1374

In 1374, a total of 13 epidemic events are known so far. It is a year. See also time and timelines.

Timeline

Table

Table

Page	DateStart date of the disease.	SummarySummary of the disease event	OriginalOriginal text	TranslationEnglish translation of the text	ReferenceReference(s) to literature	Reference translationReference(s) to the translation
1373-00-00-Trento	1373 JL	Outbreak of plague in Trento, children are affected over average, with description of symptoms	Item MCCCLXXIII fuit pestis et mortalitas similis pariter de loco in locum, ideo duravit per biennium ut usque ad finem MCCCLXXIIII, et fuit per hunc modum, quia moriebantur juvenes et senes, mares et foeminae, sed infantes seu pueri plus moriebantur, quia de infantibus et pueris pro certo non remansit de decem unus in Tridento, et sic alibi, quod auditum, itaque non inveniebatur pueri, qui servirent, de adultis dico, quod quando incipiebant infirmari pro majori parte perdebant memoriam, et transacta una die vel secunda recuperabant (p. 53) sensum, et aliqui convalescebant, postea subito moriebantur, neque poterant ordinare facta sua: aliqui vero nunquam convalescebant, et isti moriebantur cum magna discretione et devotione, loquela petendo indulgentiam et licentiam a circumstantibus, et dicta pestis fuit triplex: primo glandulae sub brachiis, vel in inguinibus; secundo carbunculi, tertio dormiae, et qui morituri erant non transibant quintum diem, sed quandoque prima, dico et sic successive usque ut supra.	Likewise, in 1373, there was a plague and mortality that similarly spread from place to place, lasting for two years until the end of 1374. It affected young and old, male and female, but infants and children died the most. For certain, out of ten infants and children in Trento, not one survived, and this was also heard of elsewhere. Consequently, there were no children to serve. Regarding adults, when they began to fall ill, most lost their memory, and after one or two days, they would recover their senses, and some would improve, only to suddenly die thereafter, unable to settle their affairs. Some never recovered and died with great discernment and devotion, speaking and asking for indulgence and permission from those around them. This plague was threefold: first, swellings under the arms or in the groin; second, carbuncles; and third, insomnia. Those who were to die did not survive beyond the fifth day, sometimes dying on the first, and so on successively, as stated above.	Giovanni da Parma 1837, p. 52	Translation by Martin Bauch
1374-00-00-Avignon	1374 JL	Outbreak of plague in Avignon with many dead cardinals.	Eo tempore fuit magna pestilencia Avinione, it ut pene omnes advene ibidem commorantes fugerent a curia, sic eciam papa et cardinales; et mortui sunt multi cardinales et circa 14.	At that time (1374), there was a great pestilence in Avignon, so much so that almost all the newcomers residing there fled from the court, including the Pope and the cardinals; and many cardinals died, around fourteen.	Chronicon Moguntinum 1885, p. 35	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1374-00-00-Florence	1374 JL	Many relatives from the author died of the plague in Florence and Arezzo. He was in the meantime in Bologna.	37. Questa Orsa, figliuola di me Luca, cavalieri, come piacque a Dio, al tempo della grande pistolenza, passò di questa vita, in Arezzo; ed è sepulta al luogo di frati Minori. E qui in Firenze morì a casa nostra Giancristofano suo marito, a dì .. Di luglio MCCCLXXIIII. […] 39. Nel MCCCLXXIIII, a dì 4 d'agosto, al tempo della grande pistolenza, s'ammalò la sopradetta madonna Felice, in Firenze ed era gravida di otto mesi; ebbe due gavoccioli, cioè da ogni lato, tralla coscia e'l corpo, uno; e fu sopellita colla creatura in corpo, in San Niccolò, in Firenze; e visse forse cinquantadue ore: Iddio la faccia verace perdono; e fu discreta e valente donna. […] Morì l'Orsa mia figliuola in Arezo, e Giancristofano suo marito, e cugino carnale di madonna Felice, venne d'Arezzo chioccio; e come fu stato in casa mia a Firenze tre dÌ, s'ammalò di questi gavocci; e forse cinquanto ore visse; e infra dieci dì la detta madonna Felice morì. Io era in Bologna, quando ebbi queste dolorose e spiacevoli e fortunevoli novelle; ed era a provvisione di Santa Chiesa, [p. 73] con isventure assai senza queste, di ch'io avea e oe turbazione, quanto cavaliere di Toscano: Iodato Iddio sempre. 