1350

In 1350, a total of 32 epidemic events are known so far. It is a year. See also time and timelines.

Timeline

Table

Table

Page	DateStart date of the disease.	SummarySummary of the disease event	OriginalOriginal text	TranslationEnglish translation of the text	ReferenceReference(s) to literature	Reference translationReference(s) to the translation
1346-00-00-Florence	1346 JL	The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested.	Della inaudita mortalità. Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8) Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo. Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio. Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13) Di detta matera. Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro.	Of the outrageous mortality It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...] How long the plague lasted in each country As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God. In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others. About this subject The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 5-14.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1348-00-00-Florence	1348 JL	In this long plague treatise-like passage, the author describes the Black Death in Florence with its symptoms, death toll and consequences. He describes how to behave in order to avoid the disease and be better prepared, although it is not possible to avoid it with certainty. He also advises people to flee infected areas early and to listen to the doctors' instructions.	Negli anni di Cristo 1348 fu nella città di Firenze una grande mortalità di persone umane le quali morivano di male pestilenziale; e molti gran fatti se n’ode dire dalle persone antiche e assai se ne truova iscritti; e fra gli altri ne (p. 230) scrive assai chopiosamente messer / (c. 65v) Giovanni Bochacci inn u·llibro che fecie di ciento novelle, ed è nel prencipio del libro. Di prima chominciò lavgiente a morire di cierto enfiato che venia chon gran doglia e chon repente febre o nell’anguinaia o sotto le ditella o nella ghola, da piè dell’orechie; e viveano quatro o sei dì. Di poi grebbe, e morivano in due dì o meno; e inn utimo e’ si venne tanto a spargiere questo veleno, che si dimostrava in cierte bolle pichole ch’apariano nelle charni per qualunche luogho della persona: e queste erano più pericholose che l’enfiato e di meno rimedio. E di poi, più nel chuore della moria, aparivano a’ più pe·lle charni cierti rossori e lividori, e sputavano sanque od e’ gittavano pel naso o di sotto: e questo era pessimo sengnio e sanza rimedio. E, brieve, e’ chaschavano, e grandi e piccioli, da un dì a un altro: inn una ora si vedea ridere e mottegiare il brighante e nell’ora medesima il vedevi morire! E venne la chosa a tanto, che molti ne morivano pe·lla via e su pe·lle panche, chome abandonati, sanza aiuto o chonforto di persona: solo erano posti quivi perché fussono da’ vicini sotterrati per fuggire il puzo. E tale vi s’andava, che ssi vedea solo in chasa e abandonato, per avere qualche sochorso. Molti per farneticho andavano impazando pe·lla terra; molti se ne gittavano ne’ pozi, a tterra delle finestre e inn Arno; e tale s’uccideva per gran farneticho o per gran pena o dolore. Molti si morivano che non erano veduti e ’nfradiciavano su pe·lle letta; molti n’erano sotterrati che anchora erano vivi. Non si trovava chi gli servisse né chi gli sotterrasse; e più, che se ttu avessi voluto un testimone a un testamento, tu non llo potevi avere, o se pure ne trovavi niuno, e’ voleva sei o otto fiorini. Aresti veduto iª crocie ire per un chorpo, averne dietro tre o quatro prima giungniesse alla chiesa: assai n’erano posti la notte alle reggi di fuori della chiesa e nella via n’erano gittati assai. Molte chose maravigliose si vidono: assai, per vicitare uno infermo, per ghovernallo o ttocharlo, o llui o suoi panni, di fatto chaschare morti. E fra ll’altre chose, dicie messere Giovanni Bochacci che vide due porci grufolare e stracciare cierti pannicielli d’un povero uomo morto, rimasi nella via: di fatto i detti porci chascharono morti su que’ cienci istracciati da lloro. O vedi di quanto pericholo e di quanto rischio questo male pestilenziale è: non si può troppo guardare. Ora, chome voi avete in parte veduto e potuto chonprendere, la moria fu innistimabile, e diciesi, e chosì fu di cierto, che nella nostra città morirono i due terzi delle persone; ché era istimato / (c. 66r) che in Firenze avesse in quel tenpo CXX mila anime, che nne morirono, cioè de’ chorpi, ottantamila. Pensate se fu frachasso! Non è da prenderne gran maraviglia perché questo fusse, ché molte chagioni ci furono da inciendere il malore; e fu maggiore maraviglia, chi chonsiderasse bene ogni chosa, di que’ che chanparono che di que’ che morirono. E lle chagioni furono in parte queste, cioè: in Firenze non si chonoscieva, diciamo pe·lla chomunità, questo male, perché a gran tenpo non era apparito; era Firenze molto ripiena di giente e di più quantità ch’ella fusse mai; l’anno dinanzi era suto in Firenze gran fame, e credo non era nel centinaio venti che avessono pane o biada alchuna, e quelli chotanti n’avevono pocho: (p. 231) vivettesi d’erbe e di barbe d’erbe e di chattive, non lle chonoscieresti oggi, e beevano acqua, e tutto il chontado era pieno di persone che andavano pasciendo l’erbe chome le bestie. Chonsidera chome i loro chorpi erano disposti! Apresso, chom’è detto, e’ non aveano arghomento né riparo niuno; e fu la chosa sì grande e ssì aspra, che ll’uno non poteva atare l’altro di nulla, e per queste chagioni e’ si morirono sanza rimedio. Oggi è avvenuto, per esenpro di questa e di molte altre che spesso sono di poi istate, che ci s’è preso assai ripari, non però che gran danno non faccia; ma pure credo che assai ne chanpano per virtù de’ rimedi, ché dichono e medici che lle reghole ch’essi danno per rimedio di questo veleno è uno armarsi alla difesa. Non è però che uno che sia molto bene armato non possa essere morto, ché gli fia dato d’una lancia o d’una ghiera o d’una bonbarda o prieta che ll’ucciderà; chosì potrà avenire al buon uomo, che fia provveduto contro alla pestilenza, e gli giungnierà una nebbia o un puzo di chorruzione o un fiato d’altro malato che fia più forte di lui e ucciderallo pure. Ma che è? Egli è assai chiaro che a una zuffa mortale à gran vantaggio chi è bene armato, e meno ne muoiono che de’ disarmati; e però vo’ dire che’ rimedi sono buoni. Vuolsi avere chonsiglio chon valenti medici e pigliare per iscritto loro chonsiglio o loro riciette, e quelle osservare diligientemente e non se ne fare punto beffe. Da mme voglio abbi questo chotanto chonsiglio. Tu udirai dinanzi che lla mortalità sia nella città di Firenze un anno o due, perché prima offende la Romangnia o lla Lonbardia che lla città nostra, e quasi per uso l’anno vengniente ell’è in Firenze; o almeno il verno dinanzi tu nne sentirai qualche isprazo o nel contado o nelle pendici della terra, il perché chiaro si prosu/me (c. 66v) la mortalità dovere essere in Firenze. E sappi che di febraio ella comincia a ffarsi sentire dentro, e chosì va crescendo tutto lulglio; e da mezo luglio in llà ed ella s’apicha alle persone da bene e a quelli che sono vivuti regholati, e chomincia a morire meno giente, ma de’ migliori. E quest’è perché il veleno è tanto isparto e tanto t’à chonbattuto, che t’à rotte l’armi e passato dentro; e per la dura della battaglia e’ ti viene a strachare e a pocho a pocho a