Black Death

For Black Death, a total of 159 epidemic events are known so far. It is an epidemic wave.

Table

Table

Page	DateStart date of the disease.	SummarySummary of the disease event	OriginalOriginal text	TranslationEnglish translation of the text	ReferenceReference(s) to literature	Reference translationReference(s) to the translation
1319-00-00-Bologna	1319 JL	Epidemic	Al tempo della mortalità morì Folco Lombardi da Lucca e sepolto in S.	At the time of his mortality, Folco Lombardi of Lucca died and was buried in S.	Diario estratto dallo studio dell’ Alidosio, p. 35r	Translation by DeepL
1345-00-00-Venice	1345 JL	Origin of the Black Death and ravages in Venice	Anno Domini 1345, jnguiaria pestis, incipiens in partibus Tartarorum, et se, peccatis exigentibus, ad universum orbem contagiose extendens, adeo terribiliter desaevivit, quod penitus nulli loco perpercit; et si quando alicubi cessare videretur, transactis duobus, vel tribus annis, ad locum reverberatur eundem.	In the year of our Lord 1345, the pestilence, beginning in the regions of the Tartars, and spreading contagiously throughout the whole world, raged so terribly, driven by the demands of sin, that it spared no place entirely; and if it seemed to subside anywhere, after two or three years, it returned to the same place.	Raphaynus de Caresinis 1922, p. 5	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Bologna	1346 JL	Epidemic in Bologna	Fu gran peste in Bologna, e morirno più di 4000 persone, fra quali morì Ms. Jacomo Bottivigari, Dottore di legge, Ms. Mraion da S. Marino Cavaliere, Salvadio Delfino, Bibozo Sava Medico.	There was a great plague in Bologna, and more than 4,000 people died, including Ms. Jacomo Bottivigari, Doctor of Law, Ms. Mraion da S. Marino Cavaliere, Salvadio Delfino, Bibozo Sava Medico.	Diario estratto dallo studio dell’ Alidosio, pp. 47r	Translation by DeepL
1346-00-00-Golden Horde and adjacent territories Sim	1346 JL	The first attack of the Black Death in the East, in Muslim countries and among the Tatars (Golden Horde), as well as other peoples living in these areas.	Toгo жe лѣтa [6854] кaзнь быcть oт Бoгa нa люди пoдъ вocтoчнyю cтpaнoю въ opдѣ и въ Opнaчи, и въ Capaи и въ Бeздeжѣ, и въ прочиxъ градѣxъ и cтpaнaxъ быcть моръ вeликъ на люди, на Бecepмeны и нa Taтapы, и нa Apмeны, и нa Oбeзы, и нa Жиды, и нa Фpязы, и нa Чepкacы, и нa прочaя чeлoвѣкы, тaмo живущaя въ ниxъ. Toль жe силенъ быcть моръ въ ниxъ, яко не бѣ мощно живымъ мepтвыxъ погрѣбати.	In the same year (1346)<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> the punishment from God was [sent] on the people of the eastern part, in the Horde, on Old Urgench<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>, and on Sarai<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a>, and on Bezdezh<a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a>, and and in other towns and districts the plague was great among the people. There was a strong plague among the Muslims, and among the Tartars, and among the Armenians, and among the Abkhazians/Georgians, and among the Jews, and among the Franks/Latins, and among the Circassians, and among other people living there. The plague was so strong that it was impossible for the living to bury the dead.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 95.	None
1346-04-00-the Horde	April 1346 JL	In 747 H (April 24, 1346 to April 12, 1347), the Black Death spread in the Horde (bilād Uzbak), where many people died in villages as well as towns. Plague then arrived in Crimea where the maximum daily death toll amounted to ca. 1,000, as the author, Ibn al-Wardī, was told by a trustworthy merchant. Afterwards, plague spread to Asia Minor (Rūm) where it killed many people. An Aleppine merchant who had returned from Crimea reported to Ibn al-Wardī that the judge (qāḍī) of Crimea had said that they had counted the deceased and that the number had amounted to 85,000 known plague deaths. The plague reached Cyprus, too, and the death toll was enormously high there as well.			Ibn al-Wardī - Tatimmat al-Mukhtaṣar 1970, vol. 2, p. 489	Translation needed
1347-00-00-Central Asia	1347 JL	Fire comes out of the earth or falls from heaven in Central Asia as a reason for the outbreak of the Black Death.	Avemmo da mercatanti genovesi, uomini degni di fede, che avieno avute novelle di que' paesi, che alquanto tempo inanzi a questa pistilenzia, nelle parti dell' Asia superiore, uscì della terra, overo cadde da cielo un fuoco grandissimo, il quale stendendosi verso il ponente arse e consumò grandissimo paese sanza alcun riparo. E alquanti dissono che del puzzo di questo fuoco si generò la materia corruttibile della generale pistolenzia: ma questo non possiamo acertare. Apresso sapemmo da uno venerabile frate minore di Firenze vescovo di ..... de Regno, uomo degno di fede, che s'era trovato in quelle parti dov'è la città del Lamech ne' tempi della mortalità, che tre dì e tre notti piovvono in quelle paese biscie con sangue ch' apuzzarono e coruppono tutte le contrade:sc e in [p. 15] quella tempesta fu abattuto parte tel tempio di Maometto, e alquanto della sua sepoltura.	We have had from Genoese merchants, men worthy of faith, who have had news of those countries, that some time before this pistilenzia, in the parts of Upper Asia, a great fire came out of the earth, or fell from the sky, which, spreading towards the west, burned and consumed a great country without any shelter. And some say that from the stench of this fire was generated the corruptible matter of the general conflagration: but this we cannot ascertain. Later we learned from a venerable friar minor of Florence, bishop of ..... of the Kingdom, a man worthy of faith, who had been in those parts where the city of Lamech is in the times of mortality, that three days and three nights it rained in that country snakes with blood that apuzzarono and covered all the countries; and in [p. 15] that storm was torn down part of the temple of Muhammad, and some of his burial place.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 1, pp. 14–15.	Translation by DeepL
1347-00-00-China	1347 JL	The Black Death with presumed origins in China or Ethiopia, spreading to Syria and Egypt. Discussion of its spread via Caffa and Constantinopel, Genoa and reaching the Iberian Peninsula.	Die Meinungen über die Herkunft dieses Ereignisses gehen auseinander. Der Gewährsmann erwähnte nach dem Zeugnis mancher christlichen Kaufleute, die nach Almeriah kamen, daß die Krankheit in dem Lande Hata entstanden sei; Hata heißt in der persischen Sprache China, wie ich es von einem Gewährsmann aus Samarkand gelernt habe. China ist die Grenze der bewohnten Erde nach Osten zu. Die Seuche ist in China verbreitet und von da aus ist sie nach dem persischen Irak, den türkischen Ländern gewandert. Andere erwähnten nach dem Bericht christlicher Reisenden, daß sie in Abessinien entstanden sei und von dort aus in die Nachbarländer bis nach Ägypten und Syrien vorgedrungen sei. Diese verschiedenen Berichte beweisen, daß die Katastrophe allgemein alle Länder und Zonen heimgesucht hat. Der Grund der Verschiedenheit der Berichte ist, daß, wenn sie in einem an der (p. 42) Grenze der Erde liegenden Lande erscheint, dessen Einwohner denken, daß die Krankheit dort entstanden sei; und von dort aus verbreitet sich diese Ansicht. Es ist uns auch von vielen Seiten berichtet worden, daß sie in der genuesischen Festung Kaffa gewesen sei, die unlängst durch ein Heer von mohammedanischen Türken und Romäern belagert wurde, dann in Pera, dann in dem großen Konstantinopel, auf den Inseln von Armania an der Küste des Mittelmeeres, in Genua, in Frankreich. Sie griff weiter über nach dem fruchtbaren Andalusien, überschwemmte die Gegenden von Aragon, Barcelona, Valencia u. a., verbreitete sich in dem größten Teil des Königreichs Kastilien bis Sevilla im äußersten Westen, erreichte auch die Inseln des Mittelmeeres Sizilien, Sardinien, Mallorca, Ibiza, sprang über nach der gegenüberliegenden Küste von Afrika und ging von da aus weiter nach Westen.	Opinions differ as to the origin of this event. According to the testimony of some Christian merchants who came to Almeriah, the author mentioned that the disease originated in the land of Hata; Hata means China in the Persian language, as I learnt from an author from Samarkand. China is the border of the inhabited earth to the east. The disease spread in China and from there it travelled to Persian Iraq and the Turkish countries. Others mentioned, according to the report of Christian travellers, that it originated in Abyssinia and from there spread to neighbouring countries as far as Egypt and Syria. These different reports prove that the catastrophe affected all countries and zones in general. The reason for the diversity of reports is that when it appears in a country lying on the (p. 42) frontier of the earth, its inhabitants think that the disease originated there; and from there this opinion spreads. It has also been reported to us from many quarters that it was in the Genoese fortress of Kaffa, which was recently besieged by an army of Mohammedan Turks and Romæans, then in Pera, then in the great Constantinople, on the islands of Armania on the coast of the Mediterranean, in Genoa, in France. It spread further to fertile Andalusia, flooded the regions of Aragon, Barcelona, Valencia and others, spread through most of the kingdom of Castile as far as Seville in the far west, reached the Mediterranean islands of Sicily, Sardinia, Mallorca, Ibiza, jumped over to the opposite coast of Africa and from there continued westwards..	Dinanah 1927, pp. 41-42	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-00-00-Italy1	1347 JL	Spread of the Black Death across the Mediterranean into Italy and its major islands with processions emerging in Florence.	E stesesi la detta pistolenza infino in Turchia e grecia, avendo prima ricerco tutto Levante i Misopotania, Siria, Caldea, Suria, Ciptro, il Creti, i Rodi, e tutte l'isole dell'Arcipelago di Grecia, e poi si stese in Cicilia, e Sardigna, Corsica, ed Elba, e per simile modo tutte le marine e riviere di nostri mari; ed otto galee di Genovesi c'erano ite nel mare Maggiore, morendo la maggiore parte, non ne tornarono che quattro galee piene d'infermi, morendo al continuo; e quelli che giunsono a Genova, tutti quasi morirono, e corruppono sì l'aria dove (p. 487) arivavano, che chiunque si riparava co lloro poco apresso morivano. Ed era una maniera d'infermità, che non giacia l'uomo III dì, aparendo nell'anguinaia o sotto le ditella certi enfiati chiamati gavoccioli, e tali ghianducce, e tali gli chiamavano bozze, e sputando sangue. E al prete che confessava lo 'nfermo, o guardava, spess s'apiccava la detta pistilenza per modo ch'ogni infermo era abbandonato di confessione, sagramento, medicine e guardie. Per la quale sconsolazione il papa fece dicreto, perdonando colpa e pena a' preti che confessassono o dessono sagramento alli infermi, e lli vicitasse e guardasse. E durò questa pestilenzia fina a ... e rimasono disolate di genti molte province e cittadini. E per questa pistilenza, acciò che Iddio la cessasse e guardassene la nostra città di Firenze e d'intorno, si fece solenne processione in mezzo marzo MCCXLVII per tre dì. E tali son fatti i giudici di Dio per pulire i peccati de' viventi..	