via e su pe·lle panche, chome abandonati, sanza aiuto o chonforto di persona: solo erano posti quivi perché fussono da’ vicini sotterrati per fuggire il puzo. E tale vi s’andava, che ssi vedea solo in chasa e abandonato, per avere qualche sochorso. Molti per farneticho andavano impazando pe·lla terra; molti se ne gittavano ne’ pozi, a tterra delle finestre e inn Arno; e tale s’uccideva per gran farneticho o per gran pena o dolore. Molti si morivano che non erano veduti e ’nfradiciavano su pe·lle letta; molti n’erano sotterrati che anchora erano vivi. Non si trovava chi gli servisse né chi gli sotterrasse; e più, che se ttu avessi voluto un testimone a un testamento, tu non llo potevi avere, o se pure ne trovavi niuno, e’ voleva sei o otto fiorini. Aresti veduto iª crocie ire per un chorpo, averne dietro tre o quatro prima giungniesse alla chiesa: assai n’erano posti la notte alle reggi di fuori della chiesa e nella via n’erano gittati assai. Molte chose maravigliose si vidono: assai, per vicitare uno infermo, per ghovernallo o ttocharlo, o llui o suoi panni, di fatto chaschare morti. E fra ll’altre chose, dicie messere Giovanni Bochacci che vide due porci grufolare e stracciare cierti pannicielli d’un povero uomo morto, rimasi nella via: di fatto i detti porci chascharono morti su que’ cienci istracciati da lloro. O vedi di quanto pericholo e di quanto rischio questo male pestilenziale è: non si può troppo guardare. Ora, chome voi avete in parte veduto e potuto chonprendere, la moria fu innistimabile, e diciesi, e chosì fu di cierto, che nella nostra città morirono i due terzi delle persone; ché era istimato / (c. 66r) che in Firenze avesse in quel tenpo CXX mila anime, che nne morirono, cioè de’ chorpi, ottantamila. Pensate se fu frachasso! Non è da prenderne gran maraviglia perché questo fusse, ché molte chagioni ci furono da inciendere il malore; e fu maggiore maraviglia, chi chonsiderasse bene ogni chosa, di que’ che chanparono che di que’ che morirono. E lle chagioni furono in parte queste, cioè: in Firenze non si chonoscieva, diciamo pe·lla chomunità, questo male, perché a gran tenpo non era apparito; era Firenze molto ripiena di giente e di più quantità ch’ella fusse mai; l’anno dinanzi era suto in Firenze gran fame, e credo non era nel centinaio venti che avessono pane o biada alchuna, e quelli chotanti n’avevono pocho: (p. 231) vivettesi d’erbe e di barbe d’erbe e di chattive, non lle chonoscieresti oggi, e beevano acqua, e tutto il chontado era pieno di persone che andavano pasciendo l’erbe chome le bestie. Chonsidera chome i loro chorpi erano disposti! Apresso, chom’è detto, e’ non aveano arghomento né riparo niuno; e fu la chosa sì grande e ssì aspra, che ll’uno non poteva atare l’altro di nulla, e per queste chagioni e’ si morirono sanza rimedio. Oggi è avvenuto, per esenpro di questa e di molte altre che spesso sono di poi istate, che ci s’è preso assai ripari, non però che gran danno non faccia; ma pure credo che assai ne chanpano per virtù de’ rimedi, ché dichono e medici che lle reghole ch’essi danno per rimedio di questo veleno è uno armarsi alla difesa. Non è però che uno che sia molto bene armato non possa essere morto, ché gli fia dato d’una lancia o d’una ghiera o d’una bonbarda o prieta che ll’ucciderà; chosì potrà avenire al buon uomo, che fia provveduto contro alla pestilenza, e gli giungnierà una nebbia o un puzo di chorruzione o un fiato d’altro malato che fia più forte di lui e ucciderallo pure. Ma che è? Egli è assai chiaro che a una zuffa mortale à gran vantaggio chi è bene armato, e meno ne muoiono che de’ disarmati; e però vo’ dire che’ rimedi sono buoni. Vuolsi avere chonsiglio chon valenti medici e pigliare per iscritto loro chonsiglio o loro riciette, e quelle osservare diligientemente e non se ne fare punto beffe. Da mme voglio abbi questo chotanto chonsiglio. Tu udirai dinanzi che lla mortalità sia nella città di Firenze un anno o due, perché prima offende la Romangnia o lla Lonbardia che lla città nostra, e quasi per uso l’anno vengniente ell’è in Firenze; o almeno il verno dinanzi tu nne sentirai qualche isprazo o nel contado o nelle pendici della terra, il perché chiaro si prosu/me (c. 66v) la mortalità dovere essere in Firenze. E sappi che di febraio ella comincia a ffarsi sentire dentro, e chosì va crescendo tutto lulglio; e da mezo luglio in llà ed ella s’apicha alle persone da bene e a quelli che sono vivuti regholati, e chomincia a morire meno giente, ma de’ migliori. E quest’è perché il veleno è tanto isparto e tanto t’à chonbattuto, che t’à rotte l’armi e passato dentro; e per la dura della battaglia e’ ti viene a strachare e a pocho a pocho a chorronperti, e ’nfine e’ t’abbatte. E però piglia questo riparo. Chomincia il verno dinanzi a ghovernare te e la tua famiglia tutta per questa via. Prima, fa di quardarti dall’umido quantunche ttu puoi e non patire punto il freddo. Apresso, usa il fuocho ongni mattina prima escha fuori e piglia qualche chosa sechondo lo stomacho che ài: o un pocho di pane e un mezo bichiere di buon vino o di malvagia, o una pillola apropiata a cciò, o un pocho d’utriacha quando fusse piove o umidori, de’ quindici dì due o tre mattine a llato, sul dì, e prima ti levi e dormi un pocho poi; e non mangiare nulla da ivi a ore cinque. Se tti venisse beuto o volessi bere un mezo bichiere di malvagia sarebbe buono, ma non altri vini grossi; o sse avessi lo stomacho debole o frigido, piglia degli otto dì una volta a tai tenpacci una barba di gengiovo (p. 232) in chonservo e bei un mezo bichiere di malvagia, e sta di poi cinque ore che ttu non mangi altro. O ttu piglia un gherofano o un pocho di ciennamo o uno ghughiaio di tregiea o quatro derrate di zafferano o due o tre noci chotte e due o tre fichi sanza pane o qualche chosetta, sechondo che sse’ chonsigliato. E quello vedessi ti faciesse noia lascialo istare; e se llo stomacho istà meglio digiuno, non gli dare impaccio. Non uscire fuori troppo avaccio: quand’è nebbia e piova istatti al fuocho. Desina all’ora chonpitente, mangia buone chose e non troppo; levati chon buono apitito, quarti dalle frutte e da’ funghi, non ne mangiare, o pocho e di rado. Esercita la persona, ma non chon faticha, che ttu non sudi e non n’abbi ’ansare o a sciorinarti de’ panni; quarti dal chiavare e dalle femine, non ti impacciare chon niuna in quell’anno. Non mangiare e non bere se non n’ài voglia; e quando avessi in sullo stomacho, lascialo prima digiestire e di poi ista un’ora prima mangi o bei. quarti dalla ciena, pocho mangia e buone cose; non mangiare porcho in niuno modo; usa, se ài buono istomacho, l’acieto e ll’agresto, ma non tanto ti desse noia a smaltire. Fa di stare sobrio del chorpo e che ttu escha il dì due volte il meno: se fussi istiticho e duro del chorpo, fatti uno arghomento degli otto dì o de’ quindici dì. / (c. 67r) Non ti raviluppare troppo nel dormire, levati al levare del sole. E ’n questa forma passa il verno. E tenendo questo o migliore istile, tu verrai a purghare lo stomacho overo il chorpo tutto, per modo che lla churrezione dell’aria non troverrà materia d’apicharsi. Alla primavera o veramente di marzo tu sentirai dove è buono fuggire. Aspetta che de’ tuoi cittadini si muovano: non volere essere de’ primi, ma, partitone quatro o sei piglia partito e va dove ne vanno i più e in sì fatta città che pel tuo danaio tu truovi ciò che bisongnia alla santà del corpo. Non essere isciocho, o per masserizia o per niuna chagione, di rinchiuderti in chastella o in ville o in lluoghi che non vi sia e medici buoni e medicine che nne interviene che l’amicho si muore e spende nella fine due tanti che gli altri ed essene fatto beffe, sanza il dolore e i·rripitio dell’animo che mai te ne puoi dare pacie. Non sono tempi da masserizia, ma da trarre il danaio d’ongni luogho che ttu puoi; e spendi larghamente nelle chose che bisongnia, sanza niuna masserizia che ssia però che non si guadangniano se non per ispenderli per chanpare o vuoi per vivere e per onore, o nelle brighe o in simili casi. E però ti chonforto del fuggire presto e quest’è il più sichuro ischanpo ci sia. Fa d’avere de’ denari: e non giuchare, ché potresti rimanere sulle secche, e a que’ tenpi se ne truovano molto pochi che te ne prestassono per molti rispetti. Sì che sia savio: provediti tanto dinanzi rauni treciento fiorini il meno, e non ne tocchare mai niuno se non abbisogni e non dire che ttu gli abbia, ché ti sarebbono chiesti. E togli chasa agiata pe·lla tua famiglia, e non punto istretta, ma chamere d’avanzo. E nella istate usa chose fresche: buoni vini e picholi, de’ polli e de’ chavretti e de’ ventri o peducci di chastrone choll’acieto o llattugha, o de’ ghanberi, se nne puoi avere. Istatti il dì di meriggio al frescho: non dormire se puoi farlo, o ttu dormi chosì a sedere. Usa d’un lattovaro che fanno fare i medici di ribarbero, danne a’ fanciulli ché uccide i (p. 233) vermini. Mangia alchuna volta la mattina un’oncia di chassia, chosì ne’ bucciuoli, e danne a’ fanciulli: fa d’averne in chasa e frescha e del zuchero e dell’acquarosa e del giulebbo. Se ài sete il dì bei di quello rinfreschati i polsi, le tenpie e al naso choll’acieto ben forte. None istare dove sia molta giente e spezialmente in luogho rinchiuso chome in loggie o in chiese o in simili luoghi. Chon chi venisse dell’aria chorrotta o che avesse infermi in chasa o fusse morto di sua giente, non istare / (c. 67v) cho·llui se none il meno che ttu puoi, non dimostrando ischifarlo per modo s’aveggha, acciò non isdengniasse o non pigliasse ischonforto. Fuggi quanto puoi maninchonia o pensiero: usa dove si faccia chose da diletto e dove tu possa pigliare ispasso chon piacere e chon allegreza, e non pensare punto di chosa ti dia dolore o chattivo pensiero. Chome ti venisse, fuggilo, o in pensare ad altro o dove si ragioni di darsi piaciere o dove si faccia alchuna chosa che tti piaccia o ttu giuocha, quando tai chasi t’avenissono, e di pochi danari per volta: non passare di perdere uno fiorino; e se llo perdi, lascialo andare sanza pensarvi e non volere per quel dì rischuoterti, ché potresti, dove vuoi fuggire pensiero e dolore, andarlo cierchando. Se ài chavallo, vatti a ssollazo e per la terra e di fuori la mattina pe·llo frescho e lla sera. Istà chasto il più che ttu puoi. Fuggi ongni chosa putidra e ll’aria ivi apresso, non vi istare tieni in diletto e in piaciere la tua famiglia e fa cho·lloro insieme buona e sana vita, vivendo sanza pensiero di fare per allora masserizia, ché assai s’avanza a stare sano e fuggire la morte. Al presente non iscriverrò più avanti sopra la detta materia, perché nel vero i medici fidati e che chonoschono la tua natura sarebbono quelli che meglio t’amaestrerrebbono di tale provedimento; e però, chom’è detto, il chonsiglio si vuole avere da lloro, nonistante che lle sopra iscritte chose sieno utili e buone a oservalle ne’ detti tenpi.	In the year of Christ 1348 there was a great mortality in the city of Florence among the people who died of a pestilential disease. Many stories about it are told by old people, and many are written down; and among others, Giovanni Boccaccio tells about it in detail in a book of a hundred novellas, and it is at the beginning of the book. At first people began to die of a swelling, accompanied with great pain and sudden fever, either in the groin, under the armpits, or in the neck, below the ears; they lived four or six days. Afterwards the disease grew worse, and they died in two days or less; finally this poison spread so far that it showed itself in certain small bumps which appeared on the skin anywhere on the body: and these were more dangerous than the swellings and more difficult to treat. Later, in the heart of the epidemic, certain redness and bruises appeared on the skin of many people, and they spat blood or bled from the nose or underneath: and this was a very bad sign and without cure. In short, they fell, big and small, from one day to the next: one hour you would see someone laughing and joking and the next hour you would see him die! It got to the point that many died in the streets and on the benches, like abandoned people, without help or consolation from anyone: they were only left there to be buried by the neighbours to avoid the smell. And it happened that people left, because they were alone and abandoned at home, to get some kind of help. Many wandered madly through the country because of delirium; many threw themselves into wells, from windows and into the Arno; and some killed themselves because of great delirium or great pain or suffering. Many died without being seen, rotting in their beds; many were buried even though they were still alive. There was no one to serve them or bury them; and what is more, if you needed a witness for a will, you could not get one, or he asked for six or eight florins. Crosses were seen brought for a body, and three or four followed it before it reached the church: many were deposited at night on the lattices outside the church, and many were thrown away in the street. Many marvellous things were seen: many who visited, nursed or touched a sick person, either him or his clothes, fell down dead. Among others, Giovanni Boccaccio relates that he saw two swine rooting and tearing certain rags of a dead poor man who had remained in the street: and immediately the said swine fell down dead on the rags they had torn. Oh, see how dangerous and risky this pestilential disease is: one cannot protect oneself enough. Now, as you have partly seen and understood, the mortality was immeasurable, and it is said, and so it certainly was, that in our city two-thirds of the people died; for it was estimated that there were 120,000 souls in Florence at that time, of whom 80,000 died. Think what an uproar that was! It is not very surprising that this happened, for there were many causes which increased the evil; and it is more surprising, when all is well considered, how many survived than how many died. The reasons were partly these: in Florence this disease, let us say for the community, was not known, as it had not appeared for a long time; Florence was very populous, more so than ever; the year before there was great famine in Florence, and I believe there were not a hundred people that had bread or corn, and those that had had little: they lived on herbs and roots and bad things that would not be recognised to-day, and they drank water, and all the surrounding country was full of people eating herbs like beasts. Think about what state their bodies were in! In addition, as I said, they had no remedies or defences; and the evil was so great and so violent that they could not help each other in anything, and for these reasons they died without remedy. Now it is so, in consequence of these and many others that have often taken place afterwards, that many precautions have been taken, not that it no longer does much harm; but still I believe that many survive by the power of the remedies, for the doctors say that the rules they give to ward off this poison are a kind of defence. This does not mean that one who is very well armed cannot die, for he may be struck by a spear thrust or a bullet or a stone that kills him; so it may happen to the good man who has taken precautions against the plague that a mist or a stench of putrefaction or a breath of another sick person stronger than himself may strike him and still kill him. But what is that? It is clear that in a mortal fight he who is well armed has a great advantage, and dies less than the unarmed; therefore I would say that the remedies are good. One should seek advice from good doctors and get their advice or prescriptions in writing and follow them conscientiously and not make fun of them. I would like you to take this advice to heart. You will hear that mortality lasts a year or two in the city of Florence, because it first strikes Romagna or Lombardy before it reaches our city, and almost always the following year it is in Florence; or at least in the winter before you will hear a whiff of it, either in the surrounding countryside or in the suburbs, so it is clear that mortality will come to Florence. And know that it begins to make itself felt in February, and so it grows into July; and from the middle of July it affects the wealthy people and those who have lived well, and fewer people die, but of the best. This is because the poison has spread so widely and has affected you so badly that it has broken through the armour and got inside; and because of the hardness of the battle it will tire you out and gradually wear you down, and finally it will strike you down. Therefore, take these precautions. In winter, begin to protect yourselves and your whole family in this way. First, beware of dampness as much as possible and do not endure cold. Then use fire every morning before you go out, and take something according to your stomach: a little bread and half a glass of good wine or malmsey, or a suitable pill, or a little theriac, if it is raining or damp, two or three mornings of fifteen days, during the day and before you get up, and then sleep a little; and eat nothing till five hours later. If you are thirsty or wish to drink half a glass of malmsey, that would be good, but no other strong wines; or if you have a weak or cold stomach, once in eight days at such times take a pickled ginger root and drink half a glass of malmsey, and then eat nothing else for five hours. Or take a clove leaf or a little cinnamon or a spoonful of trigonella or four grains of saffron or two or three boiled nuts and two or three figs without bread or anything else, as you are advised. And if you realise that it is not good for you, leave it alone; and if it is better for the stomach to remain sober, do not strain it. Don't go out too early: stay by the fire in fog and rain. Eat at the proper time, eat good things and not too much; get up with a good appetite, avoid fruit and mushrooms, do not eat them, or eat only a little and rarely. Exercise, but not strenuously, so that you do not sweat and do not feel the need to dry your clothes; avoid sexual intercourse and women, do not mix with them this year. Do not eat or drink if you do not feel like it; and if you have something in your stomach, let it digest first and then wait an hour before eating or drinking. Eat little and good things in the evening; do not eat pork in any way; if you have a good stomach, use vinegar and verjuice, but not so much that it gives you difficulty in digesting. Keep your body light, and see that you get out twice a day: If you are constipated and hard in body, take a treatment of eight or fifteen days. (c. 67r) Don't get too entangled in sleep, get up at sunrise. In this way spend the winter. And if you keep up this or a better style, you will so cleanse your stomach or your whole body that the bad air will find no clue. In spring, or really in March, you will realise where you should flee to. Wait till your fellow-citizens move: do not be the first, but after four or six have gone, go where most go, and to such a town where you will find for your money all that is necessary for the health of the body. Do not be foolish, either for miserliness or for any other reason, to shut yourself up in castles or villages or places where there are no good doctors and medicines, for it happens that the friend dies and ends up spending twice as much as the others and is laughed at, without the pain and trembling of the soul that never leaves you in peace. These are not times for miserliness, but to get money from wherever you can; and spend generously on what is necessary, without miserliness, for it is only earned to spend on survival or on life and honour, or on difficulties or similar cases. Therefore, I encourage you to escape early, and that is the safest escape there is. Make sure you have money: Don't gamble, because you could lose it all, and at these times there are very few who would lend it to you for many reasons. So be wise: Take care in advance to collect at least three hundred florins, and do not touch them unless it is necessary, and do not say that you have them, for they would be demanded of you. And take a spacious house for your family, not too cramped, but with extra rooms. And in summer use fresh things: good wine and small, chickens and goatlings, and the bellies or feet of mutton with vinegar or lettuce, or crabs if you can get them. Keep cool at midday: do not sleep if you can avoid it, or sleep sitting up. Use a lotion that doctors make with rhubarb, give it to children as it kills worms. Eat an ounce of cassia sometimes in the morning, in the buds, and give it to the children: keep it fresh in the house together with sugar and rose-water and syrup. If you are thirsty during the day, cool your wrists, temples and nose with strong vinegar. Do not stay in places with many people, especially in closed rooms such as loggias or churches or similar places. Do not stay with someone who comes from a contaminated area or has sick people in the house or whose relatives have died, as little as possible without showing it, so as not to offend or discourage them. Flee as much as you can from melancholy or sorrow: Stay in places where you can find joy and entertainment, and don't think about things that cause you pain or bad thoughts. When they come, flee from them by thinking of something else or by staying in places where there is pleasure or where people do things you like or where you can play, but only with little money: do not lose more than a florin; and if you lose it, let it go without thinking about it and do not try to recover that day, because where you want to flee sorrow and pain, you go in search of it. If you have a horse, go out in the morning and evening for pleasure. Be as chaste as possible. Flee from everything foul and the air in the neighbourhood, do not stay there. Keep your family in joy and contentment and lead a good and healthy life together, without thinking of miserliness, for it is enough to stay healthy and avoid death. I will not write further on this subject for now, because in truth, trustworthy doctors who know your nature are the ones who can give you the best advice; therefore, as I said, advice should be sought from them, although the things mentioned above are useful and good to observe in the times mentioned.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 229-233	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1348-00-00-Florence 001	May 1348 JL	Great mortality in Florence with a mortality rate of more than 60%.	In detto tempo una grandissima morìa fu in Firenze, che si stima morisse in detta pestilenzia più di 60 per cento, ch'è una scurità.	In this time (1349) was a large dying in Florence, it is estimated that more than 60 per cent died in this plague, what is an uncertainity.	Filippo di Cino Rinuccini: Ricordi storici 1840, p. 325	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-00-00-Florence 002	1348 JL	Fruosino was a good and new man and he died before the plague and his son Niccolò, who was a bad lad, died with all his sisters during the plague.	Il detto Fruosino ebbe poco, però che fu maltrattato e io gli vidi tondere i boldroni; e anche, come potea uncicare il danaio, il prestava. Fu grosso e nuovo uomo, e ebbe una moglie che fu nuova donna; ebbe due figliuoli maschi, e più femmine; Zanobi, e Niccolò vocato Bicocco, Morì innanzi a la mortalità del 1348, d'età di bene LXX anni; e Niccolò morì nella detta mortalità, e fu mercè, ch'era uno pessimo garzone, e avrebbe condotto altrui agevolemente a mali termini, e egli fatto mala fine. Le femmine anche tutte morirono;	The said Fruosino had little, because he was badly treated, and I saw him make the beds; and also, if he could scrape together a farthing, he lent it. He was a great and new man, and had a wife who was a new woman. He had two sons and several daughters; Zanobi, and Niccolò, called Bicocco. He died before the plague in 1348 at the age of a good seventy; and Niccolò died during that plague, it was mercy because he was a bad lad and could easily have got others into trouble, and he came to a bad end. All the daughters died too.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, p. 71	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1348-00-00-Florence 003	1348 JL	The woman Monna Bice survived by God's grace the Black Death which only one in a hundred managed to do.	Della detta monna Bice ebbi più figliuoli, maschi e femmine, che vennono a bene, e di que' che nel partorire non vennono a bene, (p. 292) sconciandosi anche in alcuno; ebbe grandissima infermità per la mortalità del 1348, e campò di quello che non ne campò una nel centinaio. Fu grazia di Dio e in iscampo di me, chè di certo ò per opinione, che s' ella fosse morta, io non sarei scampato, per gli accidenti m' avvennono, che che di quella infermità io non sentissi.	I had several children of the aforementioned Monna Bice, both male and female, who came out well, and of those who were not well at birth, some were mutilated. She had a very serious illness during the plague in 1348 and survived, which only one in a hundred managed to do. It was God's grace and my luck, because I'm sure I wouldn't have survived if she had died, because of the things that happened to me, even though I didn't feel anything from that illness.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, pp. 291-292	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-00-00-Florence 004	1348 JL	Plague raged in Florence and surroundings and more than 70 thousand people died alone inside the city.	Proximo dehinc anno pestis iampridem ingressa urbem ita desaevivit, ut supra fidem videatur eius stragem referre. Sexaginta amplius hominum millia defuncta morbo intra urbem constat, et insignes viros, quorum consilio respublica nitebatur, ferme omnes sublatos. In agro autem exinanita cuncta ac paene deserta. Ob eam calamitatem, nihil publice geri eo anno potuit. Tantum adversus latrones, qui per Apennini iugum itinera infestabant, copiae quaedam missae.	By the next year, the plague had long since entered the city and ravaged it to such an extent that the tale of its slaughter seems beyond belief. It is evident that more than 70,000 people inside the city died of the disease, and nearly all the distinguished men on whom the city relied were wiped out. The countryside was entirely emptied out and practically deserted. Thanks to this calamity, no public business could be conducted this year. The only action was to send some troops out against robbers infesting the roads that crossed the Apennine passes.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 314.	None
1348-00-00-Florence 005	1348 JL	During the plague, the society of Orto San Michele became very rich, because people willingly left their money and wealth to the society. With these riches they helped many poor people, but with time greedy people tried to use the money for their own benefit.	Come alla compagnia d'Orto Sa Michele fu lasciato gran tesoro. Nella nostra città di Firenze, l’anno della detta mortalità, avenne mirabile cosa: che venendo a morte li uomini, per la fede che i cittadini di Firenze avieno a l'ordine e alla sperienza che veduta era della chiara, e buona e ordinata limosina che s'era fatta lungo tempo, e facea per li capitani della compagnia di madonna santa Maria d’Orto Sa Michele, sanza alcuno umano procaccio, si trovò per testamenti fatti (i quali testamenti nella mortalità, e poco apresso, si poterono trovare e avere) che’ cittadini di Firenze lasciarono a stribuire a’ poveri per li capitani di quella compagnia più di CCCLM di fiorini d’oro. Che vedendosi (p. 20) la gente morire, e morire i loro figliuoli e i loro congiunti, ordinavano i testamenti, e chi avea reda che vivesse, legava la reda, se lla reda morisse, volea la detta compagnia fosse reda; e molti che non avieno alcuna reda, per divozione dell’usata e santa limosina che questa compagnia solea fare, acciò che 'l suo si stribuisse a’ poveri com'era usato, lasciavano di ciò ch’avieno reda la detta compagnia; e molti altri novolendo che per successione il suo venisse a' suoi congiunti, o a’ suoi consorti, legavano alla detta compagnia tutti i loro beni. Per questa cagione, ristata la mortalità in Firenze, si trovò improviso quella compagnia in sì grande tesoro, sanza quello che ancora no potea sapere. E i mendichi poveri erano quasi tutti morti, e ogni feminella era piena e abondevole delle cose, sicché non cercavano limosina. Sentendosi questo fatto per cittadini, procacciarono molti con sollicitudine d’essere capitani per potere aministrare (p. 21) questo tesoro, e cominciarono a ragunare le masserizie e i danari; ch'avendo a vendere le masserizie nobili de'grandi cittadini e mercatanti, tutte le migliori e lle più belle volieno per loro a grande mercato, e l'altre più vili facieno vendere in plubico, e i danari cominciarono a serbare, e chi ne tenea una parte, e chi un'altra a lloro utilità. […]	A great treasure was left to the society of Orto San Michele. In our city of Florence, during the year of this deadly plague, something remarkable happened: as people were dying, the citizens of Florence, trusting in the order and experience demonstrated by the clear, good, and organized charity that had been practiced for a long time by the captains of the society of Our Lady of Orto San Michele—without any human intervention—left, according to wills (that could be found during the plague and shortly thereafter) more than 350,000 gold florins to be distributed to the poor by the captains of this society. People, seeing their children and relatives dying, arranged their wills, and those who had heirs who survived would pass on their inheritance; if the heirs died, they wanted the society to be their heir. And many who had no heirs, out of devotion to the customary and holy charity that this society used to perform, left what they had as inheritance to this society so that it could be distributed to the poor as was customary. And many others, not wanting their wealth to go to their relatives or associates through succession, bequeathed all their possessions to this society. For this reason, once the plague ceased in Florence, it was found that the society unexpectedly held a great treasure, aside from what could not yet be accounted for. And the poor beggars were almost all dead, and every household was full and abundant with supplies, so much so that they did not seek alms. When the citizens heard about this situation, many eagerly sought to become captains to be able to manage this treasure. They began gathering the goods and money; when they had to sell the valuable possessions of prominent citizens and merchants, they would take the best and finest for themselves at a good price, while the lesser items were sold publicly, and the money was kept by those who held parts of it, each for their own benefit. [...]	Matteo Villani 1995, pp. 19-21.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Genoa	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Infection of four marauding soldiers through a object in Rivarolo near Genoa, where all the inhabitants had already died of the plague.	Nos preterite consumpserunt. presentes corrodunt viscera. et future maiora, nobis discrimina comminantur quod Ardenti studio laborantes percepimus, (p. 51) perdidimus vna hora. Vbi sunt delicate vestes, et preciosa Juventus. Ubi nobilitas et fortitudo pugnancium. vbi seniorum maturitas antiquata, et dominarum purpurata caterua. Vbi thesaurus et preciosi lapides congregati proh dolor omnes mortis Impetu deffecerunt. Ad quern lbimus. qui nimium medebitur. Fugere non licet. latere non expedit. Vrbes, menia, Arua, nemora vie, et omuis aquarum materia, latronibus circumdantur. Isti sunt maligni Spiritus, summi tortores Judicis, omnibus supplicia Inhinita parantes. Quoddam possumus explicare pauendum, prope Januam, tunc exercitu residente euenit. vt quatuor exercitus socij, Intencione spoliandi loca et homines, exercitum dimiserunt . et ad Riparolurn pergentes in littore maris, ubi morbus Interfecerat vniuersos, domos clausas inuenientes, et nemine comparente, domum vnam apperientes, et Intrantes lectulum, cum Lana obuoiutum Inueniunt, aufferunt et exportant. et in exercitum reuertentes, nocte sequenti, quatuor sub lena , in lectulo dormitiui quiescunt. Sed mane facto, mortui sunt Inuenti. Ex quo tremor Inuasit omnes, ut Rebus et vestibus deffunctorum contemptis, nullus postea frui velet. nec eciam manibus atractare.	Template:TN	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 50–51	None
1348-00-00-Germany	1348 JL	Jews were accused of poisoning the water and wells. Thus they were persecuted and burned in many parts in Germany	[115.] De mala fama et infortunio Iudeorum in diversis terris et regionibus. Et infamati sunt Iudei, quod huiusmodi pestilenciam fecerint vel auxerint fontibus et puteis iniecto veneno. Et cre*mati sunt a mari usque ad Alamanniam preterquam Avinionis, ubi ipsos papa Clemens sextus defendit. Post [p. 265] hec tortis quibusdam in Berna, in comitatu Froburg et alibi, et reperto in Zovingen veneno, extinctisque Iudeis in pluribus locis, scriptoque *de hoc consulibus Basiliensis, Friburgensis et Argentinensis civitatum, maioribusque ad defensionem nitentibus Iudeorum, ac quibusdam eciam nobilibus Basilee pro quadam iniuria Iudeis illata ad longum tempus bannitis: ecce irruit populus cum baneriis ad palacium consulum. Quibus territis et querente magistro, quid vellent, responderunt se nolle abire nisi bannitis reversis. Pro quibus illico est transmissum, consulibus non audentibus egredi, quousque venerunt. Adiecitque populus se nolle, quod inibi amplius remanerent Iudei. Et iuratum est per consules et populum, quod in ducentis annis inibi nunquam residerent Iudei. Conveneruntque pluries nuncii meliores earundem trium civitatum, quibus cordi erat reten*cio Iudeorum, set populi timuerunt clamorem. Capti sunt autem undique in partibus illis Iudei. […][p. 266] Et sic modo in uno loco, postea in alio sunt cremati. Alicubi autem sunt expulsi. Quos vulgus apprehendens hos cremavit, aliquos interfecit, alios in paludibus suffocavit. [...]	116. Of the slander and persecution of the Jews in various countries and kingdoms. And the Jews were accused of having caused or aggravated this plague by throwing poison into springs and wells. They were burned from the seashore to Germany, except in Avignon, where Pope Clement VI protected them. After some had been tortured in Bern, in the county of Froburg and in other places and poison had been found in Zofingen, they were murdered in many places and written about to the councillors of the cities of Basel, Freiburg and Strasbourg, and since the rulers sought to protect them and even some nobles of Basel were banished for a long time because of an injustice done to the Jews, the people rushed to the town hall with their banners. The councillors were startled by this and the mayor asked: "What did they want?", to which they replied: "They would not leave until the exiles had returned"; so they were immediately sent for, because the councillors did not dare to leave until they had returned. Then the people said: "They would no longer tolerate the Jews in the city," and the councillors and the people swore that within two hundred years no Jew should live in the city. But the nobles of these three cities, who were anxious to keep the Jews, repeatedly came together, but they feared the clamour of the people. But the Jews were captured everywhere in that region. [...] and so they were burned sometimes in this place, sometimes in that. In some places they were merely expelled, but the people caught up with them, burned some and beat others to death or suffocated them in swamps. [...]	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 264-266.	None
1348-00-00-Italy	1348 JL	Black Death is associated with blood spitting	Isto anno usque ad Festum omnium Sanctorum, tam ultra mare, quam citra per totum mundum fuit morbus horribilis et tremendus. Qui conversabatur cum infirmo, moriebatur; spuebant sanguinem. Multae Civitates, & Oppida hac causa per Mundum desertae incolis factae sunt.	This year, until the Feast of All Saints, both across the sea and on this side throughout the entire world, there was a horrible and tremendous disease. Whoever interacted with the sick would die; they would spit blood. Many cities and towns around the world were deserted by their inhabitants because of this.	Chronicon Regiense, p. 66	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Italy 004	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Describes how the plague came from the city of Feodosia (Caffa) through sailors to Genoa and how it spreads rapidly about complete Italy, killing thousands and leading to mass deaths and panic. The society was overwhelmed by death and grief. The suffering is seen as a punishment from God.	Sane, quia ab oriente in occidentem transiuimus, licet omnia discutere que vidimus et cognouimus probabilimus argumentis, et que possumus deij terribilia Judicia declarare. audiant vniuersi et lacrimis habundare cogantur. Inquit enim conctipotens, delebo hominem quem creaui a facie terre. quia caro et sanguis est , in cinerem et puluerem conuertetur. Spiritus meus non permanebit in homine. Quid putas bone deus, sie tuam creaturam delere, et humanum genus, sic jubes, sic mandas subito depperire . vbi misericordia tua, vbi fedus patrum nostrorum.vbi est uirgo beata, que suo gremio continet peccatores. vbi martirum preciosus sanguis vbi confessorum et uirginum Agmina decorata, et tocius exercitus paradixi. qui pro peccatoribus rogare non desinunt . vbi mors Christi preciosa crucis, et nostra redemptio admirabilis. Cesset obsecro ira tua bone deus, nec sic conteras peccatores, ut fructu multiplicato penitencie. Aufferas omne malum nec cum iniustis iusti clampnentur quia misericordiam vis et non sacrificium. Te audio peccatorem, uerba mein auribus instillantem. Stille jubeo . Misericordie tempora deffecerunt. Deus uocor ulcionum. libet peccata et scelera vindicare. dabo signa mea inorientibus preuenti studeant animarum prouidere saluti. Sic euenit a preffata Caffensi terra,nauigio discedente, quedam paucis gubernata nautis, eciam uenenato morbo infectis Januam Applicarunt quedam venecijs quedam (p. 50) alijs partibus christianorum. Mirabile dictu. Nauigantes, cum ad terras aliquas accedebant, ac si rnaligni spiritus comitantes, mixtis hominibus Intererint. omnis ciuitas, omnis locus, omnis terra et habitatores eorum vtriusque sexus, morbi contagio pestifero uenenati, morte subita corruebant. Et cum unus ceperat Egrotari, mox cadens et moriens vniuersam familiam uenenabat. Iniciantes, ut cadauera sepelirent, mortis eodem genere corruebant. Sic sic mors per fenestras Intrabat. et depopullatis vrbibus et Castellis, loca, suos deffunctos acolas deplorabant. Dic dic Janua, quid fecisti. Narra Sijcilia, et Insule pellagi copiose, Judicia deij. Explica venecia, Tuscia, et tota ytalia, quid agebas. Nos Januensis et venetus dei Judicia reuellare compellimus. Proh dolor Nostris ad vrbes, classibus applicatis, Intrauimus domos nostras. Et quia nos grauis Infirmitas detinebat . et nobis de Mille Navigantibus vix decem supererant, propinqui, Affines, et conuicini ad nos vndique confluebant. heu nobis, qui mortis Jacula portabamus, dum amplexibus et osculis nos tenerent, ex ore, dum uerba uerba loquebamur, venenuni fundere cogebamur. Sic illi ad propria reuertentes, mox totam familiam venenabant . et Infra triduum, percussa familia, mortis Jaculo subiacebat, exequias funeris pro pluribus ministrantes, crescente numero deffunctorum pro sepulturis terra sufficere non ualebant. presbiteri et medici , quibus Infirmorum cura rnaior necessitatis Articulis Iminebat, dum Infirmos uisitare satagunt, proh dolor, recedentes Infirmi, deffunctos statim subsequuntur. O, patres. O, matres, O, filij, et vxores, gros diu prosperitas, Incollumes conseruauit, nec Infelices et Infeliciores, pre ceteris, vos simul, eadem sepultura concludit qui pari numdo fruebamini leticia et omnis prosperitas aridebat . qui gaudia uanitatibus miscebatis, idem tumulus vos suscepit, vermibus esca datos. O mors dura, mors Impia, mors aspera, mors crudelis, que sic parentes diuidis, dissocias coniugatos, filios Interficis, fratres separas , et sonores . plangimus, miseri calamitates nostras.	Since we have traveled from the east to the west, we are permitted to discuss all that we have seen and known with probable arguments and to declare the terrible judgments of God that we can. Let everyone hear and be compelled to overflow with tears. For the Almighty says, "I will destroy the man whom I have created from the face of the earth, because he is flesh and blood, and he will be turned into ashes and dust. My spirit will not remain in man." What do you think, good God, about thus destroying your creation and commanding the human race to suddenly perish in this way? Where is your mercy, where is the covenant with our fathers? Where is the blessed Virgin who holds sinners in her lap? Where is the precious blood of the martyrs, where are the decorated bands of confessors and virgins, and the entire army of paradise? They do not cease to pray for sinners. Where is the precious death of Christ on the cross and our admirable redemption? Cease, I beseech you, your anger, good God, and do not crush sinners so that the fruit of penance may multiply. Remove all evil, and do not let the just be condemned with the unjust, for you desire mercy, not sacrifice. I hear you, sinner, instilling my words in your ears. I command you to stop. The times of mercy have ended. I am called the God of vengeance. I am pleased to avenge sins and crimes. I will give my signs to those in the east, let them strive to ensure the salvation of their souls. Thus it happened that from the aforementioned land of Caffa, a certain ship, governed by a few sailors, even infected with the venomous plague, set sail and arrived at Genoa. Some went to Venice, others to other parts of Christendom. It is incredible to say. When the sailors approached any lands, as if accompanied by malignant spirits, mixing with the people, every city, every place, every land and its inhabitants of both sexes, infected by the contagious pestilence, suddenly collapsed in death. And when one began to fall sick, soon falling and dying, he poisoned the entire household. Those who came to bury the corpses fell by the same kind of death. Thus, death entered through the windows, and with the cities and castles depopulated, the places mourned their dead inhabitants. Tell, Genoa, what have you done? Tell, Sicily, and the numerous islands of the sea, declare the judgments of God. Explain, Venice, Tuscany, and all of Italy, what were you doing. We Genoese and Venetians are compelled to reveal the judgments of God. Oh, sorrow, when we arrived at our cities with our fleets, we entered our homes. And since we were held by a severe illness, with scarcely ten of us out of a thousand sailors surviving, relatives, friends, and neighbors flocked to us from everywhere. Alas for us, who bore the arrows of death, as they held us in their embraces and kisses, while we spoke words, we were compelled to pour out poison from our mouths. Thus, they returning to their homes, soon poisoned their entire household. And within three days, the family struck by the arrow of death lay dead, and those attending the funerals of many could not find enough earth for burials, as the number of the dead increased. Priests and doctors, whose care for the sick was most needed, while striving to visit the sick, oh sorrow, leaving the sick, immediately followed the dead. Oh, fathers, oh mothers, oh sons, and wives, whom prosperity long preserved unharmed, neither the unfortunate nor the most unfortunate were buried together in the same grave. Those who enjoyed equal prosperity and happiness, the same tomb received, given as food for worms. Oh harsh death, impious death, bitter death, cruel death, that thus divides parents, separates spouses, kills sons, and separates brothers and sisters. We, the miserable, lament our calamities.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 49–50	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Italy 005	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes how the plague destabilized the social cohesion and moreover the report see the reason for the plague in a punishment of god. The text calls for repentance and humility to appease God's wrath.	edet plura contexere, et tante Calamitatis uulnera denudare. Contremescat omnis creatura, Judicio deij perterita,et suo creatori, humana fragilitas, non resistat . plus dolor, cordibus accendatur et oculi omnium uberes in lacrimas prorumptur. Audiant vituri (victuri ?) seculi huius calamitatis euentum. Jacebat solus languens in domo. ullus proximus accedebat. Cariores flentes, tantum Angulis se ponebant. Medicus non trabat. Sacerdos attonitus, ecclesiastica sacramenta timidus ministrabat. Ecce vox flebilis Infirmantis clamabat. Misereminj miseremini saltem vox amici mei , quia manus domini tetigit me. Alter Aiebat. O pater cur me deseris, esto non immemor geniture Aliuus. O. Mater ubi es, cur heri mihi pia modo crudelis efficeris. que mihi lac vberum propinasti, et nouem niensibus, vtero portasti. Alter, O, filij, quos sudore et laboribus multis educavi cur fugitis. Versa vice vir et vxor Inuiceni extendebant, heu nobis, qui placido coniugio lectabamur, nunc tristi, proh dolor diuorcio separamus. Et cum jn extremis laboraret egrotus, voces adhuc lugubres emittebat. Accedite proximi et (p. 54) convicinj mel . En siclo, aque gutam porrigite sicienti viuo Ego .Nolite timere. Forsitan viuere plus licebit. tangite me. Rogo, palpitate corpusculum , certe nunc me tangere deberetis. Tune quispiam, pietate ductus remotis ceteris, accenssa in pariete candelam iuxta Caput fugiens lmprimebat(?) Et cum spiritus exalaret sepe mater filium, et maritus uxorem, cum omnes deffunctum tangere recusarent in capsia pannis obuolutum ponebant. Non preco, non tuba, non Campana, nec 1lissa solempniter celebrata ad funus amicos et proximos Inuitabant. 1Iagnos et nobiles ad sepulturam gestabant vifes et abiecte perssone conducte peccunia, quia deffunctis consimiles, pauore percussi , accedere non audebant. Diebus ac noctibus, cum necessitas deposcebat, breuj ecclesie officio, tradebantur sepulcris .clausis frequenter dom'ibus deffunctorum, nullus Intrare, nec res deffunctorum tangere presumebat. Quicquid actum fuerit, omnibus Inotescat, vno post Alium decedente omnes tandem mortis Jaculo deffecerunt. O durum et triste spectaculum vniuersis . quis pia compassione non lugebat. et superuenientis pestis cladis et morbi teribilibus non turbetur. Indurata sunt corda nostra et nullam futurorum memoriam computamus. Heu nobis . Ecce hereditas nostra uersa est, ad Alienos et domus nostre ad extraneos. Addant si uolunt superstiltes , nempe lacrimas singultibus occupatus procedere uon valleo. quia vndique mors, vbique amaritudo describitur . plus et plus lterato, manus ornnipotentis extenditur. Judicium teribile, continuatis temporibus Inualescit. § Quid faciemus, o, bone yhesu animas suscipe deffunctorum. Auerte fadem tuam a pec catis nostrijs . et omnes iniquitates nostras delle. Scimus seimus, quia quicquid patimur peccata nostra merentur. Apprehendite igitur disciplinam , ne quando Irascatur Klominus, et pereatis de via iusta . humilientur ergo superbi. Errubescant Auari, qui pauperum detinent ellemosinas lmpeditas. Invidi caritate calescant. Lusuriosi spreta putredine, honestatis regula decorentur. Effrenes, Irracundi, salutis sue terminos non excedant. Gulosi Jeiunijs temperentur. Et quibus accidia dominatur, bonis operibus Induantur. Non sic, non sic adolesceutes et Juuenes, vestibus delectentur in cultu. Sit fides et equitas In Judicibus: (p. 55) Sit legalitas Merchatorum. Notariorum parua et inordinata eondictio, prius discat, et sapiat , quam scribere meditetur. Religiosorum abiciatur ypocrisis. Ordinetur in melius dignitas prelatorum. Omnis populus viam salutis Impetrare festines. Et dominarum pomposa vanitas, que sic uoluptatibus Imiscetur, freno moderata procedat. contra quarum arroganciam ysayas, suo vaticinio resonabat . pro eo quod elleuate sunt filie Syon , et ambulauerunt extento collo, et nutibus oculorum ibant et plaudebant ambulabant, et pedibus suis, composito grade Incedebant decaluabit dominus verticem filiarum Syon et dominus crinem earum nudabit. In die illa aufferet dominus, ornatum calciamentorum lunullas et torques, monilia, et Armillas, mitras et discriminalia, periscelidas, et niurenullas, et olfactoriola, et in Aures Annullos . et gemas in fronte pendentes, et nmtatoria, et paliola, et linteamina, et acus, et specula, et Syndones, et nittas, et terristra. et erit pro suavi odore fetor, et pro Zona funiculus, et pro crispanti crine caluicium, et pro fascia pectorali cillicium.puicerimi quoque viri tui gladio cadent , et fortes tui in prelio. et moerebuntur atque lugebunt ponte eins . et dessolata terra manebit. hec contra dominarum et Juuenum superbiam elleuatum.	Template:TN	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp, 53–54.	None
1348-00-00-L'Aquila	1348 JL	Price increase of groceries parallel to the occurrence of the Black Death.	Mai no foro sà care cose de infermeria: / picciolu pollastregliu quatro solli valia, / e l'obu a duj denair e a tri se vennia, / delle poma medemmo era gra' carestia. / Cose medecinali ongi cosa à passato, / ché l'oncia dello zuccaro a secte solli è stato; / l'oncia delli tradanti se' solli è conperato, / e dello melescristo altro tanto n'è dato. / La libra dell' uva passa tri solli se vennia, / li nocci delle manole duj solli se dagia, / [p. 242] dece vaca de mori un denaro valia, / quanno n'aviano dudici bo' derrata paria.	Never a hole knows the dear things of the infirmary: / the small chicken is worth four coins, / and the bird is worth two and three coins, / and the medemma apple was a great famine. / Medecinal things every thing has passed, / because the ounce of the pumpkin was a hundred coins; / the ounce of the trader is a hundred coins, / and the meleschrist is another thousand coins. / La libra dell' uva passa tri solli se vennia, / li nocci delle manole duj solli se dagia, / [p. 242] dece vaca de mori un denaro valia, / quanno n'aviano dudici bo' derrata paria.	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 241–242.	None
1348-00-00-Mantua	1348 JL	The Black Death in Mantua.	Cap. CLIIII - De mortalitate que fuit MCCCXLVIII In quel anno di gran mortalità venìa / ben che in del passato zià era stato, / di gaudusse a l' inguinaie morìa. / L'uno anno e l' altro si fu terminato / li due parti di li zente morire, / cinquantamila co conta extimato. / Li biade per li campi no choiere, / li uve in su li vigni si romanìa / non era chi curasse de quelli avire. / Li chase vode abandonate stasìa, / non era alchuno chi di roba curasse, / zaschuno per ascampar pensier facìa.	Chapter CLIIII - On the Mortality of 1348 In that year of great mortality, it came / even though in the past it had already been, / people died of swelling in the groin. / One year and the next it was finished / two-thirds of the people died, / estimated at fifty thousand in total. / The grain in the fields did not grow, / the grapes on the vines remained, / there was no one who cared for those possessions. / The houses stood empty and abandoned, / there was no one who cared for goods, / everyone thought only of escaping..	"Aliprandina" o "Cronica di Mantua", p. 133.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Middle East	February 1348 JL	The beginning and the origins of the Black Death in the Middle East; High mortality in Lucca, Pisa, Venice from February to June.	In lo dicto millesimo si fu una grandissima mortalità in più parte del mondo, specialmente a Zenoa, a Pisa, a Lucha, a Vinexia, in Avignone, in la Cicilia, e più città si facea guardia, de che queste città prescripte le persone de quelle non gli potesseno entrare. Et questo si cominzò in 1347, e pare che el commenzamento fusse al Chataio et in Persia, che gli piové aqua cum vermi et appuzolava tucte le persone et contrade, et possa parve che gli chadesse balotte facte como uno homo a grossa la testa et parea neve et como elle erano in terra che ardeano la terra et le prede, come fusseno legne; sì che disesse ch'ele fevano fumo grandissimo et quanti [p. 583] vedeva questo subbito chadevano morti. De che pare che da x galee de Christiani, zoè de Zenovisi, Ceciliani et d' altre parte, arivaseno là, et sentino de questo, et comminzono a morire; de che se partino et zaschuno s'apressò d'arivare alle soe contrade, et in ogni parte, là dove elli arivavano, si diseano' questa pistolenza, che zaschuno che gli odiva o vedeva, incontenti si era morto, o vero infermo; de che la mortaligha in le città sopradicte è 't sì forte et sì fiera che christiano non lo poteva contare. Et si vidi la lettera lá ove queste cose erano scripte, che da cielo era chazù tre prede grosse quanto è uno barile da mele zaschuna, et havela innanzi che questa mortaligha fusse in Ytalia; et fu dà la lettera a Pisa et de llì io l'avi. Questa mortalità da Lucha, da Pisa, da Vinexia fu in lo mille 3e 48, de febraro, de marzo, d'aprile, de mazo et de zugno.	In the said thousandth year, there was a great mortality in many parts of the world, especially in Zenoa, Pisa, Lucha, Vinexia, Avignon, and Cicilia, and more cities were guarded, so that these cities prescribed that the people of those cities could not enter them. And this began in M3cxl7, and it seems that the beginning was at Chataio and in Persia, that it rained water with worms and it appuzzolava all the people and lands, and it seemed to him that there fell boulders made like a man with a large head and it seemed like snow and how they were on the ground that burned the earth and the prey, as if they were wood; so that he said that they made very great smoke and those who [p. 583] saw this sub-burden. 583] saw this immediately fell dead. So it seems that from x galleys of Christians, namely from Zenovisi, Ceciliani and others, they arrived there, and heard of this, and began to die; So they departed and each one opened up to reach his own quarters, and in every place, where they arrived, they said to each other, that each one who hated them, or saw them, met with death, or was truly ill; so that the mortality in the cities above is so strong and so fierce that the Christians could not count it. Et si vidi la lettera lá ove queste cose erano scripte, che da cielo era chazù tre prede grosse quanto è uno barile da mele zaschuna, et havela innteriormente che questa mortaligha fusse in Ytalia; et fu dà la lettera a Pisa et de llì l'avvi. This mortality from Lucha, from Pisa, from Venice was in 1348, in February, de March, April, May and June.	Cronaca A (-1350), pp. 582–583.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Middle East 002	1348 JL	The beginning and the origins of the Black Death in the Middle East and about the severe earthquake especially in Villach.	In 1348 in Italia e per tuto lo mondo, circha l'ora de vespero, fonno grandissimi teramoti adì 25 de zenaro. El quale teramoto fo sentito per tuto el mondo e masimamente in le parti de Charantana, donde è una citade nome Vilach, la quale fo tuta somerssa per lo ditto teramoto; e fo contado e scrito per merchatanti che ne le parte del Chatay piovè grandisima quantitade de vermi e de serpenti li quali devoravano de le persone. Anchora in quele contrade del Chatay e de Persia piové fuogo da zielo a modo neve, el quale fuogo bruxò li monti e la terra e gli omeni, el quale fuogo faceva fumo tanto pesetelenziale chi chi lo sentìa morìa [p. 590] in fra spacio de 12 ore. Anchora chi guardava quili, ch'erano avenenati da quelo fumo, moriano. E avene che doe Zenoixi, passando per dita contrada fono infiziati de questa pistilenzia e cominzarno a morire. E prevenuti a Costantinopoli e in Pera incontenenti queli comenzono a morire in quele citade in tal modo che ne morì li dui terzi de le persone; e, andate quelle doe galee in Sizilia e in Misina, apichono la mortalitade in quele contrade dove morì 530 milia persone. E una citade de quelo reame che à nome Prapani remaxe dexabitada per quella pistilenzia. E in la cità de Zenora morì circa 40 milia persone. Anchora a la zitade de Marsilia remaxe quaxi desabitada. La quale pistilenzia fo per tuto lo mondo. E in quelo anno, per la nativitade de Ihesu Christo, aparve uno fuogo ne l'aiera, el quale tenìa da livante a ponente. [p. 591] E ne le parte de Catalogna cade tre prede grandissime e quili de quele contrade mandono una de quele prede su uno mulo al re de Catalogna. [...] [p. 592] E per quelo ch'io trovo, quella pistilenzia fo per tuto lo mondo: Unde fo scrito per merchadanti che in la cità de Parixi, in uno dì forno sepelidi 1328 persone, e molte citdae de Franza e d'oltra monti romaxeno quasi desabitade. E in Venexia e de Chioza se disse che ogni dì circha 600 persone, e similmente de Pixa.	In 1348 in Italy and all over the world, around the hour of evening, there was a great earthquake on the 25th of January. This earthquake was heard all over the world, and especially in the Charantana area, where there is a town called Vilach, which was completely submerged by this earthquake; and it was reported and written by merchants that in the Chatay area it rained a great quantity of worms and snakes which devoured people. Also in those parts of Chatay and Persia it rained snow-like gale-force winds, which burned the mountains and the earth and people, and which made such heavy smoke that those who felt it died within 12 hours. Even those who looked at those who were poisoned by that smoke died. And it came to pass that two Zenoixi, passing through the district, were infected with this pistilenzia and began to die. And when they came to Constantinople and Pera they began to die in those cities in such a way that two thirds of the people died; and when those two galleys went to Syzilia and Misina, they opened the mortality in those lands where 530 thousand people died. And a city of that realm, which is called Prapani, became inhabited by that people. And in the city of Zenora about 40 thousand people died. Anchora a la zitade de Marsilia remaxe quaxi desabitada. La quale pistilenzia fo per tutto lo mondo. E in quelo anno, per la nativitade de Ihesu Christo, a fuogo ne l'aiera aparve, el el el tenìa da livante a ponente. [p. 591] And in the part of Catalonia three very great preys fell, and those from those lands sent one of them on a mule to the King of Catalonia. [...] [p. 592] And from what I find, that pistilenzia was for all the world: so it was written by merchants that in the city of Parixi, in one day 1328 people were buried, and many cities of France and other mountains were almost deserted. And in Venice and Chioza it was said that every day about 600 people were buried, and similarly in Pisa.	Cronaca Bolognetti 1938, pp. 589–592.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Middle East 003	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes the spread and the demografical impact of the plague on various regions, including Genoa, Venice and the Orient. It details the victim number in these areas. The plague caused massive losses in populations, with the Saracens being particularly hard-hit.	Hec de Januensibus, quorum pars Septima vix Remansit. Hec de venetis, quorurn In Inquisitione facta super defunctis asseritur, ex centenario ultra Septuaginta. Et ex viginti quatuor medicis excellentibus, viginti, paruo tempore deffecisse& ex alijs partibus ytalie, Sycilie, et Apulie, cum suis circumdantibus plurimum dessolatis congemunt, Pisanij, lucenses, suis acollis denudati, dolores suos exagerant uehementer. Romana Curia, prouincie citra, et vltra Rodanum, hyspania, Francia, et latissime Regiones, Allamaniae, suos exponant dolores, et clades, cum sit mihi in narrando difficultas eximia. Sed quid acciderit Saracenis, constat Relatibus fide dignis. Cum igitur Soldanus plurimos habeat subiugatos, ex sola Babilonis vrbe vbi thronnm et dominium habet, tribus mensibus non elapsis. In MCCCXLVIII. CCCCLXXX.M morbi cladibus Interempti dicuntur, quod quidem Innotuit ex Registro Soldani, abi nomina mortuorum notantur, a quorum quolibet recipit bisancium vnum, quando sepulture traduntur. Taceo Damascum et (p. 52) ceteras vrbes eius, quarum Infinitus extitit numerus deffunctorum. Sed de alijs Regionibus oriientis, que per trienium vis (!) poterunt equitari, cum tanta sit multitudo degentium, ut quando occidens vnum, genera X .M [10,000] Oriens producat. et nos refferunt, Insulatos, credendum et Innumerabiles deffecisse.	Regarding the Genoese, scarcely one-seventh of them survived. Regarding the Venetians, it is reported from investigations of the deceased that out of every hundred, more than seventy died. Of the twenty-four excellent physicians, twenty perished in a short time. Other parts of Italy, Sicily, and Apulia, along with their surrounding areas, mourn their extreme desolation. The people of Pisa and Lucca, stripped of their neighbors, deeply lament their pain. The Roman Curia, provinces on both sides of the Rhône, Spain, France, and the vast regions of Germany express their sorrows and calamities, making it exceedingly difficult for me to recount them all. But what happened to the Saracens is known from trustworthy reports. The Sultan, having many subjects, in the city of Babylon alone, where he has his throne and dominion, in less than three months in the year 1348, is said to have lost 480,000 people to the plague, as noted in the Sultan's registry, where the names of the deceased are recorded, each paying a bisancium for their burial. I omit Damascus and other cities under his rule, where the number of the dead was immense. As for other regions of the East, which could not be traversed in three years due to the great number of inhabitants, when one dies in the West, the East produces ten thousand more. Reports indicate that countless people perished on the islands as well.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 51–52	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Milan	1348 JL	Small outbreak of the plague in Milan with only three dead families	Et a Milano non fue sì grande, chè vi morì in tucto tre famiglie alle quali furono murati usci e finestre, et non andò più innanzi, et misonvi fuocho inelle chase.	And in Milan, it was not so great, because three families died there, whose doors and windows were walled up, and they did not go any further, and put fire in the houses.	Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, p. 97	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Milan 001	1348 JL	In Milan just a small outbreak of the plague with only 3 dead families.	A Melano (p. 147) non vi morì se non tre famiglie, alle case di quelli funno murati li usci e lle finestre, ma fu per tutta Lonbardia.	In Milan (p. 147) only three families died there, the houses of those families had their doors and windows walled up, but it was all over Lombardy.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 147	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Méounes-lès-Montrieux	1348 JL	A report from Francesco Petrarca to the bishop of Padua about the actions of a Carthusian monk in Méounes-lès-Montrieux during the plague of 1348, who was against fleeing the plague and helped his friars dying of the plague without fear. He rebuilt his monastery after the severe plague wave.	Cum pestis hec que omnes terras ac maria pervagata est, ad vos ex ordine venisset et castra in quibus Cristo militas, invasisset, priorque tuus, vir alioquin, ut ipse novi, sancti ardentisque propositi, tamen inopino malo territus, hortaretur fugam, te illi cristiane simul ac philosophice respondisse acrius iret quo se dignum crederet, te in custodia tibi a Cristo credita permansurum; cumque iterum et iterum instaret et inter terrores alios sepulcrum quoque tibi defuturum minaretur, dixisse te illam tibi ex omnibus ultimam curam esse, neque enim tua interesse sed superstitum quali iaceas sepultura; illum postremo cessisse ad penates patrios nec ita multo post morte illuc eum insequente subtractum, te vero incolumem, Eo apud quem est fons vite protegente, mansisse; et cum diebus paucis mors quattuor et triginta qui illic erant, abstulisset, solum in (p. 2212) monasterio resedisse. Illud addebant te nullo morbi contagio deterritum, astitisse fratribus tuis expirantibus et suprema verba atque oscula excipientem et gelida corpora lavantem, sepe uno die tres plures ve tuis manibus indefesso pietatis obsequio sepelisse et exportasse tuis humeris, cum iam qui foderet aut qui iusta morientibus exhiberet, nemo esset; solum te ad ultimum cum cane unico remansisse, totis noctibus vigilantem, modica lucis parte necessarie quieti data, cum interim predones nocturni, quorum feracissima est regio, sepe per intempeste noctis silentia locum invadentes a te, imo a Cristo qui tecum erat, nunc pacificis nunc acrioribus verbis exclusi, nichil damni sacris edibus inferre potuerint; cum vero transisset estas illa terribilis, misisse et ad proxima servorum Cristi loca ut aliquis tibi loci tui custos mitteretur; quo facto ivisse Cartusiam et ab illo, religionis nunc cultore unico in terris, priore loci inter tres et octuaginta priores alienigenas te non priorem, singulari et insolito honore susceptum, obtinuisse ut tibi prior ac monachi darentur quos e diversis conventibus elegisses, quibus desertum morte tuorum monasterium reformares, teque hoc velut eximio triumpho letissimum rediisse.	When the plague that swept over all lands and seas inevitably reached you and invaded your camp, where you were fighting for Christ, your prior, otherwise of pious and ardent zeal, as I know myself, in horror at the unexpected destruction, advised to flee. Yet, you responded to him with Christian and philosophical wisdom, stating that his counsel would be welcome if there were any place impervious to death. Thereafter, he stressed the necessity of departure with no less urgency, to which you responded more firmly, telling him to go wherever he pleased, while you intended to remain steadfast at the post entrusted to you by Christi. And in response to his repeated entreaties, with which he threatened you with many horrors, including the lack of a proper burial, you replied that in the midst of all worries, your concern for how you would lie in the end was the least, for it was not your duty to worry about it; rather, it should concern the survivors. Following this, he finally left for the ancestral household gods, and not long afterward, Death, pursuing him, overtook him there, while you were spared, thanks to your protector, in whom 'the source of life' resides. Certainly, in a matter of a few days, Death claimed thirty-four occupants in that place, and you were the only one left in the monastery. They also added the following: You fearlessly provided aid to your dying brethren, accepting their last words and embraces, washing their lifeless bodies, often carrying three or more of them on your shoulders in unwavering devotion on a single day, and burying them with your own hands, as there was no one else to dig graves or attend to the dying. In the end, when you were alone with only a single dog, you spent whole nights awake and allowed yourself only a modest portion of bright daylight for necessary rest. By that time, nocturnal thieves, who found that area highly fertile, often assaulted that place in the still of the deepest night, but through you, or rather with the assistance of Christ, they were repelled, either by peaceful or sharp words, so that they could not harm the consecrated buildings. However, when that dreadful summer came to an end, you sent a request to the servants of Christ in nearby settlements, asking them to send a guardian for your monastery. Subsequently, you moved to the Chartreuse, where you were received by the prior, who was now the sole representative of the order in that region, and by eighty-three foreign priors, with exceptional and unique honors, even though you were a non-prior. You managed to secure a prior and monks from different convents to revitalize the empty monastery following the death of your brothers.	Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari XVI-XX, pp. 2212–2214	None