chorronperti, e ’nfine e’ t’abbatte. E però piglia questo riparo. Chomincia il verno dinanzi a ghovernare te e la tua famiglia tutta per questa via. Prima, fa di quardarti dall’umido quantunche ttu puoi e non patire punto il freddo. Apresso, usa il fuocho ongni mattina prima escha fuori e piglia qualche chosa sechondo lo stomacho che ài: o un pocho di pane e un mezo bichiere di buon vino o di malvagia, o una pillola apropiata a cciò, o un pocho d’utriacha quando fusse piove o umidori, de’ quindici dì due o tre mattine a llato, sul dì, e prima ti levi e dormi un pocho poi; e non mangiare nulla da ivi a ore cinque. Se tti venisse beuto o volessi bere un mezo bichiere di malvagia sarebbe buono, ma non altri vini grossi; o sse avessi lo stomacho debole o frigido, piglia degli otto dì una volta a tai tenpacci una barba di gengiovo (p. 232) in chonservo e bei un mezo bichiere di malvagia, e sta di poi cinque ore che ttu non mangi altro. O ttu piglia un gherofano o un pocho di ciennamo o uno ghughiaio di tregiea o quatro derrate di zafferano o due o tre noci chotte e due o tre fichi sanza pane o qualche chosetta, sechondo che sse’ chonsigliato. E quello vedessi ti faciesse noia lascialo istare; e se llo stomacho istà meglio digiuno, non gli dare impaccio. Non uscire fuori troppo avaccio: quand’è nebbia e piova istatti al fuocho. Desina all’ora chonpitente, mangia buone chose e non troppo; levati chon buono apitito, quarti dalle frutte e da’ funghi, non ne mangiare, o pocho e di rado. Esercita la persona, ma non chon faticha, che ttu non sudi e non n’abbi ’ansare o a sciorinarti de’ panni; quarti dal chiavare e dalle femine, non ti impacciare chon niuna in quell’anno. Non mangiare e non bere se non n’ài voglia; e quando avessi in sullo stomacho, lascialo prima digiestire e di poi ista un’ora prima mangi o bei. quarti dalla ciena, pocho mangia e buone cose; non mangiare porcho in niuno modo; usa, se ài buono istomacho, l’acieto e ll’agresto, ma non tanto ti desse noia a smaltire. Fa di stare sobrio del chorpo e che ttu escha il dì due volte il meno: se fussi istiticho e duro del chorpo, fatti uno arghomento degli otto dì o de’ quindici dì. / (c. 67r) Non ti raviluppare troppo nel dormire, levati al levare del sole. E ’n questa forma passa il verno. E tenendo questo o migliore istile, tu verrai a purghare lo stomacho overo il chorpo tutto, per modo che lla churrezione dell’aria non troverrà materia d’apicharsi. Alla primavera o veramente di marzo tu sentirai dove è buono fuggire. Aspetta che de’ tuoi cittadini si muovano: non volere essere de’ primi, ma, partitone quatro o sei piglia partito e va dove ne vanno i più e in sì fatta città che pel tuo danaio tu truovi ciò che bisongnia alla santà del corpo. Non essere isciocho, o per masserizia o per niuna chagione, di rinchiuderti in chastella o in ville o in lluoghi che non vi sia e medici buoni e medicine che nne interviene che l’amicho si muore e spende nella fine due tanti che gli altri ed essene fatto beffe, sanza il dolore e i·rripitio dell’animo che mai te ne puoi dare pacie. Non sono tempi da masserizia, ma da trarre il danaio d’ongni luogho che ttu puoi; e spendi larghamente nelle chose che bisongnia, sanza niuna masserizia che ssia però che non si guadangniano se non per ispenderli per chanpare o vuoi per vivere e per onore, o nelle brighe o in simili casi. E però ti chonforto del fuggire presto e quest’è il più sichuro ischanpo ci sia. Fa d’avere de’ denari: e non giuchare, ché potresti rimanere sulle secche, e a que’ tenpi se ne truovano molto pochi che te ne prestassono per molti rispetti. Sì che sia savio: provediti tanto dinanzi rauni treciento fiorini il meno, e non ne tocchare mai niuno se non abbisogni e non dire che ttu gli abbia, ché ti sarebbono chiesti. E togli chasa agiata pe·lla tua famiglia, e non punto istretta, ma chamere d’avanzo. E nella istate usa chose fresche: buoni vini e picholi, de’ polli e de’ chavretti e de’ ventri o peducci di chastrone choll’acieto o llattugha, o de’ ghanberi, se nne puoi avere. Istatti il dì di meriggio al frescho: non dormire se puoi farlo, o ttu dormi chosì a sedere. Usa d’un lattovaro che fanno fare i medici di ribarbero, danne a’ fanciulli ché uccide i (p. 233) vermini. Mangia alchuna volta la mattina un’oncia di chassia, chosì ne’ bucciuoli, e danne a’ fanciulli: fa d’averne in chasa e frescha e del zuchero e dell’acquarosa e del giulebbo. Se ài sete il dì bei di quello rinfreschati i polsi, le tenpie e al naso choll’acieto ben forte. None istare dove sia molta giente e spezialmente in luogho rinchiuso chome in loggie o in chiese o in simili luoghi. Chon chi venisse dell’aria chorrotta o che avesse infermi in chasa o fusse morto di sua giente, non istare / (c. 67v) cho·llui se none il meno che ttu puoi, non dimostrando ischifarlo per modo s’aveggha, acciò non isdengniasse o non pigliasse ischonforto. Fuggi quanto puoi maninchonia o pensiero: usa dove si faccia chose da diletto e dove tu possa pigliare ispasso chon piacere e chon allegreza, e non pensare punto di chosa ti dia dolore o chattivo pensiero. Chome ti venisse, fuggilo, o in pensare ad altro o dove si ragioni di darsi piaciere o dove si faccia alchuna chosa che tti piaccia o ttu giuocha, quando tai chasi t’avenissono, e di pochi danari per volta: non passare di perdere uno fiorino; e se llo perdi, lascialo andare sanza pensarvi e non volere per quel dì rischuoterti, ché potresti, dove vuoi fuggire pensiero e dolore, andarlo cierchando. Se ài chavallo, vatti a ssollazo e per la terra e di fuori la mattina pe·llo frescho e lla sera. Istà chasto il più che ttu puoi. Fuggi ongni chosa putidra e ll’aria ivi apresso, non vi istare tieni in diletto e in piaciere la tua famiglia e fa cho·lloro insieme buona e sana vita, vivendo sanza pensiero di fare per allora masserizia, ché assai s’avanza a stare sano e fuggire la morte. Al presente non iscriverrò più avanti sopra la detta materia, perché nel vero i medici fidati e che chonoschono la tua natura sarebbono quelli che meglio t’amaestrerrebbono di tale provedimento; e però, chom’è detto, il chonsiglio si vuole avere da lloro, nonistante che lle sopra iscritte chose sieno utili e buone a oservalle ne’ detti tenpi.	In the year of Christ 1348 there was a great mortality in the city of Florence among the people who died of a pestilential disease. Many stories about it are told by old people, and many are written down; and among others, Giovanni Boccaccio tells about it in detail in a book of a hundred novellas, and it is at the beginning of the book. At first people began to die of a swelling, accompanied with great pain and sudden fever, either in the groin, under the armpits, or in the neck, below the ears; they lived four or six days. Afterwards the disease grew worse, and they died in two days or less; finally this poison spread so far that it showed itself in certain small bumps which appeared on the skin anywhere on the body: and these were more dangerous than the swellings and more difficult to treat. Later, in the heart of the epidemic, certain redness and bruises appeared on the skin of many people, and they spat blood or bled from the nose or underneath: and this was a very bad sign and without cure. In short, they fell, big and small, from one day to the next: one hour you would see someone laughing and joking and the next hour you would see him die! It got to the point that many died in the streets and on the benches, like abandoned people, without help or consolation