40. Giovanni mio figliuolo, con quelle più onore che si potea, fece sopellire Giancristofano, in Firenze, al luogo di San Francesco; e nella malattia e nella sepultura si spese assai danari di nostri. Iddio faccia loro misercordia perpetuale per la sua gran benignità. Di .. di luglio 1374.	7. This Orsa, daughter of me Luca, knight, as it pleased God, at the time of the great pistolence, passed from this life, in Arezzo; and is buried at the place of the Friars Minor. And here in Florence her husband Giancristofano died at our house, on dì.. of July 1374. [...] 39. In the year 1374, on the 4th of August, during the time of the great plague, the aforementioned lady Felice, who was eight months pregnant, fell ill in Florence. She developed two swellings (gavoccioli), one on each side between her thigh and body. She was buried in San Niccolò in Florence with the child still in her womb and lived for perhaps fifty-two hours. May God grant her true forgiveness; she was a wise and worthy woman. [...] My daughter Orsa died in Arezzo, and Giancristofano, her husband and a close cousin of lady Felice, came from Arezzo in mourning. After spending three days in my house in Florence, he fell ill with these swellings and lived perhaps fifty hours; within ten days, the said lady Felice also died. I was in Bologna when I received these sorrowful and distressing news. I was there in the service of the Holy Church, with many misfortunes already weighing on me besides these, as any knight of Tuscany would feel. May God always be praised. 40. Giovanni my son, with as much honour as he could, had Giancristofano buried in the place of San Francesco in Florence; and in his illness and burial he spent a great deal of our money. God grant them perpetual mercy for his great kindness. Of .. of July 1374.	Luca di Totto da Panzano: Libro di ricordanze 1861, pp. 72-73	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1374-00-00-Florence 001	1374 JL	The family of Giovanni and of Pagolo fled from the mortality of 1374 to Bologna. They lived there together in a house and shared the expenses.	E frall’altre si vide di lui questo: che pe·lla mortalità del 1374 , sendo fuggiti a Bolongnia tutta / (c. 44v) la famiglia rimasa di Giovanni e tutta la famiglia di Pagholo, insieme inn una chasa abitanti e a una ispesa chonchorenti a chomune, chome che chon vantaggio grande per que’ di Giovanni, nondimeno, tornando a quello ch’i’ vo’ dire, noi savamo chontinui tra uomini, donne, fanciulli e balie e fanti forestieri e chonpangnioni più di venti in famiglia. […]	And among other things, this was shown in his case: during the plague of 1374, when the remaining family of Giovanni and the entire family of Pagholo had fled to Bologna, they lived together in one house and shared the expenses, although there was great advantage for those of Giovanni. Nevertheless, to come back to what I wanted to say, we knew that they totalled more than twenty people in the family, including men, women, children, wet nurses and foreign servants and companions.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 197	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1374-00-00-Florence 002	1374 JL	Great plague in Florence and the family of Pagholo fled to Bologna.	Negli anni Domini 1374 fu nella città di Firenze pestilenza † e grande; e chome dinanzi faciemmo memoria, Pagholo rendé l’anima a Dio in quest’anno, e noi fuggimmo a Bolongnia tutti, chome è scritto.	In the year 1374 was a plague in the city of Florence and great; and as we have already mentioned, in that year Pagholo gave his soul back to God, and we all fled to Bologna, as it was written.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 236.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1374-00-00-Florence 003	1374 JL	Great mortality in Florence, besides price increase for grain and other crops and great wars.	