1348-00-00-Naples	1348 JL	Black Death leads to the withdrawal of King Louis the Great of Hungary	Eodem millesimo et temporibus maxima pestis mortalitatis fuit in civitate Neapolim, in qua mortui sunt in duobus mensibus LXIIIIm; quapropter rex Ungarie recessit inde	In the same year, and at that time, there was a very great pestilential mortality in the city of Naples, in which 64,000 people died within two months. Because of this, the Louis I of Hungary departed from there	Anonymus 1908, p. 162	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-00-00-Paris	1348 JL	Black Death in Paris	Eodem millesimo (1348). Relata fuerunt nova in partibus Lombardie, quod die XIIIo martii sepulti fuerunt in civitate Parixius propter maximam pestem mortalitatis MCCCXXVIII homines sine aliis, de quibus non fiebat mentio; propter quod rex fugerat inde, et iverat castrum quoddam extra districtum, Parixius. Regina ipsius uxor cum unico filio et duobus nepotibus defuncti erant, et ali multi nobiles, et similiter in partibus circumstantibus, et in quadam civitate, que dicebatur Nobellexe, in qua habitabant circa MM homines armorum, non remanserat nisi CC. Alia civitas Avarexe inhabitabilis effeta erat, alie cuiusdam civitates pro maiori parte subverse et submerse erant et in partibus illis apparuerunt locuste que devoraverunt bladas, et arbores et alia mira satis.		Anonymus 1908, p. 161	Translation needed
1348-00-00-Paris2	1348 JL	List of noble victims of the Black Death across the Holy Roman Empire and France; impact on Paris and the Hundred Years War in Gascony.	Anno Domini M°CCC°XLIX° predicto in pestilencia moriebantur circa finem anni filia Karoli Romani regis et Bohemie, regina Ungarie, item soror eiusdem reigs, uxor Iohannis primogeniti Franci. Item uxor Franci de Burgundia; qui Francus filiam regis Navarnie pulcherrimam de suo genere duxit uxorem. Item primogenitus ducis Brabancie, gener predicti Iohannis. Item et domina de Couzin, filia quondam Lupoldi ducis Austrie, et Conradus de Medeburg maritus eius. Item filia regis Sicilie, uxor Stephani ducis Bavarie, relictis sibi pluribus liberis. Qui Stephanus filiam burggravii in Nurenberg duxit uxorem. Tantaque fuit in Francia et in Anglia pestilencia, quod Parisius et in pluribus locis vix nonus homo dicitur remansisse. Et cessare incepit. Anglus quoque, qui durante pestilencia quievit non inquietando Francum, iterum cessante pestilencia in Wasconia per suos Francum invadit, aliquas municiones expugnans et terram quasi usque ad Tholosam sue subiecens dicioni.	In the year of our Lord 1349, during the aforementioned pestilence, towards the end of the year, died the daughter of Charles, King of the Romans and Bohemia, the Queen of Hungary [Margaret of Luxembourg, died 7 September 1349 in Viségrad], as well as his sister [Jutta/Bonne of Luxembourg, died 11 September 1349 at Maubuisson], the wife of John, the eldest son of the King of France. Also, the wife of the French Duke of Burgundy [Jeann, died 12 December 1348]; this Frenchman married the most beautiful daughter of the King of Navarre from his lineage. Also, the eldest son of the Duke of Brabant, son-in-law of the aforementioned John. Also, the Lady of Coucy, [Catherine of Austria] daughter of Duke Leopold of Austria, and Burggrave Konrad I. of Maidburg, her husband. Also, the daughter of the King of Sicily, [Elisabeth of Sicily] wife of Stephen, Duke of Bavaria, leaving behind several children [died 21 March 1349 in Landshut] . This Stephen married the daughter of the Burggrave of Nuremberg. The plague was so severe in France and England that in Paris and in many places barely one out of nine persons is said to have remained alive. And it began to cease. Also, the English, who during the plague refrained from troubling the French, once the plague ceased, invaded Gascony through their own territory, capturing some fortifications and subjecting the land almost up to Toulouse to their rule.	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 439.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1348-00-00-Piacenza	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes the impact of the plague in various regions, particularly in Bobbio and Piacenza and their surroundings. The plague spread rapidly and the mortality was very high, also among clerics.	morbos et Interitus omnes studeant suis literis apperire. Verum quia placentinus plus de placentinis scriber[e surr hortatus, quid acciderit placencie, MCCCXLVIII. ceteris Inotescat Quidam Januenses, quos morbus egredi compelebat cupientes locis salubribus collocari, transactis Alpibus ad lombardie se planiciem contullerunt. Et quidam Mercimonia defferentes, dum in Bobio hospitati fuissent, vendictis (!) ibi mercibus, accidit ut Emptor et hospes, cum tota familia, pluresque vicini subito Infecti morbo perierunt. Quidam ibi suum volens condere Testamentum notario, et presbitero confessore, ac testibus omnibus auocatis mortuus est . et die sequenti omnes pariter tumulati fuerunt. Et tanta postmodum ibi calamitas Invalavit, ut fere omnes habitatores ibidem repentina mode conciderint. quia post defunctos paucissimi remansserunt. Hec de Bobiensibus, Ceterum in Estate, dicto millesimo, alter Januensis, se transtulit ad territorium placentinum, qui morbi cladibus vexabatur. Et cum esset Infarmato , querens fulchinum de lacruce, quem bona amicicia diligebat, Nunc suscepit hospicio. qui statim moriturus occubuit. § post quem in mediate dictus fulchinus, cum tota familia, et multis vicinis expirauit. Et sic breuiter morbus ille effusus Intrauit placentiam. Nescio ubi possum lncipere. vndique planctus et lamenta consurgunt. Videns continuatis diebus Crucis defferi vexilla, corpus domini deportari, et mortuos absque numero sepeliri. Tantaque feit mortalitas subsecuta, ut vix possent homines respirare.superstites esse sepulturas parabant, deficiente terra pro tumullis per porticus et plateas ubi nunquam extiterat sepultura, fossas facere cogebantur. Accidit quoque frequenter, vt vir cum vxore, pater cum lilio et mater cum filia. demum post modicum tota familia, et plures, conuicini, simul et Eadem fuerint sepultura locati. Idem in Castro arquato, et vigoleno, et Alijs villis, locis, vrbibus et Castellis . et nouissime (p. 53) in valletidonj , ubi sine peste vixerant , plurimi ceciderunt Quidam dictus Obertus de sasso, qui de partibus morbosis processerat, inxta Ecclesiam Fratrum minorum, dum suum vellet facere Testamentum, conuocatis notario testibus et uicinis, omnes cum reliquis, ultra numero Sexaginta, Infra tempus modicum migrauerunt. Hoc tempore Religiosus vir frater Syfredus de Bardis conuentus et ordinis predicatorum, vir utique prudens et magne sciencie, qui Sepulcrum domini visitauerat cum XXIII eiusdem ordinis et conuentus. Item Religiosus vir frater Bertolinus coxadocha placentinus, minorum ordinis, sciencia, et multis virtutibus decoratus, cum alijs XXIIIj or sui ordinis, et conuentus, ex quibus nouem una die. Item ex conuentu heremitarum Vjj. Ex conuentu Carmelitarum, frater Franciscus todischus, cum Sex sui ordinis et conuentus. § Ex Seruis Beate marie IllIor. Et ex alijs prelatis et Rectoribus Ecclesiarum ciuitatis et destrictus placensis, ultra numero LX. Ex nobilibus multi. Ex juuenibus Infiniti. Ex mulieribus presertim pregnantibus , innumerabiles , paruo tempore deffecerunt.	Diseases and Deaths strive to reveal everything through their writings. However, because the Placentine (author) was encouraged to write more about the Placentines, what happened in Piacenza in 1348 should be known to others. Certain Genoese, compelled to leave by disease and desiring to settle in healthy places, after crossing the Alps, came down to the plains of Lombardy. And certain merchants, while they were staying in Bobbio, after selling their goods there, it happened that the buyer and the host, with his whole family and many neighbors, suddenly infected by the disease, perished. One man, wishing to make his will there, died after calling a notary, a priest-confessor, and all the witnesses. The next day, they were all buried together. And afterward, such a calamity prevailed there that almost all the inhabitants suddenly perished, with very few remaining after the dead. This about the people of Bobbio. Moreover, in the summer of the said year, another Genoese moved to the territory of Piacenza, which was afflicted by the ravages of disease. And while he was ill, seeking Fulchino de la Cruce, whom he loved with good friendship, he was received into hospitality. He immediately died. Shortly after, Fulchino himself, with his entire family and many neighbors, expired. And thus the disease briefly spread into Piacenza. I do not know where to begin. Wailing and lamentations arise everywhere. Seeing the procession of crosses day after day, the body of the Lord being carried, and the dead being buried without number. Such a great mortality followed that barely could men breathe. The survivors prepared graves, and as the land for tombs was exhausted, they were compelled to dig pits under porticos and in squares where there had never been burials. It also frequently happened that a man with his wife, a father with his son, and a mother with her daughter, shortly after, the entire family, and many neighbors, were buried together in the same grave. The same happened in the fortresses of Arquato and Vigoleno, and in other villages, places, cities, and castles. Finally, in the valley of Tidone, where they had lived without plague, many fell. A certain man named Obertus de Sasso, who came from plague-stricken parts, while he was making his will near the Church of the Friars Minor, after calling a notary, witnesses, and neighbors, all with the others, over sixty in number, died within a short time. At this time, a religious man, Brother Syfredus de Bardis of the convent and order of preachers, indeed a prudent man of great knowledge, who had visited the Holy Sepulcher with twenty-three others of the same order and convent. Also, a religious man, Brother Bertolinus Coxadocha of Piacenza, of the order of Minors, adorned with knowledge and many virtues, with thirty-four others of his order and convent, nine of whom died on the same day. Also, from the convent of hermits, seven. From the convent of Carmelites, Brother Franciscus Todischus, with six of his order and convent. From the Servants of Blessed Mary, four. And from other prelates and rectors of churches of the city and district of Piacenza, over sixty in number. Many of the nobility. Countless young men. Innumerable women, especially pregnant women, died in a short time.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 52–53	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Sicily	1348 JL	Black Death in Sicily	Eo namque tempore, anno videlicet domini MCCCXLVIII, in toto regno Siciliae, et generaliter per totum mundum, pestifera mortalitas perduravit et morbus talis, quod subito apparebat glandula in inguine hominis et infra duos aut tres dies ad tardius hominem occidebat. Sicque in terra ipsa tanta invaluit ipsa mortalitas, quod quasi modicus superfuit populus in eadem; et sic generaliter contigit in singulis civitatibus et casalibus regni hujus et mundi.	For at that time, namely in the year of the Lord 1348, a pestilential mortality persisted throughout the whole Kingdom of Sicily, and generally throughout the whole world. The disease was such that a swelling suddenly appeared in a man’s groin, and within two or three days at the latest it killed him. And in that land the mortality grew so severe that only a small number of people remained alive there. And the same thing generally happened in every city and village of this kingdom and of the world	Dominico de Gravina 1903, p. 49	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-00-00-Venice	1348 JL	The Black Death in Venice, Chioggia and Pisa	Eodem millesimo et tempore maxima pestis mortalitatis fuit in Venetiis et Clugia, in quibus locis quolibet die sepelliebantur circa VIc corpora; et similiter pestis maxima fuit in civitate Pixarum.	In the same year and time, there was a great pestilence in Venice and Chioggia, where approximately 600 bodies were buried each day. Similarly, there was a great pestilence in the city of Pisa	Anonymus 1908, p. 162	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-01-00-Pisa	January 1348 JL	Severe outbreak of Black Death in Pisa.	e così si partiro quelle maledette galee e vennero a Pisa a dì ... di gienaio, e come furono a Pisa nella piazza de' pesci e a qualunque favellavan subitamente amalavano di morbo e subito cadevano morti, e così che favellava a quelli amalati o tochasse alcuna di le loro cose, così di subito amalavano e morivano, e così si sparse per tutta Pisa, per modo che vi fu tal dì che ne moriva 400, e ognuno er inpaurito che l'uno non volea aiutare l'altro, el padre abandonava el figliuolo, el figluolo abandonava el padre e la madre e' fratelli, e la moglie el marito, e così nissuno aiutava l'altro, e ogni persona si fugìa, per tal modo ne morì tanti che [p. 553] Pisa fi fu abandonare e non si trovava medici che volessero curare, e a pena e' pochi preti davano la confessione e sagramenti, e non si trovava chi li sopellisse se no' el padre portava el figluolo, el marito portava la moglie a la fossa senza preti o croce, e molti rimaneano, chè non v'era chi li portasse a la fossa. E Dio promise però, che nissuno rimanesse in sul letto, nè in casa morto, che non fusse portato a la fossa de qualcuno dicendo: "Aiutiamo costoro, chè saremo aiutati noi, e portialli a la fossa, chè saremo portati noi"; e così come per morti molti si metteano e molti ne moriva e molti canpavano e molti facevano per denaro e molti per l'amor di Dio. E quelli che fugiano di Pisa erano divietati e non poteano entrare in terra alcuna, e durò questa morìa.	And so those accursed galleys departed and came to Pisa on the day ... of January, and as they were in Pisa in the square of the fish, and to whomever they spoke they immediately fell sick with the disease and immediately fell dead, and so that they spoke to those sick or touched any of their things, so they immediately fell sick and died, and so it spread throughout Pisa, so that there were some days when 400 died, and everyone was afraid that one did not want to help the other, the father abandoned the son, the son abandoned the father and the mother and the brothers, and the wife and her husband, and so no one helped the other, and each person fled, and so many died that [p. 553] Pisa was abandoned. 553] Pisa was abandoned and no doctors could be found who wanted to cure them, and it was a pity that few priests gave confession and sacraments, and there was no one to console them unless the father carried the child, and the husband carried his wife to the grave without priests or a cross, and many remained, because there was no one to carry them to the grave. And God promised, however, that no one would remain in bed, nor in the house dead, who was not brought to the grave of someone, saying: "Let us help these people, for we will be helped, and bring them to the grave, for we will be brought"; and in the same way many were put to death and many died, and many died for money and many for the love of God. And those who went out of Pisa were banned and could not enter any land, and this death lasted.	Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939 p. 553	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-00-Pisa 001	January 1348 JL	Outbreak of a severe plague with a high mortality in Pisa caused by the Genoese galleys.	Negli anni 1348, alla entrata di gennaio, venne a Pisa due ghalee di Genovesi le quali vennono di Romania, et chome furono gunti alla piaza del pesce, qualunque persona favellò a quelli delle decte due ghalee di subito si era amalato et morto, et qualunque favella allo infermo o tochasse di quegli morti, di subito amalava et moriva. Et chosì fu sparto lo grande furore per tucta la cictà di Pisa, in tanto che ogni persona moria; e fue si grande paure che niuno voleva vedere l'uno l'altro, nè llo padre il figliuolo nè llo figliuolo lo padre, nè ll'uno fratello l'altro, nè lla moglie il marito nè il marito la moglie et ongni persona fuggiè la morte; ma pocho valeva chè chiunque dovea morire si moria, et non si trovava persona gli sotterasse. Ma cquello Singniore che fecie il cielo e lla terra e 'l mare, provvide bene a ogni chosa; chè 'l padre, vedendo morire il figliuolo abandonato da ongni persona, ché niuno lo voleva tocchare, nè chucire, nè portare, elli si accusava morto et poi faceva ello stesso lo meglio che potea: elli lo cucìa e poi lo mettea in della cascia e, con aiuto, lo portava alla fossa e elli stesso lo sotterava. E poi, quello che l'aveva portato alla fossa, l'altro dì si moriva. Ma ben ti dico che fu provveduto di dare aiuto l'uno all'altro tanto che, chon tuto che ciascuno morìa solo a tocchare i panni o danari, nondimeno non rimase in chasa niuno morto che non fusse sotterrato, fussi chi volessi, poveri o ricchi. Et decte (p. 97) il nostro sanctissimo Creatore tanta carità l'uno all'altro che si schusavano l'uno dell'altro e dicevano: 'aiutiamli a portare a fossa acciò che a nnoi sia facto lo simile quando noi saremo morti, chè noi saremo portati alla fossa!'. Et questa pistolenza durò insino al maggio: furono cinque mesi duranti nel modo ai udito di sopra; morirono de' cinque e' quattro, et sicchome fu in Pisa, chosì fu per tucto l'altro mondo et u' più e u' meno, et di questo fu qui il principio.	In the year 1348, at the beginning of January, two galleys of Genoese came to Pisa from Romania, and as soon as they were thrown into the square of the fish, any person who spoke to them about these two galleys immediately fell ill and died, and any person who spoke to the sick or touched those dead people immediately fell ill and died. And so great fury spread through the whole city of Pisa, so that every person died; and there was such great fear that no one wanted to see one another, neither the father nor the son nor the son the father, nor one brother the other, nor the wife the husband nor the husband the wife, and every person fled death; but little good came of it because whoever had to die died, and no one could be found to bury him. But that Lord, who made heaven and earth and the sea, provided well for all things: for the father, seeing his son die, abandoned by every person, because no one wanted to touch him, nor to kill him, nor to carry him, he blamed himself for his death and then did the best he could: he sewed him up and then put him in the house and, with help, carried him to the grave and buried him himself. And then, the one who had carried him to the pit, the other day died. But I can tell you that they provided help for each other, so that, since each one died only to touch their clothes or their money, there was no one left in the house who had not been buried, whether they were poor or rich. And he decreed (p. 97) our most holy Creator so much charity to one another that they mocked one another and said: 'Let us help them to take to the grave so that the same will be done to us when we are dead, for we will be taken to the grave! And this gunfight lasted until May: they lasted five months in the manner heard above; they died of the five and four, and as it was in Pisa, so it was for the whole other world and more and less, and this was the beginning here.	Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, pp. 96–97.	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-00-Pisa 002	January 1348 JL	Outbreak of a severe plague with a high mortality in Pisa caused by the Genoese galleys and almost collapse of the social order.	E nel ditto anno milltrecientoquarantotto, di po' questo mutamento, venne una novella a Pisa, come in Cicilia e a Napuli si era incomincciata una grande mortalità di gente, poi venne come s'era incomincciata in Genova. E, alla 'ntrata di gennaio, venne in Pisa due ghaleie delli gienovesi, che veniano di Romania. E come furono giunte alla piassa delli Pesci chiunque favella co lloro subitamente tornava a casa malato e in poghi dì morto, e chiunqua favellava al malato o tocchasse di quelli morti altressì tosto amalava e morto era in poghi dì. E ffu sì sparta la grande corrutione che quazi ogni persona moria. E fue sì grande la paura che ll'uno non volea vedere l'autro, lo padre non volea veder lo figluolo morire, né 'l figluolo lo padre, né ll'uno fratello l'autro, né lla donna lo marito, e ogni persona fuggia la morte <e poco li valea che chiunque dovea morire, si moria>. E non ssi trovava persona che llo volesse portare a ffossa né sotterrare. Ma quello Signore che fecie lo Cielo e la Terra providde bene ogni cosa, che llo padre vedendo morire lo suo figluolo e morto e abandonato da ogni persona, che niuno lo volea tochare né chucire né portare, elli si 'chuzava morto. E poi faciea elli stesso lo meglo ch'ello potea, elli lo chucia e ppoi con aiuto d'altri lo portava a la fossa, elli stesso lo sotterava. E poi l'autro giorno elli e chiunqua l'avea tocchato si era morto. Ma ben ti dico che ffu proveduto di dare aiuto l'uno all'autro, che 'n tutto che cciaschuno moria, chiunque tochasse lui o di suoe cose u denari u panni, non di meno non ne rimase niuno morto in nessuna casa che non ffusse sotterato (p. 146) honoratamenta seconda la qualità sua. In tanta carità diè Iddio che ll'uno uzando coll'autro achuzando se morto, e' dicieano: 'Aiutalli a portare a ffossa, acciò che siamo portati anco noi', e chi per amore e chi per denari. E la persona il più istava malata il più due o tre dì inssine in quattro, ma poghi, e la maggiore parte moriano i più brevi iddì.	And in the said year one thousand three hundred and forty-eight, after this change, news came to Pisa, as in Cicilia and Napuli a great mortality of people had begun, then came as it had begun in Genoa. And, at the beginning of January, two galleys of the Genoese, who came from Romania, came to Pisa. And as soon as they arrived at the Pisces Pass, anyone who spoke with them immediately returned home sick and dead, and anyone who spoke to the sick or touched those who were dead also quickly fell ill and was dead in a few days. And so great was the corruption that every person died. And so great was the fear that the one did not want to see the other, the father did not want to see his son die, nor the son his father, nor the brother the other, nor the woman her husband, and every person fled death <and little did it matter that whoever had to die, died>. And no one could be found who would take him to the grave or bury him. But the Lord who made Heaven and Earth provided all things well, so that the father, seeing his son dead and abandoned by every person, and that no one wanted to touch him, nor to bury him, nor to carry him, he thought himself dead. And then he himself did the best he could, he buried him, and then with the help of others he carried him to the grave. And then on the next day he and whoever had touched him had died. But I can tell you that it was arranged to give help to each other, so that in spite of the fact that everyone died, whoever touched him or his belongings, money or clothes, there was no one left dead in any house who was not buried (p. 146) honorably according to his quality. In such charity did God give that the one killed the other, and they said: 'Help them to be carried to the grave, so that we too may be carried', some for love and some for money. And the person was sick most two or three days in four, but few, and most died the shortest.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 146	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-15-Pisa	15 January 1348 JL	Description of the symptoms, the social consequences and the mortality of the plague in Pisa.	E inssomma la ditta pistolentia e morìa incomincciò sì forte in dela cità a cresciere e a sparggiere, che lla sera si coricava la persona e lla maitina si trovava morta: chie moria d'anguinaia, chi di uno inffiato che apparia al ditello, e ad alchuno aparia a la coscia uno inffiato si chiamava tinccone, e chie isputava sangue ed altri sossi mali. E, favellando favellando, moriano le gient alquanto. E la maggior parte che morto ch'era la persona sì l'ischopriano esciali sopra la carne a modo di cotórsuli larghi, neri come uno fiorino, e chiamavansi faoni, ed erano a veder morti della laide cose del mondo. de' mille l'uno a chie aparia nessuno di questi inffiati o a chi aparia di quelli faoni non ne canpava nullo, né medico non trovava chi vvi volessa andare a churarlo che subito era 'chuzato morto e ssì per paura di sé. E venne tanto a Pisa che li fondachi e lle bottehge delli spetiali. Alchuni citadini fuggiano della cità e andavano per lo contado, e ppoi ritornavano però ch'ella sparse per lo contado al simile modo, non valea niente lo fuggire. E altro non si facea a Pisa, se non di sotterar morti, e non era dì nessuno che 'n Pisa non ssi sotterrasseno tra grandi e picciuli quando dugiento e quando treciento e quando quatrociento e quando cinqueciento per dì. Ed ebbe in Pisa più case di quindici o piò in famigla che non ne rimase nullo, che tutti morìrono. E durò questa pistolentia dal mezzo gennaio sine al settenbre, che poi ch'ella fu restata si trovònno morti piò di settantta per cientonaio di tutte le persone che erano in Pisa, e chie dicie delli diece ne morì li nove. E cosiì fue per lo contado di Pisa e per tutta cristianità e per le terre de saracini, e in terre murate e non murate, benchè maggior pistolentia fusse in un luogo più che 'n uno alto.	And in short, the pistolentia and death began to grow and spread so strongly in the city, that in the evening, people went to bed and found themselves dead: some died of eel, some of an injury that appeared on the finger, and some had an injury that appeared on the thigh, which was called "tinccone", and some were spitting blood and other ills. And, speaking by speaking, they died a little. And most of those who were dead, whose persons were dead, were exhaled from their flesh in the form of large cotórsuli, as black as a florin, and they were called faoni, and they were to be seen dead from the foul things of the world. Of the thousand of them, none of those who had been inhaled or those who had been inhaled were able to find any, nor any doctor who wanted to go and heal them, so that they were immediately killed, and so for fear of themselves. And he came so much to Pisa that the fondachi and the shops of the spetiali. Some of the citizens fled the city and went to the countryside, and then returned, but since they spread out through the countryside in the same way, it was worth nothing to flee. And nothing else was done in Pisa, except to bury the dead, and there was no one in Pisa who did not bury themselves among the great and small, when two hundred and when three hundred and when four hundred and when five hundred per day. And he had in Pisa more houses of fifteen or more in the family that none remained, that all died. And this pistolentia lasted from the middle of January to the end of October, so that when it was over, more than seventy people per hundred of all the people who were in Pisa were found dead, and those who said they were ten died of the nine. And so it was for the county of Pisa and for the whole of Christendom and for the lands of the Saracens, and in walled and unwalled lands, although there was more gunfire in one place than in another.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 146.	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-25-Alsace	25 January 1348 JL	A great earthquake made big damage, especially in Carinthia and a big plague followed. Jews were burned and the flagellants walked around.	Ein schadeber ertbidem noch dem vil unglückes kam. Do men zalte 1348 jor, an sant Bawels tage [25.01.] also er bekert wart, do kam [ein] ertbidem in Elsas, der do nüt schedelich was. aber in andern landen det er grossen schaden, das in etlichen stetten die lüte nydervielent also ob in geswunden were. und dieser ertbideme kam vil tage nohenander, und sunderliche zu Kerneten, do zerviel die grosse stat Villach und me denne hundert bürge. ouch vielent in etlichen landen die berge zusamene und verfelletent stette und dörfer und was dozwüschent was, und verdarp also vil lütes, das dovon vil zu sagene were. und in dem selben jore und in dem nehesten jore donoch, do kam ouch ein grosser gemeiner sterbotte durch alle die welt. von des selben sterbotten wegen wurdent ouch die Juden gebrant und gingent die geischeler, also dovor bi andern sterbotten ist geseit.	A harmful earthquake, followed by misfortune In the year 1348, on the feast day of Saint Paul, as he was converted, a severe earthquake came to Alsace, which was not dangerous there. However, in other lands, it caused great damage, so that in some places people fell down as if they were disappeared. This earthquake came many days in a row, and particularly in Carinthia, where the large city of Villach was devastated, and more than a hundred citizens perished. Many mountains in various lands collapsed, destroying towns and villages, and what was there in between, so many people perished that it is difficult to describe. In the same year and in the following years, a great general mortality came through the whole world. Because of this mortality, Jews were also burned, and the flagellants walked around, what was said for the other plagues before.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 862.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-01-25-Constance	25 January 1348 JL	A great earthquake was followed by many evils and great mortality.	Nam in conversione beati Pauli [ian. 25] terre motus factus est hora vesperarum, qui multos terruit et multa loca subvertit, in ducatu Karinthie Villach oppidum, et multa castra seu ecclesie corruerunt, et multa mala et magna mortalitas postea subsecuta sunt, de quibus infra in locis debitis veritas patefiet, unde hic ad alia transeam.	For at the conversion of St Paul [on 25 January] an earthquake occurred at eventide, which terrified many and devastated many places, including the town of Villach in the Duchy of Carinthia, and many castles or churches collapsed, and there followed many evils and great mortality, about which the truth will come to light later in the appropriate places. However, let us move on to other things here.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 3.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-01-25-Friuli	25 January 1348 JL	Earthquake and Black Death in Friuli	Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII, die XXV januarii, circa horam vespertinam, fuit terremotus magnus, qualis non fertur in aliquibus scripturis. Eodem quoque anno jam incepta pestilentia		Juliani canonici Civitatenses chronica, p. 57	Translation needed
1348-01-25-Italy	25 January 1348 JL	Earthquakes in entire Italy, in the cities Pisa, Bologna, Padua and strongest in Venice with great damages. They are omens for diaster and pestilence in the named cities and are signs for the Judgement Day. But even more worse the earthquakes were in Friuli, Aquileia and partly in Germany. Usuer admitted their sins and in the city Villach happened many miracles.	Di grandi tremuoti che furono in Vinegia, Padova, e Bologna, e Pisa. Nel detto anno, venerdì notte dì XXV di gennaio, furono diversi e grandissimi tremuoti in Italia nella città di Pisa, e di Bologna, e di Padova, maggiori nella città di Vinegia, nella quale ruvinarono infiniti fummaiuoli, che ve ne avea assai e belli; e più campanili di chiese e altre case nelle dette città s'apersono, e tali rovinarono. E significarono alle dette terre danni e pistolenze, come leggendo inanzi si potrà trovare. Ma i pericolosi furono la detta notte in Frioli, e inn-Aquilea, e in parte dalla Magna, sì fatti e per tale (p. 563) modo e con tanto danno, che dicendolo o scrivendolo parranno incredibili; ma per dirne il vero e non errare nel nostro trattato, sì cci metteremo la copia della lettera che di là ne mandaro certi nostri Fiorentini mercatanti e degni di fede, il tinore delle quali diremo qui apresso, scritte e date inn-Udine del mese di febraio MCCCXLVII. (p. 564) […] Per li quali miracoli e paura i prestatori a usura della detta terra, convertiti a penitenzia, feciono bandire che ogni persona ch'avessono loro dato merito e usura andasse a lloro per essa; e più d'otto dì continuarono di renderla […] (p. 565) Nella detta città di Villaco molte maraviglie v'apariro, che lla grande piazza di quella si fesse a modo di croce, della quale fessura prima uscì sangue e poi acqua in grande quantità. […] (p. 566) E nota, lettore, che lle sopradette rovine e pericoli di tremuoti sono grandi segni e giudici di Dio, e non sanza gran cagione e premessione divina, e di quelli miracoli e segni che Gesù Cristo vangelizzando predisse a' suoi discepoli che dovieno apparire alla fine del secolo.	Template:TN	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 562-566.	None
1348-01-25-Venice	25 January 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Venice in 1347; after the Earthquake at 25. January 1348 even stronger and lasted until August	Qua quidem epidimia Venecijs incoacta 1347; die 25 januarii, hora vespertina, die conversionis sancti Pauli fuit Venetijs maximus et terribilis terremotus, et ex tunc ipsa pestis amplius invaluit, perseverans usque 1348, per totum mensem augusti; ob quam tercia pars Venetorum, vel circa, (dicitur decessisse).	During this epidemic in Venice, which began in 1348, on January 25th, at the hour of vespers, on the feast day of the Conversion of Saint Paul, there was a great and terrible earthquake in Venice. From that point on, the plague grew stronger, persisting until 1348, throughout the entire month of August. Due to this, it is said that about one-third of the Venetians, or thereabouts, died	Template:Raphaynus de Caresinis 1922, p. 5	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-02-00-Lucca	February 1348 JL	The Black Death comes to Lucca via Pisa	Avendo Iddio, per i nostri peccati, mandato il segno della carestia, come è stato raccontato, e nonostante questo non essendosi gli uomini pentiti né avendo perdonato le offese, ma organizzatisi addirittura per mali ancora maggiori, la somma potenza di Dio decise di mandare una epidemia per punire quelli senza timore di Lui e pertinaci nel fare del male, nonostante che per essa dovessero perire molti innocenti. Essendo giunte a Pisa dala Romania due galee di Genovesi, con a bordo uomini ammalati di peste, giunti che furono nella Piazza dei Pesci, tutti quelle che parlarono con quei marinai, in breve si ammalarono e [p. 111] morirono; e ciò avvenne del gennaio del 1348. E così l'epidemia iniziò grandemente in Pisa e poi si sparse per tutta la Toscana e sopratutto in Lucca. E in quel tempo, il 18 di febbraio dell'anno suddetto, nacqui io, Giovanni Sercambi, nella contrada di San Cristoforo, nelle case di messer Santo Falabrina; nella quale epidemia morirono più di 80 persone su cento. E l'aria era così impestata, che in qualunque luogo uno andasse la morte lo raggiungeva; e vedendo che tutti morivano, poco si aveva paura della morte. E da molti si credette che fosse la fine del mondo. E quell' epidemia durò in Toscana per più di un anno. E tutti quelli che sopravissero divennero ricchi, perchè il tesoro di molti rimase in proprietà di uno solo. E nonostante tutti questi segni i Pisani non abbondarono Lucca, ma per lungo tempo, con maggiore asprezza, la signoreggiarono.	Since God, due to our sins, had sent the sign of famine, as has been recounted, and despite this, men did not repent nor did they forgive offenses, but rather organized themselves for even greater evils, the supreme power of God decided to send an epidemic to punish those without fear of Him and persistent in doing harm, even though many innocents had to perish because of it. Two galleys from Genoa, carrying men sick with the plague, arrived in Pisa from the Black Sea and Aegean. When they reached the Piazza dei Pesci, all those who spoke with the sailors shortly fell ill and died; and this happened in January of 1348. Thus the epidemic began greatly in Pisa and then spread throughout Tuscany and especially in Lucca. And at that time, on February 18th of the aforementioned year, I, Giovanni Sercambi, was born in the district of San Cristoforo, in the houses of Messer Santo Falabrina; during this epidemic, more than 80 out of every 100 people died. The air was so contaminated that wherever one went, death would reach them; and seeing that everyone was dying, there was little fear of death. Many believed it was the end of the world. This epidemic lasted in Tuscany for more than a year. All those who survived became wealthy because the treasures of many remained in the possession of a single person. Despite all these signs, the Pisans did not abandon Lucca, but for a long time, ruled it with even greater harshness..	Giovanni Sercambi 2015), pp. 110-111.	Translation by DeepL
1348-03-00-Bologna	March 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Bologna.	Del mexe de marzo comenzò una morìa in Bologna e per tuto lo mondo, che fo in 1348, e mai non era stada una maore; e moriane d'uno male de pestilenzia, o sotto la laxina o in [p. 576] l'anguinaglie, e a questo non se trovava reparo nesuno so no la grazia de Dio, e si moriano in dui dì o tri al più.	In the month of March, a death began in Bologna and all over the world, which took place in 1348, and never before had there been a death; and they died of a plague, either under laxine or in [p. 576] anguinaglia, and no one could find reparation for this except the grace of God, and they died in two or three days at most.	Cronaca Bolognetti 1938, pp. 575-576	Translation by DeepL
1348-03-00-Firenze	March 1348 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Florence: a most detailed description of all its impacts and consequences	Negli anni del Signore MCCXLVIII fu nella città di Firenze e nel contado grandissima pistilenzia, e fu di tale furore e di tanta tempesta, che nella casa dove s'appigliava chiunque servìa niuno malato, tutti quelli che lo' serviano, moriano di quel medesimo male, e quasi niuno passava lo quarto giorno, e non valeva nè medico, nè medicina, o che non fossero ancora conosciute quelle malattie, o che li medici non avessero sopra quelle mai studiato, non parea che rimedio vi fosse. Fu di tanta paura che niuno non sapea che si fare; quando s'appigliava in alcuna casa, spesso avvenia che non vi rimanea persona che non morisse. E non bastava solo gli uomini e le femmine, ma ancora gli animali sensitivi, cani e gatte, polli, buoi, asini e pecore moriano di quella malattia e con quel segno, e quasi niuno, a cui venà lo segno, o pochi, veniano a guarigione. Lo segno era questo, che, o tra la coscia e'l corpo al modo (nodo?) d'anguinaia, o sotto lo ditello apparia un grossetto, e la febbre a un tratto, e quando sputava, sputava sangue mescolato colla saliva, e quegli che sputava sangue niuno campava. Fu questa cosa di tanto spavento, che veggendo appiccarla in una casa, ove cominciava, come detto è, non vi rimanea niuno; le genti spaventate abbondanavano la casa, e fuggivano in un' altra; e chi nella città, e chi si fuggia in villa. Medici non si trovavano, perocchè moriano come gli altri; quelli che si trovavano, voleano smisurato prezzo in mano innanzi che intrassero nella casa, ed entratovi, tocavono il polso col viso volo adrieto, e' da lungi volevono vedere l'urina con cose odorifere al naso. Lo figluolo abbandonava il padre, lo marito la moglie, la moglie il marito, l'uno fratello l'altro, l'una sirocchia l'altra. Tutta la città non avea a fare altro che a portare morti a sepellire; mollti ne morirono, che non ebbono all lor fine nè confessione ed altri sacramenti; e moltissimi morirono che non fu chi li vedesse, e molti ne morirono di fame, imperocchè come uno si ponea in sul letto malato, quelli di casa sbigottiti gli diceano: “Io vo per lo medico” e serravano pianamente l'uscio da via, e non vi tornavano più. Costui abbandonato dalle persone e poi da cibo, ed accompagnato dalla febbre si venia meno. Molti erano, che sollicitavano li loro che non li abbandonassero, quando venia alla sera; e' diceano all'ammalato: “Acciocchè la notte tu non abbi per ogni cosa a destare chi ti serve, e dura fatica lo dì e la notte, totti tu stesso de' confetti e del vino o acqua, eccola qui in sullo soglio della lettiera (p. 231) sopra 'l capo tuo, e po' torre della roba”. E quando s'addormentava l'ammalato, se n'andava via, e non tornava. Se per sua ventura si trovava la notte confortato di questo cibo la mattina vivo e forte da farsi a finestra, stava mezz'ora innanzichè persona vi valicasse, se non era la via molto maestra, e quando pure alcun passava, ed egli avesse un poco di voce che gli fosse udito, chiamando, quando gli era risposto, non era soccorso. Imperocchè niuno, o pochi voleano intrare in casa, dove alcuno fosse malato, ma ancora non voelano ricettare di quelli, che sani uscissero della casa del malato, e diceano: "Egli è affatappiato, non gli parlate" dicendo: "E' l'ha perocchè in casa sua è il Gavocciolo; e chiamavano quelle inflato gavocciolo. Moltissimi morieno senza esser veduti, che stavano in sullo letto tanto che puzzavano. E la vicinanza, se v'era, sentito lo puzzo, mettevono per borsa, e lo mandavano a seppellire. Le case rimaneano aperte, e non er ardito persona di tocare nulla, che parea che le cose rimanessero avvelenate, che chi le usava gli s'appicava il male.Fecesi a ogni chiesa, o alle più, fosse infon all'acqua, larghe e cupe, secondo lo popolo era grande; e quivi chi non era molto ricco, la notte morto, quegli, a cui toccava, se lo metteva sopra la spalla, o gittavalo in questa fossa, o pagava gran prezzo a chi lo facesse. La mattina se ne trovavano assai nella fossa, toglievasi della terra, e gettavasi laggiuso loro addosso; e poi veniano gli altri sopr'essi, e poi la terra addosso a suolo, a suolo, con poca terra, come si ministrasse lasagne a fornire formaggio. Li' beccamorti, che facevano gli servigi, erono prezzolati di sì gran prezzo, che molti n'arrichirono, e molti ne morirono, chi ricco e chi con poco guadagno, ma gran prezzo avieno. Le serviziali, o o serviziali, che servieno li malati volieno da uno in tre fiorini per dì e le spese di cose fiorite. Le cose che mangiavano i malati, confetti e zucchero, smisuratamente valevano. Fu vendeuta di tre in otto fiorini la libbra di zucchero e al simile gli altri confetti. Li pollastri ed alti pollami a meraviglia carissimi, e l'uovo di prezzo di denari 12 in 24 l'uno; e beato chi ne trovava tre il dì con cercare tutta la città. La cera era miracolo; la libbra sarebba montata più di un fiorino, senonchè vi si puose freno alle grande burbanze, che sempre feciono gli Fiorentini, perocchè si diede ordine non si potesse portare più due doppieri. Le chiese non avieno più che una bara, com' è d'uso, non bastava. Li speziali e bechamorti avien prese bare, coltri e guanciali con grandissimo prezzo. Lo vestire di stamigna che si usava nei morti, che soleva costare una donna, gonella guarnacca e mantello e veli, fiorini tre, montò in pregio di fiorini trenta, e sarebbe ito in fiorini cento, se non che si levò di vestire della stamigna, e chi era ricco vestiva di panno, e chi non ricco in lenzoletto lo cucìa. Costava le panche, che si pongono i morti, uno sfolgoro, e ancora non bastava tutte le panche ch'erano il centesimo. Lo sonare delle campane non si potevano li preti contentare; di che si fece ordine tra per lo sbigottimento del sonare delle campane e per lo vender le panche e raffrenare le spese, che a niuno corpo si sonasse, nè si ponesse panche, nè si bandisse, perocchè l'udivano gli ammalati, sbigottivano li sani, nonchè i malati. Li preti e i frati andavano ai ricchi e in tanta moltitudine, ed erano sì pagati di tanto prezzo che tutti arrichieno. E però si fece ordine che non si potesse avere più che d'una regola e la chiesa del popolo, e per la regola sei frati e non più. Tutte le frutta nocive vietarono a entrare nella città, come susine acerbe, mandorle in erba, fave fresche, fichi ed ogni frutta [p. 232] non utile e non sana. Molte processioni ed orlique e la tavola di S. Maria Impruneta vennero andando per la città, gridando: "Misericordià", e facendo orazioni, e poi in sulla ringhiera dei Priori fermate. Vi si rendereno paci di gran questioni e di ferite e di morte d'uomini. Fu questa cosa di tanto sbigottimento e di tanta paura' che le genti si ragunavano in brigata a mangiare per pigliare qualche conforto; e dava l'uno la sera cena a dieci compagni, e l'altra sera davono ordine di mangiare con uno di quelli, e quando credevono cenare con quello, ed egli era senza cena, che quegli era malato, o quando era fatta la cena per dieci, vi se ne trovava meno due o tre. Chi si fuggìa in villa, chi nelle castella per mutare aria; ove non eralo portavono, se v'era lo crescevano. Niuna Arte si lavorava in Firenze: tutte le botteghe serrate, tutte le taverne chiuse, salvo speziali e chiese. Per la Terra andavi, che non trovavi persona; e molti buoni e ricchi uomini erano portati dalla casa a chiesa nella bara con quattro beccamortì et uno chiericuzzo che portava la croce, e poi volieno uno fiorino uno. Di questa mortalità arricchirono speziali, medici, pollaiuoli, beccamorti, trecche di malva, ortiche, marcorelle et altre erbe da impiastri per macerare malori. E fu più quelle che feciono queste trecche d'erbe, fu gran denaro. Lanaiuoli, e ritagliatori che si trovarono panni li vendeano ciò che chiedeono. Ristata la mortalità chi si trovò panni fatti d'ogni ragione n'aricchiì, o chi si trovò da poterne fare; ma molti se ne trovarono intignati' e guasti e perduti a' telai; e stame e lana in quantità perdute per la città e contado. Questa pistolenza cominciò di marzo, come detto è, e finì di settembre 1348. E le genti cominciavono a tornare e rivedersi le case e le masserizie. E fu tante le case pien di tutti li beni, che non avevono signore, ch'era un stupore, poi si cominciarono a vedere gli eredi dei beni. E tale che non aveva nulla si trovò ricco, che non pareva che fusse suo, ed a lui medesimo pareva gli si disdicesse. E cominciornon a sfogiare nei vestimenti e ne' cavagli e le donne e gli uomini	In the year of our lord 1348 there occurred in the city and contado of Florence a great pestilence, and such was its fury and violence that in whatever household it took hold, whosoever took care of the sick, all the carers died of the same illness, and almost nobody survived beyond the fourth day, neither doctors nor medicine proving of any avail, and there appeared to be no remedy, either because those illnesses were not yet recognised, or because doctors had never previously had cause to study them properly. Such was the fear that nobody knew what to do: when it caught hold in a household, it often happened that not a single person escaped death. And it wasn't just men and women: even sentient animals such as dogs and cats, hens, oxen, donkeys and sheep, died from that same disease and with those symptoms, and almost none who displayed those symptoms, or very few indeed, effected a recovery. Those symptoms were as follows: either between the thigh and the body, in the groin region, or under the armpit, there appeared a lump, and a sudden fever, and when the victim spat, he spat blood mixed with saliva, and none of those who spat blood survived. Such was the terror this caused that seeing it take hold in a household, as soon as it started, nobody remained: everybody abandoned the dwelling in fear, and fled to another; some fled into the city and others into the countryside. No doctors were to be found, because they were dying like everybody else; those who could be found wanted exorbitant fees cash-in-hand before entering the house, and having entered, they took the patient's pulse with their heads turned away, and assayed the urine samples from afar, with aromatic herbs held to their noses. Sons abandoned fathers, husbands wives, wives husbands, one brother the other, one sister the other. The city was reduced to bearing the dead to burial; many died who at their passing had neither confession nor last sacraments, and many died unseen, and many died of hunger, for when somebody took ill to his bed, the other occupants in panic told him: 'I'm going for the doctor'; and quietly locked the door from the outside and didn't come back. The victim, abandoned by both people and nourishment, yet kept constant company by fever, wasted away. Many were those who begged their families not to abandon them; when evening came, the relatives said to the patient: 'So that you don't have to wake up the people looking after you at night, asking for things, because this is going on day and night, you yourself can reach for cakes and wine or water, here they are on the shelf above your bed, you can get the stuff when you want'. And when the patient fell asleep, they went away and did not return. If, through good fortune the victim had been strengthened by that food, the next morning alive and still strong enough to get to the window, he would have to wait half an hour before anybody came past, if this was not a busy thoroughfare, and even when the odd person passed by, and the patient had enough voice to be heard a little, if he shouted, sometimes he would be answered and sometimes not, and even if he were to be answered, there was no help to be had. For not only none or very few wished to enter a house where there were any sick people, but they didn't even want to have contact with those who issued healthy from a sick person's house, saying: 'He's jinxed, don't speak to him', saying: 'He's got it because there's the "gavocciolo" [bubo] in his house'; and 'gavocciolo' was the name they gave to these swellings. Many died without being seen, remaining on their beds till they stank. And the neighbours, if any were left, having smelled the stench, did a whip round and sent him for burial. Houses remained open, nobody dared to touch anything, for it seemed that things remained poisoned, and whoever had anything to do with them caught the disease. At every church, or at most of them, pits were dug, down to the water-table, as wide and deep as the parish was populous; and therein, whosoever was not very rich, having died during the night, would be shouldered by those whose duty it was, and would either be thrown into this pit, or they would pay big money for somebody else to do it for them. The next morning there would be very many in the pit. Earth would be taken and thrown down on them; and then others would come on top of them, and then earth on top again, in layers, with very little earth, like garnishing lasagne with cheese. The gravediggers who carried out these functions were so handsomely paid that many became rich and many died, some already rich and others having earned little, despite the high fees. The female and male sick-bay attendants demanded from one to three florins a day, plus sumptuous expenses. The foodstuffs suitable for the sick, cakes and sugar, reached outrageous prices. A pound of sugar was sold at between three and eight florins, and the same went for other confectionery. Chickens and other poultry were unbelievably expensive, and eggs were between 12 and 24 denari each: you were lucky to find three in a day, even searching through the whole city. Wax was unbelievable: a pound of wax rose to more than a florin, nevertheless an age-old arrogance of the Florentines was curbed, in that an order was given not to parade more than two large candles. The churches only had one bier apiece, as was the custom, and this was insufficient. Pharmacists and grave-diggers had obtained biers, hangings and laying-out pillows at great price. The shroud-cloth apparel which used to cost, for a woman, in terms of petticoat, outer garment, cloak and veils, three florins, rose in price to thirty florins, and would have risen to one hundred florins, except that they stopped using shroud-cloth, and whoever was rich was dressed with plain cloth, and those who weren't rich were sewn up in a sheet. The benches placed for the dead cost a ludicrous amount, and there weren't enough of them even if there had been a hundred times more. The priests couldn't get enough of ringing the bells: so an order was passed, what with the panic caused by the bells ringing and the sale of benches and the curbing of spending, that nobody should be allowed the death-knell, nor should benches be placed, nor should there be a public announcement by the crier, because the sick could hear them, and the healthy took fright as well as the sick. The priests and friars thronged to the rich, and were paid such great sums that they all enriched themselves. And so an ordinance was passed that only one rule (of religious houses) and the local church could be had, and from that rule a maximum of six friars. All harmful fruit, such as unripe plums, unripe almonds, fresh beans, figs and all other inessential unhealthy fruit, was forbidden from entering the city. Many processions and relics and the painting of Santa Maria Impruneta were paraded around the city, to cries of 'Mercy', and with prayers, coming to a halt at the rostrum of the Priori. There peace was made settling great disputes and questions of woundings and killings. Such was the panic this plague provoked that people met for meals as a brigata to cheer themselves up; one person would offer a dinner to ten friends, and the next evening it would be the turn of one of the others to offer the dinner, and sometimes they thought they were going to dine with him, and he had no dinner ready, because he was ill, and sometimes the dinner had been prepared for ten and two or three less turned up. Some fled to the country, and some to provincial towns, to get a change of air; where there was no plague they brought it, and where it already existed they added to it. No industry was busy in Florence; all the workshops were locked up, all the inns were closed, only chemists and churches were open. Wherever you went, you could find almost nobody; many rich good men were borne from their house to church in their coffin with just four undertakers and a lowly cleric carrying the cross, and even then they demanded a florin apiece. Those who especially profited from the plague were the chemists, the doctors, the poulterers, the undertakers, and the women who sold mallow, nettles, mercury plant and other poultice herbs for drawing abscesses. And those who made the most were these herb sellers. Woollen merchants and retailers when they came across cloth could sell it for whatever price they asked. Once the plague had finished, anybody who could get hold of whatsoever kind of cloth, or found the raw materials to make it, became rich; but many ended up moth-eaten, spoilt and useless for the looms, and thread and raw wool lost in the city and the contado. This plague began in March as has been said, and finished in September 1348. And people began to return to their homes and belongings. And such was the number of houses full of goods that had no owner, that it was amazing. Then the heirs to this wealth began to turn up. And someone who had previously had nothing suddenly found himself rich, and couldn't believe it was all his, and even felt himself it wasn't quite right. And both men and women began to show off with clothes and horses.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, pp. 230-232	None
1348-03-00-Firenze2	March 1348 JL	96.000 casualties in Florence because of the Black Death	La quantità di morti che morirono per la mortalità degli anni di Cristo 1348. Ora fatto ordine in Firenze per lo vescovo e per gli Signori che si vedesse solennemente quanti ne moriva nella città di Firenze, ultimamente veduto in calendi ottobre che di quella pistilenzia non morìa più persone, si trovarono tra maschi e femine, piccoli e grandi, dal marzo infine all'ottobre v'era morti novantaseimila.	The quantity of people who died during the plague outbreak of the year of our lord 1348. The bishop and the signoria in Florence having ordered a careful count of how many were dying of plague in the city of Florence, and seeing finally at the beginning of October that nobody was dying of that pestilence any more, it was discovered that putting together men and women, children and adults, from March to October, ninety-six thousand had died.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 232	None
1348-03-03-Constance	3 March 1348 JL	Jews were burned in Constance and Swabia, because they were accused of poisoning the people. This accusations was according to the author wrong. In addition the flagellants appeared.	Item anno domini 1348 an dem dritten tag im Mertzen wurdent die Juden verbrent ze Costentz, und wurdent och gar an mengen stetten in Schwaben verbrent. Und beschach das darumb, daß der erst groß tod angefangen hatt und zich man die Juden, sy trügent gift umb und dorumb stürbent die lüt. Es befand sich aber darnach, das den Juden unrecht beschach, dan der selb sterbet darnach vil lang weret, nachdem und sy verbrent wurden und och verschickt und verbotten. Und in dem gemelten jar giengen die lüt, die sich selbst geiselten.	In the year of Our Lord 1348, on the third day of March, the Jews were burned in Constance, and they were also burned in many towns in Swabia. This happened because the first great plague had begun, and people accused the Jews of carrying poison, which they believed was causing people to die. However, it was later found that the Jews were wronged, as the plague continued for a long time after they were burned, exiled, and banned. And in the same year, the people who flogged themselves also appeared.	Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 55	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-04-00-Crimea	April 1348 JL	News about the Black Death (wabāʾ) in other countries kept reaching Damascus in early 749 H (the year starts in April 1348): Terrible things were told about Crimea where a great number of people had reportedly died. Afterwards the plague, it was told, was transmitted to the lands of the Franks. The majority of the inhabitants of Cyprus were said to have died from the plague.		Reports came in succession of the outbreak of the plague in the border regions of the lands. It was mentioned concerning the land of al-Qirm (the Crimea) that there was a dreadful event and great mortality among its people. Then it was reported that it spread to the lands of the Franks, to the point that it was said that most of the people of Cyprus died, or nearly so. Likewise, a great calamity occurred in Gaza at the beginning of …	Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.	ChatGPT 5.2
1348-04-00-Egypt	April 1348 JL	The Black Death in Egypt and other countries in 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349): People were taken by surprise by the epidemic (wabāʾ) whose death toll was high. The odors of death met them. People died quickly of the disease after buboes had appeared at their earlobes (marrāq).	...		al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 4 (1970), pp. 126-127; 143.	Translation needed
1348-04-00-Middle East	April 1348 JL	From April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented plague hit the Middle East, and lasted about a year, and one third of Greater Syria’s and Egypt’s population died.		The Black Death in the Middle East: In the year 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented wave of plague hit the Middle East. It was the sixth plague which affected the Middle East in the Islamic period. It was called the Kinship Plague (Ṭāʿūn al-Ansāb) since the decease of a person was often followed by the death of some of his or her relatives. People developed pustules, spat yellow blood and died within 50 hours. When people started spitting blood they would bid farewell to their friends, close their shops, their burial would be prepared, and they would die in their homes. The daily death toll reached a maximum of ca. 500 in Aleppo, more than 1,000 in Damascus, and ca. 20,000 in Egypt. Mostly women, youths, poor people, and riffraff died. The plague wave lasted about a year, and ca. one third of Greater Syria’s (Shām) and Egypt’s population died.	Ibn Ḥabīb - Tadhkirat al-nabīh 1976-1986, vol. 3 (1986), pp. 110-112	Translation by Undine Ott
1348-04-10-Gaza	10 April 1348 JL	The Black Death in Gaza: Some ten thousand people died of plague in the course of one month in Gaza in the beginning of 749 H (April-May 1348) according to a report (muṭālaʿa) the gouvernor (nāʾib) of Gaza had sent to Damascus.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.	Translation needed
1348-05-00-Bologna	May 1348 JL	Black Death in Bologna ravages for 5 months and kills allegedly 60% of population. City is partially abandoned afterwards and heritages remain unclaimed	Anno Domini 1348. Pestilentia magna Bononia quamplures consumpssit, a mense madii usque ad mensem septembris: de quinque tres mortui sunt. Erat miserabilis status civitatis, nam multe domus facte sunt habitatoribus vacue; hereditates quamplures sine heredibus remanserunt.		Sorbelli 1912, p. 43	Translation needed
1348-05-00-Bologna 01	May 1348 JL	Beginn of the Black Death in Bologna.	In lo dicto millesimo fu una gran mortalità in Bollogna. Comenzò del mexe de mazo e durò de fino a sa Michele ch'è de setenbre, e fo sì fera che astimado fo che di cinque era morti gli tri e più; e fo maore anchore che dire no se porave.	In lo dicto millesimo fu una gran mortalità in Bologna. It began in the month of March and lasted until Michaelmas, which is in September, and it was so bad that the three or more of the five died, and it was so bad that it was impossible to say.	Cronaca Villola (-1350), p. 587	Translation by DeepL
1348-05-00-Levantine coast	May 1348 JL	The Black Death at the Levantine coast (sawāḥil): The inhabitants of Damascus, after having heard about plague (wabāʾ) in the Levantine coastal plain and other regions, feared it might reach their city, too, and many people might die of the disease (dāʾ). For this reason, al-Bukhārī's (d. 870) hadith collection was recited in Damascus after Friday prayer on June 6, 1348. The judges and a group of people were present. Prayers of supplication were spoken, asking God to bring the pandemic to an end. On June 9, surah "Nūḥ" from the Quran was recited 3,363 times.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.	Translation needed
1348-05-00-Siena	May 1348 JL	The Black Death ravages in Siena.	La mortalità cominciò in Siena di magio, la quale fu oribile e crudel cosa, e non so da qual lato cominciare la crudeltà che era e modi dispiatati, che quasi a ognuno pareva che di dolore a vedere si diventavano stupefatti; e non è possibile a lingua umana a contare la oribile cosa, che ben si può dire beato a chi tanta oribiltà non vidde. E morivano quasi di subito, e infiavano sotto il ditello e l'anguinaia e favellando cadevano morti. El padre abandonava el figluolo, la moglie el marito, e l'uno fratello l'altro: e gnuno fugiva e abandonava l'uno, inperochè questo morbo s'attachava coll'alito e co' la vista pareva, e così morivano, e non si trovava chi soppellisse nè per denaro nè per amicitia, e quelli de la casa propria li portava meglio che potea a la fossa senza prete, nè uffitio alcuno, nè si sonava canpana; e in molti luoghi in Siena si fe' grandi fosse e cupe per la moltitudine de' morti, e morivano a centinaia il dì e la notte, e ognuno [si] gittava in quelle fosse e cuprivano a suolo a suolo, e così tanto che s'enpivano le dette fosse, e poi facevano più fosse.	The mortality began in Siena in the month of May, and it was a horrible and cruel thing. I do not know from which side to begin describing the cruelty and the pitiful ways of it, for it seemed that almost everyone became stunned with grief at the sight of it. It is not possible for human speech to recount such a terrible thing, and indeed one may say that blessed is the person who did not witness such horror. People died almost immediately. They swelled beneath the armpit and in the groin, and while speaking they would suddenly fall dead. The father abandoned the son, the wife the husband, and one brother the other; everyone fled and abandoned one another, because it seemed that this disease spread through the breath and even through sight. Thus people died, and no one could be found to bury them, neither for money nor for friendship. Those of the same household carried them as best they could to the grave, without priest, without any funeral service, and no bell was rung. In many places in Siena great pits and trenches were made because of the multitude of the dead. People died by the hundreds day and night, and each was thrown into those pits and covered layer upon layer, until the pits were filled; then still more pits were made.	Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939, p. 555.	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-05-01-Orvieto	1 May 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Orvieto with a high number of deaths und many vacant houses.	Nelle calende di Maggio de l'anno mille et trecento quaranta otto, sì cominciò in Orvieto una grande mortalità di gente, et veniva ogni dì cresciendo più, et crebbe fino al mese di [p. 26] giugno et luglio: chè si trovó tal dì, che morirono cinquecento cristiani, tra grandi et piccoli, et maschi et femine. Et era sí grande la mortalità et lo sbigottimento delle genti, che morivano di subito; et la matina erano sani et l'altra matina morti. Et le bottege delli artefici tutte stavano chiuse. Et durò questa mortalità finamente a calenne di septembre; onde molte famiglie e chasate rimasero sderate; et contasi, che delle dieci parti ne morissero le nove parti; et quelle che rimasero, rimasero inferme e sbigottite, et con gran terrore dispartirsene delle case che rimasero delle genti loro morte.	On the first of May in the year one thousand three hundred and forty-eight, a great mortality of people began in Orvieto, and it was increasing every day, and grew until the month of June and July: for on such a day, five hundred Christians died, young and old, male and female. And the mortality and bewilderment of the people was so great that they died immediately; and one morning they were healthy and the next morning they were dead. And the workshops of the artisans were all closed. And this mortality lasted until the September heat of the year; so that many families and houses were destroyed; and it was counted that nine of the ten families died; and those that remained were sick and disconcerted, and with great terror they dispersed from the houses that remained of the people who had died.	Anonymus 1922-24, pp. 25–26.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-05-11-Savona	11 May 1348 JL	Severe plague in Savona and Francesco Petrarca laments the death of his friend Francesco Albizzi, who presumably died there because of the plague in April 1348	Saona nocens atque impia [...] Pro quo quid aliud optem tibi? [..] (p. 982) Quicquid vel mortium vel morborum per omnes terras ac maria pestifer hic annus effudit, in te solam confluat; queque aliis annua, tibi pestis eterna sit.	O harmful and impious Savona […] what else should I wish for you? […] Whatever deaths or diseases this pestilential year has poured out across all lands and seas, may it all flow upon you alone; and whatever plague is yearly for others, may it be an eternal plague for you	Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, pp. 980–982	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-05-31-Gaza	31 May 1348 JL	In the beginning of Rabīʿ I, 749 H (the month began on May 31, 1348) news about the Black Death in Gaza reached Aleppo while the author stayed there. The daily death toll had reportedly amounted to more than 1,000. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa then traveled on to Ḥoms which had already been affected by the plague; ca. 300 people died on the day of his arrival. He went on to Damascus whose inhabitants had fasted for three days [July 22 to 24] and on Friday set out for the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām). God subsequently reduced the burden of plague lasting on them. The daily death toll in the city had amounted to 2,400. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa traveled on to ʿAjlūn, and then to Jerusalem where the plague wave had already come to an end.		In the first days of the month of Rabīʿ I in the year forty-nine news reached us in Aleppo that plague had broken out in Ghazza and that the number of dead there exceeded thousand a day. I went to Ḥims and found that the plague had already struck there; about three hundred persons died on the day of my arrival. I went to Damascus and arrived on a Thursday; the people had been fasting for three days. On Friday they went to the Mosque of the Footprints, as we have related in the first book. God alleviated their plague. The number of deaths among them had risen to two thousand four hundred a day. Then I went to ʿAjlūn, and then to Bait al-Muqaddas [Jerusalem], where I found the plague had ceased.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), pp. 319-320.	None