This pestilence spread into Turkey and Greece, having first circled the Levant—Mesopotamia, Assyria, Chaldea, Syria, Cyprus, Crete, Rhodes, and all the islands of the archipelago of Greece—and then spread to Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and Elba and in like manner to all the shores and coasts of our seas. [When] eight Genoese galleys sailed into the Black Sea, the greater part of their crews died, and only four galleys returned, full of sick men who were dying one after another. Almost all those who reached Genoa died, and so corrupted the air where they landed, that whoever met with them died shortly afterward. This was the manner of the sickness: certain swellings appeared on the groin or below the armpits, swellings which some called gavoccioli and some ghianducce and some bozze, and which oozed blood. A man could not live for more than three days after they appeared. And this pestilence often attached itself to the priests who heard the confessions of the sick, or who looked after the sick, so that the sick were deprived of confession, sacrament, medicine, and watchers. This terrible problem led the pope to issue a decree, pardoning sin and penance to those priests who confessed or gave the sacrament to the sick, and who visited and watched over them. (p. 139) And this pestilence lasted until [. . .] and many provinces and cities were desolated. And in mid-March 1347, a solemn procession was held [every day] for three days, so that the Lord God might end this pestilence and Protect our city of Florence and its surroundings. ‘Thus do the judgments of God cleanse the sins of the living. Let us leave this matter, and speak somewhat of the deeds of the newly elected Emperor Charles of Bohemia.	Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 487–488	None
1347-00-00-Lombardy	1347 JL	Cold weather followed by famine. Then outbreak of the Black Death in parts of Lombardy, especially in rural areas, but also in Varese; plague spares Milan, Novara, Pavia, Cuneo and Vercelli. Source is notorious for confused, imprecise and contradictory chronology<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	Dixeram supra quod tunc temporis nix erat magna et fuit verum; nam duravit super facie terre usque ad finem raensis martii vel quasi, propter quam campestria tantum fastidium frigoris et undacionis susceperunt quod biada, nive recedente, ut plurimum mortua aparebant. Ex qua multe terre habitatoribus private fuerunt, maxime in montanis partibus; deinde, fame cessante, cepit morbus prosiliens a partibus ul'tramarinis partes inferiores invadere; et primo Bononiam applicuit, videlicet anno MCCCXLIIII, in qua civitate infiniti perierunt, omni defensione et medela destituta. Due partes autem corporum dicebantur periisse. Invasitque pestilencia Januam ubi simili modo perierunt; invasit Parmam in qua multi defecerunt. Servavit Mediolanum, Papiam, Novariam, Cumas, Vercellas, set discurrando occupavit Lombardiam a dicto anno usque annum MCCCXLVII, ubi iterum super districtu Novarie vigebat; nam in dicto districtu Momum vacuavit, Bellanzagum similiter et in Burgomanerio ', ubi conversationem habebam, ubi dicti viri belligeri habitabant, perlerunt dieta clade in tribus mensibus prò completis centenaria xxvii virorum, computatis mulieribus et parvulis, nec in aliìs terris tunc insilivit novariensibus; in comitatu autem Mediolani in partibus Varixii, Anglerie, Gallarate et circumstanciis ut supra, sine numero perierunt. Cessavit itaque dieta pestilentìa moriendi, tamen in aliquibus locis discurrendo.	I mentioned above that at that time there was a great snowfall, and it was true; for it lasted on the surface of the earth until the end of March or nearly so. Because of this, the fields suffered so much from the cold and flooding that, when the snow melted, most of the crops appeared dead. As a result, many lands were deprived of their inhabitants, especially in the mountainous regions. Then, as the famine ceased, a disease began to spread from the overseas regions, invading the lower areas. It first struck Bologna in the year 1344 (sic!), where countless people perished, lacking any defense or remedy. It was said that two-thirds of the population died. The pestilence then invaded Genoa, where many similarly perished, and then Parma, where many died as well. Milan, Pavia, Novara, Como, and Vercelli were spared, but the disease spread throughout Lombardy from that year until 1347 (sic!), when it again raged in the district of Novara. In that district, it emptied Momeliano, Bellinzona, and Borgomanero, where I lived, and where the mentioned warriors lived. In three months, 2,700 men perished, including women and children, and the disease did not attack other lands in Novara at that time. However, in the surroundings of Milan, in the regions of Varese, Angera, Gallarate, and the surrounding areas, countless people perished. Thus, the aforementioned pestilence ceased in its deadliness, though it continued to spread in some places	Cognasso 1926-39, p. 53.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-00-00-Middle East	1347 JL	Fire comes out of the earth or falls from heaven in Middle East and beginning of the Black Death at the mouth of the Don and in Trabizond.	Ma infinita mortalità, e che più durò, fu in Turchia, e in quelli paesi d'oltremare, e tra' Tarteri. E avenne tra' detti Tarteri grande giudicio di Dio e maraviglia quasi incredibile, e ffu pure vera e chiara e certa, che tra 'l Turigi e 'l Cattai nel paese di Parca, e oggi di Casano signore di Tartari in India, si cominciò uno fuoco uscito di sotterra, overo che scendesse da cielo, che consumò uomini, e bestie, case, alberi, e lle pietre e lla terra, e vennesi stendendo più di XV giornate atorno con tanto molesto, che chi non si fuggì fu consumato, ogni criatura a abituro, istendendosi al continuo. E gli uomini e femine che scamparono del fuoco, di pistolenza morivano. E alla Tana, e Tribisonda, e per tutti que' paesi non rimase per la detta pestilenza de' cinque l'uno, e molte terre vi s'abbandarono tra per la pestilenzia, e tremuoti grandissimi, e folgori. E per le lettere di nostri cittadini degni di fede ch'erano in que' paesi, ci ebbe come a Sibastia piovvono grandissima quantità di vermini [p. 487] grandi uno sommesso con VIII gambe, tutti neri e conduti, e vivi e morti, che apuzzarono tutta la contrada, e spaventevoli a vedere, e cui pugnevano, atosicavano come veleno. E in Soldania, in una terra chiamata Alidia, non rimasono se non femmine, e quelle per rabbia manicaro l'una l'altra. E più maravigliosa cosa e quasi incredibile contaro avenne in Arcaccia, uomini e femmine e ogni animale vivo diventarono a modo di statue morte a modo di marmorito, e i signori d'intorno al paese pe' detti segni si propuosono di convertire alla fede cristiana; ma sentendo il ponente e paesi di Cristiani tribolati simile di pistolenze, si rimasono nella loro perfidia. E a porto Tarlucco, inn-una terra ch'ha nome Lucco inverminò il mare bene x miglia fra mare, uscendone e andando fra terra fino alla detta terra, per la quale amirazione assai se ne convertirono alla fede di Cristo.	But the mortality was much greater and much more severe in Turkey and in Outremer, and among the Tartars. And a great judgment of God occurred among these Tartars, a marvel almost unbelievable but which was true, clear, and certain. Between the Turigi and the Cattai in the land of Parca, presently ruled by Casano, lord of the Tartars in India, a fire began to burn forth from the ground, or indeed to fall from the sky. It consumed men, animals, houses, trees, and (p. 138) the stones, and the earth, spreading a distance of more than fifteen days’ travel all around, with such great harm that those who did not flee were consumed—every creature and every inhabitant—as it ceaselessly spread. The men and women who escaped this fire died of pestilence. At Tana and Trebizond, and in all those lands, not one person out of five survived and many cities were abandoned because of the pestilence and terrible earthquakes and lightning. We learn from letters sent by trustworthy citizens of our city who were in those lands that a very great quantity of little worms rained down on Sibastia. Each was one span in length, colored black with eight legs and a tail. They fell both alive and dead and were terrifying to behold, filling the city with their stench, and those whom they stung were poisoned as with venom. In Soldania, in a city called Alidia, only the females remained and these [worms], driven by rage, ate one another. [The letters] tell of an even more marvelous and almost unbelievable thing that occurred in Arcaccia: men and women and every living animal became like dead statues of marble. Nearby lords saw these signs and considered converting to the Christian faith, but when they heard that the West and the Christian lands were suffering from these same pestilences, they persisted in their wickedness. At Porto Talucco, in a city called Lucco, the sea was filled for ten miles with worms that crawled out of the water and across the land all the way up to the city. Many people were so astonished by this that they converted to the faith of Christ.	Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 486–487	None
1347-01-00-Piombino	January 1347 JL	Black Death in Piombino, but only a few deaths in Milan.	Il detto morbo s'atachò a Pionbino, inperochè vi venne cierti Genovesi di quelle maledette galee, e morivi e' 3 quarti de le persone in Pionbino; per tanto si fu per abandonare. Queste maledette galee de' Genovesi venivano e aveano aiutato a' Saraceni e al Turco a pigliare la città di Romania che era de' Cristiani che non féro i Turchi, e per questo si tenea che Dio avea mandato tanta mortalità a i detti Genovesi e a' Cristiani e in Turchia, e morì in Saracina e' tre quarti e così de' Cristiani. A Milano morì poca gente, inperochè morì 3 fameglie, le quali le case loro furo murate l'uscia e le finestre, chè nissuno v'entrasse.	The disease came to Piombino, because some Genoese from those cursed galleys came there, and three quarters of the people died in Piombino; therefore it was abandoned. These accursed galleys of the Genoese came and had helped the Saracens and the Turks to take the city of Romania, which belonged to the Christians, rather than the Turks, and for this reason it was believed that God had sent so much mortality to the said Genoese and the Christians and in Turkey, and three quarters died in Saracina and so of the Christians. In Milan few people died, for three families died, and their houses were walled up with doors and windows, so that no one could enter.	Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939, p. 553.	Translation by DeepL