Nell'anno 1374 secondo il corso degli anni, cominciandosi dalla Natività del Signore Giesù Cristo, fu calende di Gennaio in Domenica. Fu nel detto anno mortalità di gente, e grandissimo caro di grano, e d'ogni altra biada quasi per tutto il mondo; fu caro di carne, d'olio, e quasi d'ogni altro bene, ed anco il vino non fu vile. La Pasqua di Surresso fu a' dì due d'Aprile, e grandi guerre furono in detto anno.	In the year 1374, beginning after the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, January 1st fell on a Sunday. In that year there was great mortality among the people and an enormous price increase for grain and almost all other crops throughout the world; meat, oil and almost all other goods were also expensive, and wine was not cheap either. Easter fell on April 2, and there were great wars that year.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 1.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1374-02-00-Montpellier	February 1374 JL	A mortality breaks out in Montpellier from February to July. The members of the town council order the manufacturing of a gigantic candle, to burn day and night at the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. This candle has been lighted on the 27th of April.	Item, l’an meteys, fo mortalitat en Montpellier et en diversas autras partz, la cal duret en Montpellier & entorn de Caremantran entro passada la festa de Sant Johan; perque los senhors cossols feron senchar am I fil lo mur de la vila, de la torre nova dessus lo Carme entro a la torre de la Babota, layssan lo mur de la vila que es "Quis quesivit hec de manibus vestris" devers la palissada ; am local fil feron atressi senchar tota la pallissada en que ac entorn XIXc canas per tot ; del cal fil am coton & cera feron far I rezench de cera del dich lonc & del gros del det, lo Montpellier a environ XIXc canes de torn.cal feron metre en Ia roda de fusta nova a l’autar de Nostra Dona de Taulas. Et aqui fo atuzat de lum novel senhat, e lo dich rezench fo senhat per cremar continuament al dich autar a honor de Dieu & de madona Sancta Maria, et per placar Nostre Senhor de la ira sieua, et per far cessar la dicha mortalitat, et que nos dones bona pas. local fo atuzat I digous que era XXVII jorns d’abril.		Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1374.html (last access [20 April 2020]).	Translation needed
1374-03-00-Firenze	March 1374 JL	A new plague wave hits Florence and the city loses relatively few people, but the societal impact is severe.	Nel detto anno 1374 era fama d'una mortalità dell'usata pestilenza dello infiato dell'anguinaia, o sotto il ditello, e vivisene tre o quattro dì il più alto. Nel generale era stata in tutte le parti circunstanti d'intorno grandissima, bene che ove maggiore e minore; ma nel generale parve essere morto il terzo della gente, o delle bocche, nelle circunstanze. E molte favole e novelle se ne diceano, come di simili cose s'usa di parlare. Cominciò in Firenze di marzo, e a poco a poco seguito la cosa per modo che a settembre o ottobre quasi poco o nulla v'era della detta pestilenzia; e non fu niuna Terra in Toscana, ove del tanto meno gente morissero che in Firenze: perrochè morirono circa settemila bocche, che ve ne era a quel tempo sessanta milia, o più. Ma diessene ancora la utilità al fuggirla, ove era stata, perocchè la maggior parte' della gente con gli figluoli e mogli uscirono di Firenze, e andarono ad abitare in Terre. E niuno era, che avesse di che fare le spese, che non se ne andasse. Fecionsi molti ordini di non sonare campane, nè porro paghe, nè portare più che quattro torchi, e non vestire più ch'è figluoli di nero. Ancora feciono riformagione sopra [p. 290] a chi fuggìa, che se fosse tratto a ufici, fosse stracciato, se infra dieci dì non venisse all' uficio e coresse in pena di cinquecento lire, e poi avesse divieto agli altri ufici; e intorno a ciò assai cose feciero da non farne menzione; epperò taccio.	