1348-06-00-Damascus	31 May 1348 JL	Black Death in Damascus from May 31 to June 28, 1348) with every day more than 100 people died; especially women.		The Black Death in Damascus: In the month of Rabīʿ I 749 H (May 31 to June 28, 1348), every day more than 100 people died of plague (amrāḍ al-ṭawāʿīn) in Damascus; especially women died.	Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.	Translation by Undine Ott
1348-06-00-Padua	June 1348 JL	Spread of the Black Death in Tuscany and Padua, which lasted 6 months	Tempore huius pestis dominus Guerra comes Sancti Bonifacii, potestas in Senis, obiit quasi cum tota sua familia, ub etiam, Florentie et Pisis et per totam Tusciam fuit mortalitas abhorrenda. Hec pestis durabat sex mensibus communiter a sui principio in qualibet regione. Nobilis vir Andreas Moresinus, potestas Padue, in tertio suo regimine expiravit, mense Junii. Huic in regimine filius substitutus statim obiit. Audi tamen mirabile, quod tempore hujus cladis non obiit rex, princeps, nec dominus civitatis.	During this plague (1348), Lord Guerra, Count of San Bonifacio, the Podestà in Siena, died along with almost his entire household. Also, in Florence, Pisa, and throughout all of Tuscany, there was a dreadful mortality. This plague generally lasted six months from its onset in each region. The noble man Andrea Moresini, the Podestà of Padua, died in his third term of office in the month of June. His son, who succeeded him in office, immediately died. However, hear something remarkable: during this calamity, no king, prince, or lord of a city died.	Guillelmus de Cortusiis, p. 121	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-15-Rimini	15 May 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Rimini.	Ditto anno, e die XV de magio. Cominzoe in Arimino una grandissima mortalità, e poi per lo contado, e durò infina adì primo de decembre. E morì de tre persone le doe. E prima morì la poveraglia e poi gli altri grandi, fora ca tiranni e grandi signuri non morì nissuno. E questa mortalitade fo generale in ogne paese.	In the same year, on the 15th day of May, a very great mortality began in Rimini, and afterward spread through the surrounding countryside. It lasted until the 1st day of December. Of every three people, two died. At first the poor died, and afterward the other important people; except that among the tyrants and great lords none died. And this mortality was general in every land.	Template:Anonymus 1912, p. 17	Translation by DeepL
1348-06-17-Pistoia	17 June 1348 JL	Effects of the Black Death on governmental acitivies in Pistoia, Tuscany.	In Dei nomine amen. Anno nativitatis dominice MCCCXLVIII° Indictione prima die xvii° iunij Item, cum difficile sit immo quasi impossibile, ex infirmitate et mortalitate hominum existente, posse opportuna collegia communis Pistorij in sufficienti numero congregare [...] videtur et placet dicto Consilio providere, ordinare et reformare quod toto tempore presentium officiorum predictorum, quod esse debet hinc ad diem viii] mensis augusti proximi futuri, sufficiat congregari de numero dictorum vigintiquatuor (deputatorum super provisione expensarum communis Pistorij) duodecim ad minus et de numero dictorum duodec (deputatorum super custodia et munitione castrorum) sex ad minus, ad deliberandum et providendum que dicta officia habent deliberare et providere. Et sic possint dicto numero predicto tempore providere et deliberare, sicut congregata essent in solito et opportuno numero.	In the name of God, amen. In the year of our Lord's birth 1348, first indiction, on the 17th day of June. Furthermore, since it is difficult, indeed almost impossible, due to the illness and mortality of people, to be able to gather the appropriate assemblies of the commune of Pistoia in sufficient numbers [...] it is deemed and agreed by the said Council to provide, ordain, and reform that for the entire duration of the present offices, which should last from now until the 8th day of the upcoming month of August, it will be sufficient to convene twelve out of the twenty-four members (appointed for the provision of the commune's expenses of Pistoia) and at least six out of the twelve members (appointed for the custody and fortification of the castles) to deliberate and provide for what these offices are to deliberate and provide. And thus, they may be able to provide and deliberate during the said period with the said number, as if they were gathered in the usual and appropriate number.	Chiappelli 1887, p. 4	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-20-Faenza	20 June 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Faenza with blood spitting	1348 iunii 20. Incepit Faventiae mortalitas gangolarum et sputi sanguinis, et duravit per annum.	On 20 June 1348, in Faenza, a mortality of swellings and spitting of blood began, and it lasted for a year.	Azzurini 1907, p. 129	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-06-24-Constance	24 June 1348 JL	Persecutions of Jews in the total kingdom of Arelat, except the city Avignon, because they were accused for being the reason for the plague.	De cremacione Iudeorum, et in quibus terre locis, et propter quid. Anno eodem a festo Iohannis baptiste [24.06.] usque ad festum omnium sanctorum [01.11.] Iudei per totum regnum Arelatensem, excepta civitate Avinionensi, quam papa comparaverat scilicet Clemens vi., qui Iudeos ibi degentes defendebat, omnes cremati sunt et occisi usque ad oppidum Solodorensem, in quo eciam cremati sunt, propter mortalitatem que viguit predicto anno et sequenti, que Iudeis adscribebatur. Nam dicebatur et fama communis hoc habuit et ipsi idem fatebantur, hoc idem prout in gestis anni sequentis patebit, quod fontes intoxicassent. Unde Constantienses tunc preceperunt, ut sui aquam de lacu et non de fontibus haurirent, et quod Iudei fontibus et puteis uterentur tantum Christianorum, puteos Iudeorum fimo ac lapidibus obruentes.	Concerning the burning of the Jews and in which places on earth and for what reason. In the same year (1348), from the feast of John the Baptist [24 June] to the feast of All Saints [1 November], all the Jews throughout the kingdom of Arelat, with the exception of the city of Avignon, which had been acquired by Pope Clement VI and in which the Jews residing there were protected, were burnt and killed, until the city of Solothurn, where they were also burnt, on account of the plague which raged in that and the following year and was attributed to the Jews. For it was said and it was generally believed, and the Jews themselves admitted, and this will be shown in the following years, that they had poisoned the springs. Therefore the people of Constance at that time ordered that they should draw their water from the lake and not from the springs, and that the Jews should only use the Christians' springs and wells, while the Jews' wells were blocked up with faeces and stones.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p.68.	None
1348-06-29-Damascus	29 June 1348 JL	The number of plague deaths in Damascus increased in the month of Rabīʿ II 749 H (June 29–July 28, 1348). More than 200 people died per day, and the removal of the dead bodies was delayed. Poor people suffered the highest losses. On July 3, 1348, the Friday preacher prescribed to recite prayers and supplications asking for the plague to abate. The abolition of taxes (ḍamān) on funeral services by the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) Sayf al-Dīn Arghūn-Shāh al-Nāṣirī was proclaimed on July 14. On July 21, it was announced that the inhabitants of Damascus should fast for three days, and on day four abase themselves before God at the suburban Mosque of the Footprint (Qadam) and implore him to end the plague; afterwards, people set out for the desert to recite prayers of supplication, including Jews, Christians, and Samaritans, high and low, etc.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 503-504	Translation needed
1348-07-00-Damascus	July 1348 JL	In the days of the Black Death, in late July 1348, the governor of Syria Arghūn-Shāh ordered the inhabitants of Damascus to fast for three days and to close the food stalls in the market. People fasted from July 22 to 24. Afterwards, the elites and the other social strata flocked to the Umayyad Mosque to recite ritual prayers, supplications and invocations of God. They spent the night there, and at dawn the morning prayer was said. Then all the inhabitants of the city – men, women and children – went out to the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām), the amirs on bare feet. Muslims, Jews, and Christians all took part, carrying their respective Books and imploring God. At the mosque, people abased themselves before God and supplicated him. At noon they returned to the city and the Friday prayer was said. God, then, reduced their suffering. The daily death toll in Damascus did not reach 2,000 whereas in Cairo it amounted to 24,000.		Anecdote: I witnessed at the time of the Great Plague at Damascus in the latter part of the month of Second Rabīʿ of the year 49, a remarkable instance of the veneration of the people of Damascus for this mosque. Arghun-Shah, king of the amirs and the Sultan's viceroy, ordered a crier to proclaim through Damascus that the people should fast for three days and that no one should cook in the bazaar during the daytime anything to be eaten (for most of the people there eat no food but what has been prepared in the bazaar). So the people fasted for three successive days, the last of which was a Thursday. At the end of this period the amirs, sharifs, qadis, doctors of the Law, and all other classes of the people in their several degrees, assembled in the Great Mosque, until it was filled to overflowing with them, and spent the Thursday night there in prayers and liturgies and supplications. Then, after performing the dawn prayer [on the Friday morning], they all went out together on foot carrying Qur'ans in their hands — the amirs too barefooted. The entire population of the city joined in the exodus, male and female, small and large; the Jews went out with their book of the Law and the Christians with their Gospel, their women and children with them; the whole concourse of them in tears and humble supplications, imploring the favour of God through His Books and His Prophets. They made their way to the Mosque of the Footprints and remained there in supplication and invocation until near midday, then returned to the city and held the Friday service. God Most High lightened their affliction; the number of deaths in a single day reached a maximum of two thousand, whereas the number rose in Cairo and Old Cairo to twenty-four thousand in a day.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 1 (1853), pp. 227-229	None
1348-07-05-Orvieto	5 July 1348 JL	Shortage of wax candles due to the numerous deaths of the Black Death in Orvieto and corresponding regulations of wax quantities at funerals	Considerantes et advertentes necem pestiferam, que adheo atrociter suas undique saggitas emictit, et quod propter cere inopiam et caristiam de huiusmodi cera funeri non potest honor solitus exhibiri, volentes distinguere tempora et super hiis debite providere [...], nulla persona popularis vel nobilis possit nec debeat ad funus alicuius defuncti, cuiuscumque status vel condicionis existat, mictere vel deferri facere cereos cere amplioris ponderis, nisi ut inferius est expressum; videlicet, popularis quatuor libr. tantum vel ad inde infra, ad penam, pro quolibet et qualibet vice; decem lib. den., et nobilis ponderis lib. decem et non ultra vel ab inde infra sicut voluerit, ad penam XXV lib. den.	Considering and observing the deadly pestilence, which so fiercely sends its arrows everywhere, and because of the scarcity and high cost of wax, it is not possible to give the customary honor to funerals with such wax, wishing to distinguish the times and provide duly for these matters [...], no commoner or noble person can or should send or have carried to the funeral of any deceased person, regardless of their status or condition, candles of greater weight than specified below: namely, a commoner may send only four pounds or less, under penalty of ten pounds of denarii for each offense; and a noble may send candles weighing ten pounds and no more, or less if they wish, under penalty of twenty-five pounds of denarii	Anonymus 1922-24, p. 25, note 2	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-08-01-Italy	1 August 1348 JL	Dating in a letter of Francesco Petrarca refers to fear of plague in the north of Italy	Apud superos, in Gallia Cisalpina ad dexteram Padi ripam, Kalendis Sextilibus anno ab ortu Eius quem an tu rite noveris incertum habeo, MCCCXLVIII.	Among the living in this part of Gaul on the right bank of the Po, on the first of August in the year 1348.	Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le familiari XX-XXIV, p. 237	None
1348-08-07-Damascus	7 August 1348 JL	On August 7, 1348 the number of plague deaths in Damascus and its surroundings reached almost 300. Around September 10 (in mid-Jumādā II 749 H), the number of deceased further increased; both elite and common people died; the exact death toll remained unknown. On August 18, the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) ordered all dogs in the city to be killed. On September 27 [or, according to one manuscript: October 3], 42 deceased were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque alone; the mosque didn’t provide enough space for all the corpses, so some had to be placed outside the Sirr Gate.	... ...	On Thursday, the 10th of Jumada al-Awwal, after the noon prayer, the preacher performed a funeral prayer for sixteen deceased individuals all at once. This greatly alarmed and terrified the people, as death was striking many, and the death toll in the town and its surroundings reached nearly three hundred. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return. After the prayer, another funeral prayer was performed for fifteen deceased individuals at the Great Mosque of Damascus, and at the Mosque of Khalil, a prayer was performed for eleven souls. May Allah have mercy on them. On Monday, the 21st of the same month, the deputy of the Sultanate ordered the killing of dogs in the town. These dogs had become numerous throughout the town, and there were reports of them attacking people and blocking their way during the night. The defilement of places by these dogs had become widespread, making it difficult to avoid. Many had compiled sections of the hadiths regarding their killing and the differences among the scholars on this issue. Umar, may Allah be pleased with him, used to command in his sermons to slaughter pigeons and kill dogs. Malik, in the narration of Ibn Wahb, stated that it is permissible to kill dogs in a town where they cause harm, provided the Imam permits it for the public interest. On Friday, the second of the month of Rajab, after the Friday prayer at the Umayyad Mosque, a funeral prayer was performed for someone absent, who was Judge Alauddin, the son of Judge Shubha. Then, a funeral prayer was performed for forty-one deceased individuals all at once. The interior of the mosque could not accommodate them, so some of the deceased were taken outside to the gate of Al-Sirr. The preacher and the naqeeb (head of a group) went out and prayed for all of them there. It was a significant and solemn moment, a great tragedy. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return	Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 504-506.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-09-00-Cairo	September 1348 JL	A pilgrimage caravan left Cairo for Mecca in Rajab 749 H (September 26 to October 24, 1348). The Black Death accompanied it until it reached the Ayla pass (ʿAqaba).		When I arrived in Cairo I found that the Grand Qāḍī ʿIzz al-Dīn, son of the Grand Qāḍī Badr al-Dīn, son of Jamāʿa, had set out for Mecca in a huge caravan called Rajabī, because it leaves in the month of Rajab. I was told that the plague was among them until they reached the pass of Aila where it ceased.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), p. 324.	None
1348-09-30-Orvieto	30 September 1348 JL	Price restrictions on all types of goods, which may only be offered at 25% higher prices than before the Black Death.	artifices, magistri, laboratores et alii de rebus, quas vendunt et aliis magstriis, laboritiis ac victuris et factionibus personalibus, propter sevam et inauditam pestem mortiferam, que nuper undique in humano genere est diffusa, pretium adheo carum tollant, quod cives et alii cuncit conqueruntur merito, et nisi provideatur celeriter, non possent facere facta sua, ex quo detrimentum reipublice non modicum exoritur et iactura [...] ne huiusmodi appetitus noxius et nefandus usus in Urbevetana civitate diutius nec ulterius vigeat et res predicte in congrua disposicione persistant	Craftsmen, masters, laborers, and others, because of the severe and unprecedented deadly plague that has recently spread everywhere among humankind, have raised the prices of the goods they sell and other crafts, labors, and personal services to such an extent that citizens and others justly complain, and unless provision is made quickly, they will not be able to carry out their tasks, resulting in considerable harm and loss to the republic [...] so that this harmful greed and wicked practice may not continue any longer in the city of Orvieto and so that the aforementioned matters may remain in proper order	Anonymus 1922-24, p. 25, note 2	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-10-00-Damascus	7 October 1348 JL	On October 7, 1348 the number of people who had died of plague and were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus reached 150 or more; not included were inhabitants of the outskirts of the city and members of the protected religious minorities (ahl al-dhimma) whose bodies were not brought to the Umayyad Mosque. It was said that on many days, casualties in the outskirts of Damascus (ḥawāḍir al-balad) reached more than 1,000. On October 7, a dust storm reached Damascus; people prayed to God and ask for this to be the end of the plague; things only got worse afterwards, though. On Miʿrāj Night (October 21), not as many people as usual gathered in the Umayyad Mosque because so many people had died of plague and many more were occupied caring for the sick and the deceased. In the beginning of Shaʿbān 749 H (the month began on October 25), many people were infected with plague (fanāʾ), and often there would be a bad smell in the city.	... ...		Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 507-508.	Translation needed
1349-00-00-Constance	1349 JL	Great mortality in Constance.	1349. Anno 1349 in dem winter was gar ain grosser tod zu Costentz.	1349. Anno 1349, there was a great plague in Constance during the winter.	Konstanzer Chronik, p. 325	None
1349-00-00-Florence	1349 JL	After the plague the citizens in Florence were still in shock and listless. But peoples of Colle Val d'Elsa and San Gimignano returned to power and castles of the Ubaldini were taken.	Sequenti etiam anno parum aut nihil gestum, consternata adhuc civitate superiori pestilentia. Collenses tantum et Geminianenses domesticis seditionibus laborantes in potestatem florentini populi redierunt. Et circa Apenninum aliquot castella de Ubaldinis capta, quibus latrocinia exercebantur.	In the following year, too, little or nothing was done, as the city was still in shock from the plague. The peoples of Colle Val d’Elsa and San Gimignano, wracked by domestic turmoils, returned to the power of the Florentine People. And in the Apennines several castles of the Ubaldini were taken which had been centers of brigandage.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 314.	None
1349-00-00-Limburg	1349 JL	The Black Death strikes Limburg, but also Mainz and Cologne. In Limburg, the disease killed 2.400 people. From the fear of the plague arose the flagellants movement. A long description of the flagellants movement and their behaviour and rituals follows this source passage.	Item da man schreip dusent druhundert unde in dem nune unde virzigesten jare da quam ein groß sterben in Dusche lande, daz ist genant daz große erste sterben. Und storben si an den drusen, unde wen daz aneging, der starp an dem dretten dage in der maße. Unde storben di lude in den großen steden zu Menze, zu Collen unde also meistlichen alle dage me dan hondert menschen oder in der maße, unde in den kleinen steden als Limpurg storben alle dage zwenzig oder vir unde zwenzig oder drißig, also in der wise. Daz werte in etzlichen stat oder lande me dan dru virtel jahres oder ein jar. Unde storben zu Limpurg me dan vier unde zwenzig hondert menschen, ußgenommen kinde. Item da daz folk den großen jamer von sterbende sach, daz uf ertrich was, da filen di lude gemeinlichen in einen großen ruwen ire sunde unde suchten penitentien unde daden daz mit eigen willen unde namen den babest unde di heilige kirchen nit zu hilfe unde zu rade, daz große dorheit was unde groß vursumenisse unde vurdampnisse ire selen. Unde vurhauften sich di menner in den steden unde in dem lande unde gingen mit den geiseln hondert zweihundert oder druhondert oder in der maße. Unde was ir leben also, daz igliche partie gingen drißig dage mit der geiseten von einer stat zu der andern unde furten cruze unde fanen als in der kirchen unde mit kerzen unde tortisen. Unde wo si qwamen vur eine stat, da gingen si in einer procession zwene unde zwene bit einander bit in di kirchen; unde hatten hude uf, darane stunden vorne roden cruze, unde iglicher furte sine geiseln vur ime hangen unde songen ire leisen […]	In the year 1349, a great mortality occurred in the German lands, which is called the great first dying. They died of glandular disease, and when it started, people typically died on the third day. People died in the large cities like Mainz, Cologne, and almost daily more than a hundred people or thereabouts, and in the small towns like Limburg, twenty or twenty-five or thirty people died daily, similarly. This lasted more than three quarters of a year or a year in some cities or regions. In Limburg, more than twenty-four hundred people died, children excluded. When the people saw the great misery of the dying that was upon the earth, they generally fell into deep remorse for their sins and sought penance, doing so of their own will without seeking the aid and counsel of the Pope or the Holy Church. This was great folly, a great omission, and damnation of their souls. The men in the cities and the countryside banded together and went with the Flagellants in groups of one hundred, two hundred, or three hundred, or in similar numbers. Their way of life was such that each group went for thirty days with the Flagellants from one town to another, carrying crosses and banners as in church, with candles and torches. And when they came near a town, they would proceed in a procession, two by two, up to the church. They wore hats adorned with red crosses in the front, and each carried his scourge hanging before him, singing their chants [...]	Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 31.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1349-00-00-Strasbourg	1349 JL	Plague in Strasbourg	[26.] Pervenit autem ad civitatem Argentinam hec pestilentia anno Domini MCCCXLIX. in estate, et moriebantur ibi, ut dicebatur, XVI milia hominum.	[26.] The plague reached the city Strasbourg in the summer 1349 und there died, how it was reported, sixteen thousand people.	Mathias de Nuwenburg: de progenie, origine et gestis bertholdi de Bucheke episcopi Argentinensis 1924-40, p. 534	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1349-00-00-Strasbourg 001	1349 JL	Greatest death ever in all over the world, which was followed by a burning of the jews and the flagellants movement.	In den selben ziten, also men zalte 1349 jore, do was der groeste sterbotte in aller der welte von dem men ie hette gehoert sagen. do wurdent ouch die Juden gebrant durch alle lant. do was ouch eine grosse geischelfart. von disen dingen allen wurt hernoch geseit in dem fünften capitel dis buches.	At the same time, in the year 1349, there was the greatest death in all the world of which one had heard them say. Then the Jews were also burned throughout the land. There was also a great flagellants movement. Of all these things it is still written in the fifth chapter of this book.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 480.	Translation by DeepL
1349-00-00-Strasbourg 002	1349 JL	Great mortality all over the world. In Marseille died more the half of the people. In the summer the plague arrived in Strasbourg and 16 thousend people died. The Jews were blamed for poisoning the water, which brought the plague. As a consequence they were burned in Strasbourg and other cities along the Rhine.	Von dem grossen sterbotte und Judenbrande Do men zalte 1349 jor, do was der groeste sterbotte der vor ie gewas: das sterben ging von eime ende der welte untz an das ander; gynesit und hie dissit des meres. in der heidenschaft was der sterbotte groesser denne in der cristenheit. Menig lant starp gerwe us, daz nieman me do was. men vant ouch menig schif uf dem mere mit koufmanschatz, do inne die lüte alle dot worent und nieman die schiffe furte. der bischof von Marsilien und pfaffen und müniche und alles volg do, das starp me denne das zweitel. In andern künigrichen und stetten starp so vil volkes, das es were gruwelichen zu sagende. der bobest zu Avion lies alles gerihte under wegen und beslos sich in eine kammer und lies nieman zu ime und hette allewegen ein gros für vor ime. und wovon dirre sterbotte [p. 760], das kundent alle wise meistere noch arzote nüt gesagen anders, denne das es were gottes wille. und so der sterbotte ignote hie was, so was er denne anderswo, und werte me denne ein gantz jor. Dirre sterbotte kam ouch gein Strosburg in dem summer des vorgenanten jores, und sturbent do also men schetzete uf 16 tusent menschen. Von diesem sterbotte wurdent die Juden in der welte verlümet und gezigen in allen landen, das sü es gemaht hettent mit vergift die sü in wasser und in burnen soltent geton han, also men sü zech. und derumb wurdent die Juden verbrant von dem mer untz in dütsche lant, one zu Avion, do beschirmete sü der bobest. […] (p. 763) Men brante die Juden An dem samstage, das was sant Veltins dag [14.02.], do verbrante men die Juden in irme kirchofe uf eime hültzin gerüste: der worent uf zwei tusent. Wele sich aber woltent lossen touffen, die lies men lebende. es wurdent ouch vil junger kinde us dem füre genomen über irer muter und vatter wille, die getouffet wurdent. und was men den Juden schuldig was, das wart alles wette, und wurdent alle pfant und briefe die sü hettent über schulde widergeben. aber das bar gut das sü hettent, das nam der rot und teilete es under die antwerg noch margzal. das gelt was ouch die sache (p. 764) dovon die Juden gedoetet wurdent: wan werent sü arm gewesen und werent in die landesherren nüt schuldig gewesen, so werent sü nüt gebrant worden. do nu dis gut geteilet wart under die antwerg, so gobent etliche ir teil an unser frowen werg oder durch got, noch ihres bihters rote. Sus wurdent die Juden gebrant zu Strosburg und des selben jores in allen stetten uf dem Ryne, es werent frige stette oder des riches oder der herren. in etlichen stetten brante men sü mit urteil, in etlichen one urteil. in etlichen stetten stiessent die Juden ire hüser selber ane und verbrantent sich dinne.	Of the Great Plague and the Burning of the Jews In the year 1349, there was the greatest plague that had ever been seen. This plague spread from one end of the world to the other, across seas and lands. It was worse in pagan lands than in Christendom. Many countries were so devastated that no one was left alive. It was common to find ships at sea with the goods where all the people on board were dead, and no one was left to steer the ship. In Marseille, the bishop, priests, monks, and nearly everyone perished—more than half of the population. In other kingdoms and cities, so many people died that it was horrific to recount. The Pope in Avignon abandoned all official duties, locked himself in a chamber, and allowed no one near him, always keeping a large fire burning before him. No wise master or physician could explain this plague except to say it was God's will. When the plague ceased in one place, it would begin elsewhere, lasting more than a year. This plague also reached Strasbourg in the summer of the aforementioned year, where an estimated 16,000 people died. Because of this plague, the Jews were accused and blamed throughout the world. They were charged in all countries with having caused the plague by poisoning wells and springs. As a result, the Jews were burned from the Mediterranean to the German lands, except in Avignon, where the Pope protected them. The Burning of the Jews. On Saturday, the day of Saint Valentine's [February 14th], the Jews in Strasbourg were burned in their cemetery on a wooden platform. About two thousand were burned. Those who agreed to be baptized were spared. Many young children were taken from the fire against the will of their parents and were baptized. All debts owed to the Jews were canceled, and all pledges and documents they held were returned. However, their movable goods were taken by the city council and divided among the authorities. This wealth was also the reason the Jews were killed: if they had been poor and not owed anything to the lords, they would not have been burned. When this wealth was divided among the authorities, some gave their share to the work of the Virgin Mary or for the sake of God, as directed by their confessor. Thus, the Jews were burned in Strasbourg and that same year in all towns along the Rhine, whether they were free cities, under the Empire, or under local lords. In some cities, the Jews were burned with a formal judgment, in others without one. In some places, the Jews set fire to their own houses and burned themselves inside.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, pp. 759-764	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1349-00-00-Strasbourg 003	1349 JL	Great dying in Strasbourg was simultaneously with the flagellants procession. Also about the burial traditions during and after the plague	Der grosse sterbotte. Do men zalte noch gotz gebürte 1349 jor, do was der groeste sterbotte zu Strosburg und durch die welt, also dovor bi der Juden brande ist geseit. Und alle die wile die vorgeschriben grosse geischelfart werte, die wile starp men ouch, und do die abegingent, do minrete sich ouch das sterben. das sterben was so gros, das zu iedem kirspel zu Strosburg alle tage worent 8 liche oder zehen, und das men die spittelgrube die bi der kirchen stunt, muste in einen witen garten machen. die lüte die do sturbent, die sturbent an bülen die sich erhubent under den armen oder an den beynen, und die do sterben soltent, die sturbent am dirten tage oder am vierden. und in weles hus das sterben kam, do horte es nüt uf mit eime. In den selben ziten wart zu Strosburg gebotten, das men keinen doten me sollte in die kirche zu begrebede tragen, noch sollte sü nüt über naht in den hüsern lossen, wan zestunt so sü gestürbent so solte men sü anstette begraben. wan vormols was gewonheit, das men die doten erlichen zu kirchen trug und lies sü in der kirchen untz men selmesse gesang: was der dote guter lüte so trugent in die guten, was er ein gebure so trugent in sine genossen. und do der sterbot ergie, do erloubete men die alte gewonheit wider. do worent die lüte in die nuwe gewonheit kumen, und wenne men einen doten sollte su grabe tragen, so woltes nieman gerne tun von ime selber, und beschametent sich gute lüte, das ir ungenossen sü soltent tragen oder das sü knehten soltent lonen. derumb gebot men es widerumbe. nu was ouch eine gewonheit: [p. 770] wenne man einen doten zu kirchen drug, so stürmete men mit den glocken gegen yme. das selbe det men ouch, so men den doten us der kirchen zu grabe trug. von disem sterbotte sturbent uf 16 tusent menschen zu Strosburg, und starp men doch nüt also vaste zu Strasburg also anderswo.	The great dying In the year 1349, there was the great dying in Strasbourg and across the world, as mentioned earlier in relation to the burning of the Jews. During the time of the great flagellant processions, people were dying continuously, and when the processions ended, the dying began to decrease. The plague was so severe that in every parish in Strasbourg, there were eight to ten funerals each day. The hospital burial pit next to the church became so full that a large garden had to be used for burials. Those who died suffered from swellings under their arms or on their legs, and those who were destined to die usually did so on the third or fourth day. In any house where the plague struck, it did not stop with just one death. During these times, it was decreed in Strasbourg that the dead should no longer be brought into the church for burial, nor should the dead be kept in houses overnight. Instead, as soon as someone died, they were to be buried immediately. Previously, it had been customary to carry the dead to the church with great honor, leaving them there until a requiem mass could be sung. If the deceased was from a noble family, they were carried by their peers; if they were a commoner, their neighbors would carry them. When the plague erupted, these old customs were reinstated. However, people had grown accustomed to the new way of doing things, and when it was time to carry a body to the grave, no one wanted to do it themselves. Good people felt ashamed to ask their neighbors to carry the dead or to pay servants to do it, so the old customs were reintroduced. There was also a tradition: when someone died and was carried to the church, the bells would be rung in mourning. The same was done when the body was taken from the church to the grave. Because of this plague, about 16,000 people died in Strasbourg. However, the dying in Strasbourg was not as high as in other places.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, pp. 769-770.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1349-01-27-Damascus	27 January 1349 JL	On January 27, 1349, the Friday preacher Tāj al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Raḥīm al-Qazwīnī died of plague in Damascus after two days of illness. The members of his household were infected, too; his brother Ṣadr al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Karīm died soon afterwards.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 509.	Translation needed
1349-02-09-Strasbourg	9 February 1349 JL	In Strasbourg, three leaders were expelled after the city granted protection to the Jews. Accusations arose that Jews had poisoned wells, leading to to torture, and persecutions. Around 2,000 Jews were burned, except those who converted to Christianity. This event coincided with the rise of the flagellant movement and a severe outbreak of plague.	Die nüwe anderunge zu Strosburg Do man zalt 1349 jor, an sente Appollonien dag [9. Februar] der uf einen [p. 127] mendag geviel, und diese drie meister zu Strosburg worent: her Goße Sturm und her Cuntze von Wintertur und her Peter Swarber ammanmeister, do wurdent sü alle drie verstoßen. und kam daz alsus. Die stat hette gut genomen von den Juden, und hetten sü getrofte uf ein zil und hette in des briefe wol versigelt geben und hetten ouch solichen friden: wer in ut hette geton, er muest es swerlicher hon verbeßert, wan hetters eim kristen geton. deruf ließent sich die Juden und wurdent also hochtragendes mutes, daz sü niemanne woltent vorgeben, und wer mit in hette zu dunde, der kunde kume mit in uberein kummen. darumbe wurdent sü verhaßet von meneglichen. Derzu viel ein gezig uf die Juden, daz sü soltent die bürnen und die waßer han vergiftet. des murmelte daz volk gemeinliche und sprochent, man solt sü verburnen. des wolt der rot nüt dun, man mohte danne beweren uf sü daz es wor were, oder daz süs selber verjehen. dar uf fing man ir etwie vil und kesteget sü sere mit dümende, der verjohent drie weis viere andere sachen, der sü schuldig worent, darumbe man sü radebrehte. doch verjohent sü nie, daz sü an der vergift schuldig werent. […] [p. 130] An der mittewoche swur man den rot, an dem dunrestage swur man in deme garten. an deme fritage ving man die juden, an dem samestage brante man die Juden, der worent wol uffe zwei tusent alse man ahtete. wele sich aber woltent lon toufen, die lies man leben. es wurdent ouch vil junger kinde von dem für genomen uber irre mueter und irre vetter wille, die geteufet wurdent. waz man den Juden schuldig waz, daz wart alles wette, unde wurdent alle pfant und briefe die sie hettent uber schulde wider geben. daz bar gut daz sü hettent, daz nam der rot und teiletes under die antwerg noch marczal. daz was ouch die vergift die die Juden dote. […] Des selben jores zu suneihten erhub sich die geischelfart und daz große sterben zu Strosburg, von dem do vor geschriben stot.	The New Changes in Strasbourg. In the year 1349, on the day of Saint Apollonia [February 9th], which fell on a Monday, these three leaders in Strasbourg were: Herr Goße Sturm, Herr Cuntze von Winterthur, and Herr Peter Swarber, the magistrate. All three were expelled, and it happened as follows: The city had taken goods from the Jews, and they had set a target and given them sealed letters of protection, ensuring them such peace: if anyone had harmed them, they would have to make severe amends, just as if they had harmed a Christian. The Jews relied on this and became so arrogant that they refused to submit to anyone, and anyone who had dealings with them could hardly come to an agreement. Because of this, they became hated by many. Furthermore, an accusation fell upon the Jews that they had poisoned the wells and the water. The common people murmured about this and said that they should be burned. The council did not want to do this unless it could be proven against them or unless they confessed themselves. As a result, many Jews were captured and severely tortured. Some of them confessed to three or four other charges they were guilty of, for which they were broken on the wheel. However, they never confessed to being guilty of poisoning. [...] On Wednesday, the [new] council took an oath, on Thursday they swore in the garden, on Friday they seized the Jews, and on Saturday they burned the Jews, who were estimated to be around two thousand in number. Those who wanted to convert to Christianity were allowed to live. Many young children were also taken from the fire against the will of their mothers and fathers and were baptized. Whatever was owed to the Jews was all gone, and all pledges and documents they had over debts were returned. The movable goods they had were taken by the council and divided among the authorities. That was also the alleged poisoning that killed the Jews. In the same year, during Solstice, the flagellant movement arose and the great mortality in Strasbourg, which has been written about before.	Fritsche Closener 1870, p. 126-130.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1349-03-22-Damascus	22 March 1349 JL	In the year 750 H (March 22, 1349 to March 10, 1350), the number of plague infections in Damascus greatly declined. The number of deceased people with taxable inheritance which the Office of Inheritances (dīwān al-mawārīth) recorded was ca. 20 for 750 H while it had been 500 for 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 21, 1349). Plague did not yet disappear entirely, though: on March 25, 1349, the jurist Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad b. al-Thiqa, his son and his brother all died of plague within one hour. They were buried in one grave.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 509.	Translation needed
1349-04-12-Frankfurt 001	12 April 1349 JL	During the plague was the flagellants movement, jews were killed in Frankfurt and Mainz and the jews burned down the roof of a church in Frankfurt	Item anno domini McccXLIX post festum pasche [12 April 1349] usque in hiemem tunc proxime venientem flagellatores ire inceperunt quasi et ad annum jubileum, et interim maxima hominum multitudo utriusque sexus per diversas mundi partes de pestilencia gravi moriebatur. Item eodem anno domini XLIX in vigilia beati Jacobi apostoli [24. Juli] Judei Frankenfordenses omnes, deinde in die beati Bartholomei apostoli [24. August] tunc proxime venturi Judei civitatis Moguntinensis omnes, tam per ipsorum Judeorum utrobique ignem proprium quam eciam aliunde, ac habitaciones eorundem totaliter per laicorum invasionem sunt perempti et devastati. Item eodem anno XLIX in dicta vigilia Jacobi tectum chori omnino et tectum ecclesie sancti Bartholomei ibidem in parte per hujusmodi Judeorum Frankenfordensium ignem fuerant concremata.	In the year of our Lord 1349, the Flagellants began after Easter [12 April] until the coming winter, as if they were going to the Jubilee. In the meantime, a large number of men and women died of a severe plague in various parts of the world. Also in the same year 1349, on the eve of St James the Apostle [24 July], all the Jews of Frankfurt, and then on the day of St Bartholomew the Apostle [24 August], all the Jews of the city of Mainz, both by their own fire and by the invasion of the laity, were killed and their houses completely destroyed. Also in the same year, 1349, on the eve of the feast of St James [24 July], the roof of the choir and the roof of the church of St Bartholomew in Frankfurt were destroyed by fire from the Jews of Frankfurt.	Annales Francofurtani 1884, p. 2.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1349-05-00-Parma	May 1349 JL	A friend of Francesco Petraca, Paganino da Bizzozzero and his his entire family died because of the plague in Parma	Et hic quidem - quod sine multis lacriminis non dico et cum pluribus dicerem nisi precedentibus malis exhaustos hosce oculos atque omnes, sique sunt, lacrimarum reliquias instantibus reservarem - hic, inquam, pestilenti morbo qui nunc orbem populatur, repente correptus, ad vesperam postquam cenam cum amicis, et quod occidui temporis restabat in nostro tantum sermone et amicitie rerumque nostrarum commemoratione consumpserat, noctem illam inrapida morte subtractus est. Ac nequid de funesta consuetudine laxaretur, triduo inexpleto illum filii omnisque familia consecuti sunt.	And this one now - what I cannot say without many tears (and would say among several, if I did not want to save my eyes exhausted in misfortune and all remaining tears, if there are any, for what is to come), he has, I say, been taken away quite suddenly by the plague, which is just now depopulating the whole earth, and that after he had dined with friends towards evening and then spent the remaining evening hours in conversation with me alone and in the thought of our friendship and our affairs. He endured the following night in extreme pain, but with unflinching courage, and in the morning a sudden death snatched him from us. And so that nothing of the usual course of the disease would be left to us, his sons, indeed his entire family, followed him in less than three days.	Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, p. 1140	None
1349-06-00-Italy	June 1349 JL	Letter from Francesco Petrarca to his friend Ludwig van Kempen in Avignon about the plague in Italy in 1348 (mentioning an Earthquake	Heu michi, frater amantissime, quid dicam? unde ordiar? quonam vertar? undique dolor, terror undique. [...] Utinam, frater, aut nunquam natus aut prius extinctus forem! quodsi nunc optare cogor, quid dicturum putas si ad extremem senectutem venero? ad quam o utinam non venirem; sed veniam, timeo, non ut diutius vivam, sed ut diu moriar. Nosco etenim fatum meum, et sensim intelligo ad quid in hanc (p. 1124) erumnosam et infelicem vitam sim proiectus. Heu michi, frater optime! piget ex intimis ax miseret me mei. [...] (p. 1126) Qua in re benigno sub iudice forsan excuser, si ad examen venerit illud quoque, non leve aliquid, sed millesimum trecentesimum quadragesimum octavum sexte etatis annum esse quem lugeo, qui non solum nos amicis, sed mundum omnen gentibus spoliavit; cui siquid defuit, sequens ecce annus illius reliquias demetit, et quicquid (p. 1128) illi procelle superfuerat, mortifera falce persequitur. Quando hoc posteritas credet, fuisse tempus sine diluvio sine celi aut telluris incendio sine bellis aut alia clade visibili, quo non hec pars aut illa terrarum, sed universus fere orbis sine habitatore remanserit? quando unquam in annalibus lectum est, vacuas domos, derelictas urbes, squalida rura, arva cadaveribus angusta, horrendam vastamque toto orbe solitudinem? [...] (p. 1128) Ubi dulces nunc amici, ubi sunt amati vultus, ubi verba mulcentia, ubi mitis et iocunda conversatio? quod fulmen ista consumpsit, quid terre motus evertit, que tempestas demersit, que abyssus absorbuit? Stipati eramus, prope iam soli sumus. Nove amicitie contrahende sunt. UNde autem sive ad quid, humano genere pene extincto, et proximo, ut auguror, rerum fine? Sumus, frater, sumus - quid dissimulem? - vere soli; (p. 1134)	Woe is me, dearest brother, what shall I say, what shall I do, where shall I turn? Pain is everywhere, terror is everywhere! [...] Would that I, brother, had never been born or had been snuffed out earlier! If I am compelled to wish for this already, what will I say when I have reached the highest old age one day? And may I not even reach that day! But I will reach it, I fear, but not to live longer, rather to die longer. I know my fate, and gradually I understand why I was thrust into this sorrowful and luckless life. Woe is me, dearest brother, I am sickened to my core, and I mourn my [...] (p. 433) Perhaps I will at least be excused by a merciful judge in this matter, if he takes into account that I am not complaining about something trivial but about the year 1348 in the sixth age! It has not only (p. 434) deprived us of our friends, but the whole world of its peoples. And if anything escaped this year, behold, the new year is now mowing down the rest. And if something withstood the storms of the old year, it is now being overtaken by the deadly sickle. Will posterity ever believe that in a time free from flood and world conflagration, wars, and indeed from any visible disaster, nearly the entire globe, not just this or that region, was depopulated? When has such a thing ever been seen or heard through rumors? In which annals was such to be read? There are empty houses, deserted cities, fallow fields, fields covered with corpses, and a horrifying, boundless desolation everywhere in the world! [...] (p. 435) Where are the familiar friends now, where are the beloved faces, where are the charming conversations? Where is the cheerful and intimate companionship with them? What lightning bolt has removed all of this? What earthquake has overturned it? What storm has drowned it, and what abyss has swallowed it? We were surrounded by friends; now we are almost alone. We would have to form new friendships! But where and for what purpose? Since the human race is almost extinct, and, I fear, the end of the world is near. We are, my brother, we are – what should I suppress it! – truly alone!	Template: Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, pp. 1124-1134	None
1349-06-00-Strasbourg	June 1349 JL	The Black Death comes to Strasbourg, kills 16.000 people and Jews are persecuted in its aftermath.	Pervenit autem ad civitatem Argentinam hec pestilentia anno Domini MCCCXLIX. in estate, et moriebantur ibi, ut dicebatur, XVI milia hominum. Iudei autem propter pestilenciam precedentis anni infamati sunt, quod eam fecerint vel auxerint fontibus et puteis iniecto veneno. Et cremati sunt a mari usque ad Alemanniam preterquam Avinioni, ubi ipsos papa defendit.	However, this pestilence reached the city of Strasbourg in the year of our Lord 1349, in the summer, and as it was said, sixteen thousand people died there. The Jews, however, were defamed because of the pestilence of the preceding year, on the allegation that they had caused or increased it by poisoning wells and springs. They were burned from the sea to Germany, except in Avignon, where the Pope himself protected them.	Gesta Bertholdi 1924-40, p. 534	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-06-00-Strasbourg 001	June 1349 JL	With the spreading of the plague in Germany, simultaneously the Flagellants movement arose. In the middle of June, 700 of them came to Strasbourg.	[117.] De principio pestilencie et flagellacionis in Alamannia Incipiente autem paulatim pestilencia in Alamannia ceperunt se populi flagellare transeuntes per terram. Et venerunt DCCC de Swevia Argentinam predicto anno XLIX in medio Iunii, habentes inter se unum principalem (p. 272) et duos alios magistros, quorum mandatis omnia parebant. […]	118. The beginning of the plague and scourging in Germany. As the disease gradually spread through Germany, people began to scourge themselves and travelled through the country. In the year 49, seven hundred from Swabia came to Strasbourg in the middle of June. They had a leader and two other masters, whose orders they all obeyed. [...] The masters then went round in a circle and exhorted them to implore the Lord for mercy for the people, for their benefactors, for their enemies, for all sinners, for those in purgatory and many others. [...]	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 271-272	None
1349-06-24-Strasbourg	24 June 1349 JL	The hostilities between the kings of England and France were postponed because of a severe plague	[116.] De indicto conflictu inter regem Anglie et Francie in die Iohannis baptiste. Cum autem indictus fuisset dudum conflictus ad diem beati Iohannis baptiste predicti anni quadragesimi noni [24. Juni 1349] inter Francie et Anglie reges, tanta fuit utriusque regni pestilencia, quod vix tercia pars hominum dicitur remanisse. Propter quod conflictus est prorogatus. […]	116. Of the renewed outbreak of hostilities between the kings of England and France on the day of St John the Baptist. Although the renewed outbreak of hostilities between the kings of France and England had long been announced for the day of St John the Baptist in the year [13]49, a plague raged so severely in both kingdoms that, it is said, barely a third of the people remained alive, and hostilities were therefore postponed. [...]	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 270	None
1349-07-05-Strasbourg	5 July 1349 JL	200 flagellants arrived in Strasbourg and made their typical processions.	Von der grossen geischelfart. In dem vorgeschriben jore, do men zalte 1349 jor, als men vaste starp und die Juden brante, 14 tage nach sünigihten [solstice] do koment gein (p. 765) Strosburg uf 200 geischeler, die hettent leben und wise also ich ein teil hie sagen wil. zum ersten so hetten sü gar kosper vanen uf 8 oder 10 von semyt und sydin, und also menige gewunden kertze. die drug men in vor wo sü in stette oder dörfer gingent, und sturmete men alle glocken gegen in, und die geischeler gingent den vanen noch ie zwene und zwene mittenander, und hettent alle mentelin ane und huete uffe mit roten crüzen und zwene sungent vor und denne die andern alle noch.	About the Great Procession of the Flagellants. In the year 1349, when there was great mortality and Jews were being burned, 14 days after the summer solstice, 200 flagellants came to Strasbourg. They were living and behaving in a way I will describe here. First, they carried large banners with 8 or 10 images of saints and angels, and many wrapped candles. They processed through towns and villages, and all the church bells were rung in opposition to them. The flagellants marched in groups of two or three, each carrying a banner, and they all wore mantles and hats with red crosses. They sang in front, and the others followed.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 764-765	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1349-09-00-Carpi	September 1349 JL	Letter from Francesco Petrarca to his friend Ludwig van Kempen in which he mentions the plague breaking out again in Carpi	Sicut enim quid cupiam scio, sic nescio quid sperem; quo fit ut mira michi in animo rebellantium cogitationum turba consurgat; ad omnem enim vite mee modum non leve momentum mors aut vita tua est; et vite quidem tue spem michi prestat etas modestia valitudo; terrent morbi contagia renascentis et celum apud vos, ut memorant, rursus infame.	I know what I wish for, but I do not know what I may hope for. Thus, it happens that within me, a peculiar heap of conflicting thoughts rises up. For every aspect of my life, your death and your life are of significant importance to me. Your youth, temperance, and robust nature provide hope that you are alive, while the reemerging plague and the infamous weather conditions reportedly occurring among you terrify me.	Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari VI-X, p. 1366	None
1349-11-25-Orvieto	25 November 1349 JL	Prohibition of demolition of vacant houses in Orvieto after the Black Death, except for renovation and expansion	Comperto quod propter seva et pestifera tempora, que, satore seminante zizania in Civitate et comitatu Urbisveteris, huc usque diutius multiformiter viguerunt, domus, hedificia et casamenta gentium et populi consumptorum et in necem et exilum positorum remanserunt quam plurima vacuata, et inhabitata persistant, cuius causa venduntur et alienantur ab improbis, et emuntur et ponuntur plerique sub exterminio et ruina, interdum etiam sub ficto iuris velamine, in contumeliam, diminutionem, detrimentum, obrobrium et jacturam Civitatis, Comunis et Populi predictorum; quibus nisi per oportuna reparentur remedia, evidenter paulatim sedulo et interpolatim ipsa suis hedificis Civitatis nichilatur et orbatur, ut hiis reprobis finis deinceps apponatur saluber; igitur [...] nulla persona [...] possit [...] aliquam domum vel hedificium domus in Civitate vel burgis destruere vel scarcare in totum vel pro parte [...] ad penam [...] 50 libr. Domus vero et hedificia, que quomodolibet ruinam minarentur occasione terremotus vel alterius casus inoppinati, vel devasterentur pro rehedificando ipsam cum melioramento, pro parte vel in totum scarcari et dirui possint sine penam	It has been discovered that because of the severe and deadly times, which, like a sower sowing tares, have long prevailed in the City and county of Orvieto in various forms, many houses, buildings, and dwellings of the people who have been consumed, killed, or exiled, have remained vacant and persist uninhabited. As a result, these properties are sold and alienated by unscrupulous people and are often bought and placed under extermination and ruin, sometimes even under the guise of legal pretext, to the insult, diminution, detriment, disgrace, and loss of the City, the Commune, and its People. Unless appropriate remedies are provided, the city and its buildings will clearly be gradually but diligently and progressively destroyed and depleted, so to put an end to these reprehensible practices henceforth in a healthy manner; therefore [...] no person [...] may destroy or dismantle any house or building in the City or its suburbs in whole or in part [...] under the penalty of 50 pounds. However, houses and buildings that might be threatened by ruin due to an earthquake or another unforeseen event, or are demolished for the purpose of rebuilding them with improvements, may be dismantled and destroyed in whole or in part without penalty	Anonymus 1922-24, p. 25, note 2	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-00-00-Constance	1350 JL	Extreme weather and abundant rainfall in 1350 and the following winter was cold until beginning of February. From that on stopped the epidemic.	Ipse autem annus cum magno temperie aeris incepit et permansit usque ad festum beati Andree [30 November], et deinceps pluvia habundabat versus Nicolai [6 December], sed deinceps frigus erat usque ad purificationem [2 February 1351]. Et extunc epithimia seu hominum mortalitas cessavit, que per bigennium viguerat et in tanta generalitate, quod quasi quinta pars hominum alicubi sexta obiit.	The year began with extreme weather and lasted until the feast of St Andrew (30 November), after which there was abundant rainfall until the feast of St Nicholas (6 December), but then cold weather prevailed until the Purification (2 February 1351). From then on, the epidemic or mortality of the people, which raged for two years and was so widespread that about a fifth of the people died, in some places even a sixth.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 75	None
1350-00-00-Germany	1350 JL	The dying by the Black Death ends, but now the jews were burned in Germany because they were accused of poisoning the Christians.	Item in dem selben jubileo [1350], da daz sterben ufhorde, da worden di juden gemeinlichen in disen Duschen landen irslagen und vurbrant. Daz daden di fursten, greben, herren unde stede, ane alleine der herzoge von Osterrich, der enthilt sine juden. Unde gap man den juden scholt, daz si den cristenluden vurgeben hetten, umb daz si also sere gestorben waren. Da wart ir fluchen kundig, daz si selbes in getan hatten uf den heiligen karfridag, want man in der passien leset: "Sanguis eius super nos et super filios nostros. Daz bedudet also: Sin blut ge ober uns under ober unse kinde.	In this jubilee year (1350), when the dying stopped, the Jews were generally slain and burned in these German lands. This was done by the princes, counts, lords and cities, without the Duke of Austria, who kept his Jews. And the Jews were blamed for poisoning the Christians, which is why so many of them had died. Then their curse came true, which they themselves had put on the holy Good Friday, as we read in the Passion: "Sanguis eius super nos et super filios nostros". This means: His blood be on us and on our children.	Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 35.	Translation by DeepL
1350-00-00-Hannover	1350 JL	Inscription about a epidemic with 3000 death.	Turris principium tria c numerant l et evum Gracia romana fuit et pestis triduana Funera flens polis hec tria milia mensibus in sex Tunc stimulus stoycos fuit ut torqueret ebreosi.	The origin of the tower is indicated by the numbers 350 and 1000. (In the same year 1350) there was the Roman indulgence and the plague which lasted three days. The fact that this city mourned 3000 deaths in six months then became the occasion for tormenting the (...) Jews.	DI 36, Stadt Hannover, Nr. 6† (Sabine Wehking), in: https://www.inschriften.net/hannover/inschrift/nr/di036-0006.html	Martin Bauch based on DI 36 (in German)