from anyone: they were only left there to be buried by the neighbours to avoid the smell. And it happened that people left, because they were alone and abandoned at home, to get some kind of help. Many wandered madly through the country because of delirium; many threw themselves into wells, from windows and into the Arno; and some killed themselves because of great delirium or great pain or suffering. Many died without being seen, rotting in their beds; many were buried even though they were still alive. There was no one to serve them or bury them; and what is more, if you needed a witness for a will, you could not get one, or he asked for six or eight florins. Crosses were seen brought for a body, and three or four followed it before it reached the church: many were deposited at night on the lattices outside the church, and many were thrown away in the street. Many marvellous things were seen: many who visited, nursed or touched a sick person, either him or his clothes, fell down dead. Among others, Giovanni Boccaccio relates that he saw two swine rooting and tearing certain rags of a dead poor man who had remained in the street: and immediately the said swine fell down dead on the rags they had torn. Oh, see how dangerous and risky this pestilential disease is: one cannot protect oneself enough. Now, as you have partly seen and understood, the mortality was immeasurable, and it is said, and so it certainly was, that in our city two-thirds of the people died; for it was estimated that there were 120,000 souls in Florence at that time, of whom 80,000 died. Think what an uproar that was! It is not very surprising that this happened, for there were many causes which increased the evil; and it is more surprising, when all is well considered, how many survived than how many died. The reasons were partly these: in Florence this disease, let us say for the community, was not known, as it had not appeared for a long time; Florence was very populous, more so than ever; the year before there was great famine in Florence, and I believe there were not a hundred people that had bread or corn, and those that had had little: they lived on herbs and roots and bad things that would not be recognised to-day, and they drank water, and all the surrounding country was full of people eating herbs like beasts. Think about what state their bodies were in! In addition, as I said, they had no remedies or defences; and the evil was so great and so violent that they could not help each other in anything, and for these reasons they died without remedy. Now it is so, in consequence of these and many others that have often taken place afterwards, that many precautions have been taken, not that it no longer does much harm; but still I believe that many survive by the power of the remedies, for the doctors say that the rules they give to ward off this poison are a kind of defence. This does not mean that one who is very well armed cannot die, for he may be struck by a spear thrust or a bullet or a stone that kills him; so it may happen to the good man who has taken precautions against the plague that a mist or a stench of putrefaction or a breath of another sick person stronger than himself may strike him and still kill him. But what is that? It is clear that in a mortal fight he who is well armed has a great advantage, and dies less than the unarmed; therefore I would say that the remedies are good. One should seek advice from good doctors and get their advice or prescriptions in writing and follow them conscientiously and not make fun of them. I would like you to take this advice to heart. You will hear that mortality lasts a year or two in the city of Florence, because it first strikes Romagna or Lombardy before it reaches our city, and almost always the following year it is in Florence; or at least in the winter before you will hear a whiff of it, either in the surrounding countryside or in the suburbs, so it is clear that mortality will come to Florence. And know that it begins to make itself felt in February, and so it grows into July; and from the middle of July it affects the wealthy people and those who have lived well, and fewer people die, but of the best. This is because the poison has spread so widely and has affected you so badly that it has broken through the armour and got inside; and because of the hardness of the battle it will tire you out and gradually wear you down, and finally it will strike you down. Therefore, take these precautions. In winter, begin to protect yourselves and your whole family in this way. First, beware of dampness as much as possible and do not endure cold. Then use fire every morning before you go out, and take something according to your stomach: a little bread and half a glass of good wine or malmsey, or a suitable pill, or a little theriac, if it is raining or damp, two or three mornings of fifteen days, during the day and before you get up, and then sleep a little; and eat nothing till five hours later. If you are thirsty or wish to drink half a glass of malmsey, that would be good, but no other strong wines; or if you have a weak or cold stomach, once in eight days at such times take a pickled ginger root and drink half a glass of malmsey, and then eat nothing else for five hours. Or take a clove leaf or a little cinnamon or a spoonful of trigonella or four grains of saffron or two or three boiled nuts and two or three figs without bread or anything else, as you are advised. And if you realise that it is not good for you, leave it alone; and if it is better for the stomach to remain sober, do not strain it. Don't go out too early: stay by the fire in fog and rain. Eat at the proper time, eat good things and not too much; get up with a good appetite, avoid fruit and mushrooms, do not eat them, or eat only a little and rarely. Exercise, but not strenuously, so that you do not sweat and do not feel the need to dry your clothes; avoid sexual intercourse and women, do not mix with them this year. Do not eat or drink if you do not feel like it; and if you have something in your stomach, let it digest first and then wait an hour before eating or drinking. Eat little and good things in the evening; do not eat pork in any way; if you have a good stomach, use vinegar and verjuice, but not so much that it gives you difficulty in digesting. Keep your body light, and see that you get out twice a day: If you are constipated and hard in body, take a treatment of eight or fifteen days. (c. 67r) Don't get too entangled in sleep, get up at sunrise. In this way spend the winter. And if you keep up this or a better style, you will so cleanse your stomach or your whole body that the bad air will find no clue. In spring, or really in March, you will realise where you should flee to. Wait till your fellow-citizens move: do not be the first, but after four or six have gone, go where most go, and to such a town where you will find for your money all that is necessary for the health of the body. Do not be foolish, either for miserliness or for any other reason, to shut yourself up in castles or villages or places where there are no good doctors and medicines, for it happens that the friend dies and ends up spending twice as much as the others and is laughed at, without the pain and trembling of the soul that never leaves you in peace. These are not times for miserliness, but to get money from wherever you can; and spend generously on what is necessary, without