1347-09-00-Catania	September 1347 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Catania with detailed description of symptoms and social disintegration. Prominent victim of the plague is Duke Giovanni d'Aragona, Regent of the Kingdom of Trinacria/Sicily at the time.	Quid dicemus de civitate Cataniae, quae oblivioni tradita est? Tanta fuit pestis praedicta exorta in ea, quod non solum pustulae illae, quae "anthraci" vulgari vocabulo nuncupabantur, sed etiam glandulae quaedam in diversis corporum membris nascebantur, nunc in pectine, aliae in tibiis, aliae in brachiis, aliae in gutture. Quae quidem a principio erant sicut avellanae, et crescebant cum magno frigoris rigore, et in tantum humanum corpus extendebant et affligebant, quod diutius in se potentiam non habens standi, se ad lectum perferrebat, febribus immensis incitatus, et amaritudine non modica contristatus. Quapropter glandulae illae ad modum nucis crescebant, deinde ad modum ovi gallinae vel anseris, et quorum dolores non modici, et humorum putrefactione urgebant dictum humanum corpus sanguinem expuere; quod sputum, a pulmonibus infecto perveniens ad guttur, totum corpus humanum putrefaciebat: quo putrefacto, humoribus deficientibus, spiritum exalabant. Quae quidem infirmitas triduo perdurabat; quarto vero die ad minus a rebus humanis praedicta humana corpora erant adepta. Catanienses vero perpendentes talem aegritudinem sic brevi finire tempore, sicuti dolor capitis eis superveniebat, et rigor frigoris, omnia peccata eorum primo et ante omnia sacerdotibus confitebantur, et deinde testamenta eorum conficiebantur. Tanta erat in praedicta civitate condemnsa mortalitas, quod iudices et notarii se ad testamenta facienda ire recusabant. Et si ad aliquem infirmum accederent, ab eo procul omnino stabant. Sacerdotes ullatenus ad domos infirmorum accedere timore proximi mortis trepidabant. Tanta erat immensa mortalitas in civitate praedicta, quod iudices et notarii in conficiendis testamentis, nec sacerdotes ad peccatorum confitenda peccamina poterant totaliter continuo vacare. Patriarcha vero praedictus, volens de animabus Cataniensium providere, cuilibet sacerdoti, licet minimo, totam, quam habebat ipse episcopalem et patriarchalem licentiam, de absolvendis peccatis tribuit atque dedit. Quapropter omnes, qui deficiebant, secundum veram opinionem ad locum Dei tutam infallibiliter erant recepti. Dux vero Joannes praedictus timens mortem supradictam, nolens civitatibus et locis appropinquare habitatis propter aeris infectionem, per loca nemorosa et inhabitata, circumquaque se hinc inde continue versabatur. Sed dum hinc inde nunc ad aquam salis, quae est in nemore Cataniensi, nunc ad quamdam turrim, quae vocatur "Lu Blancu" per sex milliaria a civitate Cataniae distantem, nunc ad quandam ecclesiam sancti Salvatoris de Blanchardu in nemore civitatis praedictae, se quasi latitando discurreret, pervenit ad quamdam ecclesiam, seu locum per dictum Ducem noviter constructum [p. 568] vocatum sanctu Andria, qui locus est in confiniis nemoris Mascalarum; in quo dum incolumis ac sanus existeret, ex quadam sibi superveniente infirmitate mortuus extitit. Corpus cuius fuit sepultum in maiori Catanensi Ecclesia, in eo videlicet tumulo, ubi corpus quondam Friderici Regis patris sui fuerat conditum et humatum. Et hoc anno Domini MCCCXLVIII, de mense Aprilis primae Indictionis. Quae quidem mortalitas duravit a mense Septembris dictae primae Indictionis usque ad mortem Ducis supradicti paulo ante vel post. Talis itaque gravis fuit mortalitas in nullo dispar sexu, in nulla aetate dissimilis, generaliter cunctos iugiter affecit, ut etiam quos non egit in mortem, turpi macie exinanitos afflictosque dimisit atque relaxavit. In qua mortalitate fuit dictus Patriarcha mortuus, et sepultus in maiori Catanensi Ecclesia, anima cuius in pace quiescat.	What shall we say of the city of Catania, which has been consigned to oblivion? Such was the plague that arose there that not only did those pustules called "anthraces" in the common tongue appear, but also certain swellings in various parts of the body—now on the chest, some on the shins, others on the arms, and others in the throat. These, at first, were like hazelnuts, and they grew with a great chill and afflicted the human body so severely that, unable to stand any longer, the person would collapse onto the bed, overcome by intense fevers and burdened with great bitterness. As a result, those swellings would grow to the size of a walnut, then to the size of a hen's egg or even a goose's egg, and the pain was unbearable. The rotting of bodily fluids caused the afflicted person to spit blood; this sputum, infected from the lungs and reaching the throat, would completely decay the entire body. Once the body had decayed and the fluids had been drained, the person would exhale their spirit. This disease would last three days; by the fourth day, at the latest, the person would succumb. The people of Catania, observing that such an illness would end so quickly, often experienced severe headaches and chills. In this state, they confessed all their sins, first and foremost, to priests, and then prepared their wills. The mortality in the aforementioned city was so severe that judges and notaries refused to go to prepare the wills. And if they did approach any of the sick, they kept a great distance. Priests, too, were afraid to approach the homes of the sick out of fear of their own impending deaths. The mortality in the city was so immense that judges and notaries could not keep up with preparing wills, nor could priests attend continuously to the confession of sins. The Patriarch, seeing the need to provide for the souls of the people of Catania, granted to each priest, even the humblest, the full authority of his episcopal and patriarchal license to absolve sins. Because of this, all who died were, according to true belief, received into the secure presence of God. Duke Giovanni [di Randazzo/d'Aragona, 1317-1348], fearing the aforementioned plague and not wanting to approach inhabited cities or places due to the infection of the air, moved about continuously through forested and uninhabited areas. Wandering from one place to another, he would sometimes go to the Salt Spring in the forest near Catania, sometimes to a tower called "Lu Blancu," six miles from the city of Catania, or to a church called S. Salvatoris de Blanchardu in the forest of the aforementioned city. While wandering in hiding, he eventually came to a church or location newly constructed by the Duke, called S. Andrea, which is situated on the borders of the Mascalarum forest. While living there in good health, he was overtaken by a sudden illness and died. His body was buried in the major church of Catania, in the very tomb where the body of Frederick, King and his father, had been buried and laid to rest. This happened in the year of our Lord 1348, in the month of April, during the first Indiction. This mortality lasted from September of the same first Indiction until shortly before or after the death of the aforementioned Duke. Such a grave mortality affected all, regardless of sex or age, and struck everyone continuously. Even those whom it did not bring to death were left emaciated and afflicted with a wretched gauntness, ultimately releasing them in a weakened state. During this mortality, the aforementioned Patriarch also died and was buried in the major church of Catania, and may his soul rest in peace.	Michele da Piazza 1791, pp. 567-568.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-10-00-Messina	October 1347 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Messina, Sicily on board of Genoese ships.	Caput XXVII. De repentina mortalitate orta in Regno Sicilie & quo tempore duravit, & quid actum eo tempore extitit [...] Accidit ergo, quod de mense octobris anno dominice incarnationis MCCCXLVII circa principium mensis octobris prime indictionis, duodecim galee januensium, divinam fugientes ulcionem, quam Dominus noster pro eorum iniquitatibus desuper eis transmiserat, applicuerunt in portum civitatis Messane, talem secum morbum ossibus infixum deferentes, quod si quis cum aliquo ipsorum locutus fuisset , erat infirmitate effectus letali, quam mortem nullatenus evadere poterat inmediate. Signa vero mortis ianuensium et messanensium cum eis participantium talia erant. Quod propter infectionem hanelitus inter eos mixti universaliter alloquentes , adeo unus alterum inficiebat , quod quasi totus dolore concussus videbatur, et quodammodo conquassatus; ex cujus doloris conquassatione, et hanelitus inficatione oriebatur quedam pustula circa femur , vel brachium ad modum lenticule. Que ita inficiebat et penetrabat corpus, quod violenter spuebant sanguinem: quo sputo spuendo per triduum, incessanter sine aliqua cura curabili vitam expirabant; et non tantum moriebantur quicumque eis conversabantur, ymmo quicumque de rebus eorum 63) emeret, tangeret, seu affectaret. Messanenses vero cognoscentes dictam eorum repentinam mortem eis incurrere propter januensium galearum adventum, eos de portu et civitate predicta cum festinantia maxima expulerunt. Remansitque dicta infirmitas in civitate predicta, ex qua sequuta extitit immensa mortalitas. Et in tantum unus alium habebat exosum, quod si filius de morbo predicto infirmabatur, pater sibi adherere penitus recusabat; et si ad eum ausus esset appropinquare, adeo infectus erat morbo predicto, quod mortem nullatenus evadere poterat, quin per triduum suum spiritum non exalaret. Et non tantum solus ipse de domo moriebatur, sed omnes familiares in eadem domo astantes, catuli, et animalia in dicta domo existentia patrem familias mortui sequebantur. Et intantum mortalitas ipsa Messanensibus invaluit, quod petebant multi sacerdotibus confiteri sua peccata, et testamenta conficere, et sacerdotes, judices et notarii ad domos eorum accedere recusabant; et si aliqui ipsorum ad eorum hospitia ingrediebantur pro testamentis, et talibus conficiendis, mortem nullatenus repentinam poterant (p 83) evitare. Fratres vero Ordinis minorum et Predicatorum et aliorum ordinum accedere volentes ad domos infirmorum predictorum, et confitentes eisdem de eorum peccatis, et dantes eis penitentiam juxta velle sermus. divinam justitia, adeo letalis mors ipsos infecit, quod fere in eorum cellulis de eis aliqui remanserunt. Quid ultra? Cadavera stabant sola in hospitiis propriis, nullus sacerdos, filius, sive pater, atque consanguineus ausus erat in eisdem intrare, sed tribuebant bastatiis non modicam pensionem pro cadaveribus in sepultura deferendis predictis. Hospitia defunctorum remanebant aperta, et patentia cum omnibus jocalibus, pecunia, et thesauris; adeo ut si quis ingredi vellet, aditus a nullo proibitus erat. Nam tanta subito pestilentia exorta est, ut ministri quoque primum non sufficerent, deinde non essent. Quapropter Messanenses hunc casum terribilem et monstruosum intuentes, migrare de civitate quam mori potius elegerunt; et non solum in urbem veniendi, sed etiam appropinquandi ad eam negabatur. In aeris et in vineis extra civitatem cum eorum familiis statuerunt mansiones. Aliqui vero et pro majori parte in civitatem Catanie perrexerunt, confisi quod beata Cataniensis Agatha virgo eosdem tali infirmitate liberaret. Inclita regina Helisabeth regina Sicilie, existens in civitate Catanie, don Fridericum filium suum, qui in civitate Messane tunc temporis aderat, ad se festinante jussit venire; qui cum galeis venetorum Cataniam festinanter applicuit.	