1350-00-00-Mainz	1350 JL	Great mortality all over the world.	Tunc anno 50. facta est pestilentia generalis per totum mundum, et mortua est ultra quam tercia pars hominum et de omni gente.	In the year 1350 raged in the entire world an general plague. More than one third of all races died from it.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 4.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1350-00-00-Rome	25 December 1350 JL	Great mortality still in many parts of Europe, meanwhile high numbers of pilgrims went to Rome because of the Holy Year.	Nelli anni di Cristo della sua Natività MCCCL, il dì di Natale, cominciò la santa indulgenzia a tutti coloro che andarono in pellegrinaggio a Roma, faccendo le vicitazioni ordinate per la santa Chiesa alla bassilica di Santo Piero e di San Giovanni i lLaterano e di Santo Paolo fuori di Roma: al quale perdono uomini e femine d'ogni stato e dignità concorse di Cristiani, maravigliosa e incredibile moltitudine, essendo di poco tempo inanzi stata la generale mortalità, e ancora essendo in diverse parti d'Europia tra' fedeli cristiani […]	In the years of Christ of his Nativity 1350, on Christmas Day, the holy indulgence began for all who went on pilgrimage to Rome and made the visits ordered by the holy Church to the Basilica of St Peter and St John Lateran and St Paul Outside the Walls of Rome: to this indulgence men and women of every rank and station flocked in marvellous and incredible multitudes, although shortly before that general mortality had prevailed and still prevailed in various parts of Europe among believing Christians [...].	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, p. 108.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1352-00-00-Crete	1352 JL	Genoese came to Crete to conquer the land. The attacks were carried out with great loses and pestilence and infested land made their stay impossible, thus they returned back to Genoa with a stopover in Venice to harm them with infected galleys. More than 8 thousand Italians died in this war.	Come i Genovesi asediarono Gostantinopoli (p. 319) […] E ferma la pace, i Genovesi con tutta loro armata se ne vennono alla Candia per vincere il paese; e volendo porre in terra; ebbono incontro i paesani con IIIC cavalieri, e lle ciurme delle galee, e contradissono la prima scesa. I Genovesi si providono di fare parate, e dietro a quelle missono i balestrieri, e messe le scale in terra, a contradio di nemici presono campo; e stando in terra trovarono il paese corrotto, e avelenata l'aria e la terra di coruzione e sparta dalle galee di Viniziani e Catalani, e anche tra lloro avea dell'infermi e de' fediti, e per questa cagione, e per li molti disagi sostenuti lungamente, pensarono che 'l soprastare era pistolenzoso e mortale, si ricolsono a galea, e missonsi in mare per tornarsi a Genova; e inanzi pervenissono alla patria più di MD uomini della loro armata gittarono i mare morti: e nondimeno lasciarono nel golfo di Vinegia X galee per danneggiare i Viniziani. E del mese d'agosto del detto anno con XXXII galee tornarono a Genova col loro amiraglio, e con DCC prigioni viniziani e con molta preda dell'acquisto fatto sopra i nimici e sopra le spoglie de' Greci. Della quale vittoria, avegna che molto ne montasse in fama il Comune (p. 320) di Genova, più tristizia ch'allegrezza, più pianto e dolore che festa tornò a la loro patria: trovossi all'ultimo di questa maladetta guerra di queste armate, che tra morti in battaglia, e anegati in mare, e periti di pestilenzia, tra l'una parte e l'altra più di VIIIM Italiani vi morirono in quello anno. E quello avenne solo per attizzamento d'invidia di pari stato di due popoli Genovesi e' Viniziani, che catuno si volea tenere il maggiore.	[...] And after the peace treaty, the Genoese came to Crete with their entire fleet to conquer the land; and when they wanted to land, they met the locals with 300 knights and the crews of the galleys, who repelled the first landing attempt. The Genoese prepared themselves, set up defensive positions and deployed archers behind them. They put ladders ashore and captured a camp despite the enemy attacks. Once ashore, they found the land infested and the air and soil tainted by the plague spread by the Venetian and Catalan galleys. There were also sick and wounded among them, and for this reason, as well as the many prolonged hardships, they decided that staying on was dangerous and deadly. They returned to the galleys, set sail and made their way back to Genoa. Before they reached home, however, they threw more than 1500 men from their fleet dead into the sea. Nevertheless, they left ten galleys in the Gulf of Venice to inflict damage on the Venetians. In August of the same year, they returned to Genoa with 32 galleys under their admiral, 700 Venetian prisoners and much booty that they had taken from the enemy and the Greeks. Despite this victory, which brought great glory to the commonwealth of Genoa, this homecoming brought more sorrow than joy, more weeping and pain than festivity to the homeland. At the end of this accursed war of the fleets, there were more than 8000 Italians who died that year among the dead in the battles, the drowned at sea and the victims of the plague on both sides. And this happened solely because of the fuelled jealousy of two peoples of equal rank, the Genoese and the Venetians, each of whom believed themselves to be the greater.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 318-320.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1352-00-00-Italy	1352 JL	Mortality in Italy, which led king Louis I of Hungaryto return to Hungary.	tornato i rre d'Ungheria, per tema della generale mortalità, in suo paese;	The king returned to Hungary, because of the general mortality.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 338.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1352-10-18-Constance	18 October 1352 JL	Great mortality in Constance for a year.	Anno 1352 in die beati Lucae evangeliste (18 October) hub ain großer sterbat an und weret ain ganz jar.	in the year 1352 on the day of Saint Luke the Evangelist (October 18th) a great death began and lasted one year.	Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 60.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1354-00-00-Tunis	1354 JL	In Tunis and surrounding areas was a plague of locusts, which destroyed the fields and grass. Their decay corrupted the air, leading to mortality and famine. In the following year, the same thing happened in Cyprus, thus the king issued a decree to contain the plague.	De' grilli ch'abondarono in Barberia e poi in Cipri In questo anno abondarono in Barberia, a Tunisi e nelle contrade vicine tanta moltitudine di grilli che copersono tutto il paese, e rosono e consumarono tutta l'erba che trovarono viva sopra la terra, e del puzzo ch'uscia della loro coruzzione corruppono tanto l'aria del paese, che nne seguitò grande mortalità nelli uomini, e grande fama a tutta la provincia. E questa medesima pestilenzia di grilli nel seguente anno accupò l'isola di Cipri per sì sconcio modo, che' campi e le strade n'erano pieni, alti da terra u mezzo braccio e più, e guastarono ciò che v'era di verde. E per cessare la pistilenzia della loro coruzione i re fece per dicreto che ogni uomo grande e popolare, plelato e cittadino e barone e contadino, ne dovesse rassegnare certa misura alli uficiali eletti sopra cciò per lo re, i quali feciono fare per li campi grandi fosse, ove li mettieno e ricoprieno. E per questa legge i villani si dispuosono a ffare loro civanza, e patteggiarono colli uomini ch'avieno a ffare il servigio che comandato e imposto li era, e avieno della misura certo (p. 480) prezzo, e rasegnavalli per nome di colui che li avea pagati alli uficiali diputati sopra ciò, i quali tenieno il conto di catuno; e durò questa maladizione in questa isola parecchi anni. Con tutto l'argomento che ffu utilissimo ad alleggiare i campi e cessare la coruzione, ma grande noia e confusione fu a tutto il paese.	That year, in Barbaria, Tunis and the neighbouring areas, there were so many crickets that they covered the whole country, eating and destroying all the grass they found on the ground. The stench emanating from their decay so corrupted the air of the land that a great mortality among the people and a great famine followed throughout the province. In the following year this same plague of locusts attacked the island of Cyprus in such a disgraceful manner that the fields and roads were full of them, up to half an arm and more high, and they destroyed all the greenery there was. To put an end to the pestilence of their decay, the king issued a decree that every man, great or small, plebeian or commoner, baron or peasant, should give a certain amount to the officials he chose. These had large trenches dug in the fields, into which they placed the crickets and covered them up again. As a result of this law, the farmers began to set to work and they traded with the men who were to perform the ordered and imposed service and had a certain price for the quantity. They handed them over in the name of the one who had paid them, to the appointed officials who kept a record of each one. This plague lasted for several years on this island. Although the measure was very useful in relieving the fields and stopping the decay, it was a great labour and confusion to the whole country.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 479-480.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1355-00-00-Florence	1355 JL	In Florence dry and beautiful until mid-April, then much rain, from June very dry until mid-October. Then much precipitation with loss of a third of the seed grain. In summer, many infections and febrile diseases [rabies outbreak in Calabria?], total loss of the fruit harvest, many dead farm animals; good grain harvest; reason: A lunar eclipse on 16th of February.	Martedì notte alle ore IIII e mezzo, a dì XVI di febbraio MCCCLV, cominciò la scurazione della luna nel segno dell' Aquario, e all'ore V e mezzo fu tutta scurata, e bene dello spazio d'un altra ora si penò a liberare. E non sapiendo noi per astrologia di sua influenzia, considerammo li efetti di questo seguente anno, e vedemmo continovamente infino a mezzo aprile serenissimo cielo, e apresso continove acque oltre al modo usato e i rimanente d'aprile e tutto il mese di maggio, e apresso continovi secchi e stemperati caldi insino a mezzo ottobre. E in questi tempi estivali e autunnali furono generali infezzioni, e in molte parti malatie di febri e altri stemperamenti di corpi mortali umani, e singularmente malatie di ventre e di pondi co lungo duramento. Ancora avenne in questo anno un disusato accidente alli uomini, e cominciossi in Calavra a fFiume Freddo e scorse fino a Gaeta, e chiamavano questo accidente male arrabiato. L'affetto mostrava mancamento di celabro con cadimento di capogirli con diversi dibattimenti, e mordieno come cani e percotiensi pericolosamente, e assai se ne morivano, ma cchi era proveduto e atato guariva. E fu nel detto anno mortalità di bestie dimestiche grande. E in questo anno medesimo furono [p. 729] in Fiandra, e in Francia e in Italia molte grandi e diverse battaglie, e nuovi movimenti di guerre e di signorie, come leggendo si potrà trovare. E nel detto anno fu singolare buona e gra ricolta di pane, e più vino non si sperava, perché un freddo d'aprile l'uve già nate seccò e arse, e da ccapo molte ne rinacquono e condussonsi a bbene, cosa assai strana. E da mezzo ottobre a calen di gennaio furono acque continove con gravi diluvii, e perdessene il terzo della sementa, ma il gennaio vegnente fu sì bel tempo, che lla perduta sementa si raquistò. I frutti delli alberi dimestichi tutti si perderono in questo anno. Non aremmo stesa questa memoria se lla scurazione predetta non vi ci avesse indotto.	On Tuesday night at half past twelve o'clock, on the sixteenth day of February MCCCLV, the moon began to wax and wane in the sign of Aquarius, and at half past five o'clock it was all darkened, and within another hour it was free. And not knowing by astrology of its influence, we considered the effects of this following year, and saw continually until mid-April very clear skies, and thereafter continually counting waters beyond the usual manner and the remainder of April and the whole month of May, and thereafter dry and warm dry spells until mid-October. And in these summer and autumn times there were general infestations, and in many parts sicknesses of fever and other distempering of human bodies, and singularly sicknesses of the belly and abdomen with long duration. Again, in this year, an unfortunate accident happened to men, and it began in Calavra at Fiume Freddo and went as far as Gaeta, and they called this accident an angry disease. The affection showed a lack of celabrums with the fall of the head with various fights, and they bit like dogs and perished dangerously, and many died, but those who were provided and cured. And there was great mortality of domestic beasts in the said year. And in this same year there were [p. 729] in Flanders, and in France and Italy many great and diverse battles, and new movements of wars and lordships, as you will read. And in the said year there was a singularly good and abundant harvest of bread, and more wine was not hoped for, because one cold April the grapes that had already been born dried up and burned, and from the beginning many of them were reborn and were well, which is a very strange thing. And from the middle of October to the middle of January, there were heavy rains, and a third of the seed was lost, but the coming January was such good weather that the lost seed was regained. The fruits of the dimestique trees were all lost in this year. We would not have written this memoir if the aforementioned destruction had not induced us to do so.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 728-729	Translation by DeepL
1355-08-00-Cyprus	August 1355 JL	In Cyprus and Tunis and surroundings were great abundance of locusts, which destroyed the harvest and the fields. It followed a famine and a mortality among the people.	Come abondarono grilli in Cipri e 'n Barberia In questo tempo abbondarono nell'isola di Cipri tanti grilli, che rimpierono tutti i campi alti da terra un quarto di braccio, e consumarono ciò che verde trovarono sopra la terra, e guastarono i lavori per modo che frutto no se ne poté avere in quest'anno. E 'l simigliante avenne questo medesimo anno MCCCLV i molte parti della Barberia, e massimamente nel reame di Tunisi; ed essendo mancato il pane al minuto popolo di Barberia, metteno i grilli ne'forni, e cotti alquanto incrosticati li mangiavano i Saracini, e con questa brutta vivanda mantenieno la misera vita, ma grande mortalità seguitò di quello popolo.	How crickets were abundant in Cyprus and in Barbaria At that time there were so many crickets on the island of Cyprus that they covered all the fields up to the height of a quarter of an arm and consumed all the greenery they found on the ground. They destroyed the crops to such an extent that no fruit could be harvested that year. Something similar happened in the same year, 1355, in many parts of Barbaria, especially in the kingdom of Tunis. As bread became scarce for the common people of Barbarie, they put the crickets in ovens, and after they were baked and crusted, the Saracens ate them. With this unappetising food they maintained their miserable lives, but great mortality followed among this people.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 703.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1356-00-00-Mainz	1356 JL	A plague emerges in Germany after a year of inclement weather, cold, and bad harvest.	Anno Domini trecentesimo quinquagesimo 6. crevit vinum tam debile, quod vix homines bibere poterant, et si vinum vetus poterat inveniri, in hoc non poterat tam preciose ... nisi biberetur; et homines, qui poterant hoc habere pro excellenti precio, gavisi sunt quasi gratis haberent; et annona preciosa; et facta est pestilencia in multis partibus terre.	In the year of our Lord 1356, wine grew so weak that scarcely could people drink it, and if old wine could be found, it couldn't be valued as highly... unless it was to be drunk; and people, insofar as they could have this for an excellent price, rejoiced as if they had it for free; and there was a dearth of grain; and a pestilence occurred in many parts of the land.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 4.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1356-00-00-Würzburg	1356 JL	Great plague in Würzburg and Franconia.	De Pestilentia. Anno Domini 1356. fuit pestilentia hominum prima in Herbipoli magna & grauis & circum quaque in Franconia.	Over the plague. In the year of our Lord 1356, was a great and severe human plague first in Würzburg and then all over Franconia.	Template:Chronicon Wirziburgense breve 1735, p. 471.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1356-00-00-Würzburg 001	1356 JL	Great plague in Würzburg and Franconia.	Von ainem sterben In dem jare des heren 1356 ist zu Wirtzburg vnd daselbstumb im land zu Francken ain heftige pestilentz angefallen, die ser vil leüt hinweg genomen hat	About an dying. In the year of the lord 1356 was a great plague in Würzburg and in Franconia, which took the lives of many people.	Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 2 (1994), p. 356.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1357-00-00-Central Germany	1357 JL	A plague along the Rhine, in Hesse, Thuringia and Wetterau.	Eodem anno circa festum ascensionis fuit regina Ungarie et rex Romanus in Maguncia causa peregrinationis cum magna multitudine gentis. Eo quoque tempore fuit divulgatum per (p. 6) totam terram Renensem per litteras auctenticas, quod Antechristus natus esset, et narrabantur infinita signa que fecisset. In nativitate et post eciam dicebatur de multis miraculis de maximo calore qui deberet advenire, et de magnis fluviis et de multis preliis; que Deus avertat! Anno predicto facta est magna pestilentia in multibus partibus Rheni et in Hassia et Thuringia et Wedderabia, et annona preciosa est, quia crevit valde modicum siliginis, sed bonum, et vinum similiter. Eodem anno circa festum Marie Magdalene [Juli 22] eclipsis lune facta est, quia fuit plenilunium, et facta est in quantitate manus, et postea eodem die reintegrata est.	In the same year around Ascension Day, the kings of Hungary and the Roman king stayed in Mainz with a large entourage because of the journey to the East. At the same time, rumours spread throughout the Rhine region through genuine letters that the Antichrist had been born. There was talk of countless signs that he had brought about. At Christmas and afterwards, there was talk of many miracles, of tremendous heat to come, of great masses of water and many wars. God forbid! In the predicted year, a great pestilence occurred in many parts of the Rhine area, as well as in Hesse, Thuringia, and the Wetterau, and grain was scarce because the wheat crop grew very little, albeit good, and similarly with wine. In the same year, a lunar eclipse occurred around Mary Magdalene on 22 July. It was a full moon, the eclipse reached hand-width, but shortly afterwards, on the same day, the moon was full again.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 5-6	Translation by Martin Bauch; None; None;
1357-00-00-South Germany	1357 JL	Great mortality in South Germany (Speyer, Bamberg, Augsburg, Regensburg, Constance, Stuttgart, Grüningen).	Mortalitas sive epithuma fuit in dyocesi Spirensi, Babenbergensi, Augustensi, Ratisponensi et eciam in una parte dyoc. Const. in territorio comitum de Wirtenberg circa Stutgarten et Grüningen.	There was a mortality or disease in the diocese of Speyer, Bamberg, Augsburg, Regensburg and also in a part of the diocese of Konstanz in the area of the dukes of Württemberg around Stuttgart and Grüningen.	Heinricus de Diessenhofen 1842, p. 112	Translation by Martin Bauch
1357-00-00-Zwiefalten	1357 JL	Many people die of a plague in the monastery of Zwiefalten	In monasterio Zwiweltun multe persone ex pestilencia hominum morientur	In the monastery of Zwiefalten many persons die of a pestilence of men.	Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 62	Translation by Martin Bauch
1357-11-01-Florence	1 November 1357 JL	Clear weather around Florence causes a common cold with considerable mortality	Essendo dal cominciamento del verno continovato fino a gennaio un’ aria sottilissima, chiara e serena, e mantenuta sanza ravolgimento di nuvoli o di venti, oltre all’ usato naturale modo, per sperienza del fatto si conobbe che da questa aria venne una influenza, che poco meno che tutti i corpi umani della città, e del contado e distretto di Firenze, e delle circustanti vicinanze, fece infreddare, e durare il freddo avelenato ne’ corpi assai più lungamente che ll’ usato modo. E per dieta o per altri argomenti che’ medici [p. 167] sapessono trovare, no potieno avacciare la liberagione, né da quello liberare le loro persone, e molti dopo la lunga malatia ne morivano; e vegnendo apresso la primavera, molti morirono di subitana morte. Dissesi per li astrolaghi che ffu per influenza di costellazioni, altri per troppa sottigliezza d’aria nel tempo della vernata.	From the beginning of winter until the end of January [1358], a gentle weather (air), clear and sunny, persisted without any clouds or winds – very much beyond what is natural. By experience one knew that this weather exterted an influence on all human bodies in the city and the surrounding countryside of Florence, and let them catch a cold. And this poisonous cold stayed in the bodies much longer than usual. And the doctors could not provide a solution from diets and other measures, and many of the persons afflicted died after a long disease. And as spring came close, many died an instant death. The astrologuers said this was because of the influence of constellations, others said because of the subtile air during wintertime.	Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, pp. 166-167	Translation by Martin Bauch
1358-00-00-Brabant	1358 JL	The plague that did harm in Brabant and surroundings in autumn spread in winter and reached Friuli, where it raged until March.	Operazioni della moria In quest'anno l'usata moria dell'anguinaia, la quale nell'autunno passato avea nel Brabante e nelle circustante parti de Reno fatti gran danni, e nel verno si dilatò, e comprese e passò nel Frioli faccendo l'uficio suo per infino al marzo, e parte della Schiavonia, (p. 301) ma non troppo agramente; però ch'enfiando sotto il ditello e l'anguinaia, chi passava il settimo giorno era sicuro; vero è che in sette dì assai ne morivano. Ancora no pigliava le città e le ville comunemente, ma al modo della gragnuola, l'una lasciava stare e ll'altra prendea; e durando dove cominciava dalle venti alle ventidue settimane, molta gente d'ogni generazione trasse a ffine.	Effects of the plague This year (1358) the accustomed inguinal plague, which last autumn did great harm in Brabant and the surrounding parts of the Rhine, spread in winter, reaching and passing through Friuli, where it did its work till March, and part of Schiavonia, but not too violently; if it swelled under the arm or in the groin, any one who survived the seventh day was safe; it is true, however, that within seven days many died. Moreover, it did not generally affect towns and villages, but like a hailstorm it left one place untouched and seized another; and where it began, it lasted from twenty to twenty-two weeks, killing many people of all ages.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 300-301	None
1358-00-00-Cologne	1358 JL	A plague along the Rhine, in Cologne, with inclement weather, cold in wintern and dearth of foodstuffs.	Eo tempore est facta pestilencia valida in partibus inferioribus et in Colonia et inibi. Eo tempore antequam vindemia inciperet vinum fuit tam preciosum, quod vinum venale non inveniebatur; sed postea statim quando uve erant collecte vinum optimo foro erat, sicut unquam in decem annis antea factum est: ita ego vidi et audivi. Hyeme sequenti Rhenum est compactum circa tres septimanas.	At that time (1358), a severe pestilence occurred in the lower regions and in Cologne and its vicinity. At that time, before the grape harvest began, wine was so precious that it was not available for sale; but afterward, as soon as the grapes were collected, the wine was of the best quality ever seen in the market, as it was never in the past ten years: so I saw and heard. The following winter, the Rhine was frozen for about three weeks.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 7.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1358-00-00-Florence	1358 JL	Few deaths from febrile illnesses in Florence, but these are entirely without an identifiable trigger	In questi tempi fu ne nostro paese in Valdelsa e in Valdarno, di sotto, e nel Chianti, quasi come l'anno dinanzi passato, generali infertà di terzane, e di quartane, e altre febri di lunga malatia, delle quali pochi morivano. Di ciò si maravigliarono le genti di Valdelsa e di Chianti, perché sono in buone arie e purificate, perché due anni l'uno apresso l'altro fossono maculati di simili infermitadi, no conoscendo alcuna singulare cagione di quello accidente	In these times, in Valdelsa and Valdarno, below, and in Chianti, almost as in the previous year, there were general illnesses of terzane and quartane, and other fevers of long illness, of which few died. The people of Valdelsa and Chianti were astonished by this, because they are in good spirits and purified, because two years ago, one after the other, they were plagued by similar infirmities, not knowing any singular reason for the accident.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, p. 273	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1358-00-00-Italy	1358 JL	There was in Tuscany an abundance of fruit. In winter there were colds, in summer tertiary fever. The wine varieties Valdelsa, Chianti and Valdarno had diseases and in France there was a civil war against the nobles.	E ppiù ad aumento di pace in questo anno fu abondanza di tutti i frutti della terra. È vero che furono nel verno malatie di freddo, e nella state molte febri terzane, e semplici e doppie, sicché se lli uomini fer pace delle loro guerre, non di manco li elementi per li peccati sconci delli uomini loro fecero guerra. Nella quale fu da notare che come l'anno passato la Valdelsa, e il Chianti, e il Valdarno furono di molte infertadi gravate e morie, che così nel presente, che ffu mirabile cosa. E perché (p. 208) per queste paci fossono liete molte province, i reame di Francia in questi giorni ebbe grandi e gravi comozioni di popoli contro a' gentili uomini, che molto guastarono il paese, e tre gran compagne di gente d'arme settantrionali conturbarono forte Italia e lla Proenza. Il perché appare che universale pace non può essere nel mondo, come fu al tempo che 'l figliuolo di Dio umana carne della Vergine prese.	And to further increase peace there was abundance of all the fruits of the earth that year. It is true that in winter there were colds, and in summer many tertiary fevers, single and double, so that if men made peace in their wars, the elements still made war on them because of the shameful sins of men. It was remarkable that, as the Valdelsa, the Chianti, and the Valdarno were severely afflicted with many diseases and deaths last year, the same was the case in the present year, which was astonishing. And although many provinces were gladdened by this peace, the kingdom of France in these days experienced great and serious disturbances of the people against the nobles, which greatly devastated the country, and three great hosts of northern warriors greatly troubled Italy and Provence. From this it follows that there can be no universal tranquillity in the world, as there was at the time when the Son of God took on human flesh from the Virgin.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 207-208	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1358-00-00-Netherlands	1358 JL	The plague raged in Brussels, Antwerp, Leuven and other cities in Brabant. Flanders was spared, because it was earlier hard affected.	Di mortalità d'Allamagna e Brabante Essendo ancora il braccio di Dio disteso sopra i peccatori no corretti né amendati per li suoi terribili giudici a tutto il mondo palesi, e per gastigalli e riducelli a migliore vita, nel detto anno nel tempo dell'autunno ricominciò coll'usata pistolenzia dell'anguinaia a fragellare il ponente, e molto gravò in Borsella, che del mese d'ottobre e di novembre vi morirono più di millecinquecento borgesi, sanza le femine e' fanciulli, che furono assai. Ad Anguersa, e a lLovana, e nell'altre ville di Brabante il simile fé. Non toccò la Fiandra, perché altra volta n'era molto stata gravata, e però Brabante più ne sentì; e per simile modo avenne nella Magna a Basola, e in altre città e castella infino a Buemia e Praga, le quali dalla prima mortalità non erano state gravate.	On mortality in Germany and Brabant Since the arm of God was still outstretched over the unrepentant and uncorrected sinners, and in order to chastise them by his terrible judgments revealed to the whole world and to lead them back to a better life, the usual plague of the groin began to plague the West again in the autumn of the year mentioned. Brussels was particularly hard hit, where more than 1500 citizens died in October and November, not counting the women and children, who were also numerous. The same thing happened in Antwerp, Leuven and other cities in Brabant. Flanders was not affected, as it had been severely affected earlier, which is why Brabant suffered all the more; it happened in a similar way in Germany in Basel and in other towns and castles as far as Bohemia and Prague, which had not been affected by the first plague.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, p. 273.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1358-00-00-Strasbourg	1358 JL	A plague came to Strasbourg, similar to the previous one, thus a new graveyard had to be built.	Ein sterbote. Do man zalt 1358 jor, do kam ein gemein sterben zu Strosburg uf die selbe zit des jores. daz was nüt also groß alse daz vorder, doch was es nüt vil kleiner. daz kam von Niderlant heruf, do kam das erste von Oberlande herabe. zu disen zwein sterboten gebrast armen luten begrebede zu dem munster, darumbe maht man dernoch einen nüwen lichofe bi der steinhütten. daz geschach in dem jore do man zalt von gotz gebürte 1360 jor.	A dying In the year 1358, a widespread plague came to Strasbourg at the same time of year. It was not as severe as the previous one, but it was not much smaller. This plague came up from the lower land, whereas the first one had come down from the upper land. Due to these two plagues, the burial ground for the poor overflowed, and thus a new graveyard was established near the stone cottage. This happened in the year 1360 according to the counting from the birth of Christ.	Fritsche Closener 1870, p. 121.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1358-00-00-Strasbourg 001	1358 JL	A plague which came from the lower land and a new cemetery had to be built.	Ein sterbotte. Do men zalte 1358 jor, do was ein gros sterbotte zu Strosburg. der kam von Nyderlant heruf und das erste sterben kam von Oberlant herabe. in disem sterbotte gebrast armen lüten begrebede zu dem münster, derumb mahte men dernoch einen nuwen lichof zum münster bi der steinhütten, noch gotz gebürde 1360 jor.	A dying. In the year 1358, a great dying was in Strasbourg, which came from the lower land and the first dying came from the upper land. In this plague burial space for the poor people at the cathedral became full, so in 1360, a new cemetery was created next to the church near the stone houses.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 771.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1358-05-00-Orvieto	May 1358 JL	Outbreak of the Pestis secunda in Orvieto, more than 5000 deaths.	De l'anno mille et trecento cinquanta otto del mese di magio si cominciò in Orvieto grandissima mortalità di gente, et del mese di giugno et di luglio sequente sempre venne rinforzanno la mortalità finente il mese di agosto, sì che in Orvieto morì in questo anno molta gente, spetialmente cituli et giovani et giovane, che pochi giacavano amalati. Sí che si trovò in Orvieto, dentro alla città, morirno in questi quattro mesi, infra maschi et femine et grandi et piccholi, più di cinque milia persone, infra li quali morirno assai buoni cittadini notevoli et boni homini. Onde che la città di Orvieto ricevette grandissimo danno di boni cittadini.	In May of 1358 a great mortality of people began in Orvieto, and from the following months of June and July, the mortality rate always increased until the end of the month of August, so that in this year many people died in Orvieto, especially young men and women and young men and women, who were only a few sick. So that in Orvieto, inside the city, more than five thousand people died in these four months, including males and females, young and old, among whom many notable good citizens and good men died, so that the city of Orvieto received great damage from good citizens.	Anonymus 1922-24, p. 84	Translation by DeepL
1358-07-25-Constance	25 July 1358 JL	Great mortality in Constance especially along the Danube in Ulm. In addition descriptions of the weather.	Quo eciam mense [July] et precedentibus mortalitas viguit in dyocesi Constant. maxime circa Danubium in Ulma et usque ad lacum in Constantia et aliis locis circum iacentibus. Et duravit ad annum lix. et tunc cepit cessare. Sed a festo sancti Iacobi [25.07.] usque ad annum prescriptum quinquaginta sex scolares in Constancia mortui sunt. Et omnes habuerunt apostemata qui illa pestilencia decesserunt exceptis paucissimis. Et frigus incepit in vigilia [leere Stelle] anni lix. et duravit usque ad purificationem. Et deinceps fuit tempus bonum et temperatum. Et per totum martium nec nix nec frigus fuit sed bene cum serenitate incepit et cum pluvia modica et temperata in fine mensis finivit. Et eius lunacio incepit xiiii. Numero aurei numeri secundum veram computationem que servanda est, nec fallit nisi ad paucas horas precedentis diei. Anno autem lx. erit xv. Et sic ascensive et descensive deinceps, et incipiendum est in ianuario.	In the same month [July] and the preceding months, mortality raged in the diocese of Constance, especially along the Danube in Ulm and as far as Lake Constance in Constance as well as in other neighbouring areas. It lasted until 1359 and then began to subside. However, from the feast of St James [25 July] until that year, fifty-six pupils died in Constance. All those who died from this plague had abscesses, with very few exceptions. And the cold began on the eve of [blank space] of the year 59 and lasted until the Purification. From then on, the weather was good and temperate. Throughout March, there was neither snow nor cold, but it began with clear skies and ended with light and moderate rain at the end of the month. Its lunar phase began on the 14th, according to the golden number, according to the true calculation which must be observed and is only off by a few hours of the previous day. In the year 60, it will be the 15th. And so it continues ascending and descending from then on, and it is to begin in January.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 113.	None
1359-11-01-Bohemia	1 November 1359 JL	A plague in Bohemia and the neighbouring areas.	Eo tempore (1359) circa Omnium Sanctorum fuit pestilencia gravis in Bohemia et in partibus Bohemie et circumsitis.	At that time (1359), around All Saints' Day, there was a severe pestilence in Bohemia and in the surrounding regions of Bohemia.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 8.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1360-00-00-Damascus	1360 JL	Devasting plague in Damascus and Cairo. The reason is only known to god and gods will is more powerful than natural influence.	Della grande pistolenzia che percosse li Saracini. In questo anno pestilenzia di febri fu in Damasco e al Caro tanto fuori di modo, che sanza niuno riparo quasi generalmente ogni gente uccidea; il perché si credette che lle province di là rimanessono disolate e sanza abitatore, e sse guari tempo fosse durata avenia. Li morti furono tanti, che stimare numero certo o vicino non si poté. La cagione onde mossa a dDio solo, o ccui lo rivela, è manifesta. La naturale nicissità, la quale surge dalla influenza de' cieli e delle stelle, dà luogo alla nicisità soluta che procede dalla sua volontà.	Of the great plague that struck the Saracens In that year, a fever plague raged so violently in Damascus and Cairo that it carried off almost the entire population without any defence. It was believed that the provinces there would remain devastated and uninhabited if the plague continued for much longer. The number of deaths was so great that it was impossible to make an exact or even approximate estimate. The cause of this plague was known only to God or to those to whom he revealed it. The natural necessity arising from the influence of the heavens and the stars gave way to the divine necessity arising from his will.	Matteo Villani 1995,Vol. 2, p. 506	None
1360-00-00-Europe	April 1360 JL	The passage describes the way in which the plague spread, beginning in England in April and May and then spread to France, Lombardy, Romagne, Marche and Majorca. Matteo Villani criticised the persistence of people in their sins and the forgetting of the Judgement Day.	Della pistolenzia dell'anguinaia ricominciata in diversi paesi del mondo, e di sua operazione. In Inghilterra d'aprile e di maggio si cominciò, e seguitò di giugno e più inanzi, la pistolenzia dell'anguinaia usata, e ffuvi tale e tanta, che nella città di Londra il dì di san Giovanni e 'l seguente morirono più di MCC Cristiani, e in prima e poi per tutta l'isola. Gran fracasso fece per simile ne reame di Francia: nella Proenza trafisse ogni maniera di gente. Vignone corruppe in forma che no vi campava persona: morironvi nove cardinali, e più di VIIC plelati e gran cherici, e popolo inumerabile. E di maggio e giugno si stese e percosse la Lombardia, e prima Commo e Pavia, co tanta roina, che quais le recò in desolazione. In Milano misse il capo, dove altra volta nonn-era stata, e tirò a terra il popolo quasi affatto, con grande orrore e spavento di chi rimanea. Vinegia toccò in più riprese, e tolsele oltre a XXM viventi. La Romagna opressò forte e assai quasi per tutte sue terre, ma ppiù l'una che l'altra, e nell'entrata del verno cominciò a restare i Lombardia, e a gravare la Marca, e lla città d'Agobbio forte premette. L'isola della Maiolica perdé oltre alle tre parti de li abitanti. Né lasciò l'alpi delli Ubaldini sanza macolo per molti de' (p. 514) luoghi suoi. E molti paesi del mondo inn-uno tempo erano di questo pistolenzia corrotti, né già quelli a ccui parea che Dio perdonasse no ritornavano a llui per contrizione, partendosi dalle iniquitadi e dalle prave operazioni ostinate, e come le bestie del macello, veggendo l'altre nelle mani del beccaio col coltello svenare, saltavano liete nella pastura, quasi come a lloro non dovesse toccare, ma più dimenticando li uomini il giudicio divino si davano sfacciatamente alle rapine, alle guerre, e al mantenere compagne contra ogni uomo, alle ingiurie de' prossimi, e alle disoluta vita, e a' mali guadagni assai più che nelli altri tempi, corompendo la speranza della misericordia di Dio per lo male ingegno delle perverse menti; e cciò per manifesta sperienza si vide in tutte le parti del mondo dove la detta pistolenzia mostrò il giudicio di Dio.	On the resurgence of the plague of the groin in various countries of the world and its effects In England, the familiar plague of the abdomen began in April and May and continued through June and beyond. It was so devastating that on St John's Day and the following day, more than 1200 Christians died in the city of London, as well as before and after throughout the island. The plague caused similar chaos in the Kingdom of France; in Provence it affected people of all kinds. In Avignon, it raged so strongly that no one there was spared: nine cardinals died, over 700 prelates and great clerics as well as countless people from the populace. In May and June, it spread to Lombardy, first to Como and Pavia, causing such destruction that these cities were almost depopulated. In Milan, where it had not been before, it caused great damage and decimated almost the entire population, causing great fear and terror among the survivors. Venice was hit in several waves and lost over 20,000 people. Romagna was hit hard, almost all towns were affected, some more than others. At the end of the winter, the plague began to subside in Lombardy, while it hit the Marche hard and put the city of Gubbio under severe pressure. On the island of Majorca, over three quarters of the population died. Even the Alps of the Ubaldini were not spared, and many of their towns were badly hit. At the same time, many countries of the world were afflicted by this plague, and those who believed that God had mercy on them did not return to him through repentance, but persisted in their sins and evil deeds. Like cattle for the slaughter, seeing their fellow animals in the hands of the butcher with a knife, they jumped happily to the pasture as if they would not be hit. But people, forgetting divine judgement, shamelessly indulged in robbery, wars and maintaining gangs against everyone, committing injustice against their neighbours, living a dissolute life and seeking ill-gotten gains, far more than at other times. This corrupted the hope of God's mercy by the evil nature of their perverse minds; and this could be observed in all parts of the world, where the aforementioned plague showed the judgement of God.	Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, pp. 514-515.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1360-00-00-Florence	1360 JL	Throughout the summer clear weather and heat, which leaded to abundant harvest of grain, wine and other crops. High mortality in western parts, but also in Italy many diseases with death, for exampel an epidemic of smallpox among children but also among men and women higher age.	Ancora dello stato del tempo e della moria dell'anguinaia Questo anno fu singulare di continovo sereno tutta la state, e di notabile caldo, e ebbe secondo il lungo tempo secco e caldo comunale ricolta di grano e di vino, e degli altri frutti della terra, ma la moria fu (p. 456) grandissima i molte parti occidentali, come narrato di sopra avemo, e lla Italia ebbe molti infermi di lunghe malatie, ed assai morti; e generale infermità di vaiuolo fu nella state di fanciulli e ne' garzoni, ed eziandio nelli uomini e femine di maggiori etadi, ch'era cosa di stupore e fastidiosa a vedere.	About the weather and the inguinal plague This year was characterised by continuously clear weather throughout the summer, accompanied by remarkable heat. Due to the prolonged drought and heat, the harvest of grain, wine and other crops was abundant. However, mortality was very high in many western parts, as described above, and Italy also had many sick with protracted diseases and numerous deaths. In summer there was a general epidemic of smallpox among children and youths, as well as among men and women of advanced age, which was astonishing and unpleasant to see.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 455-456	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1360-05-00-Flandern	May 1360 JL	The plague reappeared in Flanders and one third died of it, especially the common people. In the diocese of Liège more than the half of the people died. It raged especially in these countries, which were spared previously. The passages talks about the symptoms and that in Poland the jews were persecuted and killed, because they were accused of being the reason for the plague.	Come mortalità dell'anguinaia ricominciò in diverse parti del mondo Nonn-è da llasciare in oblazione la moria mirabile dell'anguinaia in questo anno ricominciata, simile a quella che prencipio ebbe nel MCCCXLVIII insino nel MCCCL, come narrammo nel cominciamento del primo libro di questo nostro trattato. Questa pistilenzia ricominciò del mese di maggio in Fiandra, che di largo il terzo de' cittadini e oltra morirono, offendendo più il minuto popolo e povera gente che a' mezzani, maggiori e forestieri, che pochi ne perirono, e duròvi insino all'uscita d'ottobre del detto anno, e così seguitò per l'altra Fiandra. In Brabante toccò poco, e così in Piccardia, ma nel vescovado di Legge fé spaventevole dammaggio, però che lla metà di viventi periro. Dipoi si venne stendendo nella bassa Allamagna toccando non generalmente ogni terra, ma quasi quelle dove prima non avea gravate, e valicò nel Frioli e nella Schiavonia; e ffu di quella medesima infertà d'enfiatura d'anguinaia e sotto il ditello come la prima generale, e ssì era passato dal tempo di quella e suo cominciamento a cquello di questa per ispazio di XIIII anni, e anni X della fine di quella a cquesta, essendo alcuna volta tra questo tempo ritocca ora in uno ora in altro luogo, man non grande come questo anno, certificando li uomini correnti nel male che lla mano di Dio nonn-è stanca né limitata da costellazioni nè dda fisiche ragioni. Adivenne nel Frioli e in (p. 449) Ungheria che lla moria cominciata inn-enfiatura tornò in uscimento di sangue, e poi si convertì in febre, e molti febricosi farnetici, ballando e cantando morivano. E in questi tempi occorse cosa assai degna di nota, che in Pollonia, nelle parti confinanti colle terre dello 'mperio, essendo in esse grandissima quantità di Giudei, li paesani cominciarono a mormorare, dicendo che questa pistolenzia loro venia per li Giudei; onde li Giudei temendo a rre loro mandarono de' loro anziani a cchiederli misercordia, e ffecioli gran doni di muneta, e d'una corona di smisurata valuta; lo re conservare li volea, ma lli popoli furiosi no ssi poterono quietare, ma correndo straboccatamente tra' Giudei, e quasi a ultima consumazione, con ferro e ffuoco oltre a XM Giudei spensono, e alla camera del loro re tutti li loro beni furono incorporati.	How the inguinal plague resurged in different parts of the world It should not go unmentioned that the remarkable death of the plague of the groin reappeared this year, similar to the one that began in 1348 and lasted until 1350, as we reported in the first book of this treatise. This plague began in Flanders in May, where more than a third of the citizens died, and it particularly affected the common people and the poor, while the middle class, the wealthy and foreigners suffered few losses. It lasted there until the end of October of the same year and continued throughout Flanders. In Brabant, few were affected, as in Picardy, but it caused devastating damage in the diocese of Liège, where half the population died. It then spread to Lower Germany, not touching every country but mainly those that had previously been spared, and reached Friuli and Schiavonia. It was the same disease with swellings in the groin and under the arm as the first great plague, and fourteen years had passed from the beginning of the first to this, and ten years from the end of the first to this, during which time the plague sometimes reappeared in one place or another, but never so strongly as this year. This confirmed to men that the hand of God is neither tired nor limited by constellations or physical causes. In Friuli and Hungary the plague began with swellings, then turned into haemorrhages, and finally into fever, and many of those suffering from fever died in delusions, dancing and singing. During these times, a remarkable thing happened in Poland, in the border areas of the empire, where there were large numbers of Jews. The natives began to murmur, saying that this plague was coming through the Jews; so the Jews, in their fear, sent some of their elders to the king to beg for mercy, and they made him great gifts of money and a crown of immeasurable value. The king wanted to protect them, but the enraged people could not be pacified and charged against the Jews, killing more than ten thousand Jews with iron and fire and incorporating all their possessions into the royal chamber.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2 pp. 448-449.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1360-10-26-Milan	26 October 1360 JL	Francesco Petrarca does not want to leave Milan, where a severe plague was raging, as he writes to a doctor friend	Illud autem quod ex hox aere semper hactenus laudato, nunc nescio cur infami, me ad patriam tuam saluberrimasque Alpium radices anxius atque solicitus vocas [...] (p. 132) Ut ergo pestem fugiam, que hactenus urbem hanc terruit potiusquam invasit, quot sunt alia, quam diversa mortis spicula, quibus assequitur fugientes et quorum forte plurimis subductum uni caput obicio!	That you are summoning me from this region, which was always praised but is now inexplicably vilified, to your homeland and the splendidly healthy valley floor of the Alps, demonstrates, as always, your faithfulness. [...] (p. 548) How can I escape the plague that has hitherto 'terrified this city more than conquest'? The number of deadly arrows with which it pursues the fleeing is vast, so should I expose my head, which may have barely escaped the multitude, to perhaps just one?	Francesco Petrarca, Le familiari XX-XXIV, pp. 132–133	None
1361-00-00-Avignon	1361 JL	An epidemic in Avignon - with symptoms differing from plague - kills many, seemingly instantaneous, among them clerics and cardinals.	Eo tempore maxime viguet lues horribilis Avinione, ita quod defecerunt minstri palacii pape, et ceciderunt homines mortui ex improviso tam in lectis, in mensis quam in viis et ubilibet; et mortui sunt plures clerici, et octo cardinales obierunt.	At that time, a dreadful plague was rampant in Avignon, to the extent that the attendants of the Pope's palace disappeared, and people fell dead suddenly both in their beds, at their tables, and in the streets and everywhere; and many clerics died, and eight cardinals passed away.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 10.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1361-00-00-Milano	1361 JL	The pestis secunda is ravaging Venice, France, Spain, Germany, Avignon, Lombardy and Romagna, but sparing Modena, Bologna and Tuscany. Milan suffers a loss of 11.000 people	Dicto millesimo M.ccclxj per totum illum annum in partibus orbis fuit pestilentialis mortalitas valde magna, quae de uno loco ad alium per temporis spacium transibat; fuit etiam dicta mortalitas in civitate Venetiarum, in Francia, in Hispania, in Alemania, in Avenione ubi Papa residebat et in aliquibus partibus Romandiolae et quasi in omnibus civitatibus Lombardiae, quia prout ego Iohannes de Bacano audivi ab aliquibus fide dignis, in civitate Mediolani et eius diocesi inter homines et mulieres plusquam xj. milia personarum ex dicta pestilentia obierunt, ita quod medietas personarum in locis ubi erat pestilentia habitantium et ultra creduntur ex [p. 177] dicta pestilentia decessisse; tamen dicta pestilentia ad civitatem Mutinae nec Bononiae ne in Tuscia nec in aliis multis mundi locis in dicto anno minime pertransivit. Pestilentia autem illa era apostemata pessima, ex quibus personae, ut plurimum, subito vel quasi demigrabant.	In the said year 1361, throughout that entire year, there was a very great plague-induced mortality in parts of the world, which moved from one place to another over a span of time. This mortality was also said to have occurred in the city of Venice, in France, in Spain, in Germany, in Avignon where the Pope resided, and in some parts of Romagna, and in almost all the cities of Lombardy. For, as I, Johannes de Bacano, heard from some trustworthy sources, in the city of Milan and its diocese, more than eleven thousand people, both men and women, died from this plague, so that it is believed that half of the inhabitants in the places where the plague was present and more died from this plague. However, this plague did not pass through the city of Modena, nor Bologna, nor in Tuscany, nor in many other parts of the world in that year. This plague, however, was marked by very bad abscesses, from which most people, suddenly or almost suddenly, perished	Giovanni da Bazzano - Chronicon Mutinense 1917, pp. 176-179	Translation needed
1361-00-00-Piemont	1361 JL	Outbreak of an epidemic, that travels eastwards from Piedmont with many deaths	In lo dicto millesimo fu una grande mortalità in queste parte. Cominzò in Piamunti et per le contrade e dessèse a Millano, e morilli oltra che cento milia christiani. [p. 144] Venne oltre a Parma e llì fu grandissima mortalità; et passò oltra, a Rimino, per tucta la Romagna, com fu a Cesena et a Forlì, et a Faenza, et a Ymola ne fu pocha; et finalmente in ogni parte	In the said thousandth year there was a great mortality in these parts. It began in Piedmont and through the districts and went to Milan, and died more than a hundred thousand Christians. [p. 144] It came beyond Parma and there was a great mortality; and it passed beyond, to Rimini, through the whole of Romagna, as it was in Cesena and Forlì, and Faenza, and in Imola there was little; and finally in every part.	Template:Anonymus 1938b, pp. 143–144	Translation by DeepL
1361-05-00-Montpellier	May 1361 JL	A mortality breaks out in Montpellier from May to July. People of all social status die. Sometimes 500 persons die in the same day.	Item, aquel an meteys, fon grant mortalitat en crestiandat et duret a Montpelier per tot may et junh et julh en que moriron motz de bos homes et gran colp d’autra gent, tant que lo y ac mot de jorns que morian Vc personas en tre grans e paucas et riquas e pauras.	In this year occured a great epidemic all across Christianhood. In Montpellier, it lasted from May to July, and many rich and poor people died, so that in some days 500 people died altogether.	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1361.html (20 April 2020).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1361-06-00-Avignon	June 1361 JL	A plague in Avignon kills many, among them German clerics.	In Iunio facta est maxima pestilencia et mortalitas in curia Romana Avinione. Tunc obierunt ibi multi clerici Alamani.	In June (1361), the greatest pestilence and mortality occurred in the Roman court in Avignon. Many German clerics died there at that time.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 9.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1361-09-18-Avignon	18 September 1361 JL	Great mortality in Avignon and Lombardy and Pope Innocent VI. appoints new cardinals, as many former cardinals have died of the plague.	Item quod papa creavit viii cardinales simul. Item eodem mense et anno lxi. xiiii. kal. octobris papa Innocentius vi. creavit octo cardinales nono anno sui pontificatus simul et semel Avinione. Et ibi novem cardinales moriebantur a principio anni lxi. usque ad festum Mathei apostoli et ewangeliste [sept. 21], et centum et quinquaginta episcopi et septem milia hominum: tanta fuit ibi mortalitas. Sed multo maior in Longobardia, maxime in Mediolano.	The pope also appointed eight cardinals at the same time. Also in the same month and year of 1361, on the 14th calends of October [18 September], Pope Innocent VI appointed eight cardinals simultaneously and uniquely in Avignon in the ninth year of his pontificate. Nine cardinals died there from the beginning of the year 1361 until the feast of St Matthew the Apostle and Evangelist [sept. 21], as well as one hundred and fifty bishops and seven thousand people; such was the mortality there. But it was even greater in Lombardy, especially in Milan.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 125	None
1361-10-00-Egypt	October 1361 JL	A deadly disease (fanāʾ) hit Cairo, Alexandria and further places in 763 H (October 31, 1361 to October 19, 1362). Many people died.		"In the year 763 AH (1362-1363 AD), a plague struck Egypt, Alexandria, and other places, causing the death of many people. In the year 775 AH (1373-1374 AD), a calamity befell in Ben Saghta. (3) In Ben: many people died. (4) In: the number increased in Ben and decreased elsewhere. (5) Among the original inhabitants, many died, and in Ben, the number increased and decreased elsewhere."	al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 4 (1970), p. 127.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1362-00-00-Bologna	1362 JL	Pestis secunda in Bologna kills many	Pestilentia magna Bononie multos consumpsit.		Sorbelli 1912, p. 50	Translation needed
1362-00-00-Bologna 002	1362 JL	Outbreak of Pestis secunda in Bologna.	1362 fu una muria in bulogna che pochi ne rimasero.	1362 was a mortality in Bologna that few remained.	Brani di cronache bolognesi, p. 20r	Translation by DeepL
1362-00-00-Bologna 003	May 1362 JL	Pestis secunda in Bologna and surrounding area	Magna mortalitas fuit in Bononia et comitatu Bononiae et duravit a mense maji usque per totum mensem octobris, et tunc decessit Guidutius Mathae Guidonis de Griffonibus, die XXI septembris, et sepultus fuit ad Sanctum Franciscum		Template:Griffoni 1902, p. 66	Translation needed
1362-00-00-Brescia	1362 JL	Plague forces troops outside of Brescia to return to Verona	Più la pistilenzia dell'anguinaia avendo aspramente assalito la città di Brescia, ell'oste de' collegati ch'era di fuori, li strinse a partire, e ssi tornarono a Verona, e quindi ciascuna alla terra sua.	The plague hit the city of Brescia so hard that the army of the allies camped outside the city was forced to leave. They returned to Verona, and from there everyone returned to their own homes.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, p. 595.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1362-00-00-Italy	June 1362 JL	Pestis secunda in Italy is explained with weather methaphors with regard to its unclear pattern.	In questi tempi, del mese di giugno e luglio, la usata pistolenzia dell'anguinaia con danno grandissimo percosse la città di Bologna, e tutto il Casentino occupò, salvo che certe ville alle quali perdonò, procedendo quasi in similtudine di grandine, la quale e questo e quel campo pericola, e quello del mezzo [p. 586] quasi perdonando trapassa; e sse similtudine di suo effetto dare si può, se cciò procede dal cielo per mezzo dell'aria corrotta, simile pare alle nuvole rade e spesse, per le quali passi i rraggio del sole, e dove fa sprendere e dove no. Or come che 'l fatto si vada, nel Casentino infino a Decomano nelle terre del conte Ruberto fé grande damaggio d'ogni maniera di gente: toccò Modona e Verona assai, e lla città di Pisa e di Lucca, e in certe parti del contado di Firenze vicine all'alpi, e nelle alpi delli Ubaldini: a' Pisani tolse molti cittadini, ma più soldati. Nell' isola di rodi in questi tempi ha ffatti danni incredibili: e nel MCCCLXII del mese di luglio e d'agosto aspramente assalì l'oste de' collegati di Lombardia sopra la città di Brescia per modo che convenne se ne partisse, e nella città danno fece assai. Nella città di Napoli e in molte terre de Regno, ove assai, e dove poco facea, ove neente. Nelle case vicini a fFegghine cominciò d'ottobre in una ruga, e ll' altre vie non toccò. In Firenze ove in una casa ove in un'altra di rado e poco per infino a calen di dicembre.	In these times, in the months of June and July, the recurring plague of the groin area struck the city of Bologna with great harm and spread throughout the entire Casentino region, except for certain villages which were spared. It proceeded almost in a manner similar to hail, which damages one field and the next but spares the one in the middle; if a comparison to its effect can be made, it seems to proceed from the sky through the corrupted air, similar to sparse and dense clouds, through which the sun's rays pass, shining in some places and not in others. However it happened, in Casentino up to Decomano in the lands of Count Ruberto, it caused great damage to all kinds of people: it affected Modena and Verona significantly, as well as the cities of Pisa and Lucca, and in certain parts of the Florence countryside near the Alps, and in the Ubaldini Alps. It took many citizens from the Pisans, but more soldiers. In the island of Rhodes during these times, it caused incredible damage: and in 1362, in the months of July and August, it harshly attacked the allied army of Lombardy above the city of Brescia to the point that they had to retreat, and it caused considerable damage in the city. In the city of Naples and many lands of the Kingdom, it caused much damage in some places, little in others, and none in others. Near Feghine, it began in October in one street but did not touch the others. In Florence, it affected one house or another rarely and slightly until the beginning of December..	Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, pp. 585–586.	Translation by DeepL
1362-00-00-Pisa	1362 JL	A plague hit the peasants who fled to Pisa. It was a punishment of God.	[…] e per giunta a' detti mali, li villani de' piani ch'erano rifuggiti in Pisa, e stavansi sotto loro carra lungo le mura, furono assaliti dalla pistilenzia (p. 611) dell'anguinaia, assai ne perirono. E cciò somigliava all'intendenti giudicio di Dio, che dentro e di fuori così gastgasse i corompitori della pace e della fede data per soperchio d'astuta malizia.	[...] and in addition to the evils mentioned, the peasants from the plains who had fled to Pisa and were staying under their carts along the walls were attacked by the inguinal plague (p. 610). Many of them died. This appeared to prudent observers as the judgement of God, who punished both within and without the corrupters of peace and given fidelity for their excessive, cunning wickedness.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 610-611	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1362-10-00-Middle East	20 October 1362 JL	A deadly disease (wabāʾ) hit Egypt in 764 H (October 20, 1362 to October 9, 1363), the maximum daily death toll reached 2,000. The disease was then transmitted to Greater Syria.	Mortalitas magna per totum fere mundum	There was a great mortality in almost all of the world.	Ibn Ḥabīb - Tadhkirat al-nabīh 1976-1986, vol. 3 (1986), p. 259	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1362-11-00-Po	November 1362 JL	Flooding of the Po and outbreak of the Pestis secunda.	In quell'Anno crebbe tanto il fiume Pò a dì 10. di novembre, che affondò gran parte del Ferrarese. In quell' anno e in quel mese incominciò una gran pestilenza di mortalità, della quale quasi per tutto il mondo morirono molti.	In that year, the Po River rose so high on the 10th of November that it flooded a large part of the Ferrara. In that year and month, a great pestilence of mortality began, from which many people died.	Template:Niccolò da Ferrara 1738, Sp. 843.	Translation by DeepL
1363-00-00-Florence	1363 JL	Matteo Villani died on the plague and his son Filippo Villani wants to continue his work.	In questi giorni la pistilenza dell'anguinaia prese il componitore di questa opera Matteo, e trovandolo di sobria e temperata natura e vita il dibatté cinque giorni, in fine il dodecimo dì del mese di luglio divotamente rendé l'anima a dDio. Il quale in tanto possiamo dire meritevolemente essere da laudare, in quanto esso co lo stile ch'a llui fu possibile non sofferse che perissono le cose accorse nel mondo per lo tempo che scrive degne di memoria, quindi aparecchiando materia a' più dilicati e alti ingegni di riducere sue ricordanze in più filice e rilevato stile, qui a mme Filippo suo figliuolo lasciando il pensiere di seguitare sue per infino alla pace fatta colli Pisani, per no lasciare la materia intracisa, e così m'ingegnerò di fare la storia di tempo in tempo, coll'altre cose accorse nell'altre parti del mondo le quali a mia notizia perverranno.	It was during these days that the author of this work, Matteo, was taken by the inguinal plague. Although he was of a sober and temperate nature and lifestyle, he struggled with the disease for five days until he finally returned his soul consecrated to God on the twelfth day of July. We can say that he deserves to be praised because, despite his own sufferings and the suffering that happened in the world during his writing period and was worth remembering, he prepared material so that the finer and more discerning minds could rework his memoirs in an appealing and sublime style. Here I will Filippo, his son, who left me the thought of continuing his work until peace with the Pisans, not leave his work unfinished. I shall endeavour to record events at regular intervals and also to report on what is happening in other parts of the world, as and when I become aware of them.	Filippo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, p. 663	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Florence 001	1363 JL	The brothers of Pagolo died in the mortality and left him alone with the business. He had many debts which made his life full of wories.	Fu di nicistà che ’l detto Pagholo, giovane gharzone, e, sechondo l’età d’allora, fanciullo, provedesse al tutto; e se fu fatichoso e di sollecitudine e di rischio, i’ penso choll’aiuto di Dio dirtene tanto innanzi che ttu arai chagione d’inmaginare il tutto. Questi suoi fratelli morirono di (p. 193) pistolenza nella mortalità fonda del sesantatré, che ffu grande, e andaronsene a piè di Dio inn ispazio di venti dì; e, chome ài inteso, i due erano avillupati nel trafficho del guado e nella tinta, dove egli aveano inviluppati circha di quindicimila fiorini. Il terzo, e primo a morire, avea donna, e viva rimase dopo lui e giovane. Era invillupato questo nell’usure, ché pocho fecie altro; e none si distendea questo suo viluppo pure in Firenze ma per tutto il chontado, e pure chon lavoratori e poveri il forte, e chon grandi / (c. 42v) uomini e potenti, e in Firenze e di fuori. Il detto Pagholo, giovane, soro, solo, sanza alchuno aiuto o chonsiglio se non di suoi amici, a tenpo di mortalità, isbighottito della morte de’ suoi e della paura di sé, trovatosi in gran viluppi di molti crediti a rischuotere e di migliaia di fiorini, sendone morti assai d<e’> creditori e de’ fattori che aveano nel chapo i fatti loro, avendo etiandio a cierchare d’essi non pure in Firenze o nel chontado, ma di fuori, ‘Arezo, al Borgho, a Siena, a Pisa e per altre istrane parti, a ritrarre merchatantia, a venderla, e a svilupare tutto, non fu sanza grande sollecitudine e faticha.	It was necessary for the said Pagholo, a young lad and still a child by the standards of the time, to take care of everything; and although it was laborious, worrying and risky, I think that with God's help I can tell you so much about it that you will understand the whole thing. His brothers died of the plague in the great mortality of 1363, and they went to God within twenty days. As you have learnt, two were involved in the woad trade and dyeing business, where they had invested about 15,000 florins. The third, who was the first to die, had a wife who was left a young widow after him. He was in the usury business and little else; his business extended not only in Florence but throughout the surrounding area, especially with labourers and the poor, but also with rich and powerful people, both in Florence and beyond. The aforementioned Pagholo, young and alone, without any help or advice except from his friends, in a time of mortality, terrified by the death of his loved ones and in fear for his own life, found himself in great entanglements with many debts, which is why he had to risk many loans and thousands of florins. Many of the debtors and administrators who ran their businesses had also died. He not only had to retrieve and sell goods in Florence or the surrounding area, but also outside, in Arezzo, the Borgo, Siena, Pisa and other foreign places, and unravel everything. This was not done without great care and effort.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 192-193.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Florence 002	1363 JL	The plague raged in Florence and killed three brothers of the author's father, but in general the plague was less deadly than that of 1348.	Negli anni 1363 fu in Firenze la mortalità pestilenziale†: fu grande e moricci assai giente, ma non agiunse al quarto di danno che quella del ’48 chome che a nnoi fusse tre chotanti piggiore; ché nella detta moria, chome dinanzi n’è memoria, mori tre fratelli di nostro padre, cioè di Pagolo di Bartolomeo nominati Giovanni, Dino e Chalandro: il dì e ‘l tenpo è scritto innanzi.	In 1363 there was a plague-like mortality in Florence: it was great and many people died, but it did not reach a quarter of the damage caused by that of 1348, although it seemed to us three times worse; for during that plague, as mentioned before, three of our father's brothers died, namely Pagolo di Bartolomeo's brothers Giovanni, Dino and Chalandro: the day and time have already been written down before.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 234	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Florence 003	May 1363 JL	Great plague in Florence and surroundings	In questo tempo fu grande pistolenzia nella città e contado di Firenze	In this year was a great plague in the city and the surroundings of Florence	Filippo di Cino Rinuccini: Ricordi storici 1840, p. XXXIII	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1363-00-00-Florence 004	1363 JL	A son of Matteo died during the plague, others fled to Forlì.	Antonio, l' altro figliuolo che rimase di Matteo, vivette da XV anni ; sì che di lui poco si può scrivere, se non ch' era diverso e di sangue focoso, e temo, fosse andato per vita, avrebbe fatto delle cose ch' avrebbe riscaldato gli orecchi altrui. Morì per la mortalità del 1363, essendo Bernardo e Salvestro a Forlì là fuggiti per la temenza della mortalità ; come molti altri feciono il simile, e chi ne capitò male e chi bene, ma i più bene.	Antonio, Matteo's other son, lived until he was fifteen, so little can be written about him except that he was different and hot-tempered. I fear that if he had lived a longer life, he would have done things that would have made others' ears prick up. He died during the plague in 1363, when Bernardo and Salvestro had fled to Forlì for fear of the plague. Many others did the same, and some were lucky, some were not, but most were lucky.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, p. 46	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Montecalvoli	1363 JL	The siege of Montecalvoli was lifted because the plague struck badly the army and the captain was ill as well.	Come morì messer Piero da Farnese Essendo entrata la furia della pistilenza dell'anguinaia ne l'oste de'Fiorentini, molti n'uccise, molti ne 'ndebolì, molti ne 'nvilì. Il perché essendo levato l'assedio da Montecalvoli, per comandamento de' signori di Firenze, il capitano era in Castello Fiorentino, e quivi lo prese il male dell'anguinaia a dì XVIIII di giugno, e il detto dì n'andò a Sa Miniato del Tedesco, e quivi in su la mezza notte passò di questa vita, e il corpo suo inn-una cassa alle spese del Comune fu recato in Firenze, e posato a Verzaia, aspettando Ranuccio (p. 662) suo fratello per cui era mandato; poi a dì XXV del mese il corpo suo fu recato in Firenze alle spese del Comune con amirabile pompa d'asequio, le quali furono di questa maniera… [...]	How Messer Piero da Farnese Died When the fury of the plague struck the Florentine army, it killed many, weakened many, and demoralized many. After the siege of Montecalvoli was lifted on the orders of the lords of Florence, the captain was in Castello Fiorentino, where he was struck by the disease known as "Anguinaia" (plague boils) on June 19th. On that same day, he went to San Miniato al Tedesco, where he passed away around midnight. His body was placed in a coffin at the expense of the Commune and taken to Florence, where it was laid in Verzaia while waiting for his brother Ranuccio, who had been summoned. Then, on the 25th of the month, his body was brought to Florence at the expense of the Commune with remarkable pomp and ceremony, which proceeded in this manner… [...]	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 661-662	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Pisa	1363 JL	The inhabitants of Pistoia wanted the Paio to take place outside the gates of Pisa, which was complicated by the danger of an attack and the plague, but it was done anyway because people wanted to challenge their enemies	[…] Ben furono di tanto animo i Pistolesi, che dissono, in modo fu inteso dal capitano di Pisani, che mai il detto palio non si correbbe se no ssi corresse sulle porte di Pisa, e così adivenne, come si troverà nella scrittura che per li tempi segue. Temettesi forte non si strignessono alla terra, che sanza dubbio a gran pericolo era, sì per lo sùbito asalto, al quale niuna provisione o riparo era fatto, sì per la pestilenzia dell'anguinaia, ch'assai cittadini tolti avea, molti ne tenea in sul letto, e quelli ch'avea tocchi in vita erano fieboli: la troppa voglia ch'ebbono d'impiccare li avisini, e fare le beffe muccerie, loro tolse il consiglio. […]	[...] The people of Pistoia were so determined that they said, as was understood by the captain of the Pisans, that the palio for the said prize would never take place unless it ran all the way to the gates of Pisa. And so it happened, as will be found in the writings that follow from those times. There was a great fear that they might close in on the town, which undoubtedly was a great danger because of the sudden possible attack, for which no precautions or defence measures had been taken, and also because of the plague known as ‘anguinaia’, which was ravaging many citizens, leaving many bedridden and weakening those who were affected but still alive. The strong desire to hang their enemies and make fun of them clouded their judgement [...]	Filippo Villani 1995, vol. 2, p. 665	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1363-00-00-Strasbourg	1363 JL	Death in Strasbourg.	Ein sterbotte. Do men zalte 1363 jor, do kam in dem summer ein sterbotte szo Strosburg, der werte lange.	In 1363, a dying came to Strasbourg in the summer, that lasted long.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 771.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1363-00-00-Würzburg	1363 JL	A greater and more severe plague than the first one in Würzburg and Franconia.	De alia Pestilentia Anno vero 1363. fuit ibidem in Herbipoli pestilentia secunda maior & grauior prima & etiam quasi in tota Franconia.	Over another plague. In the year 1363, there was a second plague in Würzburg, which was greater and more severe than the first and also nearly in total Franconia.	Template:Chronicon Wirziburgense breve 1735, p. 471.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1363-00-00-Würzburg 001	1363 JL	Great plague in Würzburg and surroundings.	Vnd des selbigen jors ist abermols ain grosser sterbe zu Wirtzburg in der stat vnd vf dem gantzen land herumb gewest vnd sein ser vil leut hinweg gestorben.	And in the same year (1383) was again a great dying in Würzburg in the city and in the surroundings and many people passed away.	Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 2 (1994), p. 362.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1363-06-00-Florence	June 1363 JL	The plague raged in Florence, Venice, Padua, Istria, Slavonia, Egypt, Syria and other parts of the Middle East	Della mortalità dell'anguinaia Nel presente mese di giugno, per vere lettere de' mercatanti fu in Firenze come in Egitto, e in Soria, e nell'altre parti di Levante la pistilenzia dell'anguinaia; gravissimamente offendea e in Vinegia, e in Padova, e nell'Istria, e in Ischiavonia, nonistente che i detti luoghi altra volta toccasse. Anche gravemente ritoccò le terre di Toscana, e quasi tutte comprese, e in Firenze, già stata generale tre mesi per tutto giugno con fracasso d'ogni maniera di gente.	The mortality of the inguinal plague In the current month of June, the inguinal plague was reported to be raging in Florence as well as in Egypt, Syria and other parts of the Middle East, according to reliable reports from merchants. It also caused serious damage in Venice, Padua, Istria and Slavonia, although it had already affected these areas at other times. Tuscany was also severely affected again, almost all places were hit, and in Florence, where it had already been affecting every kind of person for three months, the whole of July, with great noise.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, p. 660.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-06-00-Florence 001	July 1363 JL	In Florence there was great mortality. For this reason, and because the Pisans were well supplied, the Florentines were attacked by the Pisans who caused great damage.	Rubrica 691a - Come li Pisani cavalcarono, e fecero gran danno d'arsioni e di prede. Negli anni del Signore 1363 li Pisani avendo a memoria la ingiuria ricevuta da'Fiorentini, e stimando ch'eglino si poteano vendicare largamente, sì perchè erano forniti di gente, e che la mortalità era grande in Firenze, si mossero del mese di luglio, e vennorsene a Pistoia lo dì S. Iacopo [25.07.]. Ed indi partiti se ne vennero a S. Donnino e a Campi, ed arsero, e fecero grande danno. E così feciono grandissimo danno di preda e di prigioni e d'arsione, e poi si partirono, e tornaronsi a Pisa con grande festa ed allegrezza; e li Fiorentino il contradio per lo danno ricevuto e per la grande mortalità, ch'era allora in Firenze e per tutto il suo contorno.	Rubrica 691a - How the Pisans rode and caused great damage to weapons and booty. In the year of our Lord 1363, the Pisans, remembering the insult they had received from the Florentines, and reckoning that they could take ample revenge because they were well supplied with men and because the mortality in Florence was great, set out in the month of July and came to Pistoia on the day of St James [25.07.]. And then they travelled on and came to S. Donnino and Campi, plundering and causing great damage. And so they did great damage in spoils and prisons and plundering, and then they departed and returned to Pisa with great feasting and rejoicing; and the Florentines were angry with them because of the damage they had suffered and because of the great mortality that was then in Florence and in the whole neighbourhood.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 261.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-06-00-Paris	28 May 1363 JL	A mortality breaks out in Paris from June to October. It affects especially children and young people, and among adults, rather men than women.	Anno Domini M° CCC° LXIII°, multis diebus ante et post festum Sancte Trinitatis, hora diei tertia, ubi sol in meridie radios extendit, quedam stella modice apparentie visa fuit que, secundum astrologos et qui ex naturalibus causis eventus futuros prenuntiebant, periclitationem communem mulierum in partu denotabat. Hec tamen et plus stupenda hujus stelle apparitionem sunt secuta ; nam a junii mensis initio usque ad festum Sancti Luce tam dira viguit mortalitas et specialiter puerorum utriusque sexus et juvenum et plus virorum quam mulierum, quod erat stupendum visu et auditu. Senes etiam, pauci aspectu juvenum, obierunt unde quando pestis illa apostematum hospitium aliquod subintrabat, primo moriebantur infantes tenelli, deinde familia et parentes vel alter eorum et quod mirum erat, hodie erant sani et jocundi et infra triduum vel biduum decedebant.	In year 1363, a star appeared several days around the Trinity day (28 May), at the 3rd hour of the day, when the sun is in the South. According to astrologers and other experts of predictions with natural events, this star signified hardships to come especially for pregnant women. Several remarkable events followed this apparition. Actually, from the beginning of June to St Luke day (18 October), a cruel mortality broke out, especially among children and young adult of both gender, and among men rather than women. It was marvelous to see and to ear of such an event. Old persons actually died without the young paying much attention to it, but when the plague was effectively entered in a house, the children died first, and then the parents and all relatives. Astonishingly, people were fit on one day, and dead only two or three days after.	Cronica Patricii Ravennatis, p. 1172	None