miserliness, for it is only earned to spend on survival or on life and honour, or on difficulties or similar cases. Therefore, I encourage you to escape early, and that is the safest escape there is. Make sure you have money: Don't gamble, because you could lose it all, and at these times there are very few who would lend it to you for many reasons. So be wise: Take care in advance to collect at least three hundred florins, and do not touch them unless it is necessary, and do not say that you have them, for they would be demanded of you. And take a spacious house for your family, not too cramped, but with extra rooms. And in summer use fresh things: good wine and small, chickens and goatlings, and the bellies or feet of mutton with vinegar or lettuce, or crabs if you can get them. Keep cool at midday: do not sleep if you can avoid it, or sleep sitting up. Use a lotion that doctors make with rhubarb, give it to children as it kills worms. Eat an ounce of cassia sometimes in the morning, in the buds, and give it to the children: keep it fresh in the house together with sugar and rose-water and syrup. If you are thirsty during the day, cool your wrists, temples and nose with strong vinegar. Do not stay in places with many people, especially in closed rooms such as loggias or churches or similar places. Do not stay with someone who comes from a contaminated area or has sick people in the house or whose relatives have died, as little as possible without showing it, so as not to offend or discourage them. Flee as much as you can from melancholy or sorrow: Stay in places where you can find joy and entertainment, and don't think about things that cause you pain or bad thoughts. When they come, flee from them by thinking of something else or by staying in places where there is pleasure or where people do things you like or where you can play, but only with little money: do not lose more than a florin; and if you lose it, let it go without thinking about it and do not try to recover that day, because where you want to flee sorrow and pain, you go in search of it. If you have a horse, go out in the morning and evening for pleasure. Be as chaste as possible. Flee from everything foul and the air in the neighbourhood, do not stay there. Keep your family in joy and contentment and lead a good and healthy life together, without thinking of miserliness, for it is enough to stay healthy and avoid death. I will not write further on this subject for now, because in truth, trustworthy doctors who know your nature are the ones who can give you the best advice; therefore, as I said, advice should be sought from them, although the things mentioned above are useful and good to observe in the times mentioned.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 229-233	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1349-00-00-Trier	1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death and other disesases, maybe dysentery and fever - all blamed on the Jews. Unusual symptoms of plague.	Isto etiam anno (1349) Deus genus humanus triplici plaga flagellavit: ita quod plusquam medietas hominum cessit ab humanis; primo percussit ipsum epidemia, cui gibbus grevit quacunque corporis parte; et omnes anhelitum ejus capientes celerius interierunt; secundo hemeroida; tertio sacro igne, ita quod corpora in seipsis celerius fuerant consumata; sic quod orbis initio non fuerant tempore periculosiora. Que plaga fuerat Judaeis imposita, sic quod aquam in omni terra intoxicassent, de quo aer infectus, tales plagae in omnia climata pullulassent. [...] (p. 264) Et ista per sequentem annum duraverunt.	In the same year (1349), God afflicted the human race with a triple scourge: so that more than half of humanity departed from the living; first, it struck with an epidemic, which oppressed with a hunchback anyone in any part of the body; and all who caught its breath perished swiftly; secondly, with hemorrhoids; thirdly, with a sacred fire, so that bodies were consumed more rapidly within themselves; thus, since the beginning of the world, there had not been more dangerous times. This scourge had been blamed on the Jews, so as if they could poison water in all lands, from which infected air such plagues spread into all climates. [...] (p. 264) And these plagues continued into the next year.	Gesta Baldewini 1838, pp. 263-164.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-03-22-Damascus	22 March 1349 JL	In the year 750 H (March 22, 1349 to March 10, 1350), the number of plague infections in Damascus greatly declined. The number of deceased people with taxable inheritance which the Office of Inheritances (dīwān al-mawārīth) recorded was ca. 20 for 750 H while it had been 500 for 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 21, 1349). Plague did not yet disappear entirely, though: on March 25, 1349, the jurist Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad b. al-Thiqa, his son and his brother all died of plague within one hour. They were buried in one grave.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 509.	Translation needed
1349-04-12-Frankfurt	12 April 1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt until early 1350.	Post pascha 1349 tanta pestis fuit Francofordiae quanta numquam audita est antea et innumerabiles homines etiam cicrumquaque absumpti sunt et diem extremum clauserunt. Duravitque pestis illa inguinaria a festo paschae ad hiemem initio anni jubilaei.	After Easter in 1349, there was such a great plague in Frankfurt as had never been heard of before, and countless people perished everywhere, closing their final day. That inguinal plague lasted from Easter to the beginning of the jubilee year in winter.	Collectanea Petri Herp 1884, p. 59.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-07-22-Frankfurt	22 July 1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt with 2000 people dead and a duration of seven months. Jews were burned troughout Germany	Anno 1349 Alemanniae pestilentia est suborta. Judei sunt cremati. Anno eodem [1349] Judei omnes et domus eorum per totam Allemanniam igne combusti. Anno eodem a die Mariae Magdalenae ad diem purificationis (p. 145) Mariae proxime Francoforti pestilentia totius mundi. Intra 72 dies 2000 et ultra hominum obiere. Secunda quacunque hora sine campanis candelis sacerdotibus 35 una die tumulati.	In 1349, a plague broke out in Germany. The Jews were burned. [...] In the same year, all Jews and their homes were burned throughout Germany. In the same year (1349), on the day of Mary Magdalene up to the day of the Purification of Mary, a plague struck the whole world and near Frankfurt. Within 72 days, 2000 or more people died. Twenty-five priests were buried in a single day, without bells or candles, at any hour.	Acta Francofurtana 1884, pp. 144-145.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1350-00-00-Brno	1350 JL	An entry in the town book of Brno (of 1351 July 16) states that a certain Nicolaus died in the preceeding year in the times of the plague.	Nicolaus sepedictus anno preterito tempore pestilencie vitam suam finvivit.	Nicolaus, called "the Lizard", finished his life in the preceeding year in the time of plague.	Miroslav Flodr (ed.), Pamětní kniha města Brna z let 1343-1376 (1379), Brno 2005, p. 120, no 232.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1350-00-00-Constance	1350 JL	Extreme weather and abundant rainfall in 1350 and the following winter was cold until beginning of February. From that on stopped the epidemic.	Ipse autem annus cum magno temperie aeris incepit et permansit usque ad festum beati Andree [30 November], et deinceps pluvia habundabat versus Nicolai [6 December], sed deinceps frigus erat usque ad purificationem [2 February 1351]. Et extunc epithimia seu hominum mortalitas cessavit, que per bigennium viguerat et in tanta generalitate, quod quasi quinta pars hominum alicubi sexta obiit.	The year began with extreme weather and lasted until the feast of St Andrew (30 November), after which there was abundant rainfall until the feast of St Nicholas (6 December), but then cold weather prevailed until the Purification (2 February 1351). From then on, the epidemic or mortality of the people, which raged for two years and was so widespread that about a fifth of the people died, in some places even a sixth.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 75	None