Chapter XXVII: On the sudden mortality that arose in the Kingdom of Sicily, the duration of that time, and what happened during that time Therefore, it happened that in the month of October in the year of our Lord's Incarnation 1347, around the beginning of October, twelve Genoese galleys, fleeing divine retribution which our Lord had sent upon them for their sins, docked at the port of the city of Messina. They brought with them a disease so deeply embedded in their bones that if anyone spoke with any of them, they were struck with a fatal illness from which they could not escape immediate death. The signs of death among the Genoese and those of Messina who interacted with them were such that, because of the infection from their breath, mingling with them universally, one infected another so that it seemed as if they were entirely shaken by pain, and in a way crushed by it; from this crushing pain and the infection from their breath, there arose pustules around the thigh or arm, like a lentil. These pustules infected and penetrated the body so violently that they coughed up blood; and with this coughing up of blood for three days, constantly without any cure, they expired; and not only did those who interacted with them die, but also anyone who bought, touched, or desired any of their belongings (page 563). The people of Messina, recognizing that this sudden death was befalling them because of the arrival of the Genoese galleys, expelled them from the port and the aforementioned city with the greatest haste. The aforementioned disease remained in the aforementioned city, resulting in immense mortality. To such an extent did one hate another, that if a son fell ill from the aforementioned disease, the father entirely refused to stay near him; and if he dared to approach him, he was so infected by the aforementioned disease that he could not escape death and would expire within three days. And not only did the individual in the house die, but all the family members present in the same house, including pets and animals in the house, followed the head of the dead family. The mortality increased so much among the people of Messina that many asked priests to confess their sins and make their wills, but priests, judges, and notaries refused to go to their houses; and if any of them entered their houses to make wills and other such documents, they could not avoid sudden death. Friars of the Order of Minors and Preachers and members of other orders, wishing to go to the houses of the aforementioned sick people, confessing their sins and giving them penance according to divine justice, were so lethally infected that almost none of them remained in their cells. What more? Corpses lay alone in their homes, no priest, son, father, or relative dared to enter them, but they paid considerable sums to others to bury the bodies. The houses of the deceased remained open and unguarded with all their jewels, money, and treasures; so that if anyone wished to enter, the entrance was prohibited by no one. Such a sudden pestilence arose that at first there were not enough servants, and eventually, there were none. Therefore, the people of Messina, seeing this terrible and monstrous event, chose to migrate from the city rather than die; and not only was it forbidden to come into the city, but also to approach it. They set up camps in the air and vineyards outside the city with their families. Some, and for the most part, went to the city of Catania, believing that blessed Agatha of Catania would free them from such an illness. The noble Queen Elisabetta, Queen of Sicily, residing in the city of Catania, hastily summoned her son Federico, who was then in the city of Messina, to come to her; and he hurried to Catania with Venetian galleys.	Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83	None
1347-10-00-Messina2	October 1347 JL	Procession to counter the outbreak of the Black Death in Messina fails.	Cap. 29: Quomodo Messanenses adcesserunt ad beatam Maria de Scalis cum sacerdotali officio; et que signa, et miracula apparuerunt ibidem et de mortalitate in civitate Catanie, et de morte Ducis Joannis. Messanenses vero de hujusmodi mira visione territi, miro modo sunt universaliter effecti timidi. Quapropter ad beatam Virginem de Scalis per miliaria sex a civitate Messane distantem, scalciatis pedibus, cum processione sacerdotali, comuniter ambulare statuerunt. Ad quam appropinquantes Virginem, omnes unanimiter in terris fixerunt devotissime genua, cum lacrimis, Dei et beate Virginis clamantes subsidium; et ingredientes in ecclesiam supradictam, devotis orationibus, et sacerdotali cantilena divina clamantes, miserere nostri Deus, quamdam ymaginem matris Dei sculpitam, ibidem antiquitus constitutam, propriis manibus appreenderunt. Quam in civitatem Messanem elegerunt ingredi facere, propter cujus visionem et ingressionem putabant demonia a civitate eicere, et a tali mortalitate penitus liberari. Propter quod elegerunt quendam sacerdotem ydoneum dictam ymaginem super quodam equo in brachiis suis honorifice apportare. Et reveretentes ad dictam civitatem cum ymagine supradicta, dicta sacra Dei mater, dum vidit et appropinquavit da dictam civitatem, adeo sibi exosam reputavit, et totaliter peccatis sanguinolentam, quod post tergum reversa, non tantum intrare noluit in civitatem, sed ipsam aborruit oculis intueri. Propter quod tellus aperta extitit in profundum, et equus, super quo dicta Dei matris ferebatur ymago, fixus et immobilis extitit sicut petra, et precedere, vel retrocedere non valebat.	Chapter 29: How the People of Messina Approached the Blessed Mary of the Stairs with Priestly Devotion; the Signs and Miracles that Appeared There; and the Plague in the City of Catania, Along with the Death of Duke John. The people of Messina, terrified by such a miraculous vision, were universally struck with great fear. Therefore, they resolved to walk barefoot, in a solemn priestly procession, to the Blessed Virgin of the Stairs, located six miles from the city of Messina. When they approached the Virgin, they all fell unanimously to their knees on the ground with great devotion, crying out with tears for the help of God and the Blessed Virgin. Entering the aforementioned church, they prayed devoutly and sang divine hymns with priestly chants, calling upon God with the words, "Have mercy on us, O God." In the church, they took hold of a carved image of the Mother of God, which had been placed there in ancient times. They decided to bring this image into the city of Messina, believing that her presence and entry into the city would drive out demons and completely free the city from the plague. To this end, they selected a suitable priest to carry the image with reverence in his arms on horseback. However, as they returned to the city with the sacred image, the Holy Mother of God, upon seeing and approaching the city, found it so abhorrent, deeming it bloodstained with sin, that she turned her face away. Not only did she refuse to enter the city, but she also avoided even looking at it. Because of this, the earth opened to a great depth, and the horse carrying the image of the Mother of God became fixed and immovable, like a rock, unable to advance or retreat.	Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83.	None
1347-10-00-Messina3	October 1347 JL	Most plague refugees from Messina fail to enter Catania and spread the Black Death to Siracusa, Agrigento and Trapani.	Quid ultra? Adeo fuerunt abominabiles & timorosi, quod nemo cum eis loquebatur, nec conversabant, sed fugiebant velociter eorum visionem, eorum anelitus penitus recusantes, & quasi in derisione omnibus Cataniensibus sunt effecti. Et si aliquis eorum cum aliquo loquebatur, respondebat sibi vulgariter, non mi parlari ca si Missinisi, & nemo eos hospitabatur. Domos pro eorum habitaculis ad conducendum penitus non inveniebant. Et nisi quod Messanenses aliqui in civitate Catanie cum eorum familia habitantes eos clam hospitabantur, fuissent quasi omni auxilio destituiti. Disperguntur itaque Messanenses per univerfam insulam Sicilie, & pergentes in civitatem Siracusie, adeo illa egritudo sic infecit Siragusanos, quod diversos immo immensos letaliter interfecit; terra Xacce, terra Trapani, & civitas Agrigenti.	What more? They were so abominable and feared that no one would speak to them or interact with them; instead, people fled swiftly from their sight, completely avoiding their breath, and they became a subject of mockery to all the people of Catania. And if any of them spoke to someone, they would be answered rudely, "I don’t speak to those from Messina." No one would give them shelter. They could not find houses to rent as living quarters. If it had not been for some Messinese families living in the city of Catania who secretly hosted them, they would have been completely without help. Thus, the Messinese dispersed throughout the entire island of Sicily, and when they reached the city of Syracuse, the plague so thoroughly infected the Syracusans that it lethally afflicted many, even in great numbers. The lands of Sciacca, Trapani, and the city of Agrigento were similarly affected.	Michele da Piazza 1791, p. 566.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-11-00-Genoa	November 1347 JL	Genoese galleys spread the Black Death in Genoa and Sicily.	Le galee de' Genovesi tornaro d'oltremare e da la città di Romania a dì ... di november e tornaro con molta infermità e corutione d'aria la quale era oltremare, in perrochè in quel paese d'oltremare morì in questo tenpo grande moltitudine di gente di morbo e pestilentia. Essendo gionte a Gienova le dette galee tenero per la Cicilia e lassorovi grande infermità e mortalità, che l'uno non potea socorare l'altro; e così gionti a Gienova di fatto v'attacoro il detto morbo e per questo tutti quelle navili furono tutti cacciati di Genova.	The galleys of the Genoese returned from overseas and from the city of Romania on dì ... of November, and returned with much infirmity and corruption of the air which was overseas, for in that overseas country a great multitude of people died of disease and pestilence at that time. When they reached Gienova, the said galleys sailed to Cicilia, and there they left great infirmity and mortality, so that the one could not support the other; and so when they reached Gienova, they attacked the said disease there, and for this reason all those galleys were expelled from Genoa.	Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939, p. 553.	Translation by DeepL