1363-07-00-Firenze	July 1363 JL	Pestis secunda in Florence and refugees to Bologna, since August Pestis secunda even in Padua, Ferrara and Venice	Et in quisti dì [Juli] era in Fiorenza una grandissima mortalità, per tucta la Toschana; che venne in Bologna assai Thoschani, per ussire della morìa. [...] [p. 167] Ancora in lo dicto millesimo si fu una grandissima mortalità a Ferara, a Padoa, a Vinesia. Et deti sapere che l'anno passado la gli era stata grande; et per quello che se diseva ogni homo, l'era mortalità et guerra et per tucta la christianitade; et fu in molte terre de za che la gli fu doe volte, zoè in la più parte.	And in these days [July] there was in Florence a very great mortality, for all of Tuscany; that many Thoskans came to Bologna, to get away from the death ... [p. 167] Still in the said thousand year, there was a very great mortality in Ferara, in Padua, in Venice. And you should know that last year there was great mortality; and for what every man said, there was mortality and war and for the whole of Christianity; and in many lands it was twice, that is, in the most part.	Anonymus 1938b, pp. 166–167	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1363-07-00-Pisa	July 1363 JL	Pestis secunda in Pisa, which is explained through astrometeorology and description of the symptoms of the plague.	Innel ditto anno milletrecentosessantatré Pisa ebe due grandissimi affanni, cioè guerra e mortalità di gente, grandi e picciuli, maschi e femmine. La morìa fue grande, e 'ncomincciò (p. 187) la morìa del mese di luglio e durò sine a novembre, e moritte molti padri di famigla, tra i quali molti grandi mercanti cittadini e altri assai. E moriano di male di bolle e di soditelli e di anguinaie e di tinchoni e di faoni, e non ffu casa in Pisa né in del suo contado che nnon ritrovasse e quale trovò inel tutto che non vvi rimase persona. E duroè la ditta morìa mesi sei. E li fiorentini ardendo in quello tenpo lo contado, ma ellino non sentiano in quello anno di morìa, ma poi tocchò a lloro. Questa morìa fue sotto la pianeta di Saturno, la qual pianeta pena a ffare lo suo corso anni trenta, e ppoi che ella inchomincciò non restò mai, che ella non cerchasse lo mondo per ogni cità e castella e contado di tenpo in tenpo. E ciercoè Pisa in quindici, 15, anni due volte, senssa l'autro di queste due moriè. Fue la prima del milletrecientosessantatré, 1363, che àe anni quindici, 15, l'una dall'una morìa all'autra, e di questa segonda ne moritta in Pisa più della metà delle persone.	In the said year one thousand three hundred and sixty-three, Pisa suffered two very great afflictions, that is, war and mortality of people, great and small, male and female. The death rate was great, and it began (p. 187) in the month of July and lasted until November, and many fathers of families died, among whom were many great merchant citizens and many others. And they died of blisters and sodomy and anguinaie and tinchoni and faoni, and there was no house in Pisa nor in its countryside that was not found, and which found in all that there was no person left. And the company died for six months. And the Florentines burned the countryside at that time, but they did not hear in that year of his death, but then it was their turn. This death took place under the planet of Saturn, which took thirty years to make its course, and after its fall there never remained that it did not search the world for every city, castle and countryside from time to time. And ciercoè Pisa in fifteen, fifteen, years twice, without the other of these two deaths. Fue la prima del , 1363, che àe anni quindici, 15, l'altra morìa all'altra, e di questa segonda ne moritta in Pisa più della metà delle persone. Template:TN	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 187	Translation by DeepL
1364-00-00-Kostroma and Yaroslavl	1364 JL	Epidemic in Kostroma and Yaroslavl.	На тү же ѡсень [6872] моръ бы(с)[ть] на Костромѣ и въ Ӕрославлѣ.<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	In the autumn[1364] the epidemic was in Kostroma and Yaroslavl.<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>		None
1364-00-00-Lucca	1364 JL	The Pestis tertia affects Lucca and Pisa	Dio, che tutto sa, vedendo che la guerra, aspra e cattiva, tendeva a crescere invece di finire, decretò di mandare un'epidemia che servisse a frenare la furia di guerra. E così mandò l'epidemia in Lucca, in Pisa e in gran parte della Toscana; e cominciò in Pisa ed in Lucca, e molti morirono, sopratutto fanciulli dai quindici anni in giù, e l'epidemia duro quasi un anno..	God, who knows everything, seeing that the war, harsh and wicked, was tending to grow instead of ending, decreed to send an epidemic to curb the fury of war. And so He sent the epidemic to Lucca, Pisa, and much of Tuscany; it began in Pisa and Lucca, and many died, especially children fifteen years old and younger, and the epidemic lasted almost a year..	Giovanni Sercambi 2015, pp. 128.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1364-00-00-Nizhny Novgorod	1364 JL	Epidemic in Nizhny Novgorod.	На то же лѣто [6872] моръ бы(с)[ть] в Новѣгородѣ в Нижнѣмъ.	This summer 1364 the epidemic was in Nizhny Novgorod.	Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 533	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1364-00-00-Pereiaslav	1364 JL	Epidemic in Pereyaslavl.	На тү же зимү [6872] и веснү [68873] моръ бы(с)[ть] в Переӕславли.	In the winter 1364/1365 and spring 1365 the epidemic was in Pereyaslavl.	Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 533.	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1365-00-00-Erfurt	1365 JL	Pestis tertia in Erfurt kills 42 nuns.	Anno domini 1365 pestilentia magna fuit, ita ut Erfordiae in claustro novi operis a vigilia Petri ad vincula usque ad vigiliam XI milium virginum XLII virgines morerentur, quarum animae sint in domino.	In the year of our Lord 1365 there was a great pestilence, so that in Erfurt in the newly built monastery from the vigil of St. Peter in chains to the vigil of 11.000 virigns 42 nuns died, and their souls are with the Lord.	Erfurter Annalen 1834, col. 231.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1365-00-00-Rostov	1365 JL	Epidemic in Rostov.	На тү же ѡсень [6873] моръ бы(с)[ть] в Ростовѣ.	In the autumn (1365) the epidemic was in Rostov.	Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 533.	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1365-00-00-Strasbourg	1365 JL	Price increase and plague during the stay of Englishmen in the Alsace region	Türunge. Donoch in den andern joren kam missewahs und müse die die fruht verossent, das diese türunge wol 6 jor annander werte. und wenne korn underwilen abe fluog in einre ernen, daz ein viertel kam an 8 sol. oder an 10 sol. d., so sluog es in dem jore wider uf, also das ein viertel kornes die 6 jor gewonlichen galt 10 sol. Oder 12 sol. und dicke ein pfunt oder 18 sol. Darzuo koment ouch sterbotte, also daz noch disen [p. 490] Englendern vil unglückes kam in Elsas. aber noch den andern Engelendern die darnoch koment über zehen jor, kam kein breste noch türunge, wie wol es ein grosser volg was und lunger in dem lande logent denne die vördern Engelender. und von den selben andern Engelendern wurt hernoch geseit in dem fünften capitel.	Price increase. After that, in the following years, there was a poor harvest, and the crops were ruined, so that this price increase lasted for about six years in a row. And when grain sometimes fell in price during a harvest, so that a quarter of it cost 8 or 10 shillings, it would rise again that same year, so that a quarter of grain, which usually cost 10 or 12 shillings during those six years, sometimes reached a pound or 18 shillings. Additionally, there was also a plague, so that after the Englishmen great misfortune befell the Alsace. But in the years following the other Englishmen, who came over the next ten years, there was no more plague or price increase, although it was a great people, and they stayed longer then the first Englishmen. More about those other Englishmen will be mentioned in the fifth chapter.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 489-490.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1365-02-00-Apulia	February 1365 JL	A lunar eclipse on 8th of February (actually 6th) predicts cold and wind; almost all people fall ill with fever and cough, affects wide regions like Apulia, Bologna, Marche, Tuscia and Lombardy	Ancora, adì 8 de febraro, la nocte vegnando, la luna divenne tucta sanguinea per assai volte, et ancho si mostrò schura, zoè negra; et durò per spazio d'uno quarto d'una ora o più. Et per questo accidente, a quisti dì, si fu uno fiero et forte tempo, cum grandi venti et grande zelo: et si fu una sì fiera pestilenza de fredo nelle persone de' christiani, cum grande febre et tosse et male assai; et si n'è stadi de morti alchuna parte per questa malatia, et si se pò dire che non rimase nessuno, generalmente, che non sentisse la malatia. Et questo fu per tucte le parte, zoè in la Puglia et in la Marcha, in Thoscana, in Romagna, in Lombardia, et generalmente per tucto; et questo comminzò de febraro et durò di fine al mese marzo, che fu chossì grande et forte tempo et grande malatia	Again, on 8 February, when the night was coming, the moon became completely bloody for many times, and it also became dark, that is, black; and it lasted for a quarter of an hour or more. And for this reason, on this day, there was a fierce and strong weather, with great winds and great zeal: and there was such a fierce plague of cold in the people of the Christians, with great fever and coughing and much evil; and there were many deaths from this disease, and it can be said that there was no one left, in general, who did not feel the sickness. [...]	Template:Anonymus 1938b, p. 211	None
1365-07-00-Romagna	July 1365 JL	Plague outbreak in the Romagna, very close to Bologna	Ancora fu una grande mortaligha per tucta la Romagna, et quasi poca gente gli rimase; inperò che per l'altre morìe che erano state, tanti gli ne morì, che mo pochi n'è romasi; et anche uno pocho da parte ne tochò in Bologna. Tucta fu de la malizia usata	Again, there was a great death in the whole of Romagna, and almost few people were left; however, because of the other deaths that had taken place, so many died, that there are now only a few Romans; and even a few died in Bologna. All of them were of the malice used	Anonymus 1938b, p. 200	Translation by DeepL
1365-10-12-Alexandria	October 1365 JL	A Muslim woman who had been taken prisoner by the Franks who had seized Alexandria in October 1365 reportedly related that after the Franks had withdrawn from the city [around October 12], an epidemic (wabāʾ) broke out among its inhabitants. The disease was caused by an odor that altered the air and by the smell emanating from the bodies of those who had been killed during the conquest and whose corpses had been lying around for too long. The maximum daily death toll exceeded 100. The woman, then, began to work as a washer of female corpses in order to earn a living.			al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 4 (1970), p. 295.	Translation needed
1366-00-00-Florence	1366 JL	Great cold in Florence and other parts of the world with many deaths.	La detta Cara si maritò in prima a uno Bartolommeo di … [empty] e stette collui forse tre dì ; e per lo scruttino che si fece de' Priori nel 1366, nel quale tempo fu uno grande freddo, e la maggiore parte de' cittadini furono infreddati, e molti ne morirono, la quale freddura e ricadia fu in molti parti del mondo, il detto Bartolommeo ne morì.	The aforementioned Cara first married a Bartolommeo of ... and stayed with him for perhaps three days. During the trial of the Priori in 1366, when there was a great cold and most of the citizens had a cold and many died, the cold was in many parts of the world, the said Bartolommeo died of it	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, p. 53	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1367-04-00-Mainz	April 1367 JL	Description of the symptoms and consequences of the plague in Mainz and a great preceding flood	In mense Aprili [1367] eiusdem anni facta est morbida pestis in Maguncia hominibus quasi generaliter, quia cum frigore incepit tussis et obstipacio incongrua pectoris, eicientes … et multi homines inde moriebantur; eorum autem qui sani manserant aliqui sunt animo delirantes reperti. Quia proximo precedenti tempore fuit tanta inundacio aquarum sicut in viginti annis precedentibus nullus recordatur.	In April of the same year, the plague attacked almost everyone in Mainz. It began with coughing and unnatural spasms of the chest when it was cold; they had sputum..., and many people died from it. And of those who survived in good health, some people were found to be mentally disturbed. Shortly before, there had been a flood as great as no one could remember from the previous twenty years.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 18	None
1367-07-14-Ratzeburg	14 July 1367 JL	A plague is ravaging Ratzeburg and its surroundings.	quod heu propter multiplices deuastaciones et miserabilissimas desolaciones villarum, mansorum et curiarum prepositure et capituli per inmanitatem pestilenciarum cottidie in inualenscencium causatas, vobis et omnibus manifestas.	Alas, because of the many devastations and the most miserable desolations of villages, manors, and estates of the provost and chapter caused by the enormity of the pestilences daily increasing in severity, known to you and everyone.	MUB 1836-1936, vol. 16, p. 226, No. 9923	Translation by Martin Bauch
1369-00-00-Lombardy	1369 JL	The king tried to conquer the Lombardy, but without success. The lords of Meygelon flooded a river (Po?), nearly drowning the emperor's army. A plague also struck the army.	do meinde der keyser, er wolte das lant han, und reysete in dem lande zu Lamparten von ostern untz sant Michels tag, doch gewan er keine stat noch vesten. und die herren von Meygelon verswelletent das wasser genant der Pot, und mahtent es usgona über das velt do der keyser und sin volg lag, das der keyser und das volg kume entrunnent, daz sü nüt erdrunkent. ouch kam gros sterbotte under das volg und sunderliche under die Beheme, der unzelliche vil do was.	The emperor intended to conquer the land and campaigned in the region of Lombardy from Easter until Saint Michael's Day. However, he did not succeed in capturing any town or fortress. The lords of Meygelon flooded the river called the Pot, causing it to overflow onto the field where the emperor and his army were camped. The emperor and his troops barely escaped drowning. Additionally, a great plague struck the army, particularly affecting the Bohemians, resulting in an innumerable number of deaths.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 491	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1369-05-09-Damascus	9 May 1369 JL	Five men stated before a Jerusalem notary sometime between October 12 and 21, 1369 that they knew a shaykh named ʿAlī b. Badr al-Dīn who was a resident of Jerusalem. They stated they knew that the shaykh had left Jerusalem for Damascus while an epidemic (ṭāʿūn) was raging in the latter city and its surroundings. The shaykh had left Jerusalem in the beginning of the month of Shawwāl 770 H (May 9 to June 6, 1369) with a couple of associates and had stayed in Damascus in a Sufi khanaqah for some days. The witnesses stated that he had intended to proceed from Damascus to Aleppo but that his further whereabouts were unknown to them.	بسم اللّه الرّحمن الرّحيم يقول الواضعون خطوطهم آخره من المشائخ والفقراء والعدول إنّهم يشهدون شهادة لا يشكّون فيها ولا يرتابون أنّهم يعرفون الشّيخ عليّ بن الشّيخ بدر الدّين اللذي المقيم بالقدس الشّريف أنّه سافر من القدس الشّريف مع رفاقه ومشائخ وغيرهم إلى دمشق المحروسة في مستهلّ شهر شوّال سنة سبعين وسبع ماية في الطّاعون وأنّه أقام بدمشق في خانقاه القصّاعين مدّة أيّام في خدمة الشّيخ والفقراء بها وأنّه ذكر أنّه متوجّه إلى مدينة حلب لزيارة أخيه وأنّه لم يعلم بعد ذلك له خبر ولا عرف أين يوجد بعد ذلك وبذلك وضعوا خطوطهم مسولين في العشر الأوسط من شهر ربيع الأوّل سنة إحدى وسبعين وسبع ماية أعرف الشّيخ عليّ المذكور أعلاه وأشهد أنّه توجّه إلى دمشق في الطّاعون صحبة المشائخ وغيرهم وأنّه أقام المذكور بدمشق أيّام وذكر عليّ المذكور أنّه يتوجّه إلى حلب لزيارة أخيه كتبه عبد اللّه بن خضر الحنفيّ أشهد بمضمونه كتبه خليل بن محمّد الحنفيّ أشهد أنّ الأمر على ما نصّ وشرح أعلاه وكان الطّاعون بدمشق وضواحيها كتبه عمر بن أبي القاسم الشّافيعيّ أشهد بمضمونه كتبه محمّد بن خليل الشّافعيّ كذلك يشهد عبد اللّه بن محمّد الشّريف	In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate The undersigned elders, the poor and the righteous say that they testify without doubt or doubt that they know Shaykh Ali bin Shaykh al-Shaykh Badr al-Din, who resides in Jerusalem, that he travelled from Jerusalem with his companions and other elders to Damascus at the beginning of the month of Shawwal in the year seventy-seventy-seven, during the plague He stayed in Damascus in the Khanqah al-Qassa'een for a few days in the service of the sheikh and the poor in Damascus. He mentioned that he was travelling to Aleppo to visit his brother and that he did not know after that He did not know his whereabouts after that, and so they put their lines on the tenth of The middle tenth of the month of Rabi al-Awwal in the year seventy-one and seven hundred and seventy-seven I know the aforementioned Sheikh Ali I testify that he travelled to Damascus during the plague in the company of the elders and others and that he stayed in Damascus for a few days and the aforementioned Ali mentioned that he was travelling to Aleppo to visit his brother Written by Abdullah bin Khadir al-Hanafi I testify to its content Written by Khalil bin Muhammad al-Hanafi I testify that the matter is as stated and explained above The plague was in Damascus and its environs Written by Omar ibn Abi al-Qasim al-Shafi'i I testify to its content Written by Muhammad ibn Khalil al-Shafi'i Abdullah also testifies Ibn Muhammad al-Sharif	Arabic Papyrology Database (APD), P.Haram I 30 = P.HaramCat. 229	Translation by DeepL
1370-00-00-Florence	1370 JL	Due to the bad weather in the previous year, there was a great famine in Florence. This was fuelled by wars in Italy and a mortality of cattle, which is why no livestock came to Florence.	Rubrica 723a - Come' in questo anno fu grande carestia d'ogni cosa. Nel detto anno [1370] fu grandissima carestia, perocchè per la gran pioggia dell'anno passato, e perchè era stata guerra, non s'era raccolto assai abbastanza; di che convenne si mandasse per grano di fuori. E valse quell'anno lo staio fiorentino, tre mesi: ciò fu febbraio, marzo e aprile e parte di maggio, un fiorino lo staio. E quel medesimo anno di vino fu gran carestia, perocchè valse fiorini uno la barile di ricolta, e di state fiorini uno e mezzo il barile. Ancora fu carestia di carne, perocchè quell'anno era stata in Lombardia la guerra e in Toscana e in molte luogora, per la quale cagione non era venuto a Firenze bestiame di Puglia, donde ne solea venire assai. Quell'anno v'ebbe mortalità di bestiame, la qual cosa gittò assai carestia oltre all'altre cagioni di sopra narrate.	Rubrica 723a - How in that year there was a great famine of everything. In the year in question [1370] there was a great famine because not enough grain had been harvested due to the heavy rains of the previous year and the war, so grain had to be brought in from outside. In the months of February, March, April and partly in May, a staio of Florentine grain cost one florin. In the same year there was a great shortage of wine, as a barrel of wine cost one florin and in summer one and a half florins. There was also a shortage of meat, because in that year there was war in Lombardy and Tuscany and in many other places, which is why no cattle came to Florence from Apulia, where they often came from in the past. In that year there was a great death of cattle which, in addition to the other reasons mentioned above, caused a great famine.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 275	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1371-09-08-Lucca	8 September 1371 JL	Plague affects Lucca	L' 8 settembre del 1371, il giorno di Santa Maria, iniziò in Lucca l'epidemia con l'ingrossamento dell'inguine, bubboni, bolle e piaghe; e durò per quindici mesi, durante i quali molti furono morti, cittadini notabili e buoni mercanti, e molti fuggirono per evitare il contaggio. E vi fu chi morì e chi campò, anche donne e fanciulli, in quantità così grande che metà della popolazione di Lucca e del suo contado fu distrutta; ed il contagio si estese alle altre città, castelli e ville.	On September 8, 1371, the day of Holy Virgin, the epidemic began in Lucca with swelling of the groin, buboes, boils, and sores; it lasted for fifteen months, during which many notable citizens and good merchants died, and many fled to avoid the contagion. There were those who died and those who survived, including women and children, in such great numbers that half of the population of Lucca and its surrounding area was destroyed; and the contagion spread to other cities, castles, and villages.	Giovanni Sercambi 2015, p. 201	Translation by Martin Bauch
1373-07-00-Pisa	July 1373 JL	Outbreak of the plague and great mortality in Pisa, especially adolescents affected, price increase and shortage of grain	Negli anni domini di 1373 a dì ** di luglio, si chominciò in Pisa la mortalità et bastò due anni et due mesi. Et sappiate che morirono fanciulli di 12 anni in giuso più di octanta per ciento, et morirono huomeni et donne grandi quantità assai. Et dappoi si fu grande charo, valze più di 3 fiorini lo staio di grano et si fu grande charo d'ongni biada	In the year 1373 of July, mortality began in Pisa and it took two years and two months. And you know that more than eighty per hundred children from 12 years old died, and men and women died in great quantities. And then there was a great shortage, more than three florins a bushel of grain and there was a great shortage of every kind of grain	Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, p. 209	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1374-00-00-Florence	1374 JL	Many relatives from the author died of the plague in Florence and Arezzo. He was in the meantime in Bologna.	37. Questa Orsa, figliuola di me Luca, cavalieri, come piacque a Dio, al tempo della grande pistolenza, passò di questa vita, in Arezzo; ed è sepulta al luogo di frati Minori. E qui in Firenze morì a casa nostra Giancristofano suo marito, a dì .. Di luglio MCCCLXXIIII. […] 39. Nel MCCCLXXIIII, a dì 4 d'agosto, al tempo della grande pistolenza, s'ammalò la sopradetta madonna Felice, in Firenze ed era gravida di otto mesi; ebbe due gavoccioli, cioè da ogni lato, tralla coscia e'l corpo, uno; e fu sopellita colla creatura in corpo, in San Niccolò, in Firenze; e visse forse cinquantadue ore: Iddio la faccia verace perdono; e fu discreta e valente donna. […] Morì l'Orsa mia figliuola in Arezo, e Giancristofano suo marito, e cugino carnale di madonna Felice, venne d'Arezzo chioccio; e come fu stato in casa mia a Firenze tre dÌ, s'ammalò di questi gavocci; e forse cinquanto ore visse; e infra dieci dì la detta madonna Felice morì. Io era in Bologna, quando ebbi queste dolorose e spiacevoli e fortunevoli novelle; ed era a provvisione di Santa Chiesa, [p. 73] con isventure assai senza queste, di ch'io avea e oe turbazione, quanto cavaliere di Toscano: Iodato Iddio sempre. 40. Giovanni mio figliuolo, con quelle più onore che si potea, fece sopellire Giancristofano, in Firenze, al luogo di San Francesco; e nella malattia e nella sepultura si spese assai danari di nostri. Iddio faccia loro misercordia perpetuale per la sua gran benignità. Di .. di luglio 1374.	7. This Orsa, daughter of me Luca, knight, as it pleased God, at the time of the great pistolence, passed from this life, in Arezzo; and is buried at the place of the Friars Minor. And here in Florence her husband Giancristofano died at our house, on dì.. of July 1374. [...] 39. In the year 1374, on the 4th of August, during the time of the great plague, the aforementioned lady Felice, who was eight months pregnant, fell ill in Florence. She developed two swellings (gavoccioli), one on each side between her thigh and body. She was buried in San Niccolò in Florence with the child still in her womb and lived for perhaps fifty-two hours. May God grant her true forgiveness; she was a wise and worthy woman. [...] My daughter Orsa died in Arezzo, and Giancristofano, her husband and a close cousin of lady Felice, came from Arezzo in mourning. After spending three days in my house in Florence, he fell ill with these swellings and lived perhaps fifty hours; within ten days, the said lady Felice also died. I was in Bologna when I received these sorrowful and distressing news. I was there in the service of the Holy Church, with many misfortunes already weighing on me besides these, as any knight of Tuscany would feel. May God always be praised. 40. Giovanni my son, with as much honour as he could, had Giancristofano buried in the place of San Francesco in Florence; and in his illness and burial he spent a great deal of our money. God grant them perpetual mercy for his great kindness. Of .. of July 1374.	Luca di Totto da Panzano: Libro di ricordanze 1861, pp. 72-73	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1374-00-00-Florence 001	1374 JL	The family of Giovanni and of Pagolo fled from the mortality of 1374 to Bologna. They lived there together in a house and shared the expenses.	E frall’altre si vide di lui questo: che pe·lla mortalità del 1374 , sendo fuggiti a Bolongnia tutta / (c. 44v) la famiglia rimasa di Giovanni e tutta la famiglia di Pagholo, insieme inn una chasa abitanti e a una ispesa chonchorenti a chomune, chome che chon vantaggio grande per que’ di Giovanni, nondimeno, tornando a quello ch’i’ vo’ dire, noi savamo chontinui tra uomini, donne, fanciulli e balie e fanti forestieri e chonpangnioni più di venti in famiglia. […]	And among other things, this was shown in his case: during the plague of 1374, when the remaining family of Giovanni and the entire family of Pagholo had fled to Bologna, they lived together in one house and shared the expenses, although there was great advantage for those of Giovanni. Nevertheless, to come back to what I wanted to say, we knew that they totalled more than twenty people in the family, including men, women, children, wet nurses and foreign servants and companions.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 197	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1374-00-00-Florence 002	1374 JL	Great plague in Florence and the family of Pagholo fled to Bologna.	Negli anni Domini 1374 fu nella città di Firenze pestilenza † e grande; e chome dinanzi faciemmo memoria, Pagholo rendé l’anima a Dio in quest’anno, e noi fuggimmo a Bolongnia tutti, chome è scritto.	In the year 1374 was a plague in the city of Florence and great; and as we have already mentioned, in that year Pagholo gave his soul back to God, and we all fled to Bologna, as it was written.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 236.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1374-00-00-Florence 003	1374 JL	Great mortality in Florence, besides price increase for grain and other crops and great wars.	Nell'anno 1374 secondo il corso degli anni, cominciandosi dalla Natività del Signore Giesù Cristo, fu calende di Gennaio in Domenica. Fu nel detto anno mortalità di gente, e grandissimo caro di grano, e d'ogni altra biada quasi per tutto il mondo; fu caro di carne, d'olio, e quasi d'ogni altro bene, ed anco il vino non fu vile. La Pasqua di Surresso fu a' dì due d'Aprile, e grandi guerre furono in detto anno.	In the year 1374, beginning after the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, January 1st fell on a Sunday. In that year there was great mortality among the people and an enormous price increase for grain and almost all other crops throughout the world; meat, oil and almost all other goods were also expensive, and wine was not cheap either. Easter fell on April 2, and there were great wars that year.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 1.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1374-03-00-Firenze	March 1374 JL	A new plague wave hits Florence and the city loses relatively few people, but the societal impact is severe.	Nel detto anno 1374 era fama d'una mortalità dell'usata pestilenza dello infiato dell'anguinaia, o sotto il ditello, e vivisene tre o quattro dì il più alto. Nel generale era stata in tutte le parti circunstanti d'intorno grandissima, bene che ove maggiore e minore; ma nel generale parve essere morto il terzo della gente, o delle bocche, nelle circunstanze. E molte favole e novelle se ne diceano, come di simili cose s'usa di parlare. Cominciò in Firenze di marzo, e a poco a poco seguito la cosa per modo che a settembre o ottobre quasi poco o nulla v'era della detta pestilenzia; e non fu niuna Terra in Toscana, ove del tanto meno gente morissero che in Firenze: perrochè morirono circa settemila bocche, che ve ne era a quel tempo sessanta milia, o più. Ma diessene ancora la utilità al fuggirla, ove era stata, perocchè la maggior parte' della gente con gli figluoli e mogli uscirono di Firenze, e andarono ad abitare in Terre. E niuno era, che avesse di che fare le spese, che non se ne andasse. Fecionsi molti ordini di non sonare campane, nè porro paghe, nè portare più che quattro torchi, e non vestire più ch'è figluoli di nero. Ancora feciono riformagione sopra [p. 290] a chi fuggìa, che se fosse tratto a ufici, fosse stracciato, se infra dieci dì non venisse all' uficio e coresse in pena di cinquecento lire, e poi avesse divieto agli altri ufici; e intorno a ciò assai cose feciero da non farne menzione; epperò taccio.	In the mentioned year 1374 there were rumors of the usual plague with the swollen groin, or below the armpit, and one lived three or four days at the longest. In general this happened in all areas around [Florence] with great intensity, although some place were hitten harder than others. But most of the time, one third of the people died in the surrounding areas. And one tells a lot of stories about it, as it always happens with these events. In Florence, it started in March, and slowly but surely the disease continued until September or October, when it had burned itself out. And there was no place in Tuscany, where alltogether more people died than in Florence: About 7000 persons died here from an overall population of more than 60.000. And people considered it a good idea to flee the place where the epidemic happened, so a large part of the population left the city with their childern and spouses and went to live in the countryside. And from those that did not leave, no one did more than just buying food. There were issued many regulations, like not ringing the bells, not doing payments, not carrying more than four torches, and not put on more clothing than the sons of black (Monks?). And they made law about people that fled the city: Whoever had left his office unattended was removed from it, if he did not return within ten days and payed a fine of 500 lire. He would furthermore be banned from other offices. Apart from that much more happened which should not be mentioned, and that's why I remain silent.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 289-290.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1374-04-25-Florence	25 April 1374 JL	When the father of Buonaccorso Pitti, Neri, died, Pitti left Florence with his 8 brothers and his mom and fled to Val di Pesa from the raging plague. They returned, when the plague was over.	[39] Io Bonacorso di Neri farò qui appresso ricordo dell'andare per lo mondo ch'io fatto di poi che io rimasi sanza padre che fu l'anno 1374 a dì 25 d'aprile che nostro padre morì, a cui Iddio perdoni. E, sendo egli morto, noi suoi figliuoli che ci trovammo otto insieme colla nostra madre per cagione (p. 11) che la mortalità era a Firenze, ci riducemmo a uno nostro luogo in Val di Pesa che si chiama il Corno, dove occorse che Giovanni nostro fratello si morì che era d'età di 27 anni e anche si morì in casa nostra in quelli pochi dì Niccolò di Cione nostro cugino e morti del segno della pestilenza. E, sendo ristata la mortalità a Firenze, ci ritornammo e trovando che monna Margherita madre del detto Niccolò avea vota la casa dove stavano e portata tutta loro masserizie e roba da vantaggio in casa una sua sirocchia […]	Now I will give an account of the journeys I made to different parts of the world after the death of my father, Neri - may the Lord have mercy on him - on 25 April 1374. When he died, my brothers and myself - eight of us with our mother - left Florence where a plague had broken out and took refuge at Il corno, a country house of ours in Val di Pesa. While we were there, my brother Giovanni, who was twenty-seven years old, died of the plague, and so, a few days later, did our cousin Niccolò, Cione's son. When the epidemic was over, we returned to Florence where we found that Niccolò's mother, Monna Margherita, had stripped the house they lived in and moved all their goods and valuables to the house of her sister […]	Buonaccorso Pitti: Ricordi 1986, pp. 10-11.	None
1374-05-00-Pisa	May 1374 JL	Outbreak of the plague in Pisa with a high mortality, as a consequence several processions.	Del mese di maggio anno preditto incominciò la morìa nella cità di Pisa, morendone alcuno per dì d'anguinaia, tincone, di soditelli, di faoni e d'alti sozzi mali. E poi di giugno cominciava a crescere, e facevasi per la cità dimolte precessione. E poi a dì 30 d'agosto, per comandamento dell'arcivescovo, si fece precissione generale cinque mattine, tenendo li fondachi serrati e digiunando, portando molte reliquie di santi et il sangue di sam Piero. E la ditta morìa durò per la cità e contado di Pisa sine a (p. 258) settembre anni Domini milletrecentosettantaicinque e molti ne morinno, de' cinque li quattro. E del mese di settembre restò altutto.	In the month of May, in the previous year, death began in the city of Pisa, with some dying each day of eels, tincone, soditelli, faoni and other ills. And then in June it began to grow, and there were many precessions in the city. And then on the 30th of August, at the Archbishop's commandment, there was a general precession on five mornings, keeping the docks closed and fasting, carrying many relics of saints and the blood of Saint Piero. And this death lasted for the city and countryside of Pisa until (p. 258) September anni Domini one thousand three hundred and seventy-five and many died, of the five the four. And of the month of September remained all.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, pp. 258–259.	Translation by DeepL
1374-07-25-Florence	25 July 1374 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Benvenuto da Imo about the possible causes of the plague. He sees the plague as the will of God and therefore does not want to flee Florence.	Et demum, quod ad fugam pestis me ad lares tuos cum familia tam fraterne tamque amicabiliter invitas, mecum admiratus sum. Ubi enim fugiam a facie Dei mei? si enim hec pestis divina dispostione totum concutit genus mortalium sive, quod optem, sit talis peccatorum sive alia quecunque summi illius opificis ordinatio; et nostrum non est summum illud frustrare numen, cum ubicunque sit immensum et potens, quid iuvat inde fugere ubi tunc videtur servire sententia, cum, si condemnatus fuero, ubicunque me invenerit, iudicabit? Fallimur, arbitror, omnes, qui putamus Dei ista proculdubio opera indiscreto ictu quasi sagittas in vulgus iactari; illum afficit, seu medicinalis seu ultrix [p. 171] fuerit ista clades, quem percutiendum preordinaverit divina maiestas, que nec loco circunscribitur nec tempore, nec minus hic quam alibi cum voluerit operatur. Si enim, ut physici volunt, aeris foret ista corruptio, cur ubi furit ullum preterit omnino mortalium, quem etsi non extinguat, saltem non attingat? Vivimus omnes in aere isto corrupto, quem volunt physiologi, imo, ut verius loquar, fingilogi, fore venenum nec pudet eos diversitati complexionum ascribere, si quos viderint nullo modo, ceteris morientibus, egrotare; quasi in veneno possit humana complexio intemerata servari. Nescio tamen quo pacto quando in disputationem cum ipsis venitur et queritur: si aer iste, agitabilis et qui ventis continuo circunfertur, infectus est, cur in sola urbe, cur in uno vico, cur in cetera urbis parte, cur eadem in domo hi moriuntur, hi egrotant, hi penitus valent incolumes; et si hoc ascribitur etati, cur hec domos pueros perdit, illa iuvenes, ista senes decrepitos; altera mulieres preservat, altera viros; una superstitem habet maiorem natu, alia vero minorem? Denique fatentur rationem deficere, cum non valent omnibus respondere. Ceterum, ut ad preces tuas redeam, istuc me conaris allicere ubi tu ipse pestem confirmas propter advenarum confluentiam desevire. Credo tantus est ardor amici potiundi quod deceptus amore, tui ipsius immemor, periculi, quod istic imminet, es oblitus, et forte, quod evenire consuevit, ut longe minus presentia terraent quam ea que tumultuante fama percipimus, te rum commovit ut saltem de maiore ad minus periculum me vocares. Quicquid id fuit, gratias ago amicicie atque benignitati tue; ego florenti huic urbi, dum fata erunt, sive bellum sive fames sive pestis insultet, perpetuum inherebo.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 1, pp. 170-171	None
1375-00-00-Erfurt	1375 JL	Plague in Erfurt and Thuringia	Tunc fuit pestilencia epidimiarum in Erffordia et in tota Thuringia.	In that time raged in Erfurt and entire Thuringia a plague epidemic.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 39	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1379-00-00-Avignon	1379 JL	Great plague in Avignon	In autumpno fuit magna pestilencia epidemie … et terris circumsitis, et venit…	In autumn was a great plague in Avignon and surrounding areas, and it came...	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 45	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1381-00-00-Strasbourg	1381 JL	Great death in Strasbourg in the summer, which made the churches so rich, that they could be replaced by newer larger ones.	Ein sterbotte zu Strosburg. Do men zalte noch gotz gebürte 1381 jor, do was ein grosser sterbotte in dem summer zu Strosburg: den schetzete men also gros und langewerende, also ie keinre vor was zu Strosburg gewesen. von disem sterbotte wurdent die kirchen also rich, das men die alten kirchen zu Strosburg zu sant Martin, zu sant Niclawes gynesit Brüsch und zum alten sant Peter abrebrach und nuwe witer kirchen dar mahte.	A dying in Strasbourg. In the year 1381, there was a great dying in Strasbourg in the summer: it was so big and durated so long, then never before. The churches have become so rich, that the old churches of St. Martin, St. Nicholas and the old St. Peter were torn down and replaced with new, wider churches.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 772-773.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1382-00-00-Erfurt01	1382 JL	A plague in Erfurt results in a mass grave situated on the Petersberg	Anno 1382 Ist eine grosse pestilentz in Erffurd gewesen, do hatt man eine gruben auf S. Petersberg gemacht, do sindt 13 schock vnd 15 menschen begraben worden.	In the year 1382, there was a great pestilence in Erfurt, where a pit was dug on St. Petersberg, and 795 people were buried there.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 127.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1382-00-00-Naples	1382 JL	The army of the Duke of Anjous was defeated near to Naples. There and in many other places, like Ferrara, Bologna and Pisa was a high mortality.	Più, e più volte fu detto, che della gente del Duca d'Angiò, assai ne sono stati sconfitti, morti, e presi. Dicesi ch'è presso a Napoli a otto miglia, o così, e che ivi è mortalità di gente, ed hae grande caro di vettovaglia. In detto anno cominciò la mortalità in più luoghi, in Ferrara, in Bologna, in Pisa, ed in più altri luoghi.	It has been reported several times that many of the Duke of Anjou's men were defeated, killed and captured. It is said that he is near Naples, about eight miles away, and that there is a high mortality rate there and great scarcity of food. In that year the mortality began in many places, in Ferrara, in Bologna, in Pisa and in many other places.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 61.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1382-07-00-Belgium-South West Germany	June 1382 JL	A mortality breaks out in the end of June in the city of Bilzen (?), killing half of the population. In August and September, the disease spreads across the country and affects the regions of Namur, Dinant, Huy, Tongeren, Liège, Maastricht, Aachen and Trier. It kills 3,000 people in Namur.	Illis diebus fuit tempus bene dispositum ad epidemia, quia pluviosum fuit et crudum. Nec fuit estas calida et sicca, sicut debet esse naturaliter, sed frigida, ventosa et humida. Unde post festum sancto Johannis Baptiste et circa augustum fuit magna mortalitas hominum in pluribus locis. Apud Blisiam tunc obierunt bene nongente persone, plusquam media pars totius ville. In fine augusti et principio septembris tunc apparuit quedam cometa in occidente post solis occasum cum parvo radio. Et postea invaluit mortalitas Dyonanti, Namurici, Hoii, Leodii, Tungris, Trajecti, Aquis, Treveris, et in finibus eorum ita magna, quod Namurici bene tria milia obierunt.	At that time, the rainy and cool weather was favorable for an epidemic. The summer was not as hot and dry as it should be, but cold, windy and humid. Thus, after St John the Baptist Day, a mortality spread out in several places. In Bilzen 90 persons died, so to say half the population of the city. At the end of August and the beginning of September, a comet was seen towards west, after sunset, with small rays. Soon after, a great mortality affected the regions of Dinant, Namur, Huy, Liège, Tongeren, Aachen and Trier. With such violence that 3,000 people died in Namur.	La chronique liégeoise de 1402, p. 394	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1383-00-00-Florence 001	1383 JL	The plague raged again in Florence and many people fled. To stop the exodus, a law was passed forbidding the Florentines to leave their homes. However, the fear of death was so great that the law had no effect.	Eo qui secutus est anno pestis iampridem coepta desaevivit, et fugae civium secutae sunt, per quas vacuefacta urbs suspicionem dedit, ne a plebe infima invaderetur. Itaque lex lata est, ne quis civis florentinus domo abesset, quo frequentior esset urbs, nec deserta a bonis in perditorum relinqueretur potestate. Sed neque lex neque prohibitio tenere potuit fugas; quippe adversus timorem mortis propositae timor omnis alter tamquam levior succumbebat. Ea pestis aliquot menses civitatem afflixit et insignes aliquot viros absumpsit. Ob eam causam nihil dignum memoria domi vel foris eo anno est gestum.	In the following year (1383), the plague that had begun some time before vented its rage anew, whereupon the citizens took to flight. The emptying of the city caused anxiety that it would be seized be the lowest class. So a law was passed forbidding Florentine citizens from leaving their homes, to keep the city populated and not leave it in the power of depraved men, deserted by the good. But no law or prohibition could restrain people from fleeing; indeed in the face of a visible fear of death all other fears yielded as being of lesser weight. The plague afflicted the city for several months and carried off a number of distinguished men. For this reason nothing worthy of memory was accomplished this year either at home or abroad.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 3, p. 62.	None
1383-00-00-Florence 002	1383 JL	The plague raged in Florence. It began slightly in 1382, was then almost imperceptible, raged violently from March 1383 to September and was weak again until March 1384. During the worst months, many people fled the city.	Rubrica 955a - Come fu una grande mortalità nella città di Firenze. Nel detto anno [1383] cominciò a Firenze una pestilenza primiera, e primiera di ciò per rispetto ch'era cominciata infino nell'anno dinanzi in alcuna casa, al Canto a Monteloro ed a S. Piero Maggiore, forse in quattro case, ed avie casa dove in uno mese n'erano morti 10 e lasciatore due, e poi restata; ma per la città quasi niente si sentì se non in sul marzo e aprile; allora cominciò a rucellare, e bastò infino al settembre molto fiera, pure al modo dell'altre mortalità, di quello segno del grosso sotto il braccio e sopra la coscia all'anguinaia. Molti buoni uomini morti, ma più fu ne'giovani e fanciulli che negli uomini e femmine di compiuta età. Ultimamente ristette, come detto è, di settembre, non sì che alcuno, e questo era a rado, infino al marzo vegnente' dello altro anno non ne sentisse, ma radi e pochi. Pure com'è d'usanza di tenerne lo conto che muoiono, in quello anno ne morirono circa (p. 427) di … (lacuna). E così posata la maggior parte di novembre si tornarono alla città: alquanti stettero infino passata la primavera, e poi tornarono.	Rubrica 955a - How a great plague raged in the city of Florence In the year in question (1383), a severe plague began in Florence. The first signs had already been seen the previous year in some houses on the Canto a Monteloro and near S. Piero Maggiore, perhaps in four houses, whereby there were ten deaths in one house in one month and only two survived. After that, the epidemic subsided and was hardly noticed in the city until March and April. Then it began to rage violently and lasted until September, with typical symptoms such as large bumps under the arm and on the groin. Many good men died, but it was young people and children who were most affected, rather than adults. The epidemic finally subsided in September, but there were still isolated cases until March of the following year. The deaths were counted, and in that year about ... (gap). Most returned to the city in November; some stayed away until after spring and then returned.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, pp. 426-427.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-00-00-Florence 003	1383 JL	During the plague, many people fled the city of Florence. To prevent this, the rulers tried in vain to force people to stay and even a tax did not help, as some paid and others did not.	Rubrica 956a- Come per la detta mortalità si fece più leggi e ordini a Firenze. Nel detto anno si feciono di molte leggi, acciocchè niuno cittadino si partisse per la detta mortalità, a ciò che sospettavano che la minuta gente non partisse, e facesse romore, ed i mali contenti s'accozzassero con loro. Poi veduto che pur si partivano li ricchi, cominciarono a non lassare partire niuno sanza il bullettino. Ancora a questo era impossibile a tenergli. Poi all'ultimo impuosero danari a chi s'era partito, o partisse: comecchè la cosa non andò uguale, che di quelli a cui fu posto, pagarono e tale no, com'è sempre d'usanza che gli animali grossi e possenti saltano e rompono le reti; pure n'entro in Comune fiorini … (lacuna). Dissero che gli voleano per soldare fanti, acciocchè lo stato stesse fermo.	Rubrica 956a - How many laws and regulations were passed in Florence due to the aforementioned plague. In that year (1383), many laws were passed to prevent citizens from leaving the city because of the plague. It was feared that the common people who stayed would cause unrest and join forces with the discontented. When they saw that the rich were leaving anyway, they began to prevent anyone from leaving without authorisation. But it was impossible to enforce this. In the end, a tax was levied on those who had left or wanted to leave. However, this measure was not uniform: some paid, others did not, as is always the case when the strong and powerful circumvent the rules. Nevertheless, some florins [gap] came into the community treasury. It was said that the money should be used to pay soldiers to maintain order.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 427	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-00-00-Lucca		Plague affects Lucca for two years	Dopo un danno ne viene un altro, se non si vive in pace, e dico questo perchè dopo la morte del detto Francesco Guinigi, nel 1383 cominciò in Lucca e nel contado un contagio ed altre pestilenzie per le quali morirono molti venerabili cittadini, uomini, donne, fanciulli in grande quantità, ed il contagio durò sino al 1384, e molti ripararono in paesi stranieri per sfuggire a quella pestilenza. E come piacque a Dio, il contagio cessò, lasciando Lucca ed il suo contado privi di gente per i molti morti, ma non migliori nei confronti di Dio..	After one disaster comes another, if one does not live in peace, and I say this because after the death of the aforementioned Francesco Guinigi, in 1383, a contagion and other plagues began in Lucca and its surrounding area, causing many venerable citizens, men, women, and children to die in great numbers. The contagion lasted until 1384, and many fled to foreign countries to escape the plague. And as it pleased God, the contagion ceased, leaving Lucca and its surroundings devoid of people due to the many deaths, but no better in the eyes of God.	Giovanni Sercambi 2015, p. 231	Translation by Martin Bauch
1383-05-00-Florence	May 1383 JL	In Florence, a large procession was organized on 24 and 25 January to ask God's mercy for the plague and mortality. In May a plague began with 40 or more deaths per day.	A' di 24. in Domenica, che fu S. Zanobi in lunedì a' di 25. si fece grandissima processione, e venne in Firenze la Tavola di S. Maria Impruneta, e dinanzi a lei andarono tutte le Reliquie de'Santi di Firenze, e del contado, che furono più di dodicimila Cristiani. Le detta (p. 65) tavola si pose in su l'altare, che si fece in su la ringhiera del palazzo de' Signori, molto orevole; furonvi tutti li Cavalieri, ed altri notabili cittadini. Il popolo, che vi si trovò fu innumerabile, pregando lei con gran divozione, che accatti grazia dal suo diletto figliuolo, cioè Giesù Cristo, che guardi questa città, e l'altre di male, e guardici da mortalità, e da ogni altro reo giudicio, del quale in Firenze forte si dubitava, e di mortalità. […] Del detto mese di Maggio cominciò in Firenze mortalità di quaranta persone il dì, e più, e così fece nell'entrata di Giugno.	On the 24th of the month January, on a Sunday that was also the feast day of St. Zanobi, and on the following Monday, the 25th, a very large procession was held and the image of St. Mary of Impruneta was brought to Florence. Before her went all the relics of the saints of Florence and the surrounding area, there more than twelve thousand Christians. The said image was placed on the altar erected on the platform of the palace of the Signori, very honorably; present were all the knights and other important citizens. The people assembled were innumerable, and adored her with great devotion, to obtain mercy from her beloved Son, Jesus Christ, that he might preserve this city and others from calamity, and save us from pestilence and every other evil judgment, of which there was great fear in Florence, especially mortality. [...] In the said month of May a plague began in Florence, in which forty or more persons died every day, and this continued in June.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, pp. 64-65.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-06-24-Montpellier	24 June 1383 JL	A mortality breaks out in Montpellier from June 1383 to August 1384. The members of the town council order the manufacturing of a gigantic candle, to burn day and night at the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. During the plague, the university has been lockdown from the 10th of May to the 8th of September 1384.	Item, per so que mortalitat granda, majorment dels enfans de XX ans o entorn et en aval, renhava et avia renhat de San Johan, l’an LXXXIII en sa en esta vila & caix pertot, los senhors cossols a XXX de mars feron mezurar tota la muralha de la vilanota de Monpeylier deforas costa la escama de las dogas, & la palyssada de part dedins, et las ymages de Nostra Dona de Taulas et de son filh,mortalitat et de l’autar de la gleya. Et fo trobat, cananLo torn de Montpellier de las palissadas IXc XXXV canas am fil, que la muralha que es foras la palissada a de lonc IXcXXXV canas mieg. Item, la muralha deLa muralha dedins la villa de torn Vc XXX canas la villa que es deffra la palissada a VcXXX canas mieg. Item, la clausura de la palissada a de lonc pertot VIIIc LXXXXIIII canas. Item, la dicha gleya a de roda tot entorn LXXX canas. Item, l’autar a de lonc am los dos caps IIa canas et II palms. Item, las doas ymages an de gros III palms. Item, la ymage de Nostra Dona a de lonc III palms e ters. Et d’aquest fil am d’autres feron far I rezench sus l’autar de Nostra Dona en aut de una roda que y era et y fon facha l’an LXXIIII per so que∙l dich rezench y Del rezem de Nostra Dona de Taulas creme nuech e jorn ad honor de Dieu et de la benezecta Verges Maria, que lur plassa far cessar aquesta mortalitat et la empedimia de bossas renhant, et deverdonar pas de cel en terra, et salvar los frutz de la terra. Et fo senhat lo II jorn d’abril per mossen Jacme de la Manhania, prior de Taulas. Et duret la dicha mortalitat entro mieg aost aquest an LXXXIIII, en lo qual temps moriron, part los enfans petitz e grans, mostz bos homes notables antixz et donas, specialmens joves, d’aquesta vilamortalitat. Et enayssi duret la dicha mortalitat et empedimia per l’espazi o entorn de XIIII meses, la qual cauza jamays non fo vista que mortalitatz dures tant longuament en aquest paÿs & per ayso vaquet lo studi del tot de Pantacosta entro Nostra Dona de setembre.		Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1384.html (20 April 2020).	Translation needed
1383-07-00-Florence	July 1383 JL	Great mortality in Florence. In the beginning more than 400 persons per day died, later 8,9,12 per day. Many people flee to Bologna and the Romagna. On 22. July great riot, caused by the Ciompi and on 7th October an earthquake	Nota: del mese di Luglio, e d'Agosto del detto anno morì grandissima quantità di gente in Firenze, massimamente dal mezzo Luglio a tutto Agosto. Morirono molti fanciulli, e fanciulle piccoli, ed uomini, e donne: per dì ne morirono 400. e più; e poì in su l'entrata di Settembre mancò la detta mortalità, e morivanone per dì infino a mezzo Settembre quaranta, e più; poi mancò, e morianone otto, dieci, o dodici per infino a mezzo Ottobre. E nota, che a' dì 21. (anzi 22.) di Luglio, il dì di S. Maria Maddalena, fu grandissimo romore in Firenze, il quale levarono i Ciompi. Poi laudato Dio la detta mortalità cessò via in tutto. Nota, che detto anno a'di 7. d'Ottobre, la vigilia di S. Liperata, la notte furono tremoti in Firenze. Nota, che nel tempo della detta mortalità molta, e molta gente si partì di Firenze, e fuggì la mortalità, ed andaronne molti a Vinegia, e più in Romagna, perchè la mortalità v'era stata.	Note: In July and August of the same year (1383), a large number of people died in Florence, especially from mid-July and throughout August. Many young children and adolescents, as well as men and women, died; 400 or more people died per day. Then, at the beginning of September, the plague subsided, and forty or more people died daily until the middle of September; after that the number continued to decrease, and by mid-October only eight, ten or twelve people died daily. Note that on July 21 (actually 22), the feast day of St. Mary Magdalene, there was a great riot in Florence, caused by the Ciompi. Thank God the plague finally stopped completely. Note that on the night of October 7, on the eve of the feast of St. Liperata, earthquakes struck Florence. Note that during the said plague, many people left Florence and fled from the plague; many went to Venice and even more to Romagna because the plague had already been there.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 66.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-07-00-Florence 002	July 1383 JL	This passage is about a conspiracy in Florence. The conspirators, who were made up of common people, tried to take advantage of the fact that many citizens had left the city due to the raging plague. However, the conspiracy failed.	Rubrica 954a - Come' in Firenze si fece un trattato, pure di quella medesima gente minuta. Nel detto anno [1383] e mese di luglio fu nella città di Firenze una trattato, fatto pure per gente minuta, li quali estimando che la mortalità, della quale diremo, era molto primiera nella città di Firenze, e molti cittadini fuggiti, chi in contado e chi fuori di contado, di lunghi un giorno, o due, e più, stimarono che venisse lor fatto, e d'essere seguiti dagli ammoniti e da'mali contenti. E certo ogni volta, ch'eglino l'avessero fatta a sapere alli predetti, si stimava, loro sarebbe venuto fatto; ma eglino non lo feciono, ed eglino non feciono loro intenzione, ma guastaronla, e le loro persone. Fu lo detto trattato scoperto in questa forma: che essendo li cittadini, come detto è, fuggiti per la mortalità, la minuta gente non partita, ragunato alcuni sbanditi, li quali così ragunati a fine di rubare e d'essere ribanditit, venendo loro fatto. E veramente per quello che poi si vide, s'eglino avessero fatto con ordine, venìa loro fatto; imperocchè li cittadini possenti erano fuggiti la mortalità, e chi fuori del contado di Firenze, e chi nel contado; ma eglino si scopersono prima che non dovieno secondo l'ordine. In sulla prima loro non [non tutti loro] si levarono, e mossonsi da Santo' Ambrogio e per Belletri passando e per lo Prato d'Ognissanti, e feciono capo al ponte alla Carraia. Quelli dall'altro lato d'Arno, non erano in concio, non rispuosono, ed in quello luogo fu gridato; e così si partirono, e nulla feciono; e la gente sdegnò, ed andarono cercando costoro, e niuno ne fu preso; ma assai n'ebbono bando.	Rubrica 954a - How a conspiracy was made in Florence by the same common people. In July 1383, there was a conspiracy in the city of Florence that was planned by common people. They thought that the plague, which we will talk about later, had hit the city of Florence hard and many citizens had fled, some to the countryside, others further away, for a day or two or longer. These common people believed that they would be able to profit from the situation and be supported by the outlaws and malcontents. Certainly, if they had communicated their plans to the said people, they would probably have succeeded; but they did not and could not realise their intention, thus failing themselves. The plan was uncovered in the following way: While many citizens had fled because of the plague, the common people had not retreated, but had gathered some exiles. They had joined forces with the intention of robbing and reversing their banishment. Had they organised their plan well, they would indeed have succeeded, as the wealthy citizens had fled the plague, some from the outskirts of Florence, others further afield. But they unveiled their plan too early and not according to plan. Initially, not everyone rose as planned and moved from Santo' Ambrogio via Belletri and through the Prato d'Ognissanti and gathered at the Carraia bridge. Those on the other side of the Arno were not ready and did not respond. The alarm was then raised at this place; so they dispersed and did nothing. The people became furious, searched for the conspirators, but no one was captured, but many were banished again.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 426	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-07-00-Pisa	July 1383 JL	Severe plague and high mortality in Pisa and as a consequence processions, description of the symptoms.	Del mese di luglo incominciò la mortalità in della cità di Pisa, e d'ogosto e di settenbre e d'ottobre ne moriano in della cità per dì moute persone, grandi e picciuli, maschi e femine, ed era molto charcata. Di che a dì V e a dì XIJ d'ottobre si fecie per la cità di Pisa giennerale preccissione, cioè tutta la chericìa ciaschuna capella portando per la cità l'areliquie sante. E anco a dì XV e a dì XV e a dì 19 la domenica, e ogni volta la mattina tornava la ditta procissione a Duomo, cioè la chieza Maggiore di Pisa, e pi si diciea la Messa solenne all'altare Maggiore, e teneasi la mattina li fondachi serrati. E moriano la giente di pistolense chie in due dì, che in tre di, chie in quato chie in cinque dì, cioè di anguinaia, chi di ditelle, chi di male bolle, chie di faoni, chie di sputar sangue.	Template:TN	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 322	None