1350-00-00-Denmark 001	1350 JL	Black Death in Denmark and "universally". It has been speculated (see Ulsig, Pest og befolkningsnedgang, p. 22) that the plague reached Denmark already in 1348	Item huius tempore fuit vniuersalis ypidumia per totum mundum, et annus iubileus impositus per Clementem papam et magna indulgencia in Roma, sub a. d. m.ccc.l.	Also at this time there was a universal epidemic throughout the whole world, and a year of jubilee was imposed by Pope Clement and a great indulgence in Rome in the year of our Lord m.ccc.l.	Chronica Archiepiscoporvm Lvndensivm. In: M. Cl. Gertz: Scriptores minores historiæ Danicæ medii ævi Vol. 2. København 1922, p. 117	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Denmark 002	1350 JL	Black Death around the world. Jubilee year and indulgence in Rome	Annus jubileus fuit et magne indulgencie in Roma, remissio videlicet omnium peccatorum. Item maxima epidemia toto illo anno fuit per totum mundum	It was a jubilee year and a great indulgence in Rome, namely the remission of all sins. Also, there was a great epidemic throughout the whole world that year.	Annales Scanici Sialandie. In: Ellen Jørgensen: Annales Danici medii ævi. København 1920, p. 189	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Germany	1350 JL	The dying by the Black Death ends, but now the jews were burned in Germany because they were accused of poisoning the Christians.	Item in dem selben jubileo [1350], da daz sterben ufhorde, da worden di juden gemeinlichen in disen Duschen landen irslagen und vurbrant. Daz daden di fursten, greben, herren unde stede, ane alleine der herzoge von Osterrich, der enthilt sine juden. Unde gap man den juden scholt, daz si den cristenluden vurgeben hetten, umb daz si also sere gestorben waren. Da wart ir fluchen kundig, daz si selbes in getan hatten uf den heiligen karfridag, want man in der passien leset: "Sanguis eius super nos et super filios nostros. Daz bedudet also: Sin blut ge ober uns under ober unse kinde.	In this jubilee year (1350), when the dying stopped, the Jews were generally slain and burned in these German lands. This was done by the princes, counts, lords and cities, without the Duke of Austria, who kept his Jews. And the Jews were blamed for poisoning the Christians, which is why so many of them had died. Then their curse came true, which they themselves had put on the holy Good Friday, as we read in the Passion: "Sanguis eius super nos et super filios nostros". This means: His blood be on us and on our children.	Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 35.	Translation by DeepL
1350-00-00-Hannover	1350 JL	Inscription about a epidemic with 3000 death.	Turris principium tria c numerant l et evum Gracia romana fuit et pestis triduana Funera flens polis hec tria milia mensibus in sex Tunc stimulus stoycos fuit ut torqueret ebreosi.	The origin of the tower is indicated by the numbers 350 and 1000. (In the same year 1350) there was the Roman indulgence and the plague which lasted three days. The fact that this city mourned 3000 deaths in six months then became the occasion for tormenting the (...) Jews.	DI 36, Stadt Hannover, Nr. 6† (Sabine Wehking), in: https://www.inschriften.net/hannover/inschrift/nr/di036-0006.html	None
1350-00-00-Hannover-001	1350 JL	Pestilence in Hannover	Turris principium tria C numerant L et evum Gracia romana fuit et pestis triduana Funera flens polis hec tria milia mensibus in sex Tunc stimulus stoycos fuit ut torqueret ebreosi.	The origin of the tower is indicated by the numbers 350 and 1000. (In the same year) there was the Roman indulgence and the three-day plague. The fact that this city mourned 3000 deaths in six months then became the reason for tormenting the (...) Jews	DI 36, Stadt Hannover, Nr. 6† (Sabine Wehking), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di036g006k0000602.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-00-00-Herford	1350 JL	The Black Death and its social consequences like deserted settlements and disintegration of society; symptoms pointing to gastroenteritis before buboes were visible. In cities, mass graves are built. Maybe unusual weather in 1348.	Et in ejus "Principio celum spissa caligine terras / Pressit, et ignavos inclusit nubibus estus" (Ovid, met. VII, 526) hominusque viscera primo torrentur flammisque fatiscunt, ut dicetur anno Karoli IV. tertio [1348]. Ceperuntque nasci in inguinibus hominum vel in aliis locis delicatioribus glandule in modum nucis vel dactili. Quas mox subsequebatur febrium intollerabilis estus, ita ut in triduo homo extingueretur. Sin vero aliquis triduum transegisset, habebat spem vivendi. Erat autem ubique luctus, ubique lacrime. Nam ut vulgi rumor habebat, querentes cladem vitare hinc inde fugerunt. Et relinquebantur domus deserte habitatoribus, solis catulis domos servantibus. Peculia sola remanebat in pascuis, nullo astante pastore. Cerneres pridem villas seu castra repleta agminibus hominum, postera die, universis vel mortuis vel fugientibus, cuncta esse in summo silentio. Fugiebant quoque filii cadavera parentum insepultorum. Parentes obliti pietatis viscera, natos relinquebant estuantes. Si quem antiqua forsitan pietas perstringebant, ut vellet sepelire proximum, restabat ipse insepultus, et dum obsequebatur, perimebatur. Dum funeri obsequium prebebat, ipse funus sine obsequio manebat. Videres seculum in antiquum redactum silentium. Nulla vox in rure, nullus pastorum sibilus. Nulle insidie bestiarum pecudibus. Nulla dampna in domesticis volucribus. Sed corvorum subito nimis multiplicatorum tota die crocitationes super viventes et super mortuos hyatus. Sata transgressa metendi tempus intacta expspectabant messorem. Vinea, amissis foliis, radiantibus uvis, illesa manebat hyeme propinquante. Nullus cernebatur percussor, et tamen visum oculorum superabant cadavera mortuorum. Intra civitates cymitera sepeliendis non sufficiebant unde et in campis sepulturas hominum novas faciebant. Simile quid dictum est anno Justiniani ….	