In the mentioned year 1374 there were rumors of the usual plague with the swollen groin, or below the armpit, and one lived three or four days at the longest. In general this happened in all areas around [Florence] with great intensity, although some place were hitten harder than others. But most of the time, one third of the people died in the surrounding areas. And one tells a lot of stories about it, as it always happens with these events. In Florence, it started in March, and slowly but surely the disease continued until September or October, when it had burned itself out. And there was no place in Tuscany, where alltogether more people died than in Florence: About 7000 persons died here from an overall population of more than 60.000. And people considered it a good idea to flee the place where the epidemic happened, so a large part of the population left the city with their childern and spouses and went to live in the countryside. And from those that did not leave, no one did more than just buying food. There were issued many regulations, like not ringing the bells, not doing payments, not carrying more than four torches, and not put on more clothing than the sons of black (Monks?). And they made law about people that fled the city: Whoever had left his office unattended was removed from it, if he did not return within ten days and payed a fine of 500 lire. He would furthermore be banned from other offices. Apart from that much more happened which should not be mentioned, and that's why I remain silent.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 289-290.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1374-03-16-Alexandria	March 1374 JL	Many people, mainly children, died of plague (ṭāʿūn, fanāʾ, wabāʾ) in Alexandria from Shawwāl 775 H (March 16 to April 14, 1374) to Rabīʿ I 776 H (August 10, 1374 to September 8, 1374). Up to 200 people died per day. In Shawwāl, 7,000 people perished within three days. In 775 H (1373), the Nile had failed to reach the necessary gauge (wafāʾ) during the summer flood, and many fields in Egypt could not be cultivated. Prices for grain and other foodstuffs rose in Egypt. Prices remained high also during the following year (776 H: June 13, 1374 to June 1, 1375) despite a sufficient Nile flood and the availability of grain. People became impoverished and died of hunger due to the rise in prices while grain merchants (khazzān) made huge profits. Finally, people revolted against inflation and famine. Plague came on top of famine. In Alexandria, 17,000 people reportedly died of plague, 12,000 of whom were male and female children. [...]	... ... ...		al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 3 (1970), pp. 253-254; vol. 4 (1970), p. 127-129; 143; vol. 6 (1973), pp. 423-425.	Translation needed
1374-04-25-Florence	25 April 1374 JL	When the father of Buonaccorso Pitti, Neri, died, Pitti left Florence with his 8 brothers and his mom and fled to Val di Pesa from the raging plague. They returned, when the plague was over.	[39] Io Bonacorso di Neri farò qui appresso ricordo dell'andare per lo mondo ch'io fatto di poi che io rimasi sanza padre che fu l'anno 1374 a dì 25 d'aprile che nostro padre morì, a cui Iddio perdoni. E, sendo egli morto, noi suoi figliuoli che ci trovammo otto insieme colla nostra madre per cagione (p. 11) che la mortalità era a Firenze, ci riducemmo a uno nostro luogo in Val di Pesa che si chiama il Corno, dove occorse che Giovanni nostro fratello si morì che era d'età di 27 anni e anche si morì in casa nostra in quelli pochi dì Niccolò di Cione nostro cugino e morti del segno della pestilenza. E, sendo ristata la mortalità a Firenze, ci ritornammo e trovando che monna Margherita madre del detto Niccolò avea vota la casa dove stavano e portata tutta loro masserizie e roba da vantaggio in casa una sua sirocchia […]	Now I will give an account of the journeys I made to different parts of the world after the death of my father, Neri - may the Lord have mercy on him - on 25 April 1374. When he died, my brothers and myself - eight of us with our mother - left Florence where a plague had broken out and took refuge at Il corno, a country house of ours in Val di Pesa. While we were there, my brother Giovanni, who was twenty-seven years old, died of the plague, and so, a few days later, did our cousin Niccolò, Cione's son. When the epidemic was over, we returned to Florence where we found that Niccolò's mother, Monna Margherita, had stripped the house they lived in and moved all their goods and valuables to the house of her sister […]	Buonaccorso Pitti: Ricordi 1986, pp. 10-11.	None