1383-08-07-Florence	7 August 1383 JL	Letter of Coluccio Salutati criticising the panic over the plague in Florence	Responsum petit generatio, non dicam perversa et adultera, sed pusilanimis, formidolosa et, ut quod volo breviter attingam, profuga et incerta. Te nunc alloquor, meticulosissime Antoni, qui [p. 81] conceptu metu mortis, quam timere stultissimum est, puta Dei manum eludere et eius inevitabilem sententiam fugiens evitare. Quanto melius esset cogente ratione fateri quod Deus ubique est, quod ipse statuit nobis terminum, quem preterire non licet, et [p. 82] quod illa Dei providentia, cuncta disponens, ab eterno previdit et ante seculum ordinavit fixe atque immobiliter ubi, quomodo et quando cuique moriendum est, ut plane fatendum sit hanc fugam, qua nunc fervet patria nostra, non cautionem, sed insaniam esse; insanian, inquam, vanorum hominum, qui malunt fugiendo suam pusilanimitatem ostendere, quam divinam dispositionem cuncta regere confiteri; quique cum timeant videre sepelire mortuos, auderent se iactare paratos armatis congredi, quos pre ignavia primo conspectu vix possent inter gladios intueri. [...] [p. 83] Sed si vos magis hoc tempore timetis, ego vere non timeo; nam, licet frequentiora funera videam, non me magis scio quam alias esse mortalem, nec de morte sum certior nec minus de hora mortis incertus. Vos, qui trepido pectore quod fugi nequit effugitis, si clarioris intellectus lumen habetis, oppressisse huius infectionem veneni quos non videtis quosve diligitis presagite; ego vero quos efferri videor, mortuos sciam; quos expirasse nunciatum erit, defunctos credam; quos vivos aspexero, letus amplectar; quos vivere percepero, letabor aura frui; de quibus nil audiam, non minus vivos quam mortuos arbitrabor. Nunc, quod avide petitis, scitote me cum tota familia valere. Quod et de vobis, licet, ut creditis, salubriore celo fruamini, crebro audire desidero	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2, pp. 80–83.	None
1383-08-21-Florence	21 August 1383 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Antonio di Ser Chello, in which he criticises the medical theories of the plague, such as that the air is the cause of the plague. He cites examples from Pisa and Viterbo. He also gives data on mortality.	Sed pestis, inquiunt, unicum remedium est de loco infecto ad salubriorem aerem se transferre, que dementia est ab aere non fugere venenoso? Leditur venenis, non alitur, humana natura; (p. 89) hoc medici consulunt, philosophi tenent et certior omni ratione experientia clare docet. Paucos enim ex fugientibus secundum numerum mori, multos vero ex remanentibus videmus extingui, ut cum ex fugientibus vix de centum unus expiret, de stantibus in patria pene quarta aut quinta pars, si recte computaveris, absumatur. Hec sunt fere que dicitis; hec in tanti erroris excusationem, imo iustificationem, si bene concipimus, allegatis. Sed de aere paucis expediam. Si venenosus est, cur non occidit omnes? Sed dices: aptior est unius quam alterius natura tales impressiones accipere. Fateor; venenum autem nullius homini complexioni dicitur convenire, ut saltem, licet non occidat, sensibilie tamen afferat nocumentum. Multos tamen hic videmus hoc tempore non solum non mori, sed nec quidem etiam leviter infirmari. An forsan aliquis hominum nactus est turdorum naturam, quibus napellus suavissimus cibus est, qui ceteros animantes extinguit? Sed esto, venenum sit; non est tamen, ut sensus admonent, adeo violentum quin de multis plurimos non relinquat. Hanc autem fugam, dices, medici consulunt. [...] (p. 90) hi demum, quibus quid et quantum credi debeat et de se patet et experientia quotidiana demonstrat, ne parum multa scire videantur, pestilentie, quam Dei iudicium constat esse, remedium fugam dicunt. Nam quid de philosophis asseram, quorium iudicium solet a physicis in his que medicinam respiciunt communiter reprobari, et qui, etsi pungentibus rationibus aliquid astruant, cogunt id quod affirmant credere potius quam ostendant? Vellem autem unus de medicorum aut philosophorum grege doceret cure in eadem vicinia, ex una domo tot educantur funera quot sint ibi viventes, ex contigua vero nec unius moriatur; cur in illa senes deficiant, in altera pueri; hec masculos, illa mulieres amittat; hec, si quid de complexionibus scire possumus, robustiores perdat, debilioribus reservatis; et denique, quod ante omnia interrogari debuit, quid aerem inficiat et corrumpabat? Et si venti, si paludes, si neglecat cadavera vel aliud quippiam, cur in eadem regione pestiferis his pariter obnoxia, non omnes urbes simul, sed nunc ista, nunc illa de vicinitatis ratione vexetur? Cur extra muros civitatis nostre, quod hoc tempore vidimus, usque in ianuas pestis illas sevierit et intra menia nullus penitus egrotaret? Cur Pisana civitatis inceperit intra menia laborare, cum extra portas ubquie salubriter viveretur? An muro separatur aer salutifer ab infecto? An forsan potest obiectu murorum mors (p. 91) imminens aut pestis veniens arceri? Sed vidi et ego, cum tempore felicis recordationis Urbani quinti curia romana Viterbii tenertur, pestem maximam solum inter curiales et forenses terribiliter debacchari; que quidem ad tria milia virorum absumpsit, cum interea nullus civis cuiuscunque foret etatis et sexus penitus egrotaret.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2, pp. 88–91	None
1383-09-02-Florence	2 September 1383 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati; he writes that the Plague is almost gone and mortality is decreasing	Sed hic sedatur pestis, aer pulcerrimus et saluber effectus est; iam pauci infirmantur, et ex egrotantibus longe plures liberantur quam pereant.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 2 p. 99	None
1383-11-00-Pisa	November 1383 JL	Procession in Pisa because of the plague and concessions to Lucca, moreover a famine	A dì VIJ di novembre si fecie la preccissione per la cità di Pisa, al modo uzato, e ogni volta li signori Ansiani di (p. 323) Consiglo e consiglava del sì, di dare a li luchezi Librafatta per istare in pacie co lloro, e davalelal. E a questo modo diè a li luchezi Librafatta e Asciano e Avane e moute autre castella dallato di verso Lucha, e alli fiorentini diè Pontadera e Calcinaia e dimoute autre chastella dallato di là verso loro. Di che Pisa era rimasa con poghe chastella. E oltr'a questo tenea la cità in grande carestia da vivere. E per questa cagione fu morto dalli pisani colli suoi figluoli	Template:TN	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 324	None
1384-02-00-Pisa	February 1384 JL	Plague in Pisa and because of that a big procession.	Del mese di ferraio ritornò in della cità di Pisa la mortalità, e del mese di marso vegnente e moriano alcuno per dì di pistolensia, come ditto è in prima. A dì XXVIIIJ di marso Domini milletreciento ottantaquatro, essendo ritornata la mortalità, li signori Ansiani di Pisa mandonno lo bando per la cità di Pisa: che ll'autro dì vegnente, cioè lo lunedì mattina, ognuno maschio e femmine debiano andare a Duomo, a la chieza Maggiore per andara a la preccisione; e che ogni persona della ditta cità tegnia serrate li fondacchi e lle botteghe sine fatta la preccissione. E fési la ditta preccissione al modo uzato, e andónovi li Ansiani con tutto 'l popolo e maschi e femine, grandi e piccioli, e ppoi fatta la preccissione si disse lo solenne uficio della Messa a l'autare Maggiore in Duomo e lla predicha al modo uzato.	In the month of ferraio mortality returned to the city of Pisa, and in the month of marso vegnente and some died in the month of pistolensia, as said before. On the twenty-eighth day of March, one thousand three hundred and eighty-four, mortality having returned, the Lords Ansiani of Pisa sent out a proclamation to the city of Pisa: that on the next coming day, that is on Monday morning, every male and female should go to the Duomo, to the Chieza Maggiore to go to the preccession; and that every person in the city should keep their shops and their purses closed until the preccession was accomplished. And the preccission was carried out in the prescribed manner, and the Ansians went there with all the people, male and female, young and old, and after the preccission was done, the solemn office of the Mass was said at the Major Cathedral altar, and the sermon was preached in the prescribed manner	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 324.	Translation by DeepL
1384-04-00-Pisa	April 1384 JL	Return of the plague in Pisa, because of that they ask for a specific relic and organized a solemn procession with other external relics	Tornata la morìa in della cità di Pisa del mese d'aprile e di maggio, di giugno e di luglo, di che ne morìa molti (p. 327) per dì. Fési la preccissione a dì VIIJ luglo sine cinque settimane al modo uzato. A dì IIIJ d'ogosto fue arecato in della cità di Pisa lo santissimo corpo do santo Guiglermo. Fue arecato in della cità di Pisa il quale, cioè le sue ossa, il quale era a Castiglone di Garfagnana di Pisa quine u elli fecie la penetensia per comandamento del papa, che lli signori Ansiani di Pisa mandonno per esse perchè in della cità di Pisa si era la morìa. Di che la domenica mattina funo arecate le ditte ereliquie di santo Guiglermo in della cità di Pisa per la porta di San Marcho in Chinsicha con grandissimo honore e reverentia, che li Ansiani di Pisa con mouti citadini della cità e con tutti li uficiali e con tutta la chericià, frati e preti e abati, e tutte le conpagnie delli Batuti, tutti li andonno incontra e preccissione. E ciaschuno con chandeli di ciera accesi in mano, chie di meza libra e chie di una libra. E tutte le conpagnie delli Battuti con mouti torchi acciesi, tal conpagnia delli Battuti avea quatro torchi acciesi e tal sei e tal otto e tale conpagnia n'avea (p. 328) dodici e tal n'avea vinti. E quelli della Conpagnia di Santo Guiglermo avea ciaschuno uno torchio di ciera accieso in mano di libre due per ciaschuno torchio, e ciaschuno delli antri Battuti aveno uno candelo di meza libra accieso in mano. E fue arecato il ditto corpo di santo Gugliermo in della cità di Pisa inn una chascia covertata di sopra di drappo a oro e di sopra uno richo palio di seta, aconpagnato innanti tutta la chericià di Pisa e colli ditti Battutti inanti al ditto corpo. E li Ansiani colli citadini di Pisa e col Podestà e 'l Capitano del Populo e tutti li uficiali dirieto al ditto corpo, e poi tutte le donne della cità e grandi e picciuli della ditta cità, tutti con grandissima reverentia li andavano dirieto. E lla maggior parte delle persone andonno dirieto al corpo con candeli di ciera acciesi in mano, e aconpagnónolo sine alla chieza Maggiore di Pisa. E posato che ffu alla ditta chieza e posto in sullo altare Maggiore di Pisa, sìe si disse una Messa solenne all'altare Maggiore cantando. E 'l ditto corpo fue post in sullo altare di Santo Ranieri in della ditta chieza, e ogn'omo andavano a baciare la ditta chascia ove erano lo ditto corpo con grande reverense, omini e donne e grandi e picciuli. E ppoi ditta la Messa lo ditto corpo fue portato al Palagio dellia Ansiani di Pisa con grandissima reverentia. E quine riposto con grande guardia avendo tuttavia le chiave dello cascione lo Priore delli Ansiani e un'autra n'avea lo abate della chieza di Santo Guiglermo da Chastiglone, il quale n'è guardiano del ditto corpo, e tuttavia il ditto abate stava in dello Palagio delli Ansiani ocn due suoi monaci di dì e di notte a spese del Comune di Pisa, e lli Ansiani fecie loro grande onore e donamenti.	Template:TN	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, pp. 326–328	None
1384-08-10-Pisa	10 August 1384 JL	Many processions with relics in Pisa in August because of the plague and it leads to many miracles like healings.	He a dì x ditto mese d'agosto si fecie per la cità di Pisa una solenne preccessione al modo uzato, con tutta la chericìa di Pisa e tutte le conpagnie delli Batutti della cità e con tutte ereliquie della cità e con sangue di santo Piero, di sopra con uno palio di drappo di seta portato da quatro preti, le ditte reliquie e ssìe lo ditto palio e anco, al ditto modo, lo (p. 329) ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo e con muoti torchi acciesi intorno al ditto corpo a spese del Comune di Pisa, cioè XXIIIJ torchi di ciera. E poi tornati alla chieza Maggiore sìe si fecie solenne uficio della Messa allo altare Maggiore, e tutte le botteghe delli mercatanti e artefici teneano serrate sino a l'ufficio, e tutto lo populo, omini e donne, grandi e picciuli vi funno alla preccissione e alla Messa. L'autra mattina vegnente si fecie la preccissione intorno a Duomo alla chieza Maggiore al modo uzato. E poi ditto l'uficio della Messa si mostròno le ditte ereliquie in sul pervio Maggiore del Duomo, cioè l'ossa di santo Guiglermo: inprima mostròe lo capo e poi la spalla e poi lo braccio, e così tutte l'ossa del suo corpo santissimo si mostrò a uno a uno. E ppoi le misseno in della ditta chascia e poi lo puoseno in ssullo altare della Incoronata in ditta chieza. E fuvi menata una dona, la quale era forte tormentata da mali ispiriti ch'ella avea adosso, e lo abate di santo Guiglermo li puose la cascia col ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo adosso, e subitamente fue diliberata. E in quel dì ne diliberò molte persone. E a dì XIJ e a dì XIIJ ditto mese d'ogosto si fecie la preccissione intorno a Duomo al modo uzato con tutte ereliquie, e com'è ditto di sopra. (p. 330) A dì XVJ ditto mese d'ogosto la mattina inanti dì a tre ore inssine a meza tersa e poi inanti nona sine a ditto lo Vespro, si mostronno le ditte ereliquie di santo Guiglermo in della chieza dello Palagio delli Ansiani di Pisa, e ogn'omo, maschi e femmine lo potea baciare. E così a dì 17 e a dì XVIIJ si mostróno in del ditto Palagio, cioè in della chiostra giuso che vvi si fecie uno altare, e quine si mostravano le ditte ereliquie. E ognuno, maschi e femmine, grandi e picciuli, li andavano a baciare, chie li donava denari, chie chandeli di ciera, e ciaschuno li avea grande devosione, avendo ciaschuno fede grande sì per li meriti e gratie del nostro Signore Iddio e del beato santo Guiglermo di ciessare questa pistolentia della morìa. Amen. Sappiate che queste ereliquie di santo Guiglermo fecie in Pisa dimouti mirachuli di guarire altri di molte infermità e liberare dimouti indimoniati, cioè lo primo idì ch'entrò in Pisa e sinché stette in della cità fecie molti e grandissimi mirachuli. A dì XVIIJ d'ogosto si fecie la proccissione per la cità di Pisa al modo uzato, con tutte le ereliquie di Pisa e col ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo.	On the tenth day of the said month of August, a solemn celebration was held in the city of Pisa, in the manner described above, with the entire Church of Pisa and all the congregations of the Batutti of the city, and with all the relics of the city and the blood of Saint Piero, with a silk banner, carried by four priests, the said relics and the said banner, and also, in the said manner, the body of Saint Guiglermo, and with the said body of the saint. 329) ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo e con muoti torchi acciesi intorno al ditto corpo a spese del Comune di Pisa, cioè XXIIIJ torchi di ciera. And then returned to the Chieza Maggiore and the solemn office of the Mass was held at the main altar, and all the shops of the merchants and artisans were closed until the office, and all the people, men and women, young and old, took part in the preaching and the Mass. On the previous morning, the preccession was held around the Duomo at the Chieza Maggiore in the usual manner. Then, after the Mass was said, the bones of Saint Guiglermo were displayed in the Cathedral's main periphery, that is, the bones of Saint Guiglermo: first the head was displayed, then the shoulder and then the arm, and thus all the bones of his most holy body were displayed one by one. And then they placed them in the altar of the Incoronata in the church. And a woman was brought there, who was greatly tormented by the inspired evils that she had on her, and the abbot of Saint Guiglermo placed the casket with the said body of Saint Guiglermo on it, and she was immediately freed. And in that day he freed many people from it. And on dì XIJ and dì XIIJ of the said month of August, the pre-commission was carried out around the Duomo in the manner described above, with all the hereliquies, and as is said above. (p. 330) On the fifteenth day of the month of August, in the morning, at three hours past midday and then in the ninth hour after Vespers, the said relics of Saint Guiglermo were displayed in the church of the Palagio delli Ansiani in Pisa, and every man, male and female, could kiss them. And so on dì 17 and dì XVIIJ they were shown in the aforesaid palace, that is, in the cloister down there an altar was made, and there the said relics were shown. And each one, male and female, young and old, went to kiss them, some gave them money, some gave them wax, and each one had great devotion to them, each one having great faith in the merits and graces of our Lord God and the blessed saint Guiglermo to cease this pistolentia of death. Amen. Know that these hereliquies of Saint Guiglermo worked many miracles in Pisa, curing others of many infirmities and freeing those who had fallen ill, that is, the first day he entered Pisa and as long as he remained in the city, he worked many and very great miracles. On the 17th of August, the procession was made through the city of Pisa in the manner described above, with all the relics of Pisa and the said body of Saint Guiglermo.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, pp. 328–330.	Translation by DeepL
1384-08-26-Pisa	26 August 1384 JL	The return of the relics of Saint Guiglemo from Pisa to Castiglione di Garfagnana, the announcement of papal indulgences in Pisa, and the plague considerably diminished until November .	A dì XXVJ ditto mese d'ogosto si partì di Pisa lo ditto abate di Santo Guiglermo colli suoi monaci collo ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo, e portònolo al monasterio di Santo Guiglermo ch'è di sopra a Castiglone della Peschaia del Comuno di Pisa. E andonne bene aconpagnato con ccierti e (p. 331) di citadini con mouti homini armati a chavallo, soldati dal Comune di Pisa. E lli Ansiani di Pisa li fecieno demouti doni a l ditti monaci. Di una lettera di córpa e di pena mandata in Pisa dal papa: A dí IIIJ di settenbre si fecie preccissione intorno a Duomo al modo uzato, poi si disse in della ditta chieza l'uficio della Messa allo altare Maggiore. E poi che ffue levato lo Corpo di Cristo, si montò in perbio lo notaio dell'arccivescho di Pisa e lesse la lettera che avea mandata il papa Urbano di Roma: che qualunqua persona maschio e femina della cità di Pisa e del contado e ssuo distretto morisse, essendo ben con<fe>sso e pentuto, sia asoluto di colpa e di pena in questo modo, ch'elli debii mandare per uno conffessoro, quali piace, e debiasi conffessare di buon cuore e ss'elli avesse nulla cosa non fusse licita lo debian sodisfare e lassare che ssia sodisfatto. E questa lettera vale dal dì ditto sine a dì primo di dicenbre. E lla ditta morìa era mouto chalata, ch'ella restò del mese di novenbre prossimo	On the twenty-fifth day of the month of August, the said abbot of Saint Guiglermo left Pisa with his monks with the said body of Saint Guiglermo, and took it to the monastery of Saint Guiglermo, which is above Castiglone della Peschaia in the Commune of Pisa. And he went well aconpagnato con ccierti e (p. 331) di citadini con mouti homini armati a chavallo, soldati dal Comune di Pisa. E lli Ansiani di Pisa fecieno demouti doni a l ditti monaci. A letter of condemnation and punishment sent to Pisa by the Pope: IIII of september a preccission was made around the cathedral in the manner prescribed, then the office of the Mass was said at the main altar. And after the Body of Christ had been lifted, the notary of the archbishop of Pisa mounted in the perbio and read the letter that Pope Urban of Rome had sent: that any male or female person in the city of Pisa, the countryside and its district who dies, if he or she is well acquitted and punished, is to be absolved of guilt and punishment in this way, that he or she is to send for a councillor, as he or she pleases, and is to be willingly acquiesced, and if he or she has anything that is not permitted, he or she is to be satisfied and allowed to be satisfied. And this letter is valid from the said day until the first day of December. And his death was so much calmed, that it remained from the month of November next	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, pp. 330–331.	Translation by DeepL
1387-00-00-Strasbourg	1387 JL	A deadly disease came to Strasbourg, which was strongest during the Lent.	Ein siechtage von dem flosse. Do men zalte 1387 jor, do kam ein gemeinre siechtage in alle lant von dem flosse und huften, das under zehen menschen kume eis gesunt bleip. und wurdent die lüte in dem selben siechtagen verrihtet und bewart zum tode, doch koment sü vil bi alle uf, one die alten lüten die disen siechtagen von alter und von swacheit nüt möhtent überwinden: der starp vil. dirre sichtage was aller groest in der vasten. dovon hette men in der selben vasten veil fleisch, eyger und ander ding, also ob es uffewendig der vasten were gewesen. Disen siechtagen nantent etliche den ganser oder den bürzel.	A disease of the flux. In the year 1387, a widespread disease of the flux and pestilence came to all lands, and it was feared that out of ten people, only one would remain healthy. During this same plague, people were afflicted and died, but many died, except for the elderly who could not overcome the plague due to age and weakness. This plague was the worst during Lent. During that Lent, people consumed a lot of meat, eggs, and other foods, as if it were necessary for Lent. Some referred to this plague as the "ganser" or the "bürzel."	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 772	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1387-01-00-Florence	January 1386 JL	Many people fell ill with a cold following a period of warm and humid weather from November to January. Many people of all ages and sexes died, but more older people than younger ones.	Capitolo XVII. -Come molti infreddarono in Firenze e non per grande freddo che fosse. Del mese di gennaio nel 1386 (st. Fior.) infreddò in Firenze quasi ogni gente e non fu per grande freddo che fosse; ma fu che da calendi di novembre infino a gennaio fu sempre l'aere calda e umida, e dissesi che quella generò quello infreddare; e addivenia che, quando cominciava lo infreddare, a tutti venía la febbre e molta gente uccise, e giovani e vecchi e molte femine. Ma pure de' vecchi moriron più che de' giovani e durò infino a mezzo febbraio e molto isbigotti i cittadini però che di morte fece grande danno alle cittade.	Chapter XVII - How many in Florence caught a cold, not because of the extreme cold In January 1386 ( Flor. cal.) almost everyone in Florence caught a cold, and this was not due to extreme cold. It is said that this was due to the warm and humid weather from 1 November [1366] to January [1377]. As soon as the cold started, everyone caught a fever and many people died, both young and old, and many women. But older people died more than young people, and this continued until mid-February, causing great concern to the citizens, as death caused great damage to the cities.	Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 23	None
1387-03-00-Belgium-South West Germany	March 1387 JL	A influenza-like epidemic breaks out around the middle of March in the bishoprics of Cologne and Liège and in the counties of Loon and Namur. Affected people cought a lot, experience hoarness, and some of them die.	Anno Domini M°CCCLXXXVII, circa medium marcii, venit quedam pestis super cunctum populum in episcopatu Leodiensi, Coloniensi, comitatu Losensi et Namureensi, tussis scilicet et raucitas, unde plures mortui sunt. Et pauci tamen citius sanabantur aliis eruentando per nares vel alio modo.	In the year of the Lord 1387, a kind of plague affected everyone in the bishoprics of Liège and Cologne, and in the counties of Namur and Looz. It was characterized by coughing and hoarseness, and several people died. Some healed very quickly, others expectorated a lot through the nostrils or otherwise.	La chronique liégeoise de 1402, p. 404	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1388-03-00-Liège	March 1388 JL	Some people are affected by ulcers in Liège.	Anno Domini M°CCCLXXXVIII , in marcio et circa, habuerunt plures ulcera in corporibus suis sicut preterito anno habuerunt reumata.	The year of the Lord 1388, in March several people had ulcers on their bodies, like others have had rheumatism last year.	La chronique liégeoise de 1402, p. 405.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1388-07-00-Lombardy	July 1388 JL	Great mortality throughout Lombardy, particularly in Milan, Pavia, Verona, Cremona, Parma, Ferrara and also in Venice. Many people fled like the Count of Vertù.	Capitolo XXIV. - Di grande mortalità suta in Lombardia e a Vinegia. Molto grande mortalità fu in quest'anno in tutta Lombardia cominciando del mese di luglio, e moriano di febbri pestilenziose e da posteme velenose e fu molto grande in Milano e in Pavia e in Verona e in Cremona e in Parma e in Ferrara, e quasi in tutte le città lombarde. E 'l Conte di Vertù, per la grande paura ch'avea di morire, andava ora in una terra, ora in un'altra fuggendo la mortalità; e si celatamente andava tramutando luogo che spesse volte avvenia che dov'elli si fosse non si potea sapere; e per la molta gente che vi morirono, molte terre rimasero mezze abbandonate e diserte. Ancora venne la detta mortalità in Vinegia e molti nobili cittadini consumò in quella e molto diminuì di gente quella città; e per questo molti cittadini veniziani si fuggiron quindi e andaron in luoghi istrani, e la maggior parte camparo della detta mortalità; e poi quando tornarono a Vinegia fu grande allegrezza e da tutti i cittadini fu fatta loro e parve loro esser molto ristorati nella città; nondimeno rimase la città con molto minore numero di gente.	Chapter XXIV - Of the great mortality in Lombardy and Venice. This year, from July onwards, there was a very high mortality rate throughout Lombardy. People died of pestilential fevers and poisonous abscesses, and mortality was particularly high in Milan, Pavia, Verona, Cremona, Parma and Ferrara and almost all Lombard towns. The Count of Vertù fled for fear of dying, constantly changing his whereabouts to avoid mortality. His whereabouts were often so secret that nobody knew where he was. Due to the many deaths, many towns were left half-deserted. Mortality also spread to Venice, claiming the lives of many respected citizens and significantly reducing the city's population; as a result, many Venetian citizens fled to other countries, where most survived the epidemic. When they returned to Venice, there was great joy and they were warmly welcomed by all the citizens. Nevertheless, the city was left with far fewer people.	Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 72	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1389-00-00-Pistoia	1389 JL	Grain increased a lot in price and the municipality of Florence had to import grain, otherwise there would have been a great famine. In Pistoia, Arezzo and Città di Castello was a great mortality because of the plague.	Capitolo XXVIII. - Che valse il grano e'l vino in questo anno in Firenze, e come la mortalità fu nel loro contado in più parti. Questo anno fu molto caro il grano in Firenze, alcuna volta valse lo staio lire tre, e 'l vino valse di vendemia dieci fiorini il cogno perché ne fu molto poco,' e tutte l'altre cose furon care mollo, e alli poveri mancò il guadagno, e a' cittadini crebbono le spese, e a gran parte de' cittadini pareva istar male; e se non fosse che 'l Comune, con grande sollecitudine e spese, fece venire di Pelago di mollo grano di più parti del mondo circa di 30 milia moggia, grande moltitudine di gente nella città e nel contado arebbono patito grandissima nicistà di vittuvaglia; ma quel grande riparo li salvò. In questo anno medesimo fu grande mortalità in Pistoia e in tutti li luoghi e intorno a quella; e morivano di posteme pestilenziose e velenose in due o in tre di; e alla città d'Arezzo e in tutto il suo contado cominciarono a morire di pestilenzia, ed ebbevi Castello che vi mori più che 'l terzo delle bocche. E ancora la della mortalità in molte terre d' Italia grandissima; della qual cosa molto isbigottirono i Fiorentini temendo di non averla l'anno vegnente.	Chapter 28: The development of the value of grain and wine in Florence this year and the mortality in its surroundings. Grain was very expensive in Florence that year. Sometimes a bushel cost three lire, and the wine of the harvest was sold for ten florins a barrel, because there was very little of it. All other things were also expensive and the poor lacked income, while expenses for the citizens increased, causing great inconvenience to many citizens. If the municipality had not taken great care and expense to import large quantities of grain from Pelago and other parts of the world, some 30,000 moggia, there would have been a great famine in the city and the countryside. But these extensive measures saved them. In the same year there was a great mortality in Pistoia and in all the surrounding areas. People died of pestilential and toxic abscesses every two or three days. In the city of Arezzo and its entire surrounding area, they began to die of the plague, and in Castello more than a third of the population died. Mortality was also very high in many other parts of Italy, which worried the Florentines greatly, as they feared they would suffer the same fate the following year.	Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 88.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1390-00-00-Florence	1390 JL	Mortality in Florence and people flee to Bologna	Chome messer Beltotto inghilese fue fatto nostro chapitano contro a' sanesi, e chome fu morìa […]La morìa è chominciata i Firenze e per lo chontado, e moionciene ogni in dì da XX a XXX. Molti cittadini si sono partiti e partono e fughono la mortalità a Bolognia. […]	How Messer Beltotto, an Englishman, became our Captain against the Sienese and how he died. The mortality began in Florence and its surrounding areas, every day there died 20 to 30 people. Many citizens had already left and still flee from the mortality to Bologna.	Anonymus:Alle Bocche della piazza 1986, p. 97	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1390-00-00-Florence 001	1390 JL	In January and February fine weather and the crops were of good quality. The entire year was a plague. The harvest was small, except for the wine and oil.	Nota, che nel 1390. secondo la Natività di Cristo, fu Pasqua di Natale in sabato, calende di Gennaio in sabato. Del mese di Gennaio (p. 113) fu bel tempo, e fecesi bella sementa. Entrò Febbraio con bel tempo. Nel detto anno fu Carnesciale a dì 15. di Febbraio; Pasqua di Suresso fu a'dì 3. d'Aprile. Le biade, cioe il grano in erba era, e fu molto bello, e ricordoti fu bella sementa di biade minute. Fu mortalità l'anno quasi per tutto il mondo, fu nelle parti die quà in Firenze; la ricolta fu innanzi piccola, che grande di biada, e di vino, e d'olio fu assai.	Note that in 1390, according to the birth of Christ, Christmas was on Saturday and the calends of January were also on Saturday. In the month of January, the weather was fine and good seed was sown. February began with fine weather. This year, Carnival fell on February 15; Easter was on April 3. The crops, especially the growing wheat, were very good and a good crop of small grains was sown. Pestilence prevailed throughout the year almost all over the world, including Florence. The harvest was small rather than large, but there was plenty of wine and oil.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 113	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1390-07-00-Florence	July 1390 JL	The plague raged in Florence causing many deaths. To predict the plague with the help of the moon was impossible. Many citizens fled from the city to safer places.	Capitolo XXXVI. — D'una mortalità che fu a Firenze e nel contado in questo anno. Infino del mese di Luglio cominciò in Firenze nell'anno 1390 infermità di pondi, e' medici diceano ch'era ramo di pestilenza. Questo male era lungo, però che più d'un mese durava, e poi la maggior parte di quelli che l'aveano, morivano; e questo male era sozzo e spiacevole, però che per lo gittare del sangue che facea quello che l'avea, appuzzava tutta la casa dove alcuno n'era. Era questo male, a colui che l'avea, con gran doglie di corpo, d'onde seguiva grandi e dolorosi rammarichii; e molti uomeni e donne e fanciulli uccise, e durò insino passato mezzo settembre. E ancora in questo tempo cominciaro alcuni ad avere certe aposteme pestilenziose, e questi morivano in pochi di; e duraro queste aposteme infino del mese di novembre, e molta gente uccise in questo tempo. Poi del detto mese di novembre mancò e quasi ristette. In questo tempo alcuna volta morivano molta gente, alcuna volta quando la luna era tonda, alcuna quando ell'era iscema, e cosi alcuna volta quando ella cresceva; e cosi non si potea per niuno avvisare quando questa infruenza fosse minore o maggiore. E fu la detta mortalità in questo tempo nel contado di Firenze in simile modo, e molta gente uccise. Di che molti cittadini fuggirò fuori della città e del contado in molti luoghi, e li più vi stettono infino di novembre 1391, per certificarsi di quello che la mortalità che facesse e come finisse.	Chapter XXXVI - About a mortality that occurred in Florence and its surroundings in that year. By the month of July, in the year 1390, a disease began in Florence which the doctors said was a branch of the plague. This disease lasted a long time, about a month, and then the majority of those who had it died. This disease was dirty and unpleasant because the person who had it contaminated the whole house where someone was staying by spitting blood. The one who was sick suffered from severe body aches, which caused great and painful discomfort. Many men, women and children died and it lasted until mid-September. At this time, some also began to get certain pestilential abscesses, and these died in a few days. These abscesses lasted until the month of November, and many people died during this time. Then in the said month of November, the mortality decreased or almost stopped. During this time, sometimes many people died, sometimes when the moon was full, sometimes when it was waning, and sometimes when it was waxing. It was therefore impossible to predict when this epidemic would be weaker or stronger. The aforementioned mortality occurred in the same way around Florence during this period and killed many people. Many citizens fled from the city and the surrounding area to various places, and most stayed until November 1391 to see how the mortality rate was progressing and to find out when the epidemic would end.	Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 110.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1390-10-00-Lucca	October 1390 JL	The plague affects Lucca and Pisa	Dio, che tutto sa, vedendo che la guerra, aspra e cattiva, tendeva a crescere invece di finire, decretò di mandare un'epidemia che servisse a frenare la furia di guerra. E così mandò l'epidemia in Lucca, in Pisa e in gran parte della Toscana; e cominciò in Pisa ed in Lucca, e molti morirono, sopratutto fanciulli dai quindici anni in giù, e l'epidemia duro quasi un anno..	The divine goodness, seeing that the citizens of Lucca and the peasants had reached such discord, did not want to take away the free will of reasonable men to discern good from evil. Seeing that despite this, the discord in Lucca continued to grow and past examples served little, in His wisdom, decided that, in the absence of any other way, they might abandon their bad intentions at least out of fear of divine judgment. And so it was by His will that first in Lucca and then in the countryside, the contagion spread with groin inflammations, buboes, boils, and abscesses; because of this, many citizens from both factions left Lucca in the month of October and went either to Pietrasanta or other places. Many citizens perished due to the contagion, and great damage was caused by it. Among others, Bonagiunta Schezza died, who, as a lot-drawer, had warned Messer Bartolomeo that he had been excluded..	Giovanni Sercambi 2015, p. 246.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1391-06-00-Montpellier	June 1391 JL	A procession is organized in Montpellier on the 17th of September against the mortality of bosse that affects the city since three months.	[...] Et fouc fach per las causas dessus dichas et per so que Nostre Senhor nos volgues ostar las pestilencias de las bossas et de febres et de mortz que avian renhat plus de III mes en aquesta villa et tot lo paÿs [...]	And it has been held for the all the above mentioned reasons and for asking Our Lord to rescue us from the pestilence of bosse, from the fiver and the mortality that raged in the city and across the country since three months.	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1391.html (20 April 2020).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1392-01-21-Montpellier	21 January 1392 JL	A procession is organized in Montpellier to thank God that the mortality that began in June 1391 almost ceased.	Item, dimergue a XXI de genoier, car la dicha pestilencia era cays cessada, la gracia de Dieu, en Montpelier et entorn, et per so car lo gran conseilh de nostre senhor lo rey de Fransa et del rey d’Englaterra devian esser enssems en las partidas de Picardia lo jorn de Nostra Dona la Candeloza per lo fach de la pas, per so, los senhors cossols feron far una autra procession general que dessus, am la ymage d’argent de Nostra Dona de Taulas et lo cors sans et lo cap de monsen sant Cleophas ; et fes lo sermon deavant lo consolat magister P. Borron, magister en theologia, de predicadors ; et cantet la messa dessot la vouta frayre Johan Costea de Montpellier, prior del covent de predicadors d’aquesta vila, per rendre gracias a Nostre Senhor de la dicha cessation de la pestilencia et preguan lo que nos done bona pas.	Template:TN	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1391.html (20 April 2020).	None
1396-00-00-Montpellier	1396 JL	Epidemic of smallpox la (picota) all over Languedoc. It affects children and adults.	Item, lo dich an, en los petitz enfans et ausi en mots grans corrie la picota et fonc general en tota Lenguadoc.	This year, smallpox ("la picota") has been virulent among children and adults, and it spread all across the Languedoc.	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1396.html (20 April 2020).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1397-00-00-Strasbourg	1397 JL	A dying came to Strasbourg and surrounding area. After processions by the local clerics the mortality diminished. The plague arose and diminished for the next 8 years.	Ein sterbotte und ein crüzegang. Do men zalte 1397 jor, do kam aber ein sterbotte gein Strosburg und in das lant do umb: ein gefueger, doch werte er me denne zwei jor. aber in Westerich und in Swoben und in andern landen was er vil groesser denne zu Strosburg, und sturbent die lüte an der bülen, und sturbent junge lüte vester denne die alten. Und donoch in dem andern jore, also men zalte 1398 jor, an aller heilgen obent, do mahte die pfafheit zu Strosburg einen crüzegang, und ging ieder orden umb sin closter mit dem sacramente. also dotent ouch die stifte und weltlichen pfaffen umb ire kirchen, das got sollte dis sterben wenden. Donoch werte das sterben bescheidenliche, und ie so es ein jor oder ein halbes ufgehorte, do ving es denne wider ane, doch bescheidenliche, und das treip es wol 8 jor nohenander.	Mortality and a Pilgrimage In the year 1397, a plague came to Strasbourg and the surrounding lands. It lasted for more than two years. However, in Westrich, Swabia, and other lands, it was much worse than in Strasbourg, and people died from the plague, with young people dying more than the old. In the following year, 1398, on All Saints' Day, the clergy in Strasbourg organized a pilgrimage and each order went around their monastery with the sacrament. Similarly, the convents and secular clergy went around their churches to implore God to stop the plague. After that, the plague was modest, and ceased for a year or half a year, but then it returned, albeit less severely. It continued intermittently for about eight more years.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 773.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1397-04-00-Arles	April 1397 JL	A mortality breaks out in Arles and all over the world. People dies of bosse and of carboncles. The disease kills adults, but mainly children and young people.	L'an M CCC IIIIxx XVII fon granda mortalitat per tot lo mont. Item, en Arles acomenset la Pasqua, que fon lo premier jorn d'abril, e duret tro l'an IIIIxx XVIII del mes de jonoier. Item, morien las gens de boses lo plus, alcuns de carboncles; et moriron y grans gens, plus enfans e gens joves, que autras gens.	In the year 1397, there was a great mortality all over the world. In the city of Arles, it began at Easter Day which occurs the 1rst of April, and it lasted until the month a January in 1398. Most of the people died of bosses, and some of them of carboncles. Some adults died, but the victims were in vast majority children and young people.	Bertrand Boysset, Chronique, p. 352	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1397-05-00-Limburg	May 1397 JL	Mortality in Limburg at the time of the grain and grape blossom	20. Anno Domini millesimo tricentesimo nonagesimo septimo [1397] tempore Maii floruerunt blada simul et botri, et eodem tempore fuit magna pestilencia, et in mense Iulio eodem anno inventi sunt botri maturi.	In the year of our Lord 1397, during the month of May, the grain and grape clusters blossomed simultaneously, and during that same time, there was a great plague. In the month of July of that same year, ripe grape clusters were found.	Limburger Chronik 1883, Limburger Annalen, p. 112.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1397-07-15-Montpellier	15 July 1397 JL	A procession is organized in Montpellier against the mortality that affects the region. The city council orders the manufacturing of a gigantic candle, to be burn in the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. The disease lasted from May to December in Montpellier.	Item, dimergue a XV de julh, se fes procession general per la mortalitat la qual era general en las tres senescalcies Tholosa, Carcassona & Belcayre, la qual el dich paÿs acomenset el mes de may sobredig, et duret en Montpellier per tot lo mes de decembre ; la qual mortalitat acomenset en terra de Morolz & apres en la irlla de Rodas, de Chipre, de Genoha, apres el reyalme de Malhorca en Cathaluonha, en Tolsan & puoys segui tot l’autre paÿs. Et se dis una sollempna messa a Nostra Dona de las Taulas per lo dich mossen l’avesque de Magalona ; & se disseron dos sermons, la un davant lo cossolat, per maystre Peyre Borron de l’orde de predicados, et l’autre, per maystre Johan del Cres de l’orde dels augustins, maistres en theologia. Et se portet en la procession la ymagi de Nostra Dona de Taulas, lo cors sans.	Sunday, July 15, there was a general procession because of the epidemic which raged on all three districts of Toulouse, Carcassonne and Beaucaire. It started in this region in May and lasted in Montpellier the whole month of December. This epidemic started in the country of the Moors, passed on the island of Rhodes, then of Cyprus and Genoa; then in the kingdom of Majorca, in Catalonia, in Toulouse, then it continued throughout the rest of the country. A solemn mass was said at Notre-Dame-des-Tables by the Bishop of Maguelone; two sermons were delivered, one before the consulate by Master Pèire Borron, of the order of Preachers, and the other by Master Joan du Crès, of the order of the Augustinians, both masters in theology; during the procession, we carried the statue of Notre-Dame-des-Tables, the relics of Saint Cleophas, and the satue of Saint Sebastian.The same month, the lords consuls, with the alms of the good people of Montpellier, made a cord of wax of 1900 canes long which surrounded the whole city and the palisade, and which burned night and day on the main altar of the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables.	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1397.html (20 April 2020).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1397-08-12-Montpellier	12 August 1397 JL	A procession is organized in Montpellier against the mortality that affects the region.	Item, dimergue a XII d’avost, fon facha una sollempna procession per mossen de Magalona ont se portet lo precios cors de Jesu Crist per far devota pregueyra sur la pestilencia et mittigar et placar Nostresenhr, ont ac gran multitut de pobol, cascun portan, senhors & donas et enfans, entorta o candela en la man ; & ac y hun trasque sollempne sermon loqual fes maistre Raymon Cabassa, maystre en theologia, per trayre a devocion lo pobol, a coffession, contrection am cor contrit et humiliat. Et foron ordenadas IX processions, la huna per los morgues de Sant Benesech, l’autra per Sant Dyonisi, l’autra per la gleya del Castel, l’autre per la gleya de Nostra Dona de Taulas, l’autra per Sant Fermin & las IIII per los quatre ordes mendigans, otra la general, en las quals se portet lo precios cors de Jesu Crist am los[i] cofrayres de las dichas cofrayries & am las ceras d’aquelas, car la mortalitat es et era tant gran que apenas atrobava hom servidor e tot lo poble stava mot ebaÿt e perterit.	On Sunday August 12, the Archbishop of Maguelone organized a solemn procession in which the precious body of Jesus Christ was carried out to pray against the epidemic and to soften and appease Our Lord. There was a great multitude of people there, lords, ladies and children, carrying torches or candles in their hands. There was a very solemn sermon delivered by Master Raimond Cabassa, master in theology, to bring the people to devotion, confession and contrition and repentance. In addition to the general procession, there were nine supplementary trains of procession, one with the monks of Saint-Benoît, another with those Saint-Denis, another with the church of the castle, another with the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables, another with Saint-Firmin and the last four with the four mendicant Orders. In these processions, the precious body of Jesus Christ was carried with the confreres of the brotherhoods concerned, with their candles. The epidemic is and was so serious that it was barely possible to find a servant, and all the people were amazed and terrified.	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1397.html (20 April 2020).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1398-00-00-Thuringia	1398 JL	A plague in Nordhausen, Mühlhausen, Eisleben, Sangershausen and other parts of Thuringia	Anno 1398 hatte die pestilentz zu Northausen, Mulhausen vnd daselbst herumb, auch zu Eißleben, Sangerhausen vnd an andern orten, sehr vmb sich gefressen.	In the year 1398, the plague had spread extensively in Nordhausen, Mühlhausen, and the surrounding areas, as well as in Eisleben, Sangerhausen, and other places, causing great devastation.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 129	Translation by Martin Bauch
1399-00-00-Zwiefalten	1399 JL	Outbreak of plague all over the world and, probably, also in the monastery of Zwiefalten.	1399. Hoc anno regnaverunt pestilencie quasi in toto orbe terrarum	In 1399, pestilences reigned almost throughout the entire world.	Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 62.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1400-00-00-Antella	1400 JL	Gori (Gregorio) Dati fled from the plague in Antella.	Ma in detto tempo, l'anno del 1400, fuggi' la morìa all'Antella e murai la casa e puosi vigna, che vi spesi più di f. 500	However, in 1400, I took refuge from the plague in Antella and spent more than 500 florins on the house and in planting wines.	Gregorio Dati: Libro segreto 1869, p. 115.	None
1400-00-00-Florence	1400 JL	The wife of Bartolomeo, who already passed away in a previous plague, died in the mortality of 1400 in Florence. She left around 4 thousand gold florins to her children.	Passò di questa vita il detto Bartolomeo in Furlì a di ***: morì di pistolenza † in pochi dì; soppellissi al luogho de’ frati minori in Furlì, e di poi se ne fé rechare il chorpo suo in Firenze ed è seppellito in Santa Crocie in Firenze cholgli altri anticessori, onorevolemente chome s’usava pe·gli altri. Rimase la donna dopo lui, e vivette vedova cho’ suoi figliuoli in sino alla (p. 197) mortalità del 1400: in quella mortalità si morì e llasciò reda i figliuoli. Credo rimanesse loro di valente, chon quello della madre, fiorini 4000 d’oro. […]	The aforementioned Bartolomeo died in Forlì on ***, he died of the plague within a few days; he was buried in the monastery of the Friars Minor in Forlì, and later his body was brought to Florence and buried with honour in Santa Croce together with his ancestors, as was usual. His wife survived him and lived with her children until mortality in 1400: in this mortality she died, leaving her children as heirs. It is assumed that they left around four thousand gold florins with their mother's fortune.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 196-197	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1400-00-00-Florence 001	1400 JL	The lady Chatelana had three daughters, all of whom died. Two died in the plague in 1400, one in Florence and one in Quinto. Her five sons survived.	Ànne avuti [Chatelana figliuola di Stefano di Vanni Chastellani] per insino a oggi otto o nove figliuoli, ed èssi ischoncia circha di tre volte: la prima volta si schonciò, credo, dal dì la menò a due anni o circha, innuna fanciulla femina; e di poi ne fecie due femine a bene. La prima ebbe nome Bartolomea; e nacque chostei con uno infiato nel chapo, chosì dal lato, era a modo ch’una vescicha, cioè a ttochare: fessi medichare al maestro Franciescho Dal Ponte: e’ la forò in più luoghi, e gittò sangue e puza. E ‘nfine ella non poté reggiere e morissi in pochi dì: riposesi in Santa Crocie. E di poi naque un’altra fanciulla ebbe nome Antonia, e nacque chol medesimo infiato; e questa non si medicò, ma ttenesi chaldo il chapo chon una berretta foderata d’andesia, e ‘nfine e’ gli asolvè lo ’nfiato e guarì bene. Visse chostei sette anni o circha, e di poi si morì di male pestilenziale † nel 1400, di luglio, nel palagio Ispini:riposesi il chorpo suo in Santa Trinita, nella / (c. 48v) sepoltura della famiglia degli Ispini, cioè nell’utima chapella si truova a man mancha ‘andare all’altare maggiore. E questo si fecie per nicistà, chonsiderato ch’egli era la mortalità grande e non si trovava apena chi volesse trarre i chorpi di chasa; e oltre a questo, nonn era in Firenze di noi se non monna Filippa, che chonvenia s’inbochasse nelle chose di bisongnio pe·lle mani d’altri. La terza fanciulla ebbe nel prencipio di quella mortalità, ed ebbe nome Filippa: questa vivette pochi mesi, e inn utimo morì nella detta mortalità prima che ll’Antonia, a Quinto dove era a balia, e ivi nella Chiesa di Quinto fu sepellita. Non abiamo a ffare di più femine memoria: ànne de’ maschi cinque, grazia di Dio vivi. […]	To this day she [Chatelana, Stefano di Vanni Chastellani's daughters] has had eight or nine children, and an accident has happened about three times: the first time, I think, was two years after she gave birth to them, with a little girl; then she gave birth to two more daughters in good health. The first was called Bartolomea; she was born with a swelling on her head, on one side that looked and felt like a blister. She had it treated by Master Francesco Dal Ponte: he pricked her in several places and blood and pus came out. In the end, she could not stand it and died within a few days: she was buried in Santa Croce. Then another girl was born, called Antonia, who was also born with the same swelling; this was not treated, but her head was kept warm with a lined cap, and in the end the swelling disappeared and she recovered. She lived for about seven years and then died of the plague in 1400, in July, in Palazzo Spini: her body was buried in Santa Trinita, in the Spini family tomb, in the last chapel on the left side of the main altar. This was done out of necessity, as mortality was high and there was hardly anyone who wanted to take the bodies out of the house; besides, of us in Florence there was only Monna Filippa, who had to take care of the necessary things with the help of others. The third girl was born at the beginning of this mortality and was called Filippa: she lived only a few months and finally died before Antonia during the same plague, in Quinto, where she was with the nurse, and there in the church of Quinto she was buried. We don't need to remember the daughters any further: they have five sons who are alive thanks to God's grace.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 204	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1400-00-00-Florence 002	1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence with more than 20 thousand deaths. In summer the mortality came also to Volterra. The majority of the Florentines fled to Bologna and there arose a conspiracy against the government.	Fu in Firenze quest’anno mortalità: morì circha di ventimila boche dentro nella terra, o più. Era Morello podestà di Massa; e cho·llui si stette Alberto e due de’ suoi fanciulli e la donna ed io per insino a dì 7 di giungnio. E di poi andai a Volterra e stetti là 40 dì: vennevi la Chaterina. Di poi vi chominciò la mortalità e tornammo a Settimello, dove era suta grande e ristata ben d’u·mese; e ivi istemmo insino a Ongnisanti, sani, lodato Idi<o>. Morì a Morello due fanciulle, e a mme uno: Idio li benedica! […] In questa mortalità si fuggì pe·lla maggiore parte de’ fiorentini a Bolongnia, e ivi si criò un trattato, il quale venia chontro a molti grandi cittadini de·rregimento	There was mortality in Florence that year: about twenty thousand people died in the city, or more. Morello was podestà of Massa; and Alberto and two of his children and the wife and I stayed with him until June 7. Then I went to Volterra and stayed there for 40 days: Caterina came there. Then mortality set in and we returned to Settimello, where it was hard for a month; and there we stayed until All Saints' Day, healthy, praise be to God. Two of Morello's children died, and one of mine: God bless them! [...] During this mortality the greater part of the Florentines fled to Bologna, and there arose a conspiracy directed against many great citizens of the government.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 250	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1400-00-00-Florence 003	1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence and in almost entire Italy. One third of the living people died in the region of Florence and many fled, especially to Bologna and Arezzo	Morìa del 1400 Fu in questa state in Firenze, e ancora quasi per tutta Italia una grandissima morìa; e tiensi, e così si fece conto, che nella nostra città di Firenze e nel suo contado, morisse sottosopra il terzo di quelli ch'erano vivi; fuggirono i cittadini il forte a Bologna e a Arezzo e in altri luoghi.	Dying in 1400 In this summer (1400) was in Florence and in almost entire Italy a great death; it is assumed and so it is estimated, that in the city Florence and surroundings died approximately one third of the living; the citizens fled strongly to Bologna, Arezzo and other places.	Filippo di Cino Rinuccini: Ricordi storici 1840, p. XLIV	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1400-00-00-Florence 004	1400 JL	The plague raged in Florence from the beginning of the year, but mainly in summer. 30 thousand people died and many fled, especially to Bologna.	Pestis signa quaedam ab initio huius anni terrere homines incoeperant, quae mox per aestatem plurimum desaevivit cum incredibili strage cuiusque sexus atque aetatis. Unicum eius mali remedium in fuga repertum est. Fugerunt itaque cives populariter, Bononiam plurimi demigrantes; et tamen in vacua desertaque urbe supra triginta hominum millia pestis absumpsit.	Certain signs of the plague had begun to terrify people from the beginning of this year, and it was soon raging throughout the summer, with unbelievable slaughter of persons of every age and both sexes. The only remedy for this evil was flight. Citizens fled in a body, most going to Bologna, yet even in the empty and deserted city the plague consumed more than 30,000 people.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 3, p. 256.	None
1400-00-00-Florence 005	1400 JL	Buonaccorso Pitti left his family in Sorbigliano, where they searched for safety from the plague which was raging in Florence. Pitti went to Bologna and got his family to join him. They rented a palace and they stayed there for four months. In Bologna a conspiracy arose against the government.	[72] […] Il perché diliberai tornarmi indietro e volentieri, perché malvolentieri, con gran dispiacere, avevo lasciati i miei fratelli e nostre famiglie a Sorbigliano, per cagione della mortalità che era a Firenze. Tornai a Bologna, e scrissi a' miei fratellli che ne venissono con tutte le nostre famiglie a Bologna, e mandai loro cavalli e mulattieri. Vennono in Bologna, e stati circa d'otto dì, tolsi a fitto il palagio e giardino de'Bianchi, di fuori di Bologna circa 2 miglia, e quivi temmo tutti noi fratelli e nostre famiglie, eccetto Piero e sua famiglia, che si rimasono a Montughi. Per la grazia di Dio ci salvammo tutti, eccetto che d'uno figliuolo che mi nacque là, il quale si morì. Trovammoci tra di noi e nostre famiglie e di nostri parenti, che là tornarono con noi a nostre spese, continovo circa 25 persone. Stemmo là circa quatro mesi, e trovammoci avere spesi, riposti a Firenze, fiorini 480 nuovi. E nel detto anno essendo molti Fiorentini fuggiti a Bologna, gl'usciti di Firenze sommossono molti giovani a trattare contro il nostro reggimento; e funne capo Salvestro di messer Rosso de'Ricci. Scopersesi il trattato a Firenze, perché lo rivelò Salvestro di messer Filippo Cavicciuoli; e fu preso Samminiato d'Ugucciozo de'Ricci e fugli tagliata la testa e a uno de'Davizi, e dato bando a molti e a molti perdonato, e chetossi la città.	I resolved to turn back and was not sorry to do so, for it was with the greatest reluctance that I had left my brothers and their families in Sorbigliano, where they had taken refuge from the plague then raging in Florence. I went to Bologna and from there dispatched horses and muleteers with letters to my brothers telling them to join me with our families. They came and, about a week after their arrival, I rented the Bianchi family palace and gardens about a mile outside Bologna and installed my brothers and their families there, with the exception of Piero who stayed with his family in Montughi. By God's grace we were all safe and sound but for a son who was born to me there and died. Between ourselves, our immediate families and other relatives who came for visits, there were never less than twenty-five people staying in the house. We spent about four months there and our expenses by the time we got back to Florence amounted to 480 florins. That year, while many citizens were away in Bologna for fear of the plague, the political exiles seized the opportunity to foment a conspiracy against our governmental among some young men captained by Salvestro di Messer Rosso de'Ricci. The plotters were betrayed by Salvestro di Messer Filippo (p. 65) Cavicciuli. Samminiato d'Ugucciozo de' Ricci and a member of the Davizi family were sent to the block. Many were exiled; many more were pardoned and calm returned to the city.	Buonaccorso Pitti: Ricordi 1986, p. 43.	None
1400-00-00-Florence 006	1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence and the only remedy was the migration. Many of them went to Bologna.	Iam millesimus quadringentesimus erat annus et pestis signa quaedam terrere inceperant, quae paulo post Florentiae desaeviit cum incredibili strage cuiusque sexus atque aetatis. Unicum eius mali remedium in fuga repertum est. Fugerunt itaque cives populariter, Bononiam plurimi demigrantes; et tamen in vacua desertaque urbe supra triginta hominum millia pestis absumpsit.	We were now in the year 1400. The plague had begun to manifest itself with frightening effect and before long it was raging in Florence and inflicting appalling mortality on people of both sexes and all ages. The only way of escaping this evil was found to be in flight. So the townspeople fled from the city in droves and many of them went to Bologna.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 3, p. 322.	None
1400-04-00-Florence	April 1400 JL	A terrible plague came to Florence and many people died; in June there were more than 200 corpses a day. The citizens fled to the countryside and Bologna and Arezzo after the feast of Johan Baptist (24 June), but many people died there too. In other cities such as Rome, Naples, Pisa or Lucca, the mortality rate was just as high. In Florence, they had to reorganise because so many people had left.	Capitolo IV. — Come grande mortalità fu in Firenze e altrove questo anno. In questo anno fu in Firenze grande mortalità e cominciò del mese d'aprile, come che prima s'era veduti segnali pestilenziosi assai; però che quelli che morivano, tutti aveano aposteme velenose e pestilenziose, e grande paura n'aveano i cittadini. Poi seguitò di maggiore malizia, però che ne moriano per di cento, tutti d'aposteme; e poi di giugno seguitò maggiore però che erano per di nella città dugento corpi e' più; e poi di luglio molto maggiore, e durò insino a settembre troppo grande nella città; e ancora nel contado di Firenze fu maggiore che nella città, però che in molti popoli morirono la metà delle persone che v'erano e in alquanti molti più che la metà; e molti cittadini ch'erano fuggiti in contado morirono; e fu questo grande numero; e molte castella rimasono mezzo vòte e molte famiglie disfece. E come fu fatta la festa di santo Giovanni, grande numero di buoni cittadini si fuggirono fuori della città e andaronne colle loro famiglie nel contado di Firenze in più ville e castella; e ancora n'andarono assai a Bologna, e molti ve ne moriro nondimeno; e chi andò ad Arezzo e anche assai ve ne morí; e cosí dove n'andarono ne morí in ogni luogo che fu in tutte le terre di Toscana. Era ancora la detta mortalità nel detto tempo grandissima a Roma, che fu tal di che volle settecento o ottocento corpi morti; ma la maggior parte romei ; e ancora fu la detta mortalità in molte terre d'Italia in questo tempo, dove grande e dove minore, però che allora n'era dove a Pisa, a Lucca, a Perugia e a Napoli e in tutto il paese; e ancora era in Lombardia dove grande e dove grandissima in molte città la detta mortalità. Li Fiorentini, veggendo la città vòta di buoni e ricchi cittadini, diliberarono di soldare insino in secento provigianati a guardia de la città e infino in settecento e cinquanta lance di soldati tra per di fuori e per dentro, e cosí feciono ; e aveano allora al soldo mille trecento soldati di fanti. E cosi perché li cittadini s'erano partiti, fu ordinata la città e 'l contado e distretto loro.	Chapter IV - On the great mortality in Florence and elsewhere this year. This year there (1400)was a great mortality in Florence, which began in the month of April, although numerous plague-like signs were already visible beforehand. For the deceased all had poisonous and pestilential boils, and the citizens were greatly afraid of them. Then a greater malice followed, for a hundred people died every day, all from boils. And then in June it increased so that there were two hundred or more corpses a day in the city. And then in July it was even worse and continued on a very large scale in the city until September. It was also worse in the countryside around Florence than in the city, because in many villages half the population died and in some even more than half; many citizens who had fled to the countryside also died. It was a large number, and many places were left half empty, and many families were destroyed. After the feast of St John had been celebrated, many good citizens fled the city and went with their families to various villages and castles on the countryside surrounding Florence. Many also went to Bologna, and many died there anyway; some went to Arezzo, and many died there too. Wherever they went, people died everywhere in all areas of Tuscany. At that time, mortality was also very high in Rome, and there were days when there were seven hundred or eight hundred deaths, but most of them were Romans. Mortality was also high in many other Italian cities at this time, sometimes more, sometimes less, for example in Pisa, Lucca, Perugia and Naples, as well as throughout the country. In Lombardy, too, mortality was high to very high in many cities. The Florentines, seeing that the city was emptied of good and rich citizens, decided to pay up to six hundred guards for the defence of the city and up to seven hundred and fifty lances of soldiers both inside and outside, and so they did.They had a thousand and three hundred foot soldiers in their pay at the time. So the city and its environs and district were organised because the citizens had left.	Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 250.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1400-05-07-Florence	7 May 1400 JL	Ironic letter from Coluccio Salutati to Padolfo Malatesta, in which he writes about Malatesta's letters concerning the escape of the population from Pesaro because of the plague	Vidi copiam littere, quam populo tuo Pensauri scribis, vellemque quod monitis tuis parentes cuncti civitatem relinquerent. Forte sunt pauci adeo lucis prodigi, quod epimediam non curantes libenter menia que tu fugis et fugienda persuades occupabunt; et morientes, ut putas, illa sibi, sed a te vigilantissime custodirent	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 3, p. 392	None