1347-11-00-Italy	November 1347 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Genoa and spread across Italy; but Parma and Milan remain almost untouched	Nelle parti oltra mora per più sei mesi fu grandissima pestilenza, la quale dalle galee de' Genovesi fu portata in Italia; e furono a Genova ricevute del mese di Novembre le prefate galee, sulle quali, prima che arivassero a Genova, era morta di questa mala influenza la maggior parte di coloro, che vi erano sopra: il rimanente morì quasi subito che furono in Porto e patria loro, questa infermità si allargò nella Citta, & infiniti ne morivano il giorno, & in breve per ogni Città di Lombardia, di Toscana, della Marca, della Puglia, e per ogni terra d'Italia si estese. E fu grandissima due anni continui, per la quale molte Città d'Italia furono distrutte; e sole Parma, e Milano pochissimo ne senterono; ma si sparse oltra monti, in Provenza, in Francia, in Aragona, in Spagna, in Anglia, in Alemagna, in Boemia, in Ungheria.	In the parts beyond the sea, for more than six months, there was a great pestilence, which was brought to Italy by the Genoese galleys; and in November, the aforementioned galleys were received in Genoa, on which, before they arrived in Genoa, the majority of those on board had died from this bad influence: the rest died almost immediately upon reaching their port and homeland. This disease spread in the city, and countless people died each day, and soon it extended to every city in Lombardy, Tuscany, the Marches, Apulia, and throughout all of Italy. It was exceedingly severe for two continuous years, during which many cities in Italy were destroyed; only Parma and Milan felt it very little; but it spread beyond the mountains, into Provence, France, Aragon, Spain, England, Germany, Bohemia, and Hungary	Giovanni di Cornazano 1728, col. 746	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-11-00-Italy1	November 1347 JL	Societal consequences of the Black Death across Italy	anzi tutto il Mondo sì Cristiani, com Infedeli ne furono infetti, e furono da servi, da' Medici, da' Notari, da' Preti, e Frati, abbandonati gl' Infermi, tal che non erano serviti nè curati, nè potevano testare, nè confessi o contriti assoluti morire i miseri Apestati. La cagione di ciò era, che subito che s'apressavano a gl'Infermi, cadevano in cotale disavventurata peste, e morivano per lo più di subito, tanto che molti insepolti restavano, e l'uno, e l'altro abbandonato laiciava, nè conoscevasi che Padre avesse Figluoli, nè Moglie Marito, nè Amico compagno, e quantunque molti ricchi morissero, non erano allora pronti gli heredi a cercare i posessi dell facultadi; anzi senza prezzo era tutta la richezza tenuta; nè più si conosceva gli avari avere l'oro più che la vita caro. Cosa horribile a vedere, che gli huomini abbandonando gli huomini, gli odi, le invidie, le lascive, le facoltà, l'amore terreno, tutti volti in timore d'horrida e spaventevole morte.	The whole world, both Christians and infidels, were infected, and the sick were abandoned by servants, doctors, notaries, priests, and friars, so that they were neither served nor cared for, nor could they make a will, nor die confessed or absolved, the miserable plague victims. The reason for this was that as soon as they approached the sick, they fell into such unfortunate pestilence and died almost immediately, so that many remained unburied, and one and the other abandoned each other, and it was not known that a father had children, nor a wife a husband, nor a friend a companion. And although many rich people died, the heirs were not then ready to seek their possessions; rather, all wealth was held without value, and it was no longer known that the avaricious held gold dearer than life. It was horrible to see that humans, abandoning humans, hatreds, envies, lusts, possessions, and earthly love, all turned to fear of a horrible and frightening death	Giovanni di Cornazano 1728, col. 746	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Apulia	1348 JL	The Black Death hits Apulia and other parts of Southern Italy like Calabria. King Louis the Great of Hungary flees back home from the epidemic outbreak	sequitur annus qui nostre salutis MCCCXLVIII numeratur, in quo pestis iam pridem cepta insigni strage per universam pene Italiam desevire cepit. Que, cum iam Brutios et Calabros ac universum Apulie Regnum inficere cepisset, et in dies magis obrepert, tantaque augmenteratur sevitia, ut solo contactu passim vulgaret morbos, et tabe ac pestifero odore inficeret validos, et egros biduo aut minori temporis spatio (p. 12) conficeret, ingens mortis formido Ludovicum, Ungarie regem, invasit, qua deterritus in Pannoniam aufugere quam celerrime constituit.		Matteo Palmieri 1918, pp. 11-12	Translation needed
1348-00-00-Aquila	1348 JL	About the Black Death in Aquila and beyond.	Lasso questa materia, retorno a l’altra tema, / e comeme de dicere d’una crudele stema: / tamanta fo mortalleta, non è omo a chi non prema, / credo che le duj parti de la genta fo asema. / Ma no fu solu in Aquila, ma fo in ogni contrada, / no tanto fra Cristiani, m’a‘ Sarracini è stata; / sì generale piaga mai no fo recordata / dal tenpo del diluvio, della gente anegata.	I’ll leave this matter behind and change my topic / And it seems like talking about a great infortune / mortality was so great it preoccupied all people / I think two thirds of all people died. It wasn’t only in Aquila, but in all parts [of the world] / not only among Christians, but also with the Muslims. / nobody remembered such a general plague / since people drowned in the time of the deluge.	Buccio di Ranallo, p. 240.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila1	1348 JL	About the fear the Black Death in Aquila spread amongst doctors and how expensive medicine and medical products became.	E corsece uno dubio, ca mai lo odì contare, / che no volia li medeci l’infirmi visitare; / anche vetaro li omini che no lli deia toccare, / però che la petigine se lli potea iectare. Punamo che lli medici all’infirmi no giero, / ma pur de loro, dico, le duj parti morero; / li speziali medemmo che llo soperchio vennero, / de questa granne piaga più che li altri sentero. Mai no foro sì care cose de infermaria: / picciolu pollastregliu quatro solli valia, / e l’obu a duj denari e atri se vennia, / della poma medemmo era gra‘ carestia. Cose medicinali ongi cosa à passato, / ché l’oncia dello zuccaro a secte solli è stato; / l’oncia delli tradanti se‘ solli è conperato, / e dello melecristo altro tanto n’è dato. La libra dell’uva passa tri solli se vennia, / li nocci delle manole duj solli se dagia / dece vaca de mori un denaro valia, / quanno n’aviano dudici bo‘ derrata paria.	As I said even the doctors refuse to see the ill / and yet, I tell you, two third of them died, too / and also the pharmacists selling medicine / felt this great plague more than others. As I said even the doctors refuse to see the ill / and yet, I tell you, two third of them died, too / and also the pharmacists selling medicine / felt this great plague more than others. Never before had medicine been so expensive: / Small, young chicken costed four soldi each / an eggs were sold for two to three soldi / and there was general dearth of apples. Medical products became expensive beyond any limit / one ounce of sugar costed seven soldi / one ounce of dragante (medical resin) rose to six soldi / and medical sugery syrup was even more expensive. One pound of grapes rose to three soldi / almonds were sold for two soldi / Ten blackberries costed one penny / and if you could have twelve it seemed like a good price.	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 240, 242.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila2	1348 JL	About how wax became expensive and was regulated in use during funeral cerimonies while the Black Death ravaged in Aquila.	E della cera, dico, credo che abiate intiso, / se ne fosse u‘ romeio, lo quale vi fo priso: / a lo quarto de l’omini no fora ciro aciso / se omo avesse u‘ firino nella libra dispiso. Fo facto una ordenanza: che li homini acactasse / le ciri delle iclese e co‘ quilli pasasse, / e li altri poverelli canele no portasse: / dalle eclescie tolzéseli e li clirici acordasse. L’uomo che solia avere trenta libre de cera, / co‘ tre libra passavase per questa lor manera, / co‘ meza libra l’uomo che povero era; / acordava li clerici la domane o la sera. LCon tucto ’sto romegio la cera fo rencarata; / a vinti solli la libra li omini à conparata, / a dicidocto e a sidici, a dicisecte è stata, / quanno revende a quinici fo tenuta derrata. Anche a quisto romegio la cera no vastava, / se no fosse quillu ordine che li clerici usava; / con tanto pocatellio lu morto s’ofiziava, / tri volte le canele alla caia apicciava.	And when it comes to wax, as you might have guessed, / there was no remedy to be found: / A quarter of all people had no acces to wax at all / (unclear translation) There was an ordinance: People should accept / the wax from churches, what was assigned to them / and all the other poor should have no candles: / they should take it from tchurches, the clergy agreed. A man who used to have thirty pounds of wax / now had only three pounds in this manner / and a poor man only half a pound of wax. / The funeral took place the same or the next day, as clergy agreed upon. With all this regulation, wax became expensive: / people bought it for twenty soldi a pound / it had been between sixteen and eighteen, / if you could buy it for fifteen, you were lucky. But also with this regulation, the wax was not sufficient, / if the clergy hadn’t established another order: / With so little the funeral had to take place, / that candles were lit only three times during the ceremony.	Buccio di Ranallo, p. 242.