And, as one says about the third year of Charles IV reign (1348), "at its beginning thick fog covered the heavens and the earth, / And sluggish heat was confined in the clouds". And human entrails were first drenched with torrents and burst into flames. And there began to grow in the groins of men or in other delicate places glands resembling nuts or dates. Soon followed by an intolerable heat of fevers, so that within three days a person would perish. But if someone passed three days, they had hope of living. Everywhere there was mourning, everywhere tears. For, as the common rumor had it, those lamenting to avoid disaster fled hither and thither. And deserted houses were left behind, inhabited only by stray dogs. Only wealth remained in the pastures, with no shepherd present. You would see villages or camps recently filled with crowds of people, but on the next day, with everyone either dead or fleeing, everything was in total silence. Even the children fled the bodies of their unburied parents. Parents, forgetful of their natural affection, abandoned their suffering children. If perhaps ancient compassion moved someone to want to bury their neighbor, that person remained unburied themselves, and while they were attending to the burial, they were killed. While they offered funeral rites, their own funeral remained without ceremony. You would see the world returned to ancient silence. No voice in the countryside, no shepherd's whistle. No lurking danger from wild beasts for the flocks. No losses among domestic fowl. But suddenly, the cawing of crows, too numerous, echoed all day over the living and the dead. The crops, surpassing the time of harvest, awaited the reaper untouched. The vineyards, stripped of leaves, with ripening grapes, remained untouched as winter approached. No reaper was seen, yet the corpses of the dead outnumbered the sights of the eyes. Within cities, burial grounds were insufficient for burying, so new human graves were made in the fields. Similar things were said in the year of Justinian ...	Heinrich von Herford 1859, p. 274.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-00-00-Mainz	1350 JL	Great mortality all over the world.	Tunc anno 50. facta est pestilentia generalis per totum mundum, et mortua est ultra quam tercia pars hominum et de omni gente.	In the year 1350 raged in the entire world an general plague. More than one third of all races died from it.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 4.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1350-00-00-Rome	25 December 1350 JL	Great mortality still in many parts of Europe, meanwhile high numbers of pilgrims went to Rome because of the Holy Year.	Nelli anni di Cristo della sua Natività MCCCL, il dì di Natale, cominciò la santa indulgenzia a tutti coloro che andarono in pellegrinaggio a Roma, faccendo le vicitazioni ordinate per la santa Chiesa alla bassilica di Santo Piero e di San Giovanni i lLaterano e di Santo Paolo fuori di Roma: al quale perdono uomini e femine d'ogni stato e dignità concorse di Cristiani, maravigliosa e incredibile moltitudine, essendo di poco tempo inanzi stata la generale mortalità, e ancora essendo in diverse parti d'Europia tra' fedeli cristiani […]	In the years of Christ of his Nativity 1350, on Christmas Day, the holy indulgence began for all who went on pilgrimage to Rome and made the visits ordered by the holy Church to the Basilica of St Peter and St John Lateran and St Paul Outside the Walls of Rome: to this indulgence men and women of every rank and station flocked in marvellous and incredible multitudes, although shortly before that general mortality had prevailed and still prevailed in various parts of Europe among believing Christians [...].	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, p. 108.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1350-00-00-Rome-Bohemia	1350 JL	The Plague took place in Bohemia and many who fled to Rome (jubilee year) to escape it died there or on the way.	Anno Domini MCCCL in pluribus terris epydimia sive pestilencia genus humanum devastavit, sed tunc in Boemia eciam locum habebat, quam ob rem multi effugere volentes Romam iter arripuerunt et tamen ipsam non evaserunt. Unde de iis idem potest dici versus: Incidit in Cillam volens vitare Caribdim. Verumtamen securius et melius fuit eis ad animarum salutem in peregrinacione decedere, quam in propria patria in periculis manere. Et quia iste annus erat annus gracie et iubileus, multi Romam transeuntes pro indulgencia et gracia obtinenda de hac vita migraverunt: quidam in urbe Romana, quidam vero ab ipsa recedentes, quidam ad eandem accedentes.	In the year of our Lord 1350, in many lands, an epidemic or plague devastated the human race, and at that time it also took place in Bohemia, for which reason many desiring to escape undertook a journey to Rome, yet they did not escape it. Hence concerning them the same thing can be said as the verse: "He fell into Scylla wishing to avoid Charybdis." However, it was safer and better for them to depart on a pilgrimage for the salvation of souls than to remain in their own country in danger. And because this year was a year of grace and jubilee, many passing through Rome for the sake of obtaining indulgence and grace migrated from this life: some within the city of Rome, some coming from there, some approaching it.	Francis of Prague, Chronicon Francisci Pragensi, ed. Jana Zachová, Prague 1997, p. 212.	None
1350-00-00-Rome-Bohemia-2	1350 JL	Jubilee year in Rome. A grave pestilence happened in all lands. Everybody wanted to evade the plague and receive indulgence in Rome but many died on the way or in the Holy City.	Iste fuit annus gracie et iublileus in Romana, unde per totum hunc annum fuit maximus concursus illuc hominum ex omnibus mundi partibus pro gracia et indulgencia obtinendis. Et quia pestilencia erat gravissima in omnibus terris, omnes volentes penitere et mortem effugere, illuc properabant. Multi eundo et redeundo et ibi morando mortui sunt.	In this year there was celebrated a Jubilee year of grace in Rome and throught the whole year, a great number of people from all parts of the world travelled there to receive grace and indulgence. And since the plague was most grave in all lands everybody hurried to do penance and avoid the death. Many died on the way to and from [Rome] and while staying there.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 520	Translation by Christian Oertel
1350-00-00-Sweden 001	1350 JL	Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350	Fuit magna pestilencia super totum mundum.	There was a great pestilence over the whole world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 300	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 002	1350 JL	Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350	Anno Domini Mcccl fuit maxima pestilencia per totum mundum sicut vnquam fuit ante anni lxxx.	In the year of the Lord 1350, there was a great pestilence throughout the whole world, as it had never been before the year 80.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 326	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 003	1350 JL	Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350.	Item anno Domini MCCCL erat magna mortalitas hominum et brutorum animalium in regno Swecie, cujus memoria disignatur in hiis dictionibus: Mors CeCa CeLos ditans urbem spoliavit.	Likewise, in the year of the Lord 1350, there was a great mortality of men and beasts in the kingdom of Sweden, the memory of which is described in these sayings: Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 338	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 004	1350 JL	Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350	Item anno Domini MCCCl erat pestilencia super totum mundum.	In the year of the Lord 1350, there was a pestilence throughout the whole world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 348	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 005	1350 JL	High mortality in Sweden in 1350 called "the big death" (stoor dødhin)	Anno Domini 1350 fuit maxima mortalitas in Swecia dicta stoor dødhin.	