1400-07-03-Florence	3 July 1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence, thus Salviati remained in Arezzo with his men. Many people fled from Florence. Salviati himself was ill and some members of his family died.	Partimi [Salviati] della detta Terra di Montepulciano adì 3. di Luglio 1400. Et perchè in Firenze era grandissima mortalità, et dicevasi, che ad Arezzo l'aria v'era sana, et eravi fugiti assai Fiorentini, per questa cagione non tornai a Firenze, ma rimasi in Arezzo con tutta la brigata mia, che io haveva condotta meco, et tutti ne gli condussi sani, et di buona voglia; ma giunto che io fui, parve, che io fussi maladetto con ogni avversità, et d'infermità, et di morte, che mentre che io vi fui, mai non si ristette, et più, che non che quegli, che io menai, ma essendo venuta di Firenze ad Arezzo quella mia venerabile madre Mona Contessa per aiutarmi, sentendo la mia famiglia inferma, piacque al nostro Signore Dio, che ella morisse, et chiamolla a se, a la cui anima Cristo benedetto habbia fatto ver perdono. […] et ancora vi morì un mio fanciullo, che hebbe nome Andrea, d'età di 9. anni, che Dio l'habbi benedetto, e fu seppellito in S. Francesco; et di tutta l'altra mia famiglia non vi fu niuno, che havesse (p. 184) difetto, salvo che io, lodato Dio. Spesivi tra spese della casa, et per l'infirmità, et per i mortorii grandissimo denaio. Stettivi da' dì 4. di Luglio infino a' dì 28. d'Agosto, et quel dì mi partì di là come abbandonato, e disperato, et tornai in Firenze col resto della mia famiglia, tra' quali ne menai dua mia figliuoli maschi, cioè Alamanno, et Bernardo infermi per modo, che mai non credetti si conducessero vivi; pure per grazia di Dio vi si condussero, e guarirono, et in questo tempo, che io stetti ad Arezzo, mi morirono quì in Firenze 2. mie fanciulle, che una have nome Lisa, che era d'età d'anni 7 1/2, e l'altra Margherita, d'età d'anni 5. in circa, et furono seppellite nella Badia di Firenze; che Dio l'habbia benedette, et ricevute.	I [Salviati] left the aforementioned town of Montepulciano on July 3, 1400. Since there was a great mortality in Florence and it was said that the air in Arezzo was healthy and many Florentines had fled there, I did not return to Florence, but stayed in Arezzo with all the followers I had with me. I brought them all there in good health and good spirits. But as soon as I arrived, it seemed as if I was cursed by every misfortune, illness and death, because they did not stop while I was there. And not only for those I had brought with me, but also for my venerable mother, Mona Contessa, who had come to Arezzo from Florence to help me, as my family was ill. It pleased our Lord God that she died and called her to Himself; may Christ have mercy on her soul. [...] Moreover, my child, named Andrea, died there at the age of 9, may God bless him. He was buried in St. Francesco. The rest of my family remained unharmed, apart from me, praise be to God. I spent a great deal of money, both on household expenses and on the illness and burial. I stayed there from July 4 to August 28, and on that day I left Arezzo in despair and hopelessness and returned to Florence with the rest of my family. Among them were two of my sons, Alamanno and Bernardo, who were so ill that I didn't think I could bring them home alive. But by the grace of God, they survived and recovered. During my time in Arezzo, two of my daughters died in Florence, Lisa, aged 7 1/2, and Margherita, about 5 years old. They were buried in the Abbey of Florence; may God bless and receive them.	Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, pp. 183-184.	None
1400-08-06-Pistoia	6 August 1400 JL	Letter of Coluccio Salutati, in which he mentioned a severe plague in Pistoia and the whole Tuscany	Pestis crudelis Pistorium debacchatur, adeo quod michi gratissimum sit, quod ibi receptus non fueris, laudoque quod id quod patria tibi offert amplectaris. Nicolaus tuus vivit Pistorium, presentavit litteras et die sequenti peste correptus occobuit. [,,,] Arrigus et Philippus, graviter infirmati, Dei dono libertai sunt. Pestis hec in hac urbe et per totam Tusciam crudelissime nimis sevit.	The cruel plague rages in Pistoia, so much so that I am greatly relieved that you have not been received there, and I commend you for embracing what your homeland offers you. Your Niccoló lives in Pistoia, he delivered the letters, and the following day, stricken by the plague, he died. [...] Arrigo and Filippo, severely ill, have by God's gift been freed. This plague is raging very cruelly in this city and throughout all of Tuscany	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 3, p. 408	Translation by Martin Bauch
1400-10-00-Florence	October 1400 JL	The depraved Lord of Cortona Guccio da Casale came to Florence because of his vow to nurse the sick. He made this so that God would safe him from the plague. But after few days he died of the plague.	Memoria, che del mese d'Ottobre 1400. essendo venuto allora in Firenze il Signore, che era allora di Cortona, che avea nome Guccio da Casale per cagione di suo boto a governare infermi di sua mano in S. Maria nuova, et dovevaci stare, secondo il boto, a questo servigio dì 30. essendo per addietro stato il più dissoluto huomo del mondo, e questo boto seguiva a ciò che Dio il salvassi della pestilenza, che allora cominciava a Cortona, et in Firenze era già quasi finita, et intervenendo che come piacque a Dio essendoci stato pochi dì a fare il detto servigio, si morì di pestilenza, et rimanendo Signori di Cortona doppo la morte di detto Ghuccio Francesco et Luigi da Casale fuoi Conforti, et a' quali apparteneva più la Signoria che a Ghuccio, et mostrando i detti Francesco, et Luigi dolore della morte di Ghuccio, ordinarono di farlo portare a Cortona, et di fargli molto grande honore;	A reminder that in the month of October 1400, the man who was then Lord of Cortona came to Florence. His name was Guccio da Casale, and he had come because of his vow to nurse the sick himself in Santa Maria Nuova. According to his vow, he was to perform this service for 30 days. He had previously been the most depraved man in the world, and he had made this vow so that God would save him from the plague, which had begun in Cortona at the time, while it was almost over in Florence. It happened, as it pleased God, that after a few days of this service he died of the plague. After the death of the said Guccio, Francesco and Luigi da Casale, his relatives, became lords of Cortona, who were more entitled to rule than Guccio. The aforementioned Francesco and Luigi were saddened by Guccio's death and decided to transfer him to Cortona and pay him great honour.	Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, p. 191	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1402-09-03-Milan	3 September 1402 JL	The Duke of Milan fell ill, even if he fled from the plague, that raged in Milan. He tried to recover in the castle Marignano (Melegnano), but after 7 days he died on the 3th September.	Istando le chose in questi termini ldio e lla sua madre Vergine Maria e ’l beato messere Santo Giovanni Batista. promissono, a cciò che tanto male non seguisse, che il Ducha malò di male pestilenziale. Uno giorno, disinando egli inn una sua terra dove era fuggito pe·lla mortalità ch’era a Milano, si sentì venire male; di che subito si volle partire e venne a un chastello si chiama Maringniano, di lungho dieci miglia da <Pavia>. E quelle dieci miglia chavalcò in fretta e in sulla nona, chon gran chaldo; e giunto in Maringniano, egli bevve più d’una metadella e mezo tra vino e aqua, chome quelli che ardea dentro ed erasi affannato nel chavalchare, e si puose giù e visse circha di sette dì: partì di questa vita a dì 3 di settenbre 1402.	With things being as they were, God, the Virgin Mary, and the blessed Lord St. John the Baptist promised that such great evil would not follow, but the Duke fell ill with a pestilential disease. One day, while dining in one of his lands where he had fled from the plague that was in Milan, he began to feel unwell; so, he immediately decided to leave and went to a castle called Marignano, which is ten miles away from Pavia. He quickly covered those ten miles around noon, in great heat; and upon arriving in Marignano, he drank more than a half measure and a half of wine mixed with water, like someone burning inside and exhausted from riding. He then lay down and lived for about seven days: he passed away on the 3rd of September, 1402.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 259.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1403-03-00-Strasbourg	March 1403 JL	In Strasbourg was a sickness affecting the hips and the ulcers, which raged in many monasteries.	Aber ein siechtage von dem flosse. Do men zalte 1403, in der vasten, do was aber ein siechtage von dem hueften und von dem flosse also gros also der dovor geschriben stet, das in menigem closter die müniche also floessig worent, das sü one singen und one messe worent, und uf meniger grossen stift kume zwene oder drige singen möhtent und die andern floessig worent uns siech. und [p. 773] bleip wenig ieman über in der stat und in dem lande, in keme dirre siechtage ane. und zu ostern was er aller groessest.	But there was a sickness of the ulcers. In the year 1403, during Lent, there was a sickness affecting the hips and the ulcers, as severe as the one previously described. In many monasteries, the monks were so ill of ulcers that there was no singing and mess, and in some smaller chapters, only two or three were able to sing while the others were sick. In the town and the country, very few people were left untouched by this sickness. At Easter, it was at its worst.	Jacobus Twinger von Königshofen: Chronik 1870-71, pp. 772-773.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1404-04-00-Flanders	April 1404 JL	An epidemic with influenza-like symptoms breaks out in Flanders. While the weather is rather cold, people start to cough and to have headaches. Only very few die. During autumn the cattle get sick with the same symptoms.	Eodem anno mense aprili, circa initium mensis, ventus venit ab aquilone, cuncta virentia, pullulationes herbarum, arborum, omnesque virgulti fores urendo depasceret et velut solis ardor foenum aestivo sub tempore marcescere faceret, unde et eo anno cerasa, poma, pyra et huiusmodi fructus pauci et in magna caristia habiti sunt. Insuper et ex hujusmodi vento praecordia hominum et jumentorum tacta et algido rigore congelata, velut quodam fumo sulphureo usta constringebantur, ut omne fere hominum genus, cujuscunque sexus, aetatis seu conditionis fuerit, mox instante eodem mense aprili et sequentibus mayo et julio intollerabilem passiones tussis, cum raucitate pectoris et maximo capitis dolore irremediabiliter pateretur, hujusmodi intoxicativa materia praeconcepta, paucis exinde morientibus, etiam sequenti autumpno ipsa bruta animalia, praecipue vaccae, foetosae et hujusmodi, ut putatur, passionis materia raucefactis praecordis atque constrictis, ut nec cibum, nec potum capere possent, sed miserabiliter mugientes quamplurimae diversis in locis morientur.		Chronique de Jean Brandon, p. 90	Translation needed
1405-00-00-Padua	1405 JL	Great mortality in Padua.	La mortalità era grande in Padova e nel chanpo, e morivi Paolo Savelli. Feciono di poi chapitano messere Ghaleazo da Mantova.	The mortality was great in Padua and in the surroundings, and Paolo Savelli died. They made Messer Ghaleazo da Mantova as the new Captain.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 268.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1405-08-04-Arezzo	4 August 1405 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Domenico Bandini in Arezzo, mentioning a fever illness there and the death of one of his children through illness	Sunt omnia, quanvis levia, vir insignis, frater optime et amice karissime, temporibus istis suspecta, ut quanvis febris quartane typus parum habeat cum pestilenti febre commertium, metuendum sit tamen, ne sub illius egritudinis commotione pestifera lues (p. 406) oprebat. [...] Ego vero valeo; valent et miei, preter Andream, qui, sicut Deo placuit, Petrum comitatus est. Sit nomen Domini benedictum. Philippus hodie nona die graviter egrotavit cum sigillis et signis; convalescit tamen et, licet febris adsit et ulcus suspectum ingravescat (p. 407), liberationem speramus. Vale et in morte Andree, precor, non commovearis, sed mecum teneas et secum et nobiscum Deum egisse non solum sicut oportet, sed misericorditer atque bene.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 3, pp. 405–407	None
1406-00-00-Pisa	December 1406 JL	Mortality in Pisa and Lucca.	Partì di qui a dì *** di dicienbre 1406. Rifiutorono assai di quelli ufici per rispetto della mortalità, la quale chominciava già in Pisa e in Lucha inn alchuni: meno di sei si dicieva esere periti. Di ciò ldio presti vita e santà a chi v’è ito e a nnoi che rimagniamo	He left from here on dì *** of december 1406. They refused many of those offices out of respect for the mortality, which had already begun in Pisa and Lucca in some: less than six were said to have perished. Of this God lend life and health to those who have gone and to us who remain there.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 279	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1406-00-00-Thuringia	17 May 1406 JL	A plague in Thuringia, causing mortality, amongst the victims is Landgrave Balthasar of Thuringia, died at the Wartburg above Eisenach	Anno 1406 Ist ein grausames landtsterben gewesen, welches zeitlich im Sommer angefangen, vnd wol in winter hinein biß auf weinachten gewehret, da sind viel guter leute hohes vnd Nidriges standes gestorben. Vnd vnter denselbigen sonderlich landgraf Balthasar zu Duringen, welher gestorben ist zu Wartpurg in allem guten, acht tage vor Vrbani <17 May 1406>, lieg tzu Reinhardtsbrunn begraben.	In the year 1406, there was a severe epidemic across the country, which began in the summer and lasted until around Christmas. During this time, many people of high and low social status perished. Among them was Landgrave Balthasar of Thuringia, who passed away at the Wartburg eight days prior to Urban's Day (17th of May), and was buried at [monastery of] Reinhardtsbrunn .	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 130.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1406-08-10-Montpellier	10 August 1406 JL	A procession is organized in Montpellier against the mortality that affects the region.	Item, dimars a X d’aost, que fonc lo jorn de la festa de Sant Laurens, se fes autra procession general en esta vila, per preguar Nostre Senhor que li plagues per la sieua misericordia de donar salut et sanetat a la persona del rey nostre senhor et de metre pas et union en la sancta glieysa de Dieu, et de nos levar la enfermetat et la impidimia que say a tant longament continuat et que s’abrasa fort entorn nos ; et la Verges, madona sancta Maria, la sieua benezecta mayre, et totz los sans e las sanctas de Paradis que l’en vuelhon preguar ; la quala procession fes mossenher lo sagresta de Magalona et foron hy las processions dels quatre ordes et totas las autras glieysas et lo pobol seguic la am gran devocion. Fes lo sermo lo reveren maystre Bertran Vaquier, maystre en la sancta teulogia, dels frayres de Nostra Dona del Carme, davant lo cossolat.	On Tuesday August 10, during the feast of Saint Lawrence, we made another general procession in our city to pray to Our Lord that he would like with his mercy to give health and healing to the person of the king, our lord, in the holy Church of God, and to free us from the disease and the epidemic which lasted for so long here and which is unleashed around us; and may the Virgin, Saint Mary, her blessed mother, and all the saints in Paradise interfere for us. This procession was organized by Mgr the sacristan of Maguelone. The four orders and all the other churches participated. And the people followed with great devotion. The sermon was delivered before the consulate by the Rev. Master Bertrand Vaquièr, master in holy theology, brother of Notre-Dame-des-Carmes.	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1406.html (20 April 2020).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1407-04-27-Montpellier	24 April 1407 JL	A sermon is delivered in Montpellier against the mortality that affects the region. The next day, a procession is organized.	Item, dimergue a XXIIII jorns del mes d’abril, de licencia dels senhors generals que ereaan en lo paÿs, de mossenher lo governador et dels autres officiers de nostre senhor lo rey, et de mossen lo vicari de mossenher de Magalona, et a requesta dels senhors cossols sus lo fag de la empedimia et granda mortalitat que era en esta vila, fonc dich I sollempne sermo el plan del cossolat per maystre Johan Cabassol, maystre en la sancta teulogia, de l’orde de frayres menors, apelat lo poble, en presencia del dig mossenher lo vicari, de mossenher lo bayle, los autres curials, los ditz senhors cossols et de tot lo poble aqui ajustat ; et mosenher lo vicari aqui adordenet et fes publicar en lo sermo per lo maystre que, d’aqui en avan, en totas las glyeyas de Montpeylier et dels relegious et relegyosas et autras, la primieyra messa que se dira lo mati sia la messa de la empedimia que comessa "« Recordare »", la quala adordenet papa Clemens VI ; et donet al capela que la dis et a cascun de totz aquelos que la auzon devotamen IIIc jorns de endulgencia et de veray perdon. Procession: Item, l’endeman que fonc lo dilhus et la festa de mossen Sant Marc, euvangelista, se fes en la dicha vila una honorabla, sancta et devota procession general.	Sunday April 24, with the authorization of the lords who were in our region, of the governor and of the other officers of our lord the king, of the bishop's vicar of Maguelone, and at the request of the consulate, because of the epidemic and of the great mortality which raged in our city, a solemn sermon was pronounced on the place of the consulate by Master Joan Cabassòl, master in holy theology, of the order of the Franciscans brothers. It has been delivered in the presence of the vicar, of the baillif and of other curials, as well as of the members of the consulate and of all the population gathered there. The vicar ordered in his sermon that henceforth, in all the churches of Montpellier, the first mass to be said in the morning would be the mass of the epidemic, that which begins with "Recordare", and which was ordered by Pope Clement VI. He granted the priest who say it and each of those who listen to it devoutly 300 days of indulgence and true forgiveness. The next day, on Monday, which was Saint Marc Evangelist Day, we made in our city a worthy, holy and devout general procession.	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1407.html (20 April 2020).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1407-09-17-Nizza	17 September 1407 JL	Mortality in Nice, thus the Pope left the city and fled to Villafranca Piemonte(?)	Partimoci da lui da Monaco, e giugnemmo a Nizza adì 17. di Settembre, e perchè a Nizza si (p. 278) diceva essere alquanto di mortalità, però il Papa s'era partito, et ito a Villafranca.	We left him from Monaco, and came to Nice on the 17th of September, and because in Nice (p. 277) they said that there was some mortality. Because of that the Pope left, and went to Villafranca.	Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, pp. 277-278.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1409-00-00-Flanders	1409 JL	A mortality breaks out in Flanders and elsewhere. It began in Courtray. Thousands of people die.	Eo tempore mortalitas fuit in diversis locis in Flandria, praecipue in Curtraco, et postea per totam Flandriam invaluit, ita ut multa milia morientur, et subito sic quod in uno die sani videbantur, altero die intra sepulcra tenebantur. Et non solum fuit haec pestilentia in Flandria, verum in aliis circumquaque regionibus.	In this time was a great mortality in Flanders. It spread especially in Courtray, and after all over Flanders. Thousands of people died si quickly, that who seemed to be healthy one day was in a grave the day after. This pestilence raged not only in Flanders, but also in neighbouring regions.	Chronique de Jean Brandon, p. 133	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1410-00-00-Strasbourg	1410 JL	A procession against a dying in Strasbourg	Ein crüzegang für den sterbotte. Do men zalte noch gotz gebürte 1410, do geschach och ein semelich crüzegang für den sterbotte der dozumole zu Strosburg was.	A procession against dying. In 1410, a similar procession against dying took place in Strasbourg.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 774.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1411-00-00-Florence	1411 JL	Plague in Florence.	L'anno seguente 1411 ci fu mortalità. Morissi Piero Lana; e poi di dicembre fermai accordo con Iacopo suo fratello e compagno, ch'era stato con meco e co'figliuoli di Piero, per mezanità di Dino di messer Guccio (p. 82) e Bernardo e Pagolo di Vanni e Zanobi di ser Benozo.	In that year 1411, there was a plague, and Piero Lana died. That December I made an agreement with his brother and partner, Jacopo, who had been my partner too, and with Piero's sons through Dino di Messer Guccio and Bernardo and Pagolo di Vanni and Zanobi di Ser Benozzo, who acted as intermediaries.	Gregorio Dati: Libro segreto 1869, pp. 81-82.	None
1411-04-25-Florence	25 April 1411 JL	Buonaccorso Pitti fled from the raging plague in Florence to Pisa in April. But also there some members of his family died, so he decided to go outside of Pisa. He spent in 7 months 1,3 thousand florins.	Presi commiato da lui e tornamene a Firenze e qui stetti insino a dì 25 d'aprile nel 1411. E poi, per cagione che la mortalità ci cominciava, me n'andai con tutta la mia famiglia a Pisa, e menai con meco Nerozzo e Doffo di Luigi e Giovanozo di Francesco miei fratelli. Menai due famigli e una fante e una balia per uno fanciullo che avea 15 mesi. [94] Tolsi in Pisa una casa con assai masserizie a pigione da Bindo e Iacopo e Filippo degl'Astai per pregio di fiorini 48 d'oro. E stato insino alla fine di giugno, uno de' miei famigli si morì di male di pistolenzia; e di poi 15 dì una mia figiuola d'età di 12 anni si morì anche di male di pistolenzia. Il perché mi parti' di quella casa, e andane a abitare fuori di Pisa al luogo di Tomeo Grassolini al quale diedi fiorini 20 di pigione, e ivi stetti per insino a dì 24 di novembre; e tornammocene a Firenze. Trovami avere spesi in 7 mesi fiorini 1.300. Il luogo dove stemmo si chiama Ghezano.	I therefore took leave of him and returned to Florence where I stayed until 25 April 1411, when I took my family to Pisa to escape the plague which had broken out in Florence. I took with me Nerozzo and Doffo di Luigi and Giovanozzo di Francesco, my first cousins, as well as two servants, a serving boy and a wet nurse for a fifteen-month old baby. (p. 88) In Pisa I rented a furnished house from Bindo and Jacopo and Filippo degl' Astai for 48 gold florins. Towards the end of June, one of the servants died of the pestilence, and a fortnight later my twelve-year-old daughter also died. After that, I decided to leave that house and went to stay outside Pisa in a place belonging to Tommaso Grassolini, who rented it to me for twenty florins until 24 November when we came back to Florence. I reckoned that I had spent 1,300 florins in seven months. The place where we stayed is called Ghezano.	Buonaccorso Pitti: Ricordi 1986, p. 61.	None
1411-05-00-Florence	May 1411 JL	Low mortality in Florence, but many citizens flee anyway.	Morìa del 1411. In detto tempo fu in Firenze morìa non molto grande, e molti cittadini fuggirono il forte a Pisa e a Pistoia.	Mortality in 1411. In the aforementioned time was in Florence a low mortality, anyway many citizens fled to Pisa or Pistoia	Filippo di Cino Rinuccini: Ricordi storici 1840, p. L.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1413-06-12-Montpellier	12 June 1413 JL	A procession is organized in Montpellier to protect the city from the plague that rages in the region of Lodève and Agde.	Item, dilhus a XII del mes de jun, que fonc l’endeman de Pantacosta, se fes en esta vila una honorabla [...] per quatre ho per sinc cauzas : la una, que Nostre Senhor, per la sieuna sancta misericordia, lo poble d’esta vila vuelha preservar de mortalitat et de la pestilencia de la impedimia que renha de present en Lotves et en Agades et en diverses autres luox a nos circumvicis.	Monday, June 12 (1413), which was the day after Pentecost, was organized in our city a worthy, holy and devout general procession [...] for four or five grounds: the first, that Our Lord, by His holy mercy, will preserve the people of this city of death and of the plague epidemic which rages at present in Lodévois, Agathois and in various other places of our neighborhood.	Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1413.html (20 April 2020).	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1414-02-02-Strasbourg	2 February 1414 JL	In Strasbourg was an illness, that affected the head, culcers and hips, made people insane and killed many.	Aber ein siechtage von dem flosse. Do men zalte 1414 jor, do kam umb die liehtmesse ein gemeinre siechtage in alle lant von dem flosse und huften, genant der ganser oder der bürzel. und wurdent vil lüte in disem siechtagen bewart und verrihtet zum tode, doch koment sü vil bi alle uf. und die es in dem houbete sterkliche anekam, der wurdent etliche unsinnig und sturbent stympkliche [stündlich]. und bleip wenig ieman über, hie und in andern landen, in keme dirre siechtage ane. und wurdent die brotbecken und ire knehte underwilent also siech, das sü nüt erbeiten noch bachen möhtent, daz men dicke kein brot veil vant. und werte dirre sieche wol 1/2 jor.	But there was a sickness of the ulcers. In the year 1414, around Candlemas, a common illness spread through all the lands, affecting the culcers and hips, called the 'ganser' or 'bürzel' disease. Many people were struck down by this illness and prepared for death, although many also recovered. Those who were severely affected in the head became insane and died every hour. Very few people, here and in other lands, were left untouched by this illness. The bakers and their workers also became so sick at times that they could not work or bake, and often no bread could be found. This illness lasted for about half a year.	Jacobus Twinger von Königshofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 773.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1414-03-00-Paris	March 1414 JL	An epidemic of influenza (?) breaks out for three weeks in Paris, affecting 100 000 persons. People loose appetite, have heavy fever and cannot stop coughing and shaking. Constant cough injures testicules by men, and makes women prematurely abort. However nobody dies. When people get better, they loose a lot of blood. Sick people need six weeks to recover	Si advint par le plaisir de Dieu qu'un mauvais air corrompu chut sur le monde, qui plus de cent mille personnes à Paris mit en tel état qi'is perdirent le boire et le manger, le repousser, et avoient très fortes fièvre deux ou trois fois le jour, et espécialement toutes fois qu'ils mangeaient, et leur semblaient toutes choses quelconques amères et très mauvaises et puantes; toujours tremblaient où qu'ils fussent. Et avec ce, qui pis était, on perdait tout le pouvoir de son corps, qu'on osait toucher à quoi de nulle part que ce fût, tant étaient grevés ceux qui de ce mal étaient atteints; et dura bien sans cesser trois semaines ou plus, et commença à bon escient à l'entrée du mois de mars dudit an, et le nommait-on le tac ou le horion. Et ceux qui point n'en avaient ou qui en étaient guéris, disaient par ébatement: "En as-tu? Par moi foi, tu as chanté: ' Votre c.n. a la toux, commère'". Car avec tout le mal devant dit, on avait la toux si fort et le rhume à l'enrouure, qu'on ne chantait qui rien fût de hautes messes à Paris. Mais sur tous les maux la toux était si cruelle à tous, jour et nuit, qu'aucuns hommes par force de tousser furent rompus par les génitoires toute leur vie, et aucune femmes qui étaient grosses, qui n'étaient pas à terme, eurent leurs enfants sans compagnie de personne, par force de tousser, qu'il convenait mourir à grand martyre et mère et enfant. Et quand se venait sur la guérison, ils jetaient grande foison de sang bête par la bouche et par le nez et par dessous, qui moult les ébahissait, et néanmoins personne n'en mourait; mais à peine en pouvait personne être guéri, car depuis que l'appétit de manger fut aux personnes revenu, si fut-il plus de six semaines après, avant qu'on fût nettement guéri; ni physicien nul ne savait dire quel mal c'était	If by the pleasure of God an evil and corrupt air fell upon the world, which more than a hundred thousand people in Paris put in such a state that they lost their drink and their food, pushed it back, and had very high fever two or three times a day, and especially all the time they ate, and seemed to them all things bitter and very bad and stinking; always trembled wherever they were. And with that which was worse, they lost all the power of their bodies, that they dared to touch anything from anywhere, so much was the burden on those who were afflicted with this evil; and it lasted well without ceasing for three weeks or more, and began in good time at the beginning of March of the said year, and was called the tac or horion. And those who did not have it or who were healed of it, said in amazement, "Have you any? By my faith, you have sung: 'Your n.c. has a cough, you gossip'". For, with all the evil before them, they coughed so loudly and had a cold so badly that they sang nothing of the high masses in Paris. But of all evils the cough was so cruel to all, day and night, that no man by force of coughing was broken by the genitories all his life, and no woman who was fat, who was not at term, had her children without company of anyone, by force of coughing, that it was convenient to die a great martyrdom and mother and child. And when it came to healing, they threw out a great abundance of silly blood through their mouth and nose and underneath, which moved them, and yet no one died from it; but scarcely could anyone be healed, for since the appetite for food had returned to the people, if it was more than six weeks later, before they were clearly healed; neither physicist nor any one knew how to tell what evil it was.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, Sp. 74-75	Translation by DeepL
1417-00-00-Florence	July 1417 JL	Great mortality in Florence and citizens fled to Forlì.	Morìa del 1417. In questo tempo fu in Firenze grandissima morìa, e fecesi conto che nella terra morì 16 migliaia d'anime, e tra'signori e collegi ne (p. LIV) morì 9; fuggirono il forte de'cittadini a Furlì e in altri luoghi. E in questa morìa morì Cino di Messer Francesco di Cino Rinuccini.	Death in 1417. In this time was a great death in Florence, and it was counted that in the area died 16 thousand souls, and among lords and colleges 9 died; the strong citizens fled to Forlì and to other places. In this death died Cino di Messer Francesco di Cino Rinuccini.	Filippo di Cino Rinuccini: Ricordi storici 1840, pp. LIV-LV.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1418-08-00-Paris	August 1418 JL	Mortality due to plague (boce) in Paris, especially dangerous among young persons and children	Item, en celuy temps, vers la fin du moy d'aoust, faisoit si grant chalour de jour et de nuyt, que homme ne femme ne povoit dormir par nuyt, et avec ce estoit tres grant mortalité de boce et l'espidymie, et tout sur jeune gent et sur enfens	That year, in the end of August, the heat was so important day and night that people could not even sleep. Meanwhile, there was a great mortality of boce and a great epidemic, mostly among young people and children.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, Sp. 129	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1418-09-00-Paris	September 1418 JL	Great mortality in Paris in September. The loss is estimated to 50 000 dead people in the city, and the epidemic is estimated to be the worst one since 300 years. Young people and children are most at risk	Item, cedit mois de septembre, était à Paris et autour la mortalité si très cruelle, qu'on eut vu depuis 300 ans par le dit des anciens; car nul n'échappait qui fû féru de l'épidémie, especialement jeunes gens et enfants. Et tant en mourut vers la fin dudit mois, et si hâtivement, qu'il convint faire es cimetières de Paris grandes fosses, où on en mettait trente ou quarante en chacune, et étaient arrangés comme lards, et puis un peu poudrés par dessus de terre; et touours jour et nuit on n'était en rue qu'on ne rencontrât Notre Seigneur, qu'on portait aux malades, et trétous avaient la plus belle connaissance de Dieu Notre Seigneur à la fin, qu'on vit oncques avoir à chrétiens. Mais au dit des clercs, on n'avait oncques vu ni ouï parler de mortalité qui fût si desvée, ni plus âpre, no dont mins échappèrent de gens qui férus en furent, car en moins de cinq semaines trépassa en la ville de Paris plus de 50 000 personnes. Et tant trépassa de gens d'église qu'on enterrait quatre, ou six, ou huit chefs d'hôtel à une messe de notte, et convenait marchander aux prêtres pour combien ils la chanteraient, et bien souvent en convenait payer 16 ou 8 sols parisis, et d'une messe basse 4 sols parisis	Item, this September, was in Paris and around the very cruel mortality, which had been seen for 300 years by the elders; for no one escaped who was keen on the epidemic, especially young people and children. And so many died towards the end of that month, and so hastily, that he agreed to make the cemeteries of Paris into large pits, where thirty or forty were placed in each, and were arranged like bacon, and then a little powdered over the ground; and day and night we were always in the street until we met Our Lord, which we brought to the sick, and all had the most beautiful knowledge of God Our Lord at the end, which we saw we had to Christians. But, according to the clerics, they had neither seen nor heard of a mortality that was so desperate, nor more bitter, nor did many people who were fervent about it escape, for in less than five weeks more than 50,000 people died in the city of Paris. And so many churchmen died that four, or six, or eight heads of hotel were buried at a mass of notte, and agreed to bargain with the priests for how much they would sing it, and often agreed to pay 16 or 8 sols parisis, and for a low mass 4 sols parisis.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, Sp. 133-134	Translation by DeepL
1418-10-15-Paris	15 October 1418 JL	While war and an epidemic raged in Paris, food prices are very high.	Et combien que le peuple de Paris fust grandement diminué tant par le fait des guerres comme de l'épidémie, neantmoins estoient les vivres en grant chierté à Paris, et vendoit on busche, blefs et avoines à plus haut pris que on n'avoit fait long temps par avant.	And while the people of Paris was undermine by the war and the epidemic, prices of all goods, like wood, wheat and oat, reached their highest level since long.	Journal de Clément de Fauquemberge, vol. 1, p. 184	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1418-11-03-Paris	3 November 1418 JL	A procession is organized at Notre-Dame of Paris without the bishop who is retired in Saint-Maur-des-Fossés because of the epidemic.	Le IIIe jour de novembre, y ot procession et grant assemblée de peuple en l'église Nostre-Dame de Paris, et fist le sermon ung cordelier nommée frere Pierre aux Buefs, confesseur de la Royne, ouquel sermon furent leues et publieez les lettres de l'evesque de Paris, en l'absence dudit evesque estant lors en l'abbaye de Saint-Mor-des-Fossés, pour le doubte de l'épidimie aiant cours à Paris.	The 3rd of November was held a procession with a lot of people in the church of Notre-Dame. The sermon has been preached by a Franciscan monk named Pierre aux Buefs, the confessor of the queen. During the sermon, he read and made public some letters of the bishop of Paris, who was not there, but in the abbey of Saint-Maur-des-Fossés because of the danger of the epidemic affecting the city.	Journal de Clément de Fauquemberge, vol. 1, p. 188-189	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1419-00-00-Zwiefalten	1419 JL	Outbreak of plague all over the world and, probably, also in the monastery of Zwiefalten.	1419. Hoc anno regnaverunt pestilencie in toto orbe terrarum, et innumerabilia milia hominum obierunt, quos denumerare nemo poterat, in diversis urbibus. Et duraverunt duos annos et ultra	In 1419, pestilences prevailed throughout the entire world, and countless thousands of people perished, whom no one could enumerate, in various cities. And they endured for two years and more.	Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 63	Translation by Martin Bauch
1420-06-00-Florence	June 1420 JL	The plague struck the house of the author. They tried to escape the plague by fleeing, but nevertheless many died	La pestilenzia fu in casa nostra, come permisse Idio, che provede bene a tutte le cose, e cominciò dal fante, cioè Paccino, a l'uscita di giugno 1420; e poi da indi a 3 dì la Marta nostra schiava, e poi al primo dì di luglio la Sandra mia figliuola, e a dì 5 di luglio l'Antonia. E uscimmo di casa, e andammo dirimpetto; e infra pochi dì morì la Veronica: e uscimone e andammo in via Chiara, e presevi il male alla Bandecca e alla Pippa, e amendue s'andarono a Paradiso a dì (p. 97), 1 d'agosto, tutti di segno di pestilenzia. E cessò, e tornammo in casa nostra. Idio li benedica. Anche la ragione della Bandecca e di suo testamento appare al mio libro A c. …	God who shows his wisdom in all things permitted the plague to strike our house. The first to succumb was our manservant Paccino at the end of June 1420. Three days later it was the turn of our slave-girl Marta, after her on 1 July my daughter Sandra and on 5 July my daughter Antonia. We left that house after that and went to live opposite, but a few days later Veronica died. Again we moved, this time to Via Chiara where Bandecca and Pippo fell ill and departed this life on 1 August. All of them bore the marks of the plague. It passed off after that and we returned to our own house. May God bless them all. Bandecca's will and her accounts appear on page ... of my ledger A.	Gregorio Dati: Libro segreto 1869, pp. 96-97.	None
1420-06-15-Sens	15 June 1420 JL	Eustache de l'Aitre, chancellor of France died in Sens during an epidemic few days ago.	Ce jour, vindrent nouvelles au Palais de la mort et trespas de maistre Eustace de l'Aitre, chancelier de France, esleu evesque de Beauvès, qui, le vendredi précédent estoit trespassé, epidémié au dyocese de Sens, au service et en la compagnie du Roy.	This day, the news came at the House that Eustache de l'Aitre, chancellor of France and newly elected bishop of Beauvais died last friday in the bishopric of Sens, because of the epidemic that raged out there.	Journal de Clément de Fauquemberge, vol. 1, p. 372-373	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1422-07-00-Paris	July 1422 JL	Epidemic of 'vérole' in Paris, especially among children who could die or become blind	Item, cette année fit merveilleusement chaud en juin et en juillet (...) Et pour cette grande chaleur fut si grande année d'enfants malades de la vérole qu'oncques de vie d'homme on eût vu, et tant en étaient couverts qu'on ne les connaissait; et plusiseurs grands hommes l'avaient, espécialement les Anglais, et disait-on que le roi d'Angleterre en eut sa part. Et est vrai que moult de petits enfants en furent si agrevés que les uns en mouroient, les autres en perdaient la vue corporelle	This year was terribly hot and warm in June and in July (...) Because of this heat, a lot of children were struck by the 'vérole', as never seen before. They were so covered with spots, that it was even difficult to recognize them. Several adults were ill too, especially among English people, and it was said that the king of England too. Truly, a lot of children were so ill, that some of them died and some other became blind.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, p. 190	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1423-00-00-Valdipesa	1423 JL	In Corno di Valdipesa arose a plague in this time. Buonaccorso Pitti wrote to his son to leave the city. They fled to Pescia and rented their a house for the next months.	[178] Nel detto anno essendo io a Castrocaro, e sentendo che la pistolenza cominciava al Corno di Valdipesa, scrissi a Luca mio figliuolo, ch'era là co' suoi figliuoli e colla Fioretta, che prestamente se ne partisse con tutta la sua famiglia e andassene in qualunche luogo la mortalità fosse stata e poi cessata. Ridussesi a Pescia a dì…di …e là tolse una casa con alquante masserizie e per prezzo di fiorini quatro d'oro il mese di fitto. E di poi da Castro Caro gli mandai a Pescia parte de' miei figliuoli; e di poi ch'io fu' tornato a Firenze, gli mandai lo resto de' nostri figliuoli; e di poi io e monna Francesca v'andammo e arivammo là in Pescia a dì ultimo di giugno. E perché la casa ci era piccola alla grande famiglia che noi eravamo, che 16 bocche continovo eravamo, sanza i forestieri che spesso in casa ci capitavano, tolsi una camera con uno letto a lato alla nostra abitazione per prezzo di lire tre il mese.	[178] In that same year, while I was in Castrocaro, and hearing that the plague had started at Corno di Valdipesa, I wrote to Luca, my son, who was there with his children and with Fioretta, telling him to quickly leave with his entire family and move to any place where the mortality had occurred and then subsided. He relocated to Pescia on the day... of ... and there rented a house with some furnishings for the price of four gold florins per month. Later, from Castrocaro, I sent part of my children to him in Pescia; and after I returned to Florence, I sent the rest of our children to him. Then, my wife Monna Francesca and I went there, and we arrived in Pescia on the last day of June. And since the house was too small for our large family – we were continuously 16 mouths to feed, not counting the guests who often visited – I rented a room with a bed next to our home for the price of three lire per month.	Buonaccorso Pitti: Ricordi 1986, p. 96.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1424-00-00-Florence	12 April 1424 JL	Goro (Gregorio) Dati served as Podestà of Montale and Agliana in order to avoid the plague. His work was higly esteemed by the people.	Podestà del Montale e Agliana accettai per fuggire la mortalità, e fui da dì XII d'aprile a dì XII d'ottobre 1424. Stemonvi gran brigata, e tutti sani per la grazia di Dio; e fui il primo che tenni la stanzia al Montale, e fecivi acconciare molto bene, e aquista'vi poco avere, ma molta grazia de'paesani. Grazie n'abi Idio.	I agreed to serve as Podestà of Montale and Agliana in order to avoid the plague. My term of office was from 12 April to 12 October 1424. A great number of people accompanied me there and, by God's grace, none of us got sick. I was the first to stay in the residence at Montale (p. 137) I saw to it that it was properly furnished and arranged. I acquired little wealth there but was highly esteemed by the inhabitants. Thanks be to God.	Gregorio Dati: Libro segreto 1869, p. 106.	None
1425-07-08-Würzburg	8 July 1425 JL	Great plague in Würzburg, sometimes more than 40 deaths per day, which led to unharvested fields.	Von ainem grossen sterben [...] Da man zalte nach der geburt Christi 1425 jare, ist ain erschrockenlicher grausamer sterbe in disen landen vnd sunderlich hie zu Wirtzburg gewest; von sant Kilians tag an bis vf Ostern des andern jors hat diese sucht an ain ander geweret. Die herbst zeit vber sturben hie zu Wirtzburg gewonlich ain tag virtzigk menschen, etwan darüber. Es sind auch vor grossem schrecken vnd mangel halben der leute vil obs, getraid vnd weins desselbigen jors vf dem velde vneingeheimst stehen bliben.	About a great dying [...] In the year 1425 after the birth of Christ, a terrifying and cruel plague struck these lands, especially here in Würzburg. From Saint Kilian's Day until Easter of the following year, this illness continued uninterrupted. During the autumn, it was common for around forty people to die each day in Würzburg, sometimes even more. Due to great fear and the lack of people, much of that year's fruits, grain, and wine remained unharvested in the fields.	Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 3 (1999), p. 150.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1433-08-00-Paris	August 1433 JL	A mortality of plague affects children in Paris in August	Et si fit moult bel août, mais très grande mortalité était en celui temps, espécialement sur petits enfants, de bosse ou de vérole plate	The weather was benevolent in August, but the mortality due to 'bosse' or 'vérole plate' was important in that time, especially among children.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, p. 326	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1435-09-08-Constance	August 1435 JL	Around September was in the region of Constance and Überlingen a long-lasting great plague but only with few deaths.	Anno 1435 umb nativitatis Marie [8.9.] drig oder vier wochen vor und nach, do gieng gar ain großer siechtag umb ze Costentz und ze Überlingen und och an deren stetten, an dem unzaglich vil lüt lagent, und wist doch nieman, was siechtagen es was. (p. 187) Wol was er ainem trukenen ritten gelich und starben gar wenig lüt daran, wol warent die lüt in großer krankhait 4 wochen und 6 und 8.	In 1435, on the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary [8 September], three or four weeks before and after, a great plague raged around Constance and Überlingen and other towns. Countless people died and yet nobody knows what kind of plague it was. It was like a dry fever and only a few people died from it, however, people suffered greatly for 4 or 6 or 8 weeks.	Anonymus: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, pp. 186-187.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1436-06-10-Wien	6 June 1436 JL	As plague hits the university of Vienna, lectures are suspended for several months. The peak of the outbreak claims the lives of 70 university members in August. One lecturer, Johannes Gössel, flees the city and reports the outbreak in a colophon to a commentary on the Sentences by Petrus Lombardus.	Explicit scribendo pariter et legendo in profesto sancti Nicolai scriptum huiusmodi et lectum in 3° libro Sententiarum anno Domini M°CCCC36, cuius libri prefati inchoavi leccionem feria secunda immediate post octavas. [p. 376] Pasce Anno 36. Attamen invalescente pestilentia anno predicto, videlicet 36, adeo quod de certo die una sepeliebantur 70 funera ante Assumptionis Beate Virginis, me tunc Wyenne constituo, pluribusque notabilibus suppositis universitatis pro tunc et paulo ante defunctis, videlicet professore Sacre pagine Magistro Petro Pirchenbart in collegio Ducis seniore regente ac lectore in theologia ; preterea Magistro Chünrado Herinbst similiter doctore, licet novo et non unius anni, in theologia, ordinis Predicatorum, sepulto in domo Predicatorum Wyenne. Ceterum Magister Urbanus de Mellico ecclesie sancti Stephani canonicus et in theologia doctore, peste violentante vita fungi desiit. Aliis omissis tam magistris, baccalariis quam scolaribus, viris moralissimis ac virtuosissimis, quorum felices cineres requiescant in summo. Postremo preceptis nature obtemperans debitumque eius persolvens Magister Johannes Strädlare de Langhüta baccalareus formatus in theologia ac collegiatus in Collegio Ducis epidimia tactus expiravit in loco prescripto, puta collegio. Duobus etiam scolaribus magistrorum ibidem paucis intervenientibus diebus [illegibile] ex post turbulentum mare presentis seculi exierunt. Quibus attentis universitas solemniter congregata indoctis et magistris conclusit ut decetero, videlicet a tempore paulo ante Assumptionis Marie, omnes actus scolastici, orationes pariter et consistoria universitatis penitus non fierent usque ad festum Cholomanni, aut si expediret et videretur per amplius huiusmodi actus suspenderentur. Quo concluso et habita plena universitatis vacatione, recessi post responsionem meam in aula statim ad partes nativas, die videlicet dominica immediate ante Assumptionis absentando me tredecem integris septimanis et die una. Postremo Wyennam redii feria tertia post Elizabeth inveniens tantum quatuor collegiatos presentes adhuc, cum quibus ego quintus. Toto enim tempore a suspensione lectionum et post recessum meum dumtaxat unus magistrorum collegio preerat, omnibus aliis absentibus, usque ad Cholomanni. In festo autem Katherine congregabatur universitas in suppositis ac doctoribus ac magistris, et pro tunc eligebantur primo omnes universitatis officiales et eadem die [illegibile] assignabantur lectiones in omnibus facultatibus.		Brinzei 2022, pp. 375-376.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1437-00-00-Saeftinghe	1437 JL	A plague occured in the city of Saeftinghe, in the Low Countries.	Pestilentia multos absorbuit hoc anno; nam genitoribus meis, patre videlicet et matre simul hoc morbo sublatis, me reliquerunt apud Saeftinghe vagientem in cunabilis parique morbo tabescentem, sed hinc Dominus assumpsit me.	Lot of people died of a pestilence this year. My parents actually died sumultaneously, leaving me alone prone to death on my craddle. But God appeared to me.	Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 254	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1437-02-02-Constance	2 February 1437 JL	A disease in Constance with a short period of illness.	Des jars, als man zalt von der geburt Christi 1437 jar, umb die liechtmeß und darnach bis zu ußgeender osterwochen [21 May] was ain loff ainer krankhait ze Costentz ufferstanden, das vil lüt sturbent, gaistlich und weltlich, und lagent nur by dry oder vier tagen, und etlich gar bernd in ainem tag und clagtent sich umb die brust und (p. 194) in der rechten syten. Etlich maintent, es wärent inwendig geswär, etlich maintent, es wärent würm, und fieng menglich an do knobloch ze essend und hört bald uff.	In the year 1437, around Candlemas (2 February) and afterwards until the end of Easter (21 May), a disease broke out in Constance that many people died, both clergy and laity. They were only ill for three or four days, some even died after just one day. They complained of pain in the chest and on the right side. Many meant it was an internal abscess, many others meant it were worms. Many then started eating garlic, but soon stopped.	Gebhard Dacher: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, pp. 193-194.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1437-06-00-Würzburg	June 1437 JL	Price increase and a plague in Würzburg	Von grosser theürüng vnd sterben In dem obgemelten 1437. jare galte ein malter korns vmb sant Peters tag stuelfeier sechs pfund, vmb Mitfasten siben, vmb Ostern sechtzehen, sibentzehen vnd achtzehen pfunde. Vnd an dem Freitag den zehen des Maien erforen die weinstocke allenthalben an bergen vnd in thalen. Dannoch, dweil das getraid so theür war, fande man zimlich guten wein, das füder vmb neun vnd zehen gülden zu kaüffen. Vnd fiele im brachmond ein heftiger sterbe an, der weret in das ander jore. Vff sant Marie Magdalene tag starben in der pfar zum dom hie zu Wirtzburg bei [p. 321] dreissig menschen, vnd schluge das korn ser wider ab, also das man vmb vnd nach sant Martins tag ain malter umb funf pfund kauft, vnd sein dis mals zu Wirtzburg bey vier thaüsent menschen gestorben.	On great famine and death In the aforementioned year 1437, a malter of grain was priced at six pounds around Saint Peter's Day [February 22], seven pounds around Lent [March 10], nine pounds around Easter [March 31], thirteen pounds during the Cross Week [May 5-8], and sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen pounds by Pentecost [May 19]. On Friday, the tenth of May, all the vines died everywhere in the hills and in the valleys. Nevertheless, because grain was so expensive, one found quite good wine available for purchase, costing around nine to ten guilders. A severe plague broke out in June, which continued into the following year. On Saint Mary Magdalene's Day [July 22], thirty people died in the parish of the cathedral here in Würzburg, and the grain was severely damaged, so that around and after Saint Martin's Day [November 11], one could buy a malter for about five pounds and around four thousand people having died in Würzburg this time.	Template:Chronik oder Historie von den Bischöfen von Würzburg 1992-2004, Vol. 3 (1999), pp. 320-321.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1438-00-00-Constance	1438 JL	When the gypsies came to a place, a price increase came shortly after them. In addition, the people fell in the poverty, suffered hunger and a mortality occured.	Und wo sy [Zigeuner] gezogen warent, do kam in nach in dem 1438 jar ain sollich große türy, der nie kain mensch gedacht hett, wan es kam, das man ain viertel kernen gab umb 4 Pfd. heller und des gelichen alle ding, und kament die lüt in groß armut von hunger. Und darnach kam ain großer sterbet, der darnach an dem adern blatt stat.	And wherever they [gypsies] went, there came after them in 1438 such a great price increase that nobody would have thought. When it came, you had to give 4 pounds Heller for a quarter of grain. It was the same with other things. People fell into great poverty and suffered hunger. This was followed by a great dying, which will be described on another page.	Anonymus: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 174.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1438-00-00-Constance 001	1438 JL	Great mortality in Constance and in Basel. In Basel the people tried to appease God with a procession to Einsiedeln and Todtmoos. In the same year was the autumn really warm and mice made great damage to the fields. The Council of Constance passed several laws to curb bad social behaviour.	Des jaurs, als man zalt von der geburt Christi 1438 jar, do was ain sölicher sterbet das selb jar ainher, das man rechnot, das mer dan viertusent menschen zu Costentz gestorben warent. Es kam dazu, das man zu Crützlingen fünf oder sechs menschen in ain grub lait, desglichen och ze sant Stefan und das man an den enden und im spital gruben machet, in die vil lüt gelait wurdent. Und gieng die sterbet durch die land und alsbald der tod uffgehört, do wyst niemant umb kain tod, dan jederman num umb den sin. In dem vorgemelten jaur umb pfingsten vieng man an ze Costentz zu sterben und starb nach der uffart Ulrich Stainstrauß, darnach in acht tagen sin wyb, darnach erstach sich selb Peter Stainstrauß des selben bruder, in Diebolt Gumposts hus obnan mit ainem schwertlin und messer vor laid. In dem vorgeschriben jaure starb man gar vast in allen landen und kam gen Basel vor pfingsten. Also was der sterbet ze Basel so groß, das dero von Basel wol uff tusent personen sich uffhubent und giengent mit zwölf priestern gen Ainsidlen zu unser lieben froen. Die priester viengent an zu Basel in der statt ze singend und sungend bis zu unser lieben froen. Do sungent sy ain mettin und ain löblich meß von unser lieben froen und bichtotent und giengent zu dem hailigen sacrament mit ernst und andacht und zugent do wider haim. Sy ruftent unser lieben froen an, das sy gott bäte, das er sinen zorn gegen inen abließe, also ungestümenlich täten sy mit sterben. Derglichen giengent och wol fünfhundert personen von Basel in das Todmos in den Swartzwald zu unser lieben froen, als die vordrigen gen Ainsideln. In menger gegni do sturbent di lüt uß über das halb tail oder mer und an mengen enden zu ainlitzigen, zwain oder dryen höfen ganz uß, das die öd stundent one inwoner und was ain recht landsterbend und pestilenz. Und was der herbst als warm als der Ogst. In dem jar (p. 207) ward och der best win am Ottenberg, der in allen landen war und gab man ain fuder umb nün und umb acht pfund pf. Des jars wuchsent gar vil veldmüs und tätent großen schaden an dem korn und samen uff dem veld. In demselben jar saßtent die rät ze Costentz und verbutent den blatz und das spilen an 5 pfund ₰ und verbutent das lang häß und das kain man kainer froen in dem münster reden solt an 1 pfund ₰ ; och das kain man dehain kindbettern gesenhen solt und das och niemant sweren solt und vil solicher sachen. Item sy satzent och, als vormals ain ratsknecht in der rautstuben was, der uß und inließ, dann ethin enkainer mer sölt darinne sin und söltent die ratsherren ye ainer ain wochen in- und ußlon. Und das was ain gut gesatz.	In the year 1438 after the birth of Christ, there was such a mortality that year that it was estimated more than four thousand people died in Constance. It came to the point that in Kreuzlingen, five or six people were buried in a single grave, the same at St. Stephen’s, and that graves were dug at the town’s outskirts and in the hospital where many people were laid to rest. The mortality spread through the lands, and once it stopped, no one noticed any more deaths—everyone was just focused on their own. In the mentioned year around Whitsun, people began to die in Constance. After the Ascension of Ulrich Stainstrauß, his wife died eight days later, and then his brother Peter Stainstrauß killed himself in Diebolt Gumpost’s house with a small sword and knife out of grief. That same year, there was heavy mortality across all lands, and it reached Basel before Whitsun. The death toll was so high in Basel that around a thousand people from the city set out with twelve priests to Einsiedeln to Our Lady. The priests began singing in the city of Basel and sang all the way to Our Lady. There they sang Matins and a solemn Mass for Our Lady, confessed, and approached the Holy Sacrament with seriousness and devotion before returning home. They called upon Our Lady to ask God to ease His wrath, as the deaths were overwhelming. Similarly, about five hundred people from Basel went to Todtmoos in the Black Forest to the shrine of Our Lady, just like those who went to Einsiedeln. In many regions, more than half of the population or more died, and in some areas, entire farms with one or two families were completely wiped out, leaving them deserted without any inhabitants. It was truly a widespread death and pestilence. The autumn was as warm as August. In that year, the best wine came from Ottenberg, considered the finest wine in all lands, and a barrel sold for nine or eight pounds. In that year, many field mice grew and caused significant damage to crops and seeds in the fields. That same year, the council in Constance issued a ban on games and gatherings with a fine of five pounds, forbidding long coats and prohibiting men from speaking to women in the cathedral with a fine of one pound. They have also forbidden men to be present at births and no one is allowed to swear, among many other things. Moreover, they decided that as before, only one town servant was to be in the council chamber to let people in and out, and no one else was allowed inside. The councilors had to take turns each week handling the in- and outgoing matters, which was a good policy.	Gebhard Dacher: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, pp. 206-207.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1438-00-00-Rhine	1438 JL	Great mortality around the Rhine, in Cologne, Freiburg, Nuremberg, Augsburg and Lake Constance. In addition, only little wine, due to the weather.	Item uff das selb jar [1438] vorgenant starb man allenthalb in den landen und gar vast am Rin, ze Cöln, ze Auch bis gen Fryburg und ze Nürenberg und ze Ogsburg, ze Ulm und allenthalben on an dem Bodensee. Es kam des jars och ain gar großer schutz an den reben und kam darnach regen und viel der win vast ab, das lützel win ward.	In the same year 1438 many died on the Rhine, in Cologne, and also in Freiburg, Nuremberg, Augsburg, Ulm and on Lake Constance. In that year there was frost on the vines and afterwards much rain and the wine fell off, so there was little wine.	Gebhard Dacher: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 203.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1438-02-00-Constance	February 1438 JL	The hospital master was deposed and imprisoned because he had embezzled many things. Many people died in the hospital during this time.	Item anno 1438 in dem rebmonet do ward der spittalmaister gefangen, umb das er hatt kernen, flaisch, haber, gelt und anders hatt uff geben, das die rechnung brächt ob 300 guldin, das er ettlichen den rätten hatt geben, und namlich Ulrichen Schiltern und Graffschnidern. und ward och offenbär, das er der pfründnerin aine, des alten stattschribers wib, beschlassen hatt. Also ward er ab gesetzt und ward dess selben jares Cunrad Blarer gesetzt, der da maister uff der brugg was. Es sturbent dess selben jares und des andern jares gar vil lüt in dem spittal, dass es ir ettlich mäss än zal was, wo man wolt in nicht allen lüten.	In 1438, in the month of February, the hospital master was imprisoned because he had embezzled grain, meat, oats, money and other things. The accounts revealed that he had given over 300 guilders to some of the councillors, in particular Ulrichen Schiltern and Graffschnider. It also came to light that he had given money to the prebendary, the wife of the old town scribe. As a result, he was deposed and in the same year Cunrad Blarer, who was master of the hospital in Brugg, was appointed in his place. Many people died in the hospital that year and the following year, so many that it was almost impossible to ring the bells for them all.	Konstanzer Chronik, p. 340.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1438-Summer-Paris	1438 JL	Mortality by plague (boce) in Paris during summer and autumn. 45 000 persons died in the city	Item, la mortalité fut si grande, espécialement à Paris, car il mourut bien à l'Hôtel-Dieu en cette année cinq mille personnes, et parmi la cité plus de quarante-cinq mille, tant homme, que femme et enfants; car quand la mort se boutait en une maison, elle en emportait la plus grande partie des gens, et espécialement des plus forts et des plus jeunes	The mortality was so great in Paris, that at least 5000 persons died at the Hôtel-Dieu. In the city, 45 000 persons died, either men, women and children. When the disease spread in a house, almost every inhabitants died, especially the strongest and the youngest.	Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris 1990, pp. 382-383	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1439-00-00-Basel	1439 JL	A plague causes great mortality in Basel during a famine. The death toll is estimated to 8000 dead people, both adults and children.	Anno Domini 1439 fuit magna karistia in Basilea, et etiam cum hoc fuit magna pestilencia et in orribilibus obierunt in numero plus qum octo milia hominum cum pueris; et presertim in ecclesia majori inter canonicos dominus Kaspar thesaurius, dominus prepositus Turicensis, dominus Michahel de Reno prepositus in Sancto Ursicino, et bene viginti cappelanos.	The year 1439 occured a great dearth in Basel. A pestilence broke out simultaneously and more than 8000 persons, adults and children, died dramatically. Among the canons of the cathedral died the treasurer master Kaspar, the prior master Turicensis, master Michael de Reno, prior of Sanctus Ursinus and 20 other canons.	Ehrard von Appenwiler chronicle, pp. 251-252	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1439-00-00-Zwiefalten	1439 JL	Outbreak of plague all over Swabia and, probably, also in the monastery of Zwiefalten	1439. Regnavit pestilencia valdissima per totam Alemanniam, ita quod extimacione multorum tertia pars hominum videbatur obiisse	In 1439, a very severe pestilence reigned throughout all of Alemannia, such that by the estimation of many, one-third of the population seemed to have perished.	Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 63	Translation by Martin Bauch
1439-07-00-Thuringia	July 1439 JL	A plague in Thuringia and the Harz region, but also Constance causing mortality and description of symptoms	Anno 1439 war ein groß sterben vber alle welt, vnd fieng sich an in Duringen vnd am Hartz, vmb die Ernte, vnd wehret biß auf der heiligen drey Konige tage <6. Januar>, wen die pestilentzische gift ergrief, der lag drey tage vnd nacht nacheinander vnd schlief. Vnd wen er dan aufwachet, so begundte er als balt mit dem Tode zu ringen, biß die Seel ausgieng. Das nennet man das grosse sterben davon schir in allen historien findet. Stumpf schreibet das allein zu Costnitz in x monden bey 4000 menschen gestorben sindt.	In the year 1439, there was a great mortality across the world, which began in Thuringia and the Harz region around harvest time, and lasted until the Feast of the Epiphany. Those who were affected by the poisonous plague would lie unconscious for three consecutive days and nights. When they woke up, they would immediately begin struggling with death until their soul departed. This event is known as the Great Death, which is extensively documented in historical records. Stumpf writes that in just ten months, around 4,000 people died solely in Constance.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 134	Translation by Martin Bauch