1374-05-00-Pisa	May 1374 JL	Outbreak of the plague in Pisa with a high mortality, as a consequence several processions.	Del mese di maggio anno preditto incominciò la morìa nella cità di Pisa, morendone alcuno per dì d'anguinaia, tincone, di soditelli, di faoni e d'alti sozzi mali. E poi di giugno cominciava a crescere, e facevasi per la cità dimolte precessione. E poi a dì 30 d'agosto, per comandamento dell'arcivescovo, si fece precissione generale cinque mattine, tenendo li fondachi serrati e digiunando, portando molte reliquie di santi et il sangue di sam Piero. E la ditta morìa durò per la cità e contado di Pisa sine a (p. 258) settembre anni Domini milletrecentosettantaicinque e molti ne morinno, de' cinque li quattro. E del mese di settembre restò altutto.	In the month of May, in the previous year, death began in the city of Pisa, with some dying each day of eels, tincone, soditelli, faoni and other ills. And then in June it began to grow, and there were many precessions in the city. And then on the 30th of August, at the Archbishop's commandment, there was a general precession on five mornings, keeping the docks closed and fasting, carrying many relics of saints and the blood of Saint Piero. And this death lasted for the city and countryside of Pisa until (p. 258) September anni Domini one thousand three hundred and seventy-five and many died, of the five the four. And of the month of September remained all.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, pp. 258–259.	Translation by DeepL
1374-06-21-Germany	21 June 1374 JL	This passage talks about the "dancing mania" in the region along the Rhine and Moselle. People danced uncontrollably, sometimes for half a day. Some participants exploited the situation for money and immoral behavior. The event seen as a heresy lasted around sixteen weeks and was believed by some to be a sign of the coming Antichrist.	Item da man schreip druzenhondert jar unde in dem vir unde sibenzigesten jare zu mittesomer da irhup sich ein wunderlich gedinge uf ertrich unde sunderlichen in Duschem lande uf dem Rine unde uf der Moseln, also daz Iude huben an zu danzen unde zu rasen, unde stunden i zwei gen ein unde danzeten uf einer stat einen halben dag, unde in dem danzen so filen si etwan dicke nider uf di erden unde lißen sich mit fußen dretten uf iren lip; da von namen si sich an, daz si genesen weren. Unde lifen von einer stat unde von einer kirchen zu der andern unde huben gelt von den Iuden, wo in daz sin mochte. Unde wart di dinge also vil, daz man zu Colne in der stat me dan funfhondert denzer fant. Unde fant man, daz cz duisserie was unde ketzerie, unde geschach umb geldes willen, daz ir endeiles! frauwen unde manne in unkuscheit mochten leben unde di vollen zu bringen. Unde fant man, daz zu Collen me dan hondert frauwen unde dinstmeide, di nit eliche manner enhatten, di worden in der danzerie alle kinde tragen. Unde wanne das si danzeten, so bonden unde knebelten si sich umb den lip hart zu, daz si deste geringer weren. Heruf sprechent endeiles meister, sunderlichen di guden arzide, daz endeiles worden danzen, di von heißer naturen waren, unde von anderen gebrechlichen naturlichen sachen, Danne der was wenig, den daz geschach. Di meister von der heiligen schrift di besworen der denzer endeiles, di meinten, daz si beseßen weren von dem bosen vigende. Also nam ez ein betrogen ende. Unde werte wol seszen wochen in disen landen oder in der maße. Auch namen di vurgenanten denzer, so manne so frauwen, sich ane, daz si kein rot gewant mochten gesehen. Unde was ez allez duisserie, unde ist ez vurbotschaft gewest Endecristes nach mime bedunken.	