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila3	1348 JL	About changing participation of funeral ceremonies while the Black Death ravaged Aquila.	Quanno era l’uomo morto, ch’a santi lu portavano, / infi‘ ch’era a la ’clesia, clirici no cantavano, / e poi ch’erano dentro, così poco pasavano: / duj versi e duj respunzi e poi lu socterravano. Anche fu uno statuto: a l’omo che moresse / chi visse no sonasse che omo nos se inpauresse, / e fore de castellio omo a morto no gesse, / accìo che li corructi la gente no sentesse. Or vi dirrò lu mudo ch’era no correctare: / a un citolu de lacte più se solea fare; / de granni della terra, quanno potia adunare / vinti persone insemora, pariali troppo fare. No se tenia lu modo che sse solia tenere; / lu dì che morio l’omo, faceanolu jacere / perfi‘ a l’altra domane, per più onore avere, / le castella invitavaci che gisse a conparere. Quanno fo ’sta mortauta, nell’ora che moria, / in quel’ora medemma in ecclesia ne gia; / in quillu dì medemmo vigilia non avia, / non era chi guardarelu, però se sopellia.	And when the dead person was taken to church / the clergy didn’t sing until they reached it / and once they were inside, they really did little: / two verses and two responsories and then they buried the dead person. There was another statute: For the dead person / no bells were rung as people might feel afraid / and people shouldn’t leave their homes for funerals / as they shouldn’t smell the dead (?). And now let me tell you about the funeral ceremony: / more people participated in the funeral of a small child / than in those of important people from the city / if there were 20 people, it was already large. And this was so different from before the plague: / if one died, he was lying in his house / for up to two days, as this was more honor / and people arrived also from outside town to pay their respect. During this epidemic, when a person had just died / in the same hour he was taken to church already / there was no wake on the same day / nobody present with the body, but he was buried	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 242-243.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila4	1348 JL	About duration of the illness and help for the sick duringt the Black Death in Aquila.	Una gra‘ pigitate ch’era delli amalati, / era delli parenti che li erano mancati; / non era chi guardarli a tante necessitati; / tri carlini la femena chiedea li dì passati. Facio Dio una grazia delle amalanzie corte, / che uno dì, duj , tri durava male forte, / e quatro allo più alto chi era disposto a morte; / d’aconciarese l’anima le ienti erano acorte. (...) La granne pïetate si fo de li amalati / ca era apocati li omini, non erano procurati; / chi conperava guardia per essere aiutati, / lu dì e la nocte femena, petia tri grillati.	One should piety those ill persons / who had no parents or relatives left / nobody took care of their needs / and helping women costed three carlini each day. A short illness was considered a divine favour / who suffered violently one, two three days / and a maximum of four days until death / people were aware to save their souls. (...) It was pitiful with all the sick people / as so few remained, they were not taken care for / whoever payed people to get help / a women for day and night, paid three carlini	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 243-244.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila5	1348 JL	About practices of making testaments during the Black Death in Aquila.	Tamanta era paura, che onde omo tremava / la morte ciaschesuno ongi iurnno aspectava; / più che del corpo, l’omo de l’anima penzava; / quanno era sano e salvo, chi savio era testava. Or chi vedesse prescia a iudici e notari, / che era nocte e iurnno dalli testamentari; / e illi consideranno petiano asai denari / testemoni medemmo, a trovare erano cari Quanno omo cercavali e quilli demanavano: / ‚E scricto lo testamento?‘ se nno, ca no ci anavano; / si dicea ch’era scricto, allora s’abiavano; / no che daventro intrasero, m’a la porta rogavano. Anche vi mecto in dicere que conmenente è stato, / quanno fo la mortauta, se l’uomo avia testato / con iudici e notari e testemonij rogato, / se tosto non era in carta de coro publicato. Se omo a duji jornni o a tri regia per lu stromento, / de iudici e notari trovava impedimento, / c’alcuno era amalato o era in falimento, / o qualche testemonio gito era al gra‘ convento. Chi volea lo rogo fare relevare, / lo notaro un florino volea adomandare; / tanto petea lo iudice per volerse senare, / l’omo poi accordavase, se non potea altro fare.	So large was fear, that everybod trembled / And expected to die any day / people were more preoccupied with their souls / and made their testaments as they were still healthy. You have seen how hastily people went to judges and notaries / to make their testaments day and night. / and those asked high prices, considering the risk / and it was expensive to find the necessary witnesses. When people searched them and the witnesses asked: / ‚Is the testament written?‘ If no, they didn’t come / if it was written, they agreed to come / but didn’t enter the house, just talked at the door. And I wanted to tell how it was in general / during the mortality when testaments were made / with jugdes and notaries and witnesses asked / if the document wasn’t published immediately. If a man returned after some days to get the testament / he found the judge or notarly not available / as some where ill or already about to die / or some withness had passed away. Who wanted to secure the juridical act / had to pay the notary a florin (gold coin) / so he would ask the judge to sign immediately / people accepted this, there was no other way.	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 244-245.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila6	1348 JL	About the wealthy survivors of the Black Death in Aquila.	Li pochi che remasero, ciascuno ricco era, / per l’anima de‘ morti ne davana a rivera, / li clirici godiano la domane e la sera, / e ariccaro li urdini e tucte monastera. Li laici medemmo gaudiano volentero, / c’aveano delle cose p’ongi loro mistero; / per tanto poco preczo multe cose vennéro, / tre tanto vale mo: credateme ch’è vero. Quanno fo la mortauta, anni mille correa / e trecento e quaranta octo, così be‘ Dio ci dea; / tamanta fo paura che onn’omo temea, / multo altrugio renniose, chi morire credea. Chi facia testamento, null’omo che testava, / né parente né amico già no lli demannava / che cobelli lassaseli, ca no se nne curava, / le cose avia per niente c’a morir se pensava. O quante penetute de questo vi so‘ state, / che non se provedero de ’ste cose passate, / che ricchi potiano essere delle cose lassate, / che invidia hebbero a chi de ciò sono ariccate.	The few who surved were all rich then / for the souls of the deceased they gave a lot / the clergy took advantage of this day and night / and religious house and monasteries got rich. But also lay people profited a lot / to their surprise, they had everything now / prices were suddenly so low for many things. / hardly a third; you can believe me. When the mortality was, in the year thousand / and threehundred and forty eight, as the good Lord decided (?) / as everybody was full of fear / much was given to who had feared to die. One had made a testament, or had ben a witness / had no parent or friend left / who could be made a heir / as he had feared to die in vain. Oh how much penitence was achieved / by those who didn’t accept goods then / how rich could they have got from the inheritance / what envy they had for those who enriched themselves.	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 246-247.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila7	1348 JL	Social and moral effects of the Black Death in Aquila: New marriages and people leaving monastic communities, becoming greedy and mad in the eyes of the chronicler.	Scorta la mortaute, li omini racelaro; / quili che non l’aveano la mollie se pilliaro / e lle femene vidove sì sse remaritaro: / iuvini, vecchie e citule a questo modo annaro. No tanto altre femene, vizoche e religiose, / multe jectaro lo abito e vidile fare spose, / e multi frati dell‘ ordine oscire per queste cose, / omo de cinquanta anni la citula piliose. Tamanta era la prescia dello rimaritare, / che tante per iorno erano, no se poria contare; / non aspectava domeneca multi per nocze fare; / non se facian conzienzia de cose ch’eran care. (...) La iente fo mancata e l’avarizia cresciuta; / danunca era femina ch’avesse dote manzuta; / da l’uomo che più potea da quello era petuta, / peio ci fo che questo, c’alcuna fo raputa. Demente erano uscite da quelle gra‘ paure / della corte malanze con le bianullie dure, / de sadisfare l’animo poco era chi se cure, / a crescere ad ariccare puneano studio pure.	When mortality came to an end, people felt relief / those who had no wife, looked for one / and the widows married again / young, old and children behaved the same way. And other women, even nuns / threw away their clothes and they became brides / and many friars left their order for the same reason / and men of fifty years married young girls. So large was this urge to marry again / so many marriages a day you couldn’t count it: / They didn’t wait for Sundays to marry / and they ignored how expensive everything had got. (...) People had become less, but greed increased; / every women had an extraordinary dowry, / and she married the man who could provide most, worst of all, some were even robbed (?). In a state of madness they had left the great fear / of the rapid disease with the hard buboes / to satisfy their souls if they had been cured / they turned their minds to enrich themselves only.	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 248-250.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Aquila8	1348 JL	A general dearth of foodstuffs and other goods after the Black Death in Aquila.	Chi vedesse la che se vennia a macellio! / Giamaj i‘ nulla citade no llo vidi sì bellio; / tante some ne ’sciano che paria u‘ ribellio; / chi non avia denari, ’cidease lu porcellio. Come fo gra‘ mercato, inanti, delle cose, / così se rencaro, dico, per queste spose; / panni e arigento e quello che allora abesongiose, / eranto tante care che se veneano oltragiose. Secte carlini viddi dare inelli pianilli, / cinque e quatro carlini e sei nelli cercelli, / e quatro e cinque solli jo ci vidi li anelli, / delli panni no dicovi, ca foro cari velli.	And incredible how people ran to the butcher! / They had never been so rich in any city before: / They all ran for meat as if there was a riot / who didn’t have money, killed his own piglings How big demand there was for all things / that’s why it became so expensive for weddings / cloth and all kinds of things you would need / became expensive beyond all limits Seven carlini for shoes / Four to six carlini for round earrings / four to five soldi for a little lamb / and I won’t mention linen, as is was so expensive	Buccio di Ranallo, p. 248.