1439-07-06-Constance	6 July 1439 JL	A procession is organized in Constance against the plague.	Anno 1439 gutemtag vor Sant Margrethen tag (8 July) do tett die statt von Costenz ainen cruzgang für die pestilencii mit aller priesterschafft.	In year 1439, on the monday before Margaret Day, a procession has been celebrated in Constance because of the pestilence, with all clerics of the city.	Konstanzer Chronik, p. 341	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1448-00-00-Florence	1448 JL	The plague raged in Florence. Many people fled to other cities. The plague spread to Rome. The passages talks also about the social responses, for instance that people avoided the contact to the infected, even if they were their relatives.	Interea anno Domini MCCCCXLVIII, pestis invadere cepit Florentiam et per biennium civitatem infectem tenuit, que tamen quasi erat evacuata, non solum maioribus et divitibus, sed et plebeis et pauperibus ex urbe egredientibus et per villas et castra refugientibus. Diutina quidem fuit, sed lenta et paucos de medio subtraxit, sicque morbus ille contagiosus a MCCCC anno, quo grassatus est ita ut prope tertiam partem viventium absumeret, usque ad MCCCCLVII, in quo sumus peste a Domino visitati iam per menses quatuor, septies Florentiam occupaverit, videlicet anno MCCCCXI, anno supra Millesimum CCCCXXXVIII demum, ut dictum est, anno MCCCCXLVIII et VIIII civitas Florentina ea contagione infecta est: que cum postea urbem romanam attigisset, in qua presulabatur Nicolaus V cum curia sua, [p. 83] Fabrianum se contulit. Ubi tunc facta inquisitione et processu contra quosdam hereticos, infectos lepra erroris Fraticellorum, qui ibi diu habuerant magnum receptaculum et favorem, obstinati in sua perfidia igni traditi sunt, miracula consueta ostendentes pulveris et cineris. In anno autem isto LVII supra CCCC, pauci adhuc de hac luce subtracti sunt, necdum cessavit; quid autem in futurum erit, novit Deus. Nunquam autem apparet tantum exterruisse homines talis contagio morbi ut nunc, ita quod parentes filiorum et filii parentum obliviscantur infectorum et cum difficultate reperiantur qui necessaria eis administrent tam corpori quam anime, vel procurent ut sacramenta et ecclesiasticam sepulturam habeant. Quamvis autem nulla sit lege prohibitum ad loca divertere ab infectione libera, ex quo morbus est valde contagiosus (ut quotidiana docet experientia), ac eciam conversationem domesticam et locutionem cum infectis et venientibus a locis infectis [effugere] nisi cura animarum eis immineat, quos de necessitate salutis sue oportet per se vel alium idoneum sacramenta ministrare quantumcunque infectis, tantum tamen abhorrere infectos ut necessaria subtrahantur est contra omnem caritatem, humanitatem et xpistianam pietatem. Itaque etsi humane prudentia est et de ratione medicine vitare infectos, tamen contra dilectionem et xpistianam pietatem est subtrahere infectis necessiara seu non ministrare anime et corpori et ita abhorrere eis ministrantes sacramenta et corpori necessaria ut habeantur tanquam ethnici et publicani nec audiantur eorum misse et officia nec patiantur sacerdotes ire ad infirmos, in quo nullo modo debent eis assentire. Communitas autem pie et caritative providit infirmis ex eo morbo illo tempore scilicet anno domini MCCCCXLVIII et nono pestis. Nam tria milia florenorum statuit assignanda archiepiscopo civitatis certo tempore, modo et forma, ut infectis provideretur. Unde quidam optimi iuvenes per civitatem discurrebant, querendo infectos et dando pullos, confectiones et alia necessaria.	Meanwhile, in the year of our Lord 1448, the plague began to invade Florence and for two years it kept the city infected. The city was almost emptied, not only by the departure of the wealthy and nobles but also by the common people and the poor, who fled from the city to villages and towns. It was indeed prolonged, but slow, and removed only a few people. That contagious disease, which had ravaged since the year 1400, when it nearly consumed a third of the living, until 1457 (the year we are currently in), struck Florence seven times: in 1401, again in 1438, and finally, as mentioned, in 1448 and 1449, when the city of Florence was infected by this contagion. When it later reached the city of Rome, where Pope Nicholas V resided with his court, he withdrew to Fabriano. There, an inquiry and trial were conducted against certain heretics infected with the leprosy of the Fraticelli error, who had long found a haven and favor there. Persisting in their stubborn wickedness, they were handed over to the flames, displaying the usual miracles of ashes and dust. However, in this year 1457, few have been taken from this life, and the plague has not yet ceased. What will happen in the future, God knows. Never before has such a contagious disease so greatly terrified people as it does now, so much so that parents forget their children and children forget their parents when they are infected, and it is difficult to find anyone willing to provide them with the necessities for both body and soul, or to ensure they receive the sacraments and Christian burial. Although there is no law prohibiting people from fleeing to places free from infection, since the disease is highly contagious (as daily experience shows), and it is prudent to avoid domestic interactions and conversations with the infected or those coming from infected areas—except when the care of souls is at stake and they must, for the sake of their own salvation, administer the sacraments either in person or through a suitable intermediary to those infected—it is nonetheless against all charity, humanity, and Christian compassion to withhold necessities from the infected or refuse to minister to their bodies and souls, treating them as outcasts and pagans. It is wrong not to hear their masses and services or allow priests to go to the sick, and no one should agree to such practices. However, the community provided for the sick with piety and charity during this outbreak in the year 1448 and the ninth plague. Indeed, 3,000 florins were allocated to the archbishop of the city at a specific time, in a particular manner, and form, to provide for the infected. As a result, certain noble youths went around the city, seeking out the infected and giving them chickens, remedies, and other necessities.	Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, p. 82-83.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1451-00-00-Basel	1451 JL	A plague breaks out in Basel and lasts two years.	Anno domini 51 was pestilency zu Basel, aber nit zu grosz. Aber dem der sine abegieng und schaden beschach, hatte sich zu clagen. Doch starb me mannesnamen denne frowennamen.	In year 1451 was a pestilence in Basel, but not severe. In the beginning it injured people. Some of them died, both men and women.	Ehrard von Appenwiler chronicle, p. 308.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1451-00-00-Constance	December 1451 JL	Dying in Constance.	Im jar 1451 vor wihenecht hub es an ze sterben zu Costanz; do zog das chorgericht gen Büchoffzell.	In the year 1451 before Christmas started a dying in Constance; then the choir court moved to Bischofszell.	Claus Schultheiß: Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 283.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1451-00-00-Cuneo	1451 JL	Severe plague in Cuneo which lasted two or three years.	L’anno del Signore 1451 fu assaltato Cuneo un altra volta da una peste crudelissima, la quale continuo per due o tre anni, e morirono di morbo più di tre milla huomini e femine, et indebolò il popolo di maniera che nessuna pensava che dovesse mai più pigliar forza.	In the year of our Lord 1451, Cuneo was once again attacked by a cruel plague, which continued for two or three years, and more than three thousand men and women died of the disease, and weakened the people to such an extent that no one thought it would ever get stronger.	La più antica cronaca di Cuneo, p. 156, l. 8	Translation by DeepL
1453-08-00-Flanders	1453 JL	A pestilence breaks out in the region, as a consequence of a dearth caused by war.	Messis tempore non invenit quod colligeret; hinc annona solito carior et, quae communiter sequi solet, pestilentia populum gravare coepit.	At harvest time, not enough people came at the fields. Then prices have been higher than usual, and a pestilence broke out, as it is common in such conditions.	Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 347	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1453-10-08-Wien	8 October 1453 JL	A commentary to a manuscript by Thomas Ebendorfer mentions that lectures at the university of Vienna are suspended, as plague reigned.	Revisus per Thomam de Haselpach tempore suspensionis lectionum ob sementem pestem. Anno etc. 1453, 8 Octobris	Revised by Thomas of Haselpack as lectures were suspended because of the ravaging plague. In the year 1453 on 8 October.	Brinzei 2022, p. 375.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1455-00-00-Deir Kifa	1455 JL	There were war, plague, famine, shortage and price increase.	En l’an 1766 [1455] Malik al-Kalif prit la forteresse de Kifa et y régna. […] Il y eut des troubles, des guerres et la terreur, une terrible <épidemie>, la famine et la disette. Tout ce qu’il y avait à manger se vendait au plus haut prix.	In the year 1455 Malik al-Kalif took the fortress of Kifa and reigned there. [...] There were troubles, wars and terror, a terrible epidemic, famine and scarcity. Everything there was to eat was sold at the highest price.	Bar Hebraeus 2013, p. 151	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1456-00-00-Florence	1456 JL	In Florence was a shortage due to the weather and a flooding. The city had to provide food for the population especially for the poor.	Eodem anno per inundationem aquarum, in agris impedientem sationem agrorum et aliam intemperiem supervenientem tempore spicationis in agris satis, defectus magnus modicitatis in segetibus repertus est Florentie, et [in] territorio eius. Creatis autem officialibus habundantie, provisum est competenter de frumentis de diversis locis extra territorium adductis. Sed et pauperibus provisum est, quorum a diu in preteritum nunquam tantus inventus est numerus; quod contigit, quia mercatores et artifices parum negotiantur vel artificia exercent, tum propter guerras impedientes discursum per mare et per terram, tum timore nove impositionis prestantiarum, ne nimis onerentur, tum eciam peste civitatem invadente, etsi lente, tamen in futurum magis de grassatione eius dubitatur. Decretum igitur [p. 98] fuit, ut per quatuor menses precedentes recollectionem frumenti, quingenti floreni mensatim expenderentur a communitate eleemosynaliter erogati pro frumento pauperibus in pane concedendo. Quod optimum fuit tum ut peccata sua civitas, eis plena, eleemosynis redimat, tum ut caritatem ad fratres suos et membra reipublice ostendat, nec non ad prudenter auferendos tumultus et clamores famelice plebis. Quid enim non audeat rabies famis, cum aliquando et matres filios proprios occidere et comedere coegerit, sacra historia ac eciam infidelium hoc referente?	In the same year, due to flooding that hindered the sowing of fields and other adverse weather conditions during the grain ripening season, there was a significant shortage in the harvest in Florence and its surrounding territory. Officials were appointed to manage the scarcity, and grain was competently procured from various places outside the territory. Provisions were also made for the poor, whose numbers had not been this high for a long time. This situation arose because merchants and craftsmen were engaging in little trade or work, partly due to wars disrupting travel by sea and land, partly out of fear of new tax burdens, and partly because of a plague slowly affecting the city, which was feared to worsen in the future. It was decreed that, for the four months preceding the next grain harvest, 500 florins would be spent monthly by the community to provide grain to the poor in the form of bread. This was seen as beneficial both to help the city atone for its sins, which were abundant, through acts of charity, and to demonstrate care for fellow citizens, as well as to prudently prevent uprisings and outcries from the starving populace. For what would the rage of hunger not dare to do, when history—even sacred texts—reports that, in such times, mothers have been forced to kill and eat their own children?	Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, pp. 97-98.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1457-00-00-France	1457 JL	A mortality breaks out in France.	Per totam fere Franciam bladorum caristia fuit, quam sequebatur pestilentialis mortalitas.	In almost all France wheat prices were high, and a mortality of pestilence followed.	Chronique d'Adrien de But, p. 360	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1458-00-00-Genoa	1458 JL	In Genoa, evil men went during the plague to the sick and robbed them in their homes. If the sick were still alive, they suffocated them. The crime was reported to the king, who stopped it. But in the end, more than 80 people died because of the murderer.	Interea scelus enorme ibi perpetratum est et flagitium inexpiabile fere. Nam cum pestis in urbe grassaretur propter quod pene vacua foret hominibus, quidam ex societatibus ad pia opera deputatis convenerunt in unum numero XLVIII, statuentes inter se visitare morbo infectos ac curam eorum agere et cadavera tradere sepulture, non quidem intentione Deo obsequendi, sed domos infirmorum rebus evacuandi et, uno marsupio facto, statuebant inter se quis quid inde acciperet. Nec illi scelesti et crudeliores feris expectabant infirmorum mortem, sed accelerabant ipsos suffocantes, ut postmodum rapine vacarent. Sed tantum nephas pius Deus non est passus diu manere occultum. Facta enim inter eos quadam dissensione super cuiusdam morte temptanda, unus eorum accedens ad ducem vices regis exequentem, prius sibi vite preservatione postulata et obtenta, confessus est crimen suum et sociorum, narrans octoginta infirmos et ultra per eos suffocatos ante naturalem transitum vite et substantias eorum direptas. Quod audiens dux, caute illos inquiri fecit, et XXVIII ex eis captos suspendi fecit, aliis fugam hinc inde capientibus.	Meanwhile, an enormous crime and almost unforgivable outrage was committed there. For when the plague was ravaging the city, leaving it nearly empty of people, some members of charitable organizations came together, numbering forty-eight, and decided among themselves to visit the sick and take care of them, as well as to bury the dead. However, their intention was not to serve God, but to rob the homes of the sick. They made a pact among themselves, agreeing on how to divide the spoils they would take. These wicked men, even more cruel than wild beasts, did not wait for the sick to die naturally but hastened their deaths by suffocating them so that they could more quickly engage in looting. But God, in His mercy, did not allow such wickedness to remain hidden for long. A dispute arose among them regarding the planned murder of someone, and one of them, seeking to save his own life, approached the leader acting on behalf of the king. After securing a promise of protection, he confessed his crime and those of his companions, revealing that they had suffocated more than eighty sick people before their natural deaths and plundered their possessions. Upon hearing this, the leader carefully ordered an investigation, leading to the capture and hanging of twenty-eight of them, while the others fled in different directions.	Antoninus of Florence: Chronicon sive summa historialis 1913, p. 100.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1458-00-00-Jazira	1458 JL	An epidemic in the Jazira (Upper Mesopotamia) killing Arabs and Christians	En l’an 1769 [1458], il y eu une terrible et cruelle épidémie dans Djézira de Qardu et beaucoup des gens moururent, des Chrétiens comme des Arabes.	In the year 1458, there was a terribe and cruel epidemic in Upper Mesopotamia Jazira and many people died, Christians and Arabs alike.	Bar Hebraeus 2013, p. 152	Translation by Martin Bauch
1460-00-00-Lower Saxony	1460 JL	A plague in Lower Saxony kills mainly middle-aged men	Kein Wunder, daß Gott, über solchen Götzendienst aufs heftigste erzürnt, das Land bald darauf durch schweres Unheil heimsuchte. Kaum waren seit diesem abergläubischen Akt zwei Jahre verflossen als eine schreckliche und jeglicher Erinnerung unbewußte Pest Sachsen überfiel. Sie räumte nicht so sehr Frauen und Kinder aus der Welt als vielmehr Männer im besten Alter, die von der verheerenden Seuche ergriffen und fast alle hinweggerafft wurden.	No wonder that God, furious at such idolatry, soon struck the land with a severe calamity. No more than two years had passed since this superstitious act when a terrible plague, unconscious of any memory, struck Saxony. It did not so much eliminate women and children as men in their prime, who were seized by the devastating plague and almost all of whom were swept away.	Chronicon Riddagshusense 1983, p. 55	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1460-07-11-Corfu	11 July 1460 JL	Plague outbreak in Corfu.	I also found a boat bound for Corfu; I boarded on July 11 [1460], as, in addition to the other evils, there was an outbreak [p. 82] of the plague at Methone; we set sail on August 2. […] [p. 84] As the plague infected the castle of Corfu, the despot and I moved to the villages, where we expected the results of the two embassies.	Already a translation from the Greek original.	George Sphrantzes 1980, pp. 81-84.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1461-00-00-Nürnberg	1461 JL	A plague in Nuremberg and Erfurt and after that in many other places	incepit pestilentia in Nurenberga, anno sequenti in Erfordia et sic continenter per tres annos circumgyravit per multa loca.	A pestilence started in Nuremberg, the next year it was in Erfurt and so it continued to spread for three years in many places.	Chronica S. Aegidii 1711, p. 597	Translation by Martin Bauch
1461-08-00-Arras	August 1461 JL	A disease breaks out in Arras and the surroundings, in August. This is a non-lethal fever, but people recovers with difficulty.	Et regna depuis aoust ou environ, une manière de caulde maladie et de fièvres en plusieurs lieux et presque partout; mais il n'en mouroit guères, nonobstant qu'on se remesist sus à grande peine	Since August, a kind of "hot disease" with fever spread out in several location and almost anywhere. Though nobody died, people get difficulties to recover.	Les mémoires de Jacques du Clerc 1838, p. 188	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1462-00-00-Erfurt	1462 JL	A plague in Erfurt	(1461) incepit pestilentia in Nurenberga, anno sequenti in Erfordia et sic continenter per tres annos circumgyravit per multa loca.	A pestilence started in Nuremberg, the next year it was in Erfurt and so it continued to spread for three years in many places.	Chronica S. Aegidii 1711, p. 597	Translation by Martin Bauch
1462-00-00-Erfurt2	1462 JL	A plague in Erfurt kills 24 nuns.	Anno domini 1462 pestilentia magna fuit, ita ut Erfordiae in claustro novi operis a vigilia Laurentii usque ad vigiliam Mathei apostoli XXIV virgines morerentur, quarum animae sint in domino.	In the year of our Lord 1462 there was a great pestilence, so that in Erfurt in the newly built monastery from the vigil of St. Laurence to the vigil of St. Matthew 24 nuns died, and their souls are with the Lord.	Erfurter Annalen 1834, col. 231.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1462-00-00-Gdansk	1462 JL	Great plague in Gdańsk	Denn Anno 1461. am Tage Creutzes Erhebung ist daselbst ein dermassen hefftiges Ungewitter entstanden / daß allein im Tieffe sechtzig Schiffe mit einssten Vergangen / und in der Stadt 37. kleine Thürmlein von der Kirchen abgeworffen sind worden / darauf im folgendem Jahre eine grosse Peste gefolget ist.	In the year 1461, on the day of Creutz's uprising [September 14], such a violent storm arose there / that in the lows alone sixty ships were destroyed / and in the town 37 small towers were thrown down from the church / followed by a great plague in the following year.	Der Stadt Dantzig Historische Beschreibung, p. 16. November 1465.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1462-01-21-Cologne	21 January 1462 JL	A comet appeared over Cologne, then wars and plague.	Int selve jaer openbaerde een commeet int beginsel van jaer die omtrent Sinte-Agnietendach stont boven die stadt van Coelen teghen dat teyken geheten Lijbra. Ende hadde een langhe staert te wesstenwaert omtrent xxx graden. Ende op Sinte-Blasiusdach stont se int teyken geheten Aries mitten staert ad Pilades ten oestenwaert. Sij was seer wilt, onderwijlen wit ende somwijle vuyerich, mit veel straalen. Hiernae volchden in veel landen oerlogen ende pestilencien.	In the same year (1462) a comet appeared in principle on Saint Anne's Day above the town of Cologne against the mountain called Lijbra. And had a long stand to the west about 30 degrees. And on Saint Blasiusday she stood in the sign called Aries with her standing in Pilades in the east. It was very white and sometimes dirty, with many rays. After this, many countries suffered from wars and pestilence.	Die historie of die cronicke van Hollant, p. 547	Translation by DeepL
1462-02-00-Bologna	February 1462 JL	A flu-like epidemic in Bologna kills mainly the elderly	Del mese di febbraro per il gran freddo si scuoprono strane infirmitá et regnano molte febbri et catarri, di che molti vecchi moiono nella città che nel territorio.	In the month of February because of the severe cold one saw strange diseases and fevers and colds ravaged, which killed many elderly people in the city and the countryside.	Ghirardacci 1915-16, p. 178	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-00-00-Empire	1463 JL	A plague is ravaging in the whole Holy Roman Empire, especially in the South	Pestis valida faevit per Bavariam, Austriam, Bohemiam, Sueviam & quasi per totam Germaniam multos mortales absumens.	A strong pestilence ravaged in Bavaria, Austria, Bohemia and Swabia, and almost all over Germany it killed many people.	Staindel 1764, p. 538	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-00-00-Erfurt	1463 JL	Great plague with 4000 deaths in Leipzig and 18 000 in Erfurt lasted half a year	1463 pestilencia magna […] ubique terrarum, et in Lipczk ultra 4 milia hominum et 18 milia hominum in Herfordia obierunt, et pestis illa in uno loco ad medium annum duravit.	In 1463, there was a great pestilence everywhere on the earth, and in Leipzig, over four thousand people died, and in Erfurt, eighteen thousand people died. And that plague endured in one place for half a year	Cronica brevis (lipsiensem dixeris), sp. 61	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-00-00-Erfurt01	1463 JL	A plague in Erfurt kills many inhabitants. High victim numbers for single parishes, mass graves are needed	Anno 1463 Ist zu Erffurd vnd allenthalben ein groß sterben gewesen, das man noch das grosse sterben, so auf nehest gewesen ist heist. Seind in S. Johans pfarr 8 schock menschen gestorben, vnd sind zu den Regulern auf einen tag 3 schock menschen gestorben vnd begraben worden auf dreymal iglich mal 60 menschen. Vnd hatt zwei iahr aneinander gestorben in die 28.000.	In the year 1463, there was a great mortality in Erfurt and everywhere else, which is still referred to as the Great Death, as it was the latest event of that kind. In the parish of St. John, 480 people died, and among the Augustinan Canon's parish (Reglerkirche), 180 people died in one day and were buried in three shifts of 60 each time. Over the course of two years, a total of 28,000 people perished.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 134.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-00-00-Lower Saxony	1463 JL	A great mortality all over Lower Saxony.	In dussem sulven jare (1463) do was eyn grot starve to Brunswick, Hanover, Hildessem, Megedeborch unde Halverstadt, de hoff an in dem harveste, und stod went in den vastelavende, und do starff vele volckes.	In the same year (1463) there was a great mortality in Braunschweig, Hannover, Hildesheim, Magdeburg and Halberstadt, which started in Autumn and continued until Carnival, and many people died.	Chronecken der Sassen 1711, p. 410.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-05-00-Göttingen	May 1463 JL	A procession because of ongoing plague in Göttingen and a plague all over Lower Saxony.	Anno domini 1463, feria 6. Ante Assensionem Domini, do ging men mit einer procession wulln und barfuß umb der pestilentz willn, so dar regerde in vilen stedten. […] Dan in diesem jare regirde auch eine grosse pestilentz in vilen enden und orten, also auch in Gottingen, das grosse hauffen absturben. Tho Brunswig, Hildesheim, Hannober, Magdeborch, Halberstadt starb es auch gleich so sehre. Dusser sterben find an in dem herbst und werete bis in den Fastelavent.	In the year of our Lord 1463, on a Friday before Ascension, a procession of barefoot people was made because of the pestilence that ruled in many cities [...] And in this year, there ruled a pestilence in many place, also in Göttingen, that killed a lot of people. In Braunschweig, Hildesheim, Hannover, Magdeburg and Halberstadt people died in the same way. This mortality started in autumn and ended during Carnival.	Göttinger Annalen 1994, p. 191	Translation by Martin Bauch
1463-07-00-Basel	July 1463 JL	A plague breaks out in Basel.	Anno domini 63 post Margarete incepit pestilentia in minori Basilea primo modicum, post in magna civitate.	The year 1463 began a pestilence in Basel after Margeret's Day (15 July). It broke out first, without being severe in Klein-Basel, then it spread in the city.	Ehrard von Appenwiler chronicle, p. 344.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1463-10-01-Munich	1 October 1463 JL	Severe plague in Munich	Sambstag nach Michaelis [1463]. Item an dem tag alls die Pestilenz Laider, durch die geschiht Gottes vasst regieret und geregieret hette vost von Weinnechten bisher giengen auß iedem hauß ain Mensch die man besonder vnd die frauen sonder mit grosser andacht wainenden augen, vnd noch mit betriebten herzen und doch mit sonder grossen frolokhen zu dem wierdigen hailigthumb auf den Berg zu Andex. woll bey 5m. menschen die man hinauß mit processenvon den Pfarren und Clostern und wider herein mit grosser wirdigkait belaittet vnd mit grosser menig des Volkhs der statt des khain mensch gedenkht. Item desgleichen thete und hete man ain Process gehen unser lieben Frauen gehen Freißing in xiiii tagen darnach.		Münchener Annalen (1453–1483), p. 195.	Translation needed
1463-11-11-Zittau	11 November 1463 JL	Plague in Zittau but only of short duration.	Anno domini etc. lxiii incepit pestilencia circa nos circa festum Martini et non diu perseuerauit, sed graciose nobiscum mansit	In the year of our Lord etc. 1463, a pestilence began here around the feast of Martin, and it did not persist for long but graciously stayed with us (only for a short time).	Johannes von Guben, p. 82	Translation by Martin Bauch
1464-00-00-Bologna	1464 JL	Very stormy and rainy year, the sun shone little in September as the moon was blue at night. There was severe fever, smallpox and seasickness	A dì 17 di dicembre, il lunedì, venne in Bologna gran neve. […] In somma quest’anno fu piovoso et tempestoso e nel tempo del raccolto vendevasi la corba del grano lire due, la spelta soldi 11, la fava soldi 20; fu dell’ uva assai. Il mese di settembre fu con molte maligne nebbie; il solo splendeva poco et era di color smorticcio, siccome è di notte la luna, che si mostrava azzura. Furono gran febbri, vaioli et mali di costa.		Ghirardacci 1915-16, p. 187	Translation needed
1464-00-00-Braunschweig	1464 JL	Plague in which mostly men died and many children	incepit pestilentia satis rara et insolita, quia viri fortes in ea moriebantur et pauce mulieres; de pueris vero valde raro aliqui obierunt.	This plague began in a rather rare and unusual way, because strong men and few women died from it; but very few children.	Chronica S. Aegidii 1711, p. 597.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-00-00-Germany	1464 JL	Plague in all german territories with many deaths.	Item in dusseme jare [1464] unde in deme jare hiir bevoren was en grot unde en gemeyne pestilencie in allen Dudeschen landen, alzo dat in [p. 361] deme jare, alse men scref 63, se was boven uppe deme Ryne to Basel, Strasselborch, Spire, vordan in Doringhen, in Sassen, in Myssen unde in der Marke; mer in deme 64. jare by pinxsten quam se by de see, also to Luneborch, Hamborch, Lubeke, Wismer, Rostoke, Sund unde in de lant ummelank, unde darna by assumpcionis Marie, qwam se in Dennemarken, in Prussen unde in Liflant. In dusser pestelencien storven vele lude to Lubeke, vrouwen unde man, unde sunderliken junc volk, unde [p. 362] leghen gans kort, wente in dat gemen storven se in deme dorden dage. Unde also de ersten seden, so was id en zelfene pestelencie, wente alle arstedie, der me plecht to brukende teghen de suke, de halp gar wenynich, unde unwantlik arstedye, dede na wane der arsten to der pestelencien schedelik is, halp velen luden. Unde dusse pestilencie warde to Lubecke wente omnium sanctorum.		Lübecker Ratschronik (1401–1469), pp. 360–362.	Translation needed
1464-00-00-Görlitz	1464 JL	Severe plague the whole summer until autumn, everyone avoided contact with each other in Görlitz	in anno autem lxiiii jn estate incepit viceuersa grauiter, sic quod in duobus diebus plures quam trecente persone in morbo obierunt, aliquando de die 80, aliquando 60, et sic deinceps, et durauit grauiter per totam estatem vsque ad autumpnu, tamen adhuc semper per parum viguit. Pestilencia circumquaque viguit in villis et vbique, sic quod frumenta permanserunt jn agris. Fuit eciam in civitate, quod vna persona aliam refutauit propter pestilenciam, et tants timor fuit inter homines, vt vnus cum alio recusauit loqui; sic contigit nostris in Gorlicz, nolentes eos hospitare nec cibare nec eciam cum eis loqui.		Johannes von Guben, p. 82.	Translation needed
1464-00-00-Hamburg	1464 JL	Great plague in Hamburg	Anno 1464 do was to Hamborch grote pestilencie, vnd storuen in korter tidt xx dusent minschen, junk vnd olt.	In the year 1464 was a great pestilence in Hamburg, and in a short periode 20.000 young and old people died.	Bern Gyseke's Chronik von 810–1542, p. 40. Hamburger Chronik von 799–1559, p. 409.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-00-00-Hamburg 001	1464 JL	Great plague in Hamburg and in all other german territories	In demsuluen jare [1464] do wasz szo grote pestilencie unde dure tyt to Hamborch vnde ouer alle dudesche lande, dat dar vele dusent minschen storuen.	In the same year there was a great plague and dying time in Hamburg and many thousend people died there and in all other german territories.	Ein kort Uttoch der Wendeschen Chronicon von 801-1535, p. 257. Hamburger Chronik von 799–1559, p. 410.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-00-00-Salzburg	1464 JL	Great plague in Salzburg	Item 1464 fuit hic pestilentia magna hominum.		Chronicon Salisburgense, p. 431.	Translation needed
1464-00-00-Soest	1464 JL	The plague lasted 5 years in Soest	Item eodem anno [1468] umbtrent dey vrijkermisse [8. Sep] do regendt an dach by dage bys to Alle godes hilgen dage, dat yd nu boven twe dage wedder en was, ind dey buwet was, dat men to Alle godes hilgen dage as van gersten, haveren ind wicken, dey do nochtant malk moste meggen, hopen ind ynvoren laten. Eodem anno do stillede sich dat sterven der pestilencie bynnnen Soist, dat wall vijff jare lanck gewart hadde, ummetrent na sunte Mertins misse.		Soest und Duisburg, p. 51.	Translation needed
1464-00-00-Stockholm	1464 JL	Severe pestilence breaks out in Stockholm in the autumn of 1464 and lasts for two years in Sweden. 7.000 people die only in Stockholm.	Item, in autumpno eciam istius anni incipiebat Stocholmis et in aliis locis regni gravissima pestilencia regnare. Et dicebatur communiter, quod in solo opido Stocholmensi moriebantur vii milia hominum sexus utriusque; et duravit hec pestilencia in regno continue fere per duos annos.	Furthermore, in the autumn of that year (1464), a very severe pestilence began to ravage Stockholm and other parts of the country. It was generally stated that seven thousand people of both sexes died in the city of Stockholm alone. This pestilence remained uninterrupted in the country for almost two years.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 330.	Translation by Carina Damm
1464-00-00-Thuringia	1464 JL	Plague in Thuringia and surroundings with many deaths in all age groups	Anno dni 1464 stund auff in dem lande zu Duringen und in allen umbliegenden landen pestilentie uberschwenglich gros zeitlichen im jhare, also das aus des massen viel volcks starb auff den schlossern, in den stedten, in clostern, in dorffern und in allem geistlichen und weldlichen wessen, alte leuthe, mittelmessige und manich junk volck, an mannen, frawen und jungfrawen udn gar viel kinder. Und gott der almechtige that seine gnade, also das die pestilentie zeytlich als umb Galli [16.10.] in Duringen lande auffhorte, aber in Sachssen, an der sehe und anders wohe, da es auff die zeyt nicht gestorben hette, hup es do an und uberging gemeiniglich alle deutzsche und welsche landt.	In the year 1464 there was a great pestilence in the whole land of Thuringia and in all the surrounding countries, so that many of the people died in the castles, in the towns, in monasteries, in villages and in all spiritual and secular beings, old people, mediocre people and many young people, men, women and virgins and many children. And God Almighty showed his mercy when the plague ceased around St Gall's Day [16 October], but in Saxony it only began there and spread to all German and French lands.	Die Chronik Hartung Cammermeisters, p. 208.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-00-00-Toruń	1464 JL	Great plague in Toruń	Anno 1464 magna pestis.		Annales Thorunenses (941–1540), p. 399.	Translation needed
1464-06-30-Hamburg	30 June 1464 JL	Severe plague in Hamburg	so verstain wir nu, wie to Hamborgh groete sterffde sy, so datt yd zomale sorghlichen were in sulche groete pestilencie zu trecken etc., ind begeren dairomb urer eirsamkeit guden rait, wie wir uns in dem besten hirinne moegen halten.	So now we understand how the great dying was in Hamburg, so that we were very anxious to get into this great pestilence and therefore, because of their honour, we asked for good advice on how best to behave.	Die Recesse und andere Akten der Hansetag 2/5, p. 422, n. 564.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1464-08-00-Głogów	August 1464 JL	Great plague came to Głogów from the west	a.d. 1464 erat magna pestilential in Glogovia et venit a regione occidental vel per Misnam. Et ante duos vel tres annos errant multi vermes, sic quod folia arborum cum fructibus corroderunt, quod ante longa tempora non erat auditum. Et mortui sunt in viglia Mathaei 57 homines, in die Mathaei 68, in die Burckhardi 45, et incipiebat pestis circa festum Assumptionis Mariae et durabat usque ad Adventum. Et frumenta erant in bono foro, et unus florenus (?) emebatur pro marca et 6 grossis, et una auca vel anser emebatur pro 6 denariis, et si quis voluisset 100 habere. Et non pulsabatur tam in civitate quam in summon a festo Assumptionis usque Martini in sabbato.		Annales Glogovienses 1051-1493, p. 22.	Translation needed
1464-08-01-Greifswald	1 August 1464 JL	Cessation of university operations in Greifswald due to the plague	post octavas s. Jacobi apostoli [1.8.], ut actus scholastici omnes suspenderentur usque ad festum s. Bartholomei apostoli [24.8.] propter tempus horribile, quo cepit invalescere pestis epydemie in hoc loco.		Greifswalder Universitätsmatrikeln, p. 27.	Translation needed
1464-09-08-Wratislavia	8 September 1464 JL	Plague in Wratislavia	Eodem anno [1464] fuit pestis notabilis, incepit ante festum nativitatis Marie et duravit satis exacte usque ad festum sancti Martini et quasi ad finem anni currentis in Wratislavia et aliis hinc inde locis.		Gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi (1237–1470), p. 81.	Translation needed
1464-12-00-Naples	December 1464 JL	Plague in Naples	per diversa regni loca et maxime Terre laboris sicut Neapolis, Gayeta, Suexe, Venafri, Sore, Albeti, et per multa alia circumstantia castra et loca fuit magna pestis et pluvie et nives per totum autem mensem decembris [1464], et opus olivarum fuit fertile sed tardum ad maturandum		Notabilia temporum di Angelo de Tummulillis da Sant'Elia, p. 123	Translation needed
1465-00-00-Basel	August 1465 JL	August was wet and cool and after that a great plague in Colmar, Rouffach, Guebwiller, Thann, Altkirch and Basel.	Der zitt [1465] was ein kalter fucht augt, dem nach volgte ein grosse pestilenz zu Colmar, Ruffach, Gebwiler, Tann, Altkyrch, Basell. […] ausz fuchtigkeitt des augst und manigfaltigkeitt der reyffen, die vor dem herbst und in dem herbst viellen, ward trefflicher seurrer wein in allen landen.	In this time (1465) was also a cold moisture, and afterwards great plague in olmar, Ruffach, Gebwiler, Tann, Altkyrch, Basel, and other places. Due to the humidity in August and the good ripeness in autumn, it became an excellent sour wine in all countries.	Maternus Berler Chronik, p. 73.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1465-00-00-Bologna	1465 JL	In Bologna: June very humid; from July to 19 September very dry and great wheat shortage, then on 20 September a solar eclipse, then cold and in December again very warm, from 23 December snow and wind and mild and short plague	Alli 20 di settembre, il venerdì, a hore 23, fu la ecclisse del sole et fu grande carestia di frumento, perciochè la corba valse lire due et soldi 16; fu anco poco vino […] In somma questo anno per tutto il mese di giugno fu humido et tempestoso, et per questu fu si gran freddo, che gli huomini furono forzati di amicarsi il foco. Fu assai frumento e legume, ma poco vino. IL mese di luglio, di agosto et di settembre furono secchi et caldi insino alli 19 di settembre et da indi in poi il freddo se fece della statione padrone dandoci pioggia et nebbia. Il mese di dicembre fu talmente calido, che pareva esser la primavera, et così stette insino alle 23 e poi ne diede neve et venta et una leggiera et breve pestilenza et mal di punta.	On Friday the 20th of September, at 11 p.m., there was an eclipse of the sun and a great shortage of wheat, because the grain was worth two lire and 16 cents; there was also little wine [...] In sum, this year, for the whole month of June, it was humid and stormy, and for this reason it was so cold, that men were forced to love the fire. There was much wheat and legumes, but little wine. The months of July, August and September were dry and hot until the 19th of September, and from then on, the cold became the master of the weather, giving us rain and fog. The month of December was so hot, that it seemed to be spring, and so it remained until 23rd and then it gave snow and wind and a slight and brief plague and sore tip.	Ghirardacci 1915-16, p. 189.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1465-00-00-Bologna 001	1465 JL	People suffered from fever and chest pain in autumn, but warmer weather in November and December eased their symptoms	Nota che in questo anno morino alquanti homini de mala fama, zoè che prestavano a usura, et faceano honestamente li mal contracti, chè prestavano da 25 insino in 40 per cento, facendo depositarie de datii cum littere de cambio et altri mal contracti coperti. Molto febre, varoli, mal de coste fu in l’otonno; le somente bone; novenbre et desenbre bom tempo, che ‘l fece utile assai alla povera gente, et molto più alli dazieri delle porte.		Corpus chronicorum bononiensium 4, p. 341	Translation needed
1465-06-24-Metz	24 June 1465 JL	Processions were supposed to help improve the weather and end the plague in Metz, but to no avail.	Lejour de feste sainct Jehan decollaistre, audit an [1465], les gens d’eglise et seigneurs de Mets firent faire une procession generale, et furent à Sainct Clement pour prier Diue qu’il voleist secourir son pouvre peuple de Mets, raichetté de son precieulx sang, qui estoit persecute de la peste qui acommenciot fort à perseceutier et alleir par la cite: aussy luy prier pour l’accroissance et amendement des biens de terre; car il faisoit ung pouvre temps, pour les gibnes, de froydure et pluye; et tant que le premier jour de septembre, on n’eust sceu trouveir ung boin raisin meure en vigne. A laquelle procession fut porté le chief du benoit sainct Estienne, et la fierte de sainct Livier et son chief. […] En celluy temps, l’air ne le temps, pour processions que on eust fait, ne se amendoit; et faisoit ung tres pouvre temps, et plus de la moitié de septembre ne fut jour qu’il ne pleust, et chéoit pluye aussy froyde comme à noel.	On the feast day of Saint John the Baptist, in the said year (1465), the ecclesiastics and lords of Mets made a general procession, and went to Sainct Clement to pray to God that he would come to the aid of his poor people of Mets, who were rich in his precious blood, and who were being persecuted by the plague which was beginning to spread throughout the town: We also prayed to him for the growth and improvement of the land; for the weather was poor for game, cold and rainy; and until the first day of September, we could not find a single good grape dying in the vineyard. To this procession was carried the chief of the blessed Saint Stephen, and the pride of Saint Livier and his chief. [...] At that time, the air and the weather did not improve for the processions that were carried out, and the weather was very poor, and for more than half of September there was no day without rain, and the rain was as cold as at Christmas.	Chroniques de la noble ville et cité de Metz, p. 345.	Translation by DeepL
1465-07-13-Kłodzko	13 July 1465 JL	Outbreak of a plague in Kłodzko (Glatz) as a consequence some canons regular from St. Augstine's order died	Postea vero, circa festum sancte Margarethe [13.7.1465], notabilis desevit pestilencia, in qua quinque fratres fuerunt infecti, quorum quatuor iacebant supra magna stuba prefata in comodis. Et ad eorum curam gerendam admisse sunt mulieres honeste et virgins devote, ne fratres omnes inficerentur. Et mortui sunt tres ex eis, scilicet Johannes Hofmann presbiter et frater Erasmus Meysner dyaconus et Paulus de Cracovia, plus quam octogenarius, qui eciam obit in peste, tamen in infirmaria antique retro refectorium superior.		Cronica monasterii canonicorum regularium (s. Augustini) in Glacz, p. 178	Translation needed
1466-00-00-Florence	1466 JL	A sermon (from Michele Carcano) is about the divine judgment, which was to come, as Italy was being chastised for her sins by the Turks, the plague and the masses of water.	Predighone sopra ai giudizi aspetta l’Italia pe‘ suoi pechati: e sì dal Turcho e fame e peste e grande amplitudine d‘ aqua, che à grande paura non si achonzi il mar di Vinegia con quello di Gienova e somerghando tutta Italia.	Above the judgments awaits Italy for its sins: and so from the Turks and famine and pestilence and great amplitude of water, that it has great fear that the sea of Vinegia will not be flooded with that of Gienova and all of Italy will be flooded.	Ecritures laïques, prédication et confréries à Florence au XVe siècle, p. 347	Translation by DeepL
1466-00-00-Metz	1466 JL	Great plague in the town of Metz. The weather at the end of April and beginning of May was bad with cold rain, resulting in low grape production. To fight the plague, a procession was made to Nostre Dame aux Chairtrieulx. In May the weather improved, but the vines bore few grapes. At the end of May, a procession was held in honour of St. Clement. In June the weather was warm and humid. In August, another procession took place to ask for protection from the plague. The weather was changeable in August and resulted in good wine production.	Audit an [1466], y eult en Mets grosse mortalité de peste. […] Audit an, fist uug tres bel mois de mars et environ la meitte du mois d’apvril; mais le reste du mois d’apvril en jusques au huitiesme jour de may, fist ung tres pouvre temps et chéoit pluye aussi froyde comme à noel, et pleuvoit fort et furent les yawes grandes comme elles avoient esté en hyveir. Et encor audit huitiesme jour de may, on ne véoit en vignes nulz raisins pour le froid temps qu’il avoit fait. Pour invoqueir l’ayde divine contre le temps pestilencieulx qui fort regnoit en Mets, on fist une procession à Nostre Dame aux Chairtrieulx pres du Ponthieffroy, pour alleir querir la fierte et corps de sainct Livier en son eglise, et fut apporté au moustier Sainct Pierre. Depuis le huitiesme jour du mois de may, acomenca à faire ung tres bel et chault temps, et amendont fort les raisins en vignes, mais il en y avoit peu. Audit mois de may, on acomencont fort à molrir en Mets et enz villaiges à l’ entour. (p. 352) […] Le vingt huitiesme jour de may, on fist une tres belle procession generalle à Sainct Clement, pour la mortalité qui estoit fort penetrante. Et y fut porté le chief sainct Estienne, le chief et la fierte sainct Livier, et fut rapport à Mets le corps du benoit St Clement en la grande eglise, et y fut six semaines; ce qu’il n’avoit esté passé, quarante ans, comme on disoit, si longuement. […] En ladicte année, fist ung tres bel mois de jung et si tres chault qu’on ne povoit dureir de chault; et molroit on tousjours en Mets et à l’entour, de plus fort en plus fort. Les vignes estoient peu chargiées de raisins; mais ce qui estoit, se monstroit bel et croissant et de belle appairance. Le cinquiesme, sixiesme et septiesme jour de jullet, en ces trios jours Durant, fist ung terrible temps de deux heures chescun jour seullement; car il ventoit si fort qu’il sembloit que tout deust ester fondu en l’abisme; il tonnoit et eulandoit terriblement; après pleuvoit asprement et si drument qu’il sembloit proprement que touttes les nues deussent tombeir à l’avallée, et tellement qu’il n’y avoit si boin tilz ne sie bien raicowaité en Mets, qui ne fust desrompu et trespassé de vent et de la pluye qui chéoit. […] Et ledit jour mesme [30. Juli 1466], à l’heure que on portoit ledit Jehan le Gournais en terre, acomencait à faire ung tres horrible temps en Mets, de gresle qui chéoit aussy grosse que oeufz d’oye, grosses noix et escuefz à juer à la paulme; et rompit plusieurs vairieres, signament touttes le vairieres de la grande église de St. Vincent, et en plusieurs aultres lieux aval la ville; mais la graice à Dieu, ceste nuée ne fist point de dopmaiges aux champs et cheut quausy toute en ville. (p. 353) […] Le quatorziesme jour d’aoust, on fist une tres belle procession generalle à Mets en la grande eglise, priant Dieu qu’il volcist gardeir et preserveir son people de peste et aultres grieves mallaidies, qui lors persecutoient les habitans de Mets et du pays à l’ entour. Et allont on aux Chairtirez au Ponthieffroy querir la vraye croix qui là estoit apportée de st Eloy, et y portent on le chief sainct Estienne, la fierte sainct Clement et la fierte sainct Livier; et aportont on ladicte vraye croix a St Pierre le Vielz, et y fut en jusques à ce que la pestilence fust cessée. […] Audit an, fist merveilleusement ung bel temps plus de la moitié du mois d’aoust; et fist en aoust sit res chault que à peine le povoit on endureir: parquoy les vins furent si boins et meilleurs qu’ilz n’avoient esté passé trente ans. Et ne vendoit on la quarte de vin de l’an lxv que ung denier, la quarte, et en trouvoit on assez pour une maille, si maindres estoient ilz. Mais les nouvelz vins de ceste presente année, l’an lxvj, et les viez viens de l’an lxiiii, on les vendoit assez briefvement cing deniers la quarte. [p. 354] En ladicte année, fist ung hyveir moeste, et ne fist oncque gellée qui durast plus hault de cinq ou six jours suyvans.		Chroniques de la noble ville et cité de Metz, pp. 352–354	Translation needed
1466-00-00-Metz 001	1466 JL	High mortality in Metz	Je fais pas point de mention de gens sans nombre, car la mortalité estoit en Mets et ailleurs si grande que c’estoit grant pitiet et longtemps devant n’en avoit heu de pareille.	I make no mention of large numbers of people, because the death rate was so high in Metz and elsewhere that it was a great pity and long before that there had been none like it.	Chronique de Metz de Jacomin Husson, 1200–1525, p. 101	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1466-08-00-Paris	August 1466 JL	Mortality in Paris and all of Île-de-France from August to November, due to plague. The death toll is estimated to 40,000 persons in the region of Paris. This number is surely overrated by the chronicler, though the mortality has been important. It is said that the number of burials exceeded the capacities of cimeteries in Paris. Numerous religious processions have been organized during the outbreak.	En ladite année, es mois d'aoust et septembre, fut grande et merveilleuse chaleur, au moyen de laquelle s'en ensuivit grande mortalité de pestilence, et autres maladies, dont et de quoy il mourut tant en la ville, villages voisins, prévosté et vicomté de Paris, quarante mille créatures et mieux, entre lesquels y mourut maistre Arnoul, astrologien du roy, qui estoit fort homme de bien, sage et plaisant; aussi y mourut plusieurs médecins et offociers du roy en ladite ville de Paris. Et si grand nombre de créatures furent portées ensevelir et enterrer au cimetière des Saints-Innocents, en ladite ville de Paris, que tant des morts en ladite ville que de l'Hôtel-Dieu tout y fust remply: et fut ordonné que de là en avant on porteroit les mortsau cimetière de la Trinité, qui est et appartient à l'hostel de la ville de Paris. Et continua ladite mort jusques en la fin de novembre, que, pour faire cesser, et prier Dieu que ainsi il lui plut de la faire, furent faites de moult belles processions générales à Paris par toutes les paroisses et églises d'icelle, où furent portées toutes les chasses et saintes reliques, et mesmement les chasses de Nostre-Dame, de sainte Geneviève et saint Marcel; et mors cessa un peu ladite mort.	In the said year (1466), in the months of August and September, there was great and marvellous heat, which resulted in great mortality from pestilence and other diseases, from which and as a result of which forty thousand or more creatures died in the city, neighbouring villages, provostry and viscounty of Paris, including Maistre Arnoul, the king's astrologer, who was a very good man, wise and pleasant; several doctors and the king's offenders also died in the said city of Paris. And so many creatures were brought to be buried in the cemetery of the Saints-Innocents, in the said city of Paris, that both the dead of the said city and of the Hôtel-Dieu were all remply there: and it was ordered that from there forward the dead should be brought to the cemetery of the Trinité, which is and belongs to the hostel of the city of Paris. And the said death continued until the end of November, when, in order to put an end to it, and to pray to God that it would please him to do so, many beautiful general processions were held in Paris by all the parishes and churches of the city, where all the dead and holy relics were carried, including the dead of Notre-Dame, Saint Geneviève and Saint Marcel; and the said death ceased a little.	Chronique scandaleuse de Jean de Roye 1838, p. 272.	Translation by DeepL
1467-00-00-Constantinopel	1467 JL	700 deaths from the plague in Constantinopel per day	Una moría fu in questo anno, la quale fece danno assai in la città et in piano, zoè Castello Sam Piero, Budrio et Sam Zorze de piane; la quale era cominzata insino de l’anno 1464, facendo danno in qua et in là; et moriano persone più de tempo che de putti. Nota che in questo tempo Brunaza de Mathio di Brunazi habitava in Constantinopoli et scrisse che gli era sì grande la moria de pestilentia, che gli moriavano settecento persone el dì.	A plague occurred in this year (1467), which caused much damage in the city and in the countryside, namely Castello San Piero, Budrio, and San Giorgio di pianura. It had begun in the year 1464, causing harm here and there; and more adults died than children. Note that during this time, Brunaza di Mathio di Brunazi lived in Constantinople and wrote that the plague was so severe that seven hundred people were dying each day.	Corpus chronicorum bononiensium 4, p. 369.	Translation by DeepL
1467-00-00-Constantinopel 001	1467 JL	Severe plague in Constantinopel, Adrianopel and Kallipolis and surroundings with tens of thousands of deaths	In the summer of the same year, the plague overwhelmed Constantinople, Adrianople, Kallipolis, and the immediate castles, towns, and villages. No outbreak of such intensity had occurred for many years. They say that tens of thousands, not merely thousands, of human beings perished; among the casualties was the daughter of the despot [Lord Demetrios].		George Sphrantzes 1980, p. 89.	Translation needed
1467-00-00-Głogów	1467 JL	Severe plague in Głogów, that came from the east	A.d. 1467 fuit magna pestilentia Glogoviae, et ista pestis veniebat ab oriente in oppositum priori pesti, et licet in civitatibus magna fuit, tamen in villis major, sic quod aliqui agri absque seminatione manserunt. In ista pestilential cuilibet seorsum pulsabatur tam in civitate quam in summo.		Annales Glogovienses 1051-1493, p. 22.	Translation needed
1467-00-00-Lichtensteig	1467 JL	In autumn high mortality in Lichtensteig with 40 deaths	Item in dem jar 1467 was ain frü jahr und ward guter win. Ain demselbigen Jar ain herbst was der tod zu liechtenstäg; do sturbend by den fiertzig menschen.	Furthermore in the year was an early spring, resulting in good vine. But in autumn of the same year was a mortality in Lichtensteig and 40 people died.	Heinrich Forer's Chronik, p. 59	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1467-00-00-Poland	1467 JL	The plague spread almost everywhere in Poland, stimulated by a warm winter	Epidimie peste regiones Polonie fere universe (ora tamen Pruthenica, Pomeranie, Russie et Masovie excepta) quam graviter vexate et fere per universum Polonie Regnum in vicis, urbibus atque villis, discursione mirabilis, dum nonnullas villa preteriret, ceteras inficeret, per nota et ignota capita late vis morbid pervagata est. Tractus enim celi infectior pestem longo durantem tempore, non quidem omnia pervadentem loca, sed hinc et hinc, et primum in urbes, deinde in vicos et rura se diffundentem causabat humiditate et inopia frugum. Singulis enim mensibus frequentes descendebant imbres, insuper et hiema calida et fere sine exemplo, cuius caliditas pestem vehemencius promovebat et usque in dies Quadregesimales produxerat, sub quibus propiciacione Divina quievit lues.		Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae 1462–1480, p. 176.	Translation needed
1467-00-00-Poland 001	1467 JL	An severe plague spread almost everywhere in Poland and caused many deaths	Annus hic in omnes fere regiones Regno Polonie subiectas, sed in regionem precipue Maioris Polonie, Masovie, Russie et Podolie, sed et in partem Slesie pestiferum epidimie virus usque in Ianuarium mensem diffundens multos mortales extinxit et plures villas et opida in solitudinem redegit. Annone insuper caritas regiones Polonicas pervaserat, pervasura amplius, nisi plures homines pestilencia absumpsisset. Eam insuper multitude murium adiuvabat, qui sive ex hieme calida et sicca nullas nives et paucos imbres fundente sive ex constellacione celesti adeo ebuliverant, ut frugibus, que in horreis condebantur, demolitis, in agros decurrerent et hiemalia frumenta in superficie et radice delerent.		Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae 1462–1480, p. 205.	Translation needed
1467-06-15-Memmingen	15 June 1467 JL	Plague with a high mortality in Memmingen	1467: Dieses Jahr regierte hier der Todt (so nenneten es die Alten) das ist die Pest. Hub an S. Veitstag an den 15. Junij. Es flohen die Reichen vnd viel Volcks hinauß vnd sturben doch einen Tag über 3 oder 4 Personen nicht. An S. Andreas Tag höret es aufff vnd kam man auf Weyhnachten wiederhum herein.	This year death reigned here (as the ancients called it), that was the plague. It began on St Vitus' Day, 15 June. The rich and many people fled and more than 3 or 4 people died during the day. It stopped on St Andrew's Day and came back around Christmas.	Template:Geschichte der Stadt Memmingen, p. 33.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1467-10-16-Augsburg	16 October 1467 JL	11 thousand people died of the plague in Augsburg	1467: Caeterum a festo S. Galli praesentis anni usque ad diem sanctorum apostolorum Simonis et Judae sequentis anni undecim milia hominum per civitatem Augstburgensem peste periisse, in acta relatum est.		Annales Augstburgenses, sp. 1664.	Translation needed
1468-00-00-Parma	1468 JL	After a severe plague in Parma, the doctors were blamed for the deaths and were arrested.	Eodem anno in Lombardia in civitate Parma non parva sed horrida viguit pestis cui nunquam simile audisse, necaudire credo. Nulla caritas, nullus amor in Parmensibus erat, sed omnis inhumanitas & crudelitas in eis regnabat. […] Per urbes subiratores officialium libant, & si pauperum porcos reperiebant illos interficiebant & vendebant. Ex dictarum cranium procinarum comestione magno regnate calido, prout regnabat, mille hominess interfecti perierunt. Cum ergo regnat pestis tanquam mortem porcinis fugite carnes. Cessante epidemia medici, qui pestilentiatis [p. 183] medebantur ab officialibus detenti & incarcerate fuerunt illisque imputabant mille latrocinia & homicidia commissa & pecunias quas cum magno labore & periculo lucrati fuerant eis eripuerunt.		Heinrich Meibom, pp. 182–183.	Translation needed
1468-00-00-Parma 001	1468 JL	Severe plague in Parma.	Grande fu la pestilenza in Parma, e quasi fu abbandonata la Città, nella quale nacque sulla piazza e per le strade l'herba, come in campagna.	Great was the pestilence in Parma, and the city was almost abandoned, in which the herba was born on the square and in the streets, as in the countryside.	Historiae Parmensis fragmenta, col. 752.	Translation by DeepL
1468-09-00-Valencia	September 1468 JL	Many people, including Bishop Cascant, died of a fever in Valencia.	En lo mes de setembre, fins en lo mes de deembre, en Valencia, e dos legues en torn, foren tantes febres que mes heren los malalts que no los sans. En moriren de les dites febres, entre los quals moriren los segu[e]nts: Mori lo bisbe Cascant […] e molta altra gent que moriren de les febres dintre sis messes.	In the month of September, until the month of December, in Valencia, and two leagues in turn, there were so many fevers that hurt the sick more than the healthy. They died of the said fevers, among which the following died: Bishop Cascant died [...] and many other people who died of fevers within six masses.	Dietari del capellà d’Alfons el Magnanim, p. 271.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1472-00-00-Thuringia	1472 JL	An unspecific epidemic in Thuringia and all over Germany in the context of the drought years 1471-1473	Anno 1472 hat man zween grosse schreckliche Cometen in Germania gesehen, Darnach sind erfolget drey sehr durre iahr vnd vnfruchtbare, pestilentz vnd sehr viel blutvergiessens. Vnd schreiben die Historien schreiber, das von wegen grosser hitze vnd durre, die wälde sich entzundet, die wasser vertrocknet, das man auch in Vngern durch die Tonaw hatt waten konnen.	In the year 1472, two great and terrifying comets were seen in Germany. Following this, there were three very dry and infertile years, marked by pestilence and a great deal of bloodshed. Historians write that due to the intense heat and drought, forests caught fire, waters dried up, and it was even possible to wade through the river Danube in Hungary.	Wellendorf Chronik 2015, p. 137.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1472-12-00-Metz	December 1472 JL	Mortality in Metz.	Item en ycelle année, il fist ung yver pluvioux et ne gellit presque point ; et molroit on ung poc de la pest et des aprison.	In this year (1472), the winter has been very wet and with almost no frost. And few people died of the pest and of fever.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 17.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1482-04-00-Metz	April 1482 JL	A mortality breaks out in Metz in April. People first loose their senses, then recover after 3-4 days, then die.	Item, en la dite année, on mois d'apvril, ons commensont fort à mourir de chaulde maladie. Et devenoient les gens vairs; et ne savoient qu'ilz disoient, de force de la dite maladie; et au chiefz de III ou IIII jours, revenoient à leurs entendement; et tantost après, les plusieurs mouroient.	In this year, in April, people began to die of a "hot" disease. They first became green (?) and lost their reason. They recovered after 3 or 4 days, but soon after they died.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 18	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1482-05-07-Metz	7 May 1482 JL	A procession is organized in Metz because of the plague.	Item, le VIIe jour du mois de may, nos seigneurs firent faire une procession générale à Saint-Clément [...] Laquelle procession fut ordonnée pour deux choses; la première pour la guerre, et la seconde pour la mortalité, car on commensoit fort à mourir de la peste	Our lords organized a procession on the 7th of May at the chruch of Saint-Clément. I has been decided for two reasons. Fisrtly because of the war, and secondly because of the mortality. Yet, people began to die of pestilence.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 147	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1483-06-20-Erfurt	20 June 1483 JL	Great mortality and famine in Thuringia's neighbouring countries and the citizens of Erfurt fear they might be affected in the future and organize a procession to prevent this.	Als man schreib noch Christi gebort vnser hern Tusent vierhundert vnnd drye vnnd achczigk, An deme fritage vor sant Johans tage baptisten, Do hatte der erßame vnnd wiße rath zu Erffort bestalt zu gehene eyne lobeliche erliche processien vmme dye stadt Erffort Vmme sunderlicher bethe willen eyns iglichen menschen, zu bethen vnnd zu loben den almechtigen ewigen got, das her de jn woner der erlichen stadt Erffort vnnd ouch andere frome luthe behute wolde vor dem gremmigen tode, ader hunger, ader pestilencien, vnnd dye fruchte uff deme feld. Sunderlichen jn disser zit ist groß sterben gewest jn fele landen vmme heer, ane jn Erffort vnnd jm lande zu Doringen alleyne. Also besorgte sich dye stad Erffort, eß mochte ouch zu on kome.	In the year of our Lord 1483, on the Friday before St. John's day, the honourable council of Erfurt decided to organize a procession around the city for extraordinary praying of all people. The Lord Almighty should be petitioned and blessed so he would protect the honest inhabitants of Erfurt and other just people from the grim reaper, or famine, or pestilence, and save the crops in the fields. In this time, there was a great mortality in all neighbouring countries, but not in Thuringie and Erfurt itself. So the city of Erfurt worried, they might be next.	Konrad Stolle 1968, p. 191	Translation by Martin Bauch
1483-07-02-Metz	2 July 1483 JL	A procession is organized in Metz because of the plague.	Item, le second jour de jullet, on fit une procession généralle à St-Arnoult [...]. Et la cause d'icelle procession fut pour troix raixons, le première en remerciant Dieu de la belle année et de la fertillité des biens de terre qu'il nous avoit envoyés, luy priant de les amender; la seconde, luy priant qu'il ly pleut à cesser son ire, pour le fait de la pestillance qui alors couroit trè fort en la cité et au pays; et la tierce, en luy requérant qu'il noz voulust donner victoire encontre nous ennemis, par especial contre ceux de Rechiesmont, où que la cité tenoit le siège.	The 2nd of July was held a procession at St-Arnoult church [...] There was three reasons for this procession. First, to thank God for the fruitful year we had and to ask Him to keep agricultural goods safe. Secondly, to ask Him to stop his wrath, because of the pestilence that ravaged the city and the countryside. Third, to ask Him to give us victory against our enemies, especially concerning the siege of Richemont.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 154	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1483-08-00-Metz	August 1483 JL	Mortality because of plague in Metz.	Item, on mouroit tousiours fort en Mets de la peste, tellement que tous les seigneurs et dames s'en allont en leurs chastelleries de dehors.	The mortality was still strong in Metz because of the pestilence. So that lords and ladies of high ranks fled to their castles in the countryside.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 156	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1484-00-00-Stockholm	1484 JL	Pestilence in Sweden. Only in Stockholm, 15.000 people fall victim to the plague.	Item, eodem tempore viguit pestilencia in Suecia et maxime Holmis, ita quod famabatur, ut xv milia obierunt hominum ex sola civitate Stokholmensi.	Furthermore, at the same time, a plague epidemic was raging in Sweden and especially in Stockholm; and it was so severe that it was rumoured that 15,000 people died in the city of Stockholm alone.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 362.	Translation by Carina Damm
1489-00-00-Metz	1489 JL	An epidemic of properieulle breaks out in Metz, affecting five sixth of the children and many young adults.	Item, en celle année, rengnait et fut ung grand cours de la maladie con dit Properieulle, et sy fort qu'il n'y avoit mie, de VI ainffans, ung qui ne l'eust. Et, avec ce, y avoit beaucop de gens de XX ans, ou environ yceluy eaige, que l'avoient, dont on disoit que c'estoit signe d'avoir une grant mortalité.	This year the so-called 'properieulle' disease broke out so strongly that five sixth of every children were affected. On top of that, a lot of people aged around 20 years old get it too, and it was said that this was a sign of great mortality to come.	Journal de Jean Aubrion, p. 217	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1493-00-00-Savigny	1493 JL	While the summer weather has been outstandingly dry and hot, a lot of people suffer from a disability called glene, that kills men, women and children.	Viguit infirmitas, quam glene vocamus, mirabiliter, ita quod multi homines, mulieres et pueri ex infirmitate illa, tam in villa Lugduni quam per patriam obierunt.	A disability spread wonderfully, that is called 'glene'. So that a lot of men, women and children died from this disease in Lyon and elsewhere in the region.	Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, p. 167	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1494-06-00-Lyon	June 1494 JL	A plague breaks out in Lyon.	Pestis letalis, que dicitur epidimia, in dicta villa Lugduni, in mense Junii, incepit vigere, adeo quod rex, regina et ceteri principes villam exierunt. Rex, regina, domini duces Aurelianis, Borbonii et ducissa Borbonii iverunt apud Viennam et a Vienna ad Valenciam Dalphinam.	A deadly plague, named epidemia, broke out in the city of Lyon in June, so that the King, the Queen and other prominent persons fled away from the city. The King with the Queen and the Duke and the Duchess of Bourbon went to Vienne, and then from Vienne went to Valence.	Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, p. 171.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1496-00-00-Frankfurt	1496 JL	Outbreak of syphilis in Frankfurt and moral argumentation.	Infirmitas quae mala Francosa dicitur ad Alemanniam pervenit multosque homines utriusque sexus permultum afflixit et hoc propter peccata hominum. Dicebaturque in proverbio: (p. 66) Nuw gewandt nuw schandt / nuw fündt nuw sundt / nuwe schwor und spott / nuw strafplag von gott.	The illness known as the French disease reached Germany and afflicted many people of both sexes greatly, and this was because of the sins of men. It was said in a proverb: New garment, new disgrace / New finds, new sin / New vows and mockery / New punishment by God.	Collectanea Petri Herp 1884, pp. 65-66.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1497-00-00-Lyon	September 1497 JL	An epidemic breaks out in Lyon and in Sain-Bel.	Epidimia, illo anno, viguit in villa Lugduni et pluribus locis patrie Lugdunensis et maxime in villa Sancti-Belli.	An epidemic affected this year the city of Lyon and its surrounding area, especially the city of Saint-Bel.	Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, p. 183.	Translation by Thomas Labbé

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