In 1374, at midsummer, a marvellous thing happened on earth, especially in the German lands along the Rhine and the Moselle. People began to dance and race and stood two against one and danced in one place for half a day. While dancing they often fell to the ground and had their feet stamped on their bodies; they assumed that they had recovered. They ran from one town and from one church to another, collecting money from the people where it was given to them. And there were so many of them that more than five hundred dancers were found in the city of Cologne. And it was found that it was fraud and heresy, and was done for the sake of money, so that some of them, women and men, could live in unchastity and perform it. And it was found that in Cologne more than a hundred women and maids, who had no husband, were all carrying children at the dance. When they danced, they bound and gagged themselves tightly around the waist to appear slimmer. Some masters, especially the good doctors, said that some of them danced because they were of a hot-tempered nature, and for other vicious reasons. But there were few to whom this happened. The masters of the Holy Scriptures conjured up some of the dancers and thought that they were possessed by the evil enemy. And so it came to a fraudulent end. And it lasted sixteen weeks or about that long in this country. The aforementioned dancers, both men and women, also pretended that they could not see a red robe. But it was all deception and, methinks, a premonition of the Antichrist.	Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 64	Translation by DeepL
1374-07-25-Florence	25 July 1374 JL	Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Benvenuto da Imo about the possible causes of the plague. He sees the plague as the will of God and therefore does not want to flee Florence.	Et demum, quod ad fugam pestis me ad lares tuos cum familia tam fraterne tamque amicabiliter invitas, mecum admiratus sum. Ubi enim fugiam a facie Dei mei? si enim hec pestis divina dispostione totum concutit genus mortalium sive, quod optem, sit talis peccatorum sive alia quecunque summi illius opificis ordinatio; et nostrum non est summum illud frustrare numen, cum ubicunque sit immensum et potens, quid iuvat inde fugere ubi tunc videtur servire sententia, cum, si condemnatus fuero, ubicunque me invenerit, iudicabit? Fallimur, arbitror, omnes, qui putamus Dei ista proculdubio opera indiscreto ictu quasi sagittas in vulgus iactari; illum afficit, seu medicinalis seu ultrix [p. 171] fuerit ista clades, quem percutiendum preordinaverit divina maiestas, que nec loco circunscribitur nec tempore, nec minus hic quam alibi cum voluerit operatur. Si enim, ut physici volunt, aeris foret ista corruptio, cur ubi furit ullum preterit omnino mortalium, quem etsi non extinguat, saltem non attingat? Vivimus omnes in aere isto corrupto, quem volunt physiologi, imo, ut verius loquar, fingilogi, fore venenum nec pudet eos diversitati complexionum ascribere, si quos viderint nullo modo, ceteris morientibus, egrotare; quasi in veneno possit humana complexio intemerata servari. Nescio tamen quo pacto quando in disputationem cum ipsis venitur et queritur: si aer iste, agitabilis et qui ventis continuo circunfertur, infectus est, cur in sola urbe, cur in uno vico, cur in cetera urbis parte, cur eadem in domo hi moriuntur, hi egrotant, hi penitus valent incolumes; et si hoc ascribitur etati, cur hec domos pueros perdit, illa iuvenes, ista senes decrepitos; altera mulieres preservat, altera viros; una superstitem habet maiorem natu, alia vero minorem? Denique fatentur rationem deficere, cum non valent omnibus respondere. Ceterum, ut ad preces tuas redeam, istuc me conaris allicere ubi tu ipse pestem confirmas propter advenarum confluentiam desevire. Credo tantus est ardor amici potiundi quod deceptus amore, tui ipsius immemor, periculi, quod istic imminet, es oblitus, et forte, quod evenire consuevit, ut longe minus presentia terraent quam ea que tumultuante fama percipimus, te rum commovit ut saltem de maiore ad minus periculum me vocares. Quicquid id fuit, gratias ago amicicie atque benignitati tue; ego florenti huic urbi, dum fata erunt, sive bellum sive fames sive pestis insultet, perpetuum inherebo.	Template:TN	Template:Coluccio Salutati 1891-1905, vol. 1, pp. 170-171	None

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