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Avignon	1348 JL	Origins of the Black Death beyond the sea, its way via Naples to Montpellier and Marseille, and its impact in Avignon.	Postea, videlicet anno Domini MCCCXLIX., [p. 422] presertim in partibus ultramarinis et aliis vicinis, qualis a tempore diluvii non est facta, aliquibus terris hominibus penitus vacuatis multisque trieribus in mari cum mercimoniis, habitatoribus extinctis, sine rectore repertis. Marsilie episcopus cum toto capitulo et quasi omnes Predicatores et Minores cum dupla parte inhabitancium perierunt. Quid in Monte Pessulano, in Neapoli et aliis regnis et civitatibus actum sit, quis narraret? Multitudinem moriencium Avinione in curia, contagionem, morbi, ex qua sine sacramentis perierant homines et nec parentes filiorum nec e contra nec socii sociorum nec famuli dominorum curam habuerant, quot domus cum omni suppellectile vacue fuerunt, quas nullus ingredi audebat, horror est scribere vel narrare! Nulla fuit ibi causarum agitacio. Papa inclusus camere habenti ignes magnos continue nulli dabat accessum. Terrasque hec pestis transibat, nec poterant philosophantes, quamvis multa dicerent, certam de hiis dicere racionem, nisi quod Dei esset voluntas. Hocque nunc hic, tunc ibi per integrum annum immo pluries continuabantur.	Later, namely in the year of our Lord 1349, especially in overseas regions and other neighboring places, such devastation occurred as had not been seen since the time of the flood, with entire lands emptied of people and many ships left in the sea with their cargoes, their inhabitants extinct, and no leader found. The Bishop of Marseille, with his entire chapter, and almost all the Dominicans and Franciscans, along with half of the inhabitants, perished. Who could recount what happened in Montpellier, in Naples, and other kingdoms and cities? The multitude dying in Avignon, the contagion, the disease from which people died without sacraments, neither parents for their children nor vice versa, nor companions for each other, nor servants for their masters, had care, how many houses were left vacant with all their furnishings, which no one dared to enter— it is horrifying to write or tell! There was no debate of causes there. The Pope, confined to his chamber with large fires continually burning, granted access to no one. And this plague spread across lands, and philosophers, though they spoke much, could not give a certain explanation of these things, except that it was the will of God. And thus, now here, then there, throughout the entire year, indeed repeatedly, it continued..	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 421-422.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1348-00-00-Avignon01	1348 JL	Arivval of the Black Death in many cities and regions of Southern France and Italy and consequences like changing burial habits, collapsing social bonds and abandoned settlements.	Eodem anno (1348) in Avinione, Marsilia, Monte Pessulano, urbibus Provincie, immo per totam Provinciam, Vasconiam, Franciam per omnemque mediterranei maris oram usque in Ytaliam et per urbes Ytalie quam plurimas, puta Bononiam, Ravennam, Venetias, Januam, Pisas, Lucam, Romam, Neapolim, Messanam et urbes ceteras epydimia tam ingens, atrox et seva violenter incanduit, quod in nullo dispar sexu, in etate nulla dissimilis, masculos et feminas, senes et juvenes, plebem et nobiles, pauperes, divites et potentes, precipue tamen plebem et laycos generali fedaque tabe delevit. Interimque lues oborta populum conripuit et depopulata est, ut in plerisque locis ministri sepeliendorum funerum primum multitudine cadaverum gravarentur, post difficulter invenirentur, post non sufficerent, et tandem penitus non essent. Jam etiam magne domus et parve per totas urbes, immo et urbes quam plures vivis hominibus vacue remanserunt et mortuis plene. In urbibus et domibus et campis et locis aliis opes et possessiones copiosissime, sed nulli penitus possessores. Denique tam sevi tabescentium etiam sub tectis et in stratis suis cadaverum putores exalabant, quod non solum in urbibus ipsis vivendi, sed etiam ad ipsas terras et urbes appropinquandi per duo milia passuum non erat facultas hominibus, nis inficerentur, subito (p. 274) corriperentur, post triduum morerentur, et jam nec sepilrentur. Et, ut paucis expediam, tam ingens, tam pestifer ignis epydimalis conflagravit, ut non, quantum hominum in partibus illis absumpserit, sed quantum reliquerit, inquirendum videatur. Vir uxorem et uxor virum, mater filiam et illa matrem, pater filium et e converso, frater sororem et illa fratrum et sororem, et postremo quilibet quemlibet amicum tabescere incipientem contagionis timore reliquit.	In the same year (1348), in Avignon, Marseille, Montpellier, the cities of Provence, indeed throughout entire Provence, Gascony, France, along every coast of the Mediterranean Sea up to Italy, and through many cities of Italy, such as Bologna, Ravenna, Venice, Genoa, Pisa, Lucca, Rome, Naples, Messina, and countless other cities, an epidemic so immense, fierce, and cruelly violent broke out that it spared no one of any sex, age, neither male nor female, nor exempt from any age group, afflicting men and women, old and young, commoners and nobles, the poor, the rich, and the powerful, especially the common people and laypersons, with a general and foul contagion. Meanwhile, the plague that had arisen seized the people and laid waste to them, so that in many places those responsible for burying the dead were first overwhelmed by the multitude of corpses, then one struggled to find them, later there were insufficient of them, and finally they couldn't be found at all. Now, both large and small houses throughout the cities, indeed, even many cities, were left empty of living people and full of the dead. In the cities, houses, fields, and other places, riches and possessions were abundant, but there were no owners anywhere. Finally, such a severe contagion of those wasting away caused the stench of corpses to waft even under roofs and in their beds, such that not only was there no opportunity for people to live in the cities themselves, but even approaching the lands and cities within a distance of two miles was impossible for people, unless they got infected, suddenly seized (p. 274) and died after three days. They were no longer buried. And, to summarize briefly, such a great, such a deadly epidemic fire raged that it seems not only necessary to investigate how many people it consumed in those regions, but how many it left behind. A husband abandoned his wife, and a wife her husband; a mother her daughter, and she her mother; a father his son, and vice versa; a brother his sister, and she her brothers and sisters; and, finally, everyone abandoned anyone at the first sign of the disease's spreading out of fear of contagion.	Heinrich von Herford 1859, pp. 273-274.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Bohemia	17 January 1348 JL	Following astrological phenomena a formerly unheard of epidemic raged in Bohemia as well as in other parts of the world (Christian and pagan) for 14 years. And there was no hideout from it neither in the lowlands nor on the mountains and many people died.	Eodem anno die XVII Ianuarii fuit eclipsis lune, et coniunccio quorundam malivolorum planetarum, ex quibus coniunccionibus et malis constellacionibus orta est inaudita epidimia seu pestilencia hominum in universo mundo et duravit tam in Boemia quam in aliis mundi partibus per XIIII annos proxime sequentes, et iam ibi, iam illic in terris christianorum et paganorum ubique. Nec erat alicubi refugium, quia sicut in planis sic in montibus et silvis homines moriebantur. In omnibus locis fiebant foveae grandes et plures singulis annis predictis, in quibus moriencium corpora sepeliebantur. Talis pestilencia et ita longa nunquam fuit a seculo.	In the same year on January 17 there was a eclipse of the moon and a malevolent conjunction of the planets and resulting from these conjunctions and bad constellations there was an unheard of epidemic or human plague in the whole world which lasted as well in Bohemia as in other parts of the world for 12 successive years at one time here at another there everywhere in the Christian and pagan lands. There was nowhere a hidout to be found, but as well on the flat land as in the mountains and forests the people died. In all places numerous and large grave pits where made in every single of the above mentioned years, in which the dead bodies where buried. Such a plague that lasted to long had never happend in this age.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 516	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-00-00-Bologna	May 1348 JL	Black Death in Bologna	Maxima et inaudita mortalitas fuit Bononiae, quae vocata fuit et semper vocabitur la mortalega grande, quia numquam fuit aliqua similis. Et incoepit de mense maji et duravit per totum annum et fere fuit per totum mundum et tam magna, quod duae partes ex tribus partibus personarum firmiter decesserunt; inter quos decesserunt duo doctores bononienses per totum mundum famosissimi, videlicet dominus Johannes Andreae, decretorum, et dominus Jacobus de Butrigariis, legum doctores	The greatest and unprecedented mortality was in Bologna, which was called and will always be called "the great mortality," because there was never anything like it. It began in the month of May and lasted for the whole year, and it was nearly worldwide and so severe that two out of every three people certainly died. Among those who died were two of the most famous doctors in the world from Bologna, namely, Master Johannes Andreae, a doctor of decrees, and Master Jacobus de Butrigariis, a doctor of law	Griffoni 1902, p. 56	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Bologna 002	1348 JL	Black Death in Bologna.	Fu il maggior terramtto che mai fosse stato al mondo il giorno della Conversione di San Paolo, e poi tutta la stade fu gran mortalitade per tutto il mondo, e morevano gl'huomini d'un enfiasone, che li veniva sotto la lasina overo nel' angonara, e puoco stavano amalati.	It was the greatest landfall that had ever been in the world on the day of the Conversion of St Paul, and then the whole stade was great mortality throughout the world, and men were dying of emphasisation, which came to them under the leaves or in the 'angonara', and they were sick.	Croniche succinte di Bologna, p. 95v.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Bologna-Bohemia	1348 JL	After descrbing the effects of the Black Death in many parts of Europe, Francis states on Bohemia: Students travelling from Bologna to Bohemia saw a lot of dead and severely ill people. Most of the students died as well already on the way.	Eodem tempore quidam studentes de Bononia versus Boemian transeuntes viderunt, quod in civitatibus et in castellis pauci homines vivi remanserunt et in aliquibus omnes defuncti fuerunt, in multis quoque domibus, qui vivi remanserant et egritudine oppressi, unus alteri non potuit porrigere haustum aque, nec in aliquo ministrare, et sic in magna affliccione et anxietate decedebant. Sacerdotes quoque ministrantes sacramenta et medici egris medicamenta ab ipsis inficiebantur et moriebantur et plurimi sacerdotibus mortuis sine confessione et sacramentis ecclesie de hac vita migraverunt. Facte sunt autem fosse magne, late et profunde, in quibus corpora defunctorum sepeliebantur. In locis quoque pluribus infectus aer plus inficiebatur — qui plus nocet quam cibus corruptus — ex putredine cadaverum, quia non remansit superstes, qui sepeliret. Verumtamen de prefatis studentibus nisi unus fuit Boemian reversus sodalesque sui in via decesserunt.	At that time, certain students who were travelling from Bologna towards (versus) Bohemia saw that few humans remained alive in the cities and castles and in some, all were dead. In many houses, those who survived were so overcome by the disease that one could not carry a drink of water to another nor care for another in any way. Thus they withdrew in great torment and anguish. Priests ministering the sacraments and medics supplying medicaments got infected and died and many priests died without confession and the sacraments of the church and they moved away from this life. And in many places, the air became further infected from the rotting of corpses, becoming a greater threat than spoiled food, as no one survived to bury them. Of these students, only one returned to Bohemia. His companions died along the way.	Francis of Prague, Chronicon Francisci Pragensi, ed. Jana Zachová, Prague 1997, p. 204f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-00-00-Catalonia	1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death caused by severe earthquake in Villach and meteorite impacts in Catalonia.	In Italia e per tuto el mondo circha l'ora del vespero fuoron grandissimi tremoti, adì xxv de zenaro; el quale tremoto fuo sentito per tuto el mondo e maximamente in le parte da Charentana, dove è una citade nome Villach, la quale tuta somerse per lo dicto tremoto. Et fuo contato e scripto per merchadanti che nelle parte del Chatai piovete grandissima quantitade de vermi e de serpenti li quali devoravano grandissima quantitade de gente. Ancora in quelle contrade, tra el Chatai e Persia, piovete fuogo de celo a modo de neve, el quale brusoe li monti e lla terra e gli uomini, el quale fuogo faceva fumo tanto pestelenciale, che chi sentiva quello fumo, moriva infra spacio de xii [p. 585] hore; a(n)cora chi guardava quelli ch'erano venenati da quello fumo pestelenciale eciamdio morivano. Et advenne che doe galee de' Gienonesi passando per la dicta contrata fuorono inficiati de quella pestilencia e commenciarono a morire, et pervenuti in Costantinopoli e in Pera comenciano quelle galleoti a parlare con quelli de Constantinopoli e de Pera. Et incontente comenciò la mortalitade in quelle citade, per tale modo che ne morirono li dui terzi de le persone; e andate quelle doe galee in Sicilia e in Missina, apicione la mortalicha in quelle contrade, dove morìo circha vcxxx milia persone; e una cità de quelle reame, nome Trapani, remase desabitata per quella pestilencia, e nella citade de Gienoa morirono circha xl millia persone; ancora la cità de Marsilia remase quasi dexabitata per la dicta pestilencia, la quale pestilencia fuo per tuto el mundo. Et in quello anno, in lo dì de la nativitade de Yhesu Christo, apparve uno fuogho in celo, overo in l'aere, el quale teneva da [p. 586] levante a ponente. E ne le parte de Chatelogna' cadde da celo iii petre grandissime, e quelli de quella contrada mandarono una de quelle petre suso uno mullo al re de Chatelogna. [...] [p. 587] E per quelle ch'io trovo, quella pestilencia fuo generale per tuto el mundo, unde fuo scripto per merchadanti che in uno dì in la cità de Parise ne fuoron sepeliti mille trecento vinte octo, e molte cità de Franza e de oltra monti erano remase quase dexabitade per quella pestilencia; e de Venesia e de Chioza fuo contato che ogne dì morivano viC huomeni, e similmente fuo dicto de Pisa.	In Italy and throughout the world, around the hour of vespers on the 25th of January, there were very great earthquakes; this earthquake was felt throughout the world and especially in the region of Carinthia, where there is a city named Villach, which was entirely submerged by said earthquake. It was reported and written by merchants that in the region of Cathay there fell a great quantity of worms and serpents which devoured a vast number of people. Furthermore, in those regions, between Cathay and Persia, fire fell from the sky like snow, which burned the mountains, the land, and the men; this fire produced such a pestilential smoke that anyone who inhaled it died within twelve hours. Moreover, those who looked at those poisoned by that pestilential smoke also died. It happened that two Genoese galleys passing through the said region were infected by that pestilence and began to die, and upon arriving in Constantinople and Pera, those sailors began to speak with the people of Constantinople and Pera. Immediately, the mortality began in those cities, in such a manner that two-thirds of the people died; and when those two galleys arrived in Sicily and Messina, they spread the plague in those regions, where about 530,000 people died; and a city in that kingdom, named Trapani, was left uninhabited due to that pestilence, and in the city of Genoa about 40,000 people died; also the city of Marseille was almost depopulated due to the said pestilence, which was present throughout the world. And in that year, on the day of the Nativity of Jesus Christ, a fire appeared in the sky, or rather in the air, stretching from east to west. In the region of Catalonia, three very large stones fell from the sky, and the people of that region sent one of those stones on a mule to the king of Catalonia. [...] And from what I found, that pestilence was general throughout the world, for it was written by merchants that in one day in the city of Paris, 1,328 people were buried, and many cities in France and beyond the mountains were almost depopulated due to that pestilence; and it was reported from Venice and Chioggia that every day 600 men died, and similarly it was said of Pisa.	Anonymus 1938c, pp. 584–587	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Cathay	1348 JL	In parts of Cathai it rained worms and snakes	Eodem millesimo (1348), in partibus Captay pluit in maxima copia vermium et serpentium qui devoraverunt maximam quantitatem gentium et quoscumque homines, homines vel feminas, tangebat aqua, subito moriebantur		Anonymus 1908, p. 160	Translation needed
1348-00-00-Erfurt	1348 JL	The Black Death in Erfurt kills 12.000 people, who are buried in mass graves in Neuses.	Dez selbin jares was groez sterbin; alleiniz zue Erforte storbin zwolf tusent menschin, die da gevuert worden uf den karren zue Nueseße ane die in der stat heimelichen begrabin worden und in den dorferen die umme die stat lagen. Dese lute storibin dazu meiste teil an den drueßen.	In the same year, there was a great mortality; alone in Erfurt, twelve thousand people died, who were brought to Neuses on carts and wagons. Not included are those who were secretly buried in the city or in the villages surrounding it. These people mostly died due to glandular swellings.	Template:Chronici Saxonici continuatio Erfordensis 1899, p. 485	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Faenza	20 June 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Faenza and all over the world	1348. Mortalitas maxima per totum mundum fuit.		Azzurini 1907, p. 96	Translation needed
1348-00-00-Firenze	1348 JL	The Black Death described from its presumed origins in India to Britain. For Florence, 60.000 victims are estimated.	1348. Lugubris et miseranda pestis pene per orbem, que in Asia apud Indos incipiens passimque provincias irrepens trium annorum spatio usque Britannos ubique terrarum in omnes gentes deseviit. Et hoc anno amplius sexaginta hominum milia Florentie et intra urbem absumpsit, et per agrum cuncta prope deserata reliquit.	1348. A mournful and pitiable plague almost throughout the world, which, beginning in Asia among the Indians, and creeping everywhere through the provinces, raged for the space of three years until it reached the Britons, devastating all peoples everywhere on earth. And in this year, it consumed more than sixty thousand people in Florence, both within and outside the city, leaving almost all the countryside deserted.	Annales florentini 1868, p. 679	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Italy	1348 JL	Black Death is associated with blood spitting	Isto anno usque ad Festum omnium Sanctorum, tam ultra mare, quam citra per totum mundum fuit morbus horribilis et tremendus. Qui conversabatur cum infirmo, moriebatur; spuebant sanguinem. Multae Civitates, & Oppida hac causa per Mundum desertae incolis factae sunt.	This year, until the Feast of All Saints, both across the sea and on this side throughout the entire world, there was a horrible and tremendous disease. Whoever interacted with the sick would die; they would spit blood. Many cities and towns around the world were deserted by their inhabitants because of this.	Chronicon Regiense, p. 66	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Italy 002	1348 JL	Arrival of the Black Death from the Orient in Italy	In partibus Persie maxima quantitas ignis ab ethere descendit, qui combuxit arbores et homines, ac fumum tante putredinis faciebat quod, qui odorabant, in prossimis duodecim horis deficiebant. Tunc Januensium quedam naves circa partes illas pervenerunt, et statim quidam navigantium infecti sunt; et ubicumque dicte naves peragrabant, ibidem maxima mortalits insurgebat. Dum verso Constantinopolis, Peram Siciliamque sulcarent, inficiebant omnes et moriebantur. Postquam etenim Janue adherant, statim mors rapida fuit; et multa hominum milia occubuerunt. Civitas vero Dreppani tali morbo inhabitas remansit.		Annales Forolivienses, pp. 66–67	Translation needed
1348-00-00-Italy 003	1348 JL	Earthquake at 25. January and arrival of the Black Death in Italy and its spread and symptoms	Deus omnipotens, qui non vult mortem peccatoris, sed ut convertatur et vivat, primo minatur, secundo vero percuit ad correctionem humani generis, non