In the year 1350, there was a great mortality in Sweden called "the big death".	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 352	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 006	1350 JL	Great plague in Sweden in 1350, foreseen by Saint Birgitta of Vadstena.	Eo tempore viguit in regno Swecie magna mortalitas, qua nemo meminit maiorem exstitisse nec ante nec post; quam diu ante predixerat futuram beata Birgitta. Christus namque in quadam revelacione eam sic predixit dicens: “Vadam per mundum cum aratro meo” etc.	At this time, the Black Death ravaged Sweden: no one can remember if there had been a greater plague epidemic than this, either before or after. Saint Birgitta had predicted long in advance that this would happen. Christ foreshadowed it thus in a revelation in which he says: "I will go over the world with my plough," etc.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 32	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 007	1350 JL	Great pestilence and sudden death among humans and cattle in Sweden	Gravis qvædam pestis ac mors subitanea tam in hominibus qvam in pecobirus grassabatur.	A certain grievous pestilence and sudden death ravaged both men and cattle.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 393	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Uppland	1350 JL	Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420. High mortality in the Swedish region of Uppland in 1350. Five sixths of the population died	Generalis mortalitas totam Vplandiam deuastauit ita quod sexta pars hominum vix remansit que quidem mortalitas annis precedentibus et succedentibus totum mundum circumiuit.	A general mortality ravaged the whole of Uppland, so that hardly a sixth of the people remained. In fact, the mortality in the preceding and succeeding years had encircled the whole world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Uppsala	1350 JL	Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420 on the plague raging in Uppland in 1350 (MCCL)	Mors CeCat CeLos/ditans orbem spoiliauit.	Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-05-16-Magdeburg	16 May 1350 JL	The Black Death strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arisies for almost four months; numbers are given for the Franciscan order. There is a plague pit in Rottersdorf, outside the city.	In dissem sulven jare [1350] erhof sik ein grot sterven in disser stad to hant pingsten und stunt wente na sunte Michels dage und starf untellich volk, dat men se up den kerkhof nicht al graven konde: men moste alle dage utvoren mit twen karen und mit einem wagen und grof grote kulen to Rotterstorp, dar warp men se in. […] Mi jammert to schrivende vand drosnisse und schaden, den Magdeborch nam van den sterven. De wisesten and bedervesten dusser stadt alsmeistich vorgingen, wente ed storven leien und papen, olden und junge, rike und arme. Dat stervent was hir nicht alleine to Magdeborch, ed was ok over al disse land. De barvoten spreken na der tid dat ut orem orden weren storven allein hundert dusent verundtwintech dusten veirhundert und drittech brodere. Hi bi mach men merken wat leien storvent sint in dem jare, nu in einen orden so vele brodere storven. Hir in dem barvoten clostere bleven nicht mehr wenn dre broder levendich. Ik was ok in einen hus sulftegede, dar blef ik sulfandere levendich und achte storven. Ik horde ok sedder seggen dat den Augustineren weren des jares worden twelf schock vruwencleidere to selegered und manscleidere.	In that same year [1350] there was a great mortality in this town from Pentecost to St Michael's Day and countless people died so that they could no longer be buried in the churchyards. Every day they had to go out with carts and a wagon and make large ditches in Rottersdorf; the dead were thrown into them. [...] It is difficult for me to write about all the sadness and the damage that Magdeburg suffered from this mortality. The brightest and the most needy of this city perished to a large extent. Laymen and priests, old and young, rich and poor died. The dying was not unique to Magdeburg, it was everywhere in the country. The Franciscans said afterwards that 124,430 friars from their order alone died. This may give you an idea of how many lay people died that year if so many friars died in one order alone. Here in the Franciscan monastery, no more than three friars remain alive. I myself was present in a house where I and one other remained alive and eight died. I also heard myself say that the Augustinian monks received 1200 pieces of clothing from men and women that year as a testamentary donation for the salvation of souls.	Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 218-219.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-05-23-Magdeburg	23 May 1350 JL	A poem about how the Black Death strikes Magdeburg, a great mortality arises for almost four months and a plague pit is opened at Rottersdorf. This time is remembered as a time of misery, connected to the return of the "false Waldemar", an impostor pretending to be former Margrave of Brandenburg and the earthquake of January 1348	Ik mach schriven wol vorwar: / na godes bort schach dusent jar / dreihundert unde veftich / und warde went an sestich / dat god sines tornes hand / streckede hir in dutsche land, / dat in den tein jaren / wart clage noch ervaren. / dat clagent maket al de dot. / ein stervent wart hr also grot / dat men alle dage / sach weinen und clagen / [p. 3] isliken umme sinen mach. / men mende, ed were de leste dach. / dat stervent hof hir in der stadt / an der hochtit trinitat / und stund na sunte Michels dage. / da weinen jammer unde clage / was hir so gemeine, / dat grot unde kleine / jammer mochen schouwen / an mannen unde vrouwen / und an cleinen kinde / ok an den ingesinde. / de seiken men ungern laven / wolde, noch de doden graven. / mit wagenen unde karen / sach man to kerkhove varen / so vele der doden lute; / to Rottersdorp he nute / dar weren grote kulen, / dar inne de doden vulen. / neiman dat getelen kann, / wat vrouwen storve edder man. / […] / dat men noch alle dage / de lude horte clage, / wen se beginnen rogen / und ore dage wrogen. / se spreken, sodan ungemach / in der werlde nu geschach, / alse wi hebben levet: / [p. 4] de erde heft gebevet, / greve Wodenberch de dode man, / sprak men, he we up irstan.	I will write down the following: / After God's birth a thousand years / three hundred and fifty / and that lasted until sixty / that God stretched out the hand of his wrath / here to the German lands / that in the ten years / there was much to mourn. / The mourning was because of death. / Dying was so great here / that every day / weeping was seen and lamentation was made by everyone for his own. / People thought it was Judgement Day. / Dying began here in the city / on the Feast of Trinity / and ended around St Michael's Day. / Weeping, wailing and lamentation / was so widespread here that great and small experienced misery, men and women / and even small children and servants. / The sick were not cared for / nor did people want to bury the dead. / With wagons and carts / one saw many dead people travelling to the churchyard / out to Rottersdorf, / there were large mounds / into which the dead were allowed to fall. / No one can put into words / how many men and women died / [...] / one always heard people lamenting / when they were shaken up / because they were asked about their lives / they spoke: At that time only disaster happened in the world / when they lived: / [p. 4] the earth shook / and Count Waldemar, the dead man / was said to have risen again.	Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 2-4	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-05-24-Lübeck	24 May 1350 JL	Great plague with high victim numbers all over the german lands. The plague happened due to Gods will and he used the planets and stars as instruments to fulfill it. The plague is the punishment for the sins of the people.	681. In deme sulven jare des somers van pinrsten bet to sunte Mychaelis daghe do was so grot stervent der lude in allen Dudeschen landen, dat des ghelikes ne was ervaren, unde het noch de grote dot, hir umme dat he mene was over vele lant, ok dat he krestich was over vele lude, also dat an vele steden de teynde mynsche kume bles levendich. in der stad to Lubeke storven by eneme naturliken daghe sancti Laurentii (p. 522), van der ener vesper tho der anderen 25 hundert volkes betalt. de lude ghinghen alse doden, unde er sturven vele van angheste unde vruchteden, wente se weren des umbewonet. Wat de sake weren des stervendes unde der anderen, de dar na quemen, dat is Gode bekannt unde is vorbedecket an den vorborghenen schatten siner grundelosen wisheyt; allenen, dat vor is hir beschreven, dat de planeten unde sternen scholden anvlote gheven to deme stervende, dat is war, dat se nicht en synt de erste unde hogeste sake, mer God allenen; de planeten sint men instrumenta unde tekene; vormiddels den werket God unde vullenbringhet sinen willen. Ik love, dat de bosheit der lude, de sik vormeret an der lesten tiit der werlde unde wert jo groter unde groter, si en sake, dar sik umme vormeren ok de wrake der pyne, also de lerer willen der hilgen schrift. unde is dat also, so sint desse stervende, orloghe, vorretnisse unde al de plaghe, de nu scheen, mer de tekene, de Cristus hest ghesproken in den hilgen ewangelien, dat se scholen scheen vor der lesten tiid; wo langhe vore, dat is nicht beschreven, wente Gode is dat alleneghen bekant.	681. In the same year (1350), from Pentecost until St. Michael's Day in the summer, there was such a great death among people in all German lands that nothing like it had ever been experienced. It was considered the Great Death because it spread across many lands and claimed the lives of many people. In many places, barely one in ten people remained alive. In the city of Lübeck died only at one day 2,500 people, from one evening prayer on the feast day of St. Lawrence to the next. People left as dead people, and many also died from fear and dread. The reasons for this mortality and other calamities that followed are known only to God, concealed in the hidden depths of His boundless wisdom. However, it is written here that the planets and stars were thought to have some influence on the spread of the plague, though they were not the primary or highest cause—only God Himself is. The planets are merely instruments and signs through which God works and fulfills His will. I believe that the increasing wickedness of people, which has grown in these latter days of the world and continues to grow, may also be a cause, as the teachings of Holy Scripture suggest, for which God's punishment and wrath increase as well. If this is so, then the deaths, wars, betrayals, and all the plagues we now see are merely signs that Christ spoke of in the Holy Gospels, which are to appear before the end times. How long before, however, is not recorded, as only God alone knows.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 521-522.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1350-07-25-Erfurt	25 July 1350 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year.	Eodem anno (1350) pestilencia epydimialis in Thuringia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erphordia, ita ut maxima pars hominum moreretur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro consules cum consilio magistrorum phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet; tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata magna in cimiterio ville Nuzezse prope Erphordiam, ad que deducta sunt circa XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et in curribus oneratis; de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem virginis gloriose cottidie tres bige vel quatuor corpora mortuorum in cimiteriis et in viis circumquaque sustulerunt. Exceptis his multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus, quorum anime cum electis Dei requiesant in pace! Amen. Unde dixit quidam: Mille trecentenis decies quinis simul annis / Hic hominum necifex locat aer milia bis sex. / Hir zwenzig hunder liche lin / Unde hunderwert hundert, / Dy sint vorscheiden al in dem sterben leydir.	In the same year (1350), an epidemic plague arose in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that a great majority of the people perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the city authorities, in consultation with the council of physicians, forbade any further burials there; such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven large pits were dug in the cemetery of the village of Neuses, near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and loaded carts. From the feast of Saint James until the purification of the glorious Virgin, daily three or four wagons carried the bodies of the deceased to cemeteries and streets everywhere. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages, may their souls rest in peace with the chosen ones of God! Amen. As someone said: "In the year thirteen hundred fifty, / the human-slaying air / killed two times sixthousand. / Here lie twenty times a hundred corpses / and a hundred times a hundred / who have all sadly passed away in death".	Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, pp. 381-382	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-07-25-Erfurt2	25 July 1350 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year.	Anno eodem pestilencia grandis epidimialis in Thurinigia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erfordia, adeo ut decima pars amplius hominum morerentur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro cives cum consilio phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet. Tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata in cimiterio ville Nusessen prope Erfordiam, ad que deducta sunt XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et curribus, qui continue de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem numero III vel IIII vehebantur. Excepits hiis multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus.	In the same year, a great epidemic pestilence broke out in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that more than a tenth of the population perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the citizens, in consultation with the physicians, forbade any further burials there. Such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven pits were dug in the cemetery of the town of Neuses near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and carts. These were continuously transported, three or four at a time, from the feast of Saint James until Candlemas. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages.	Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, (Continuatio II A) pp. 396-397	Translation by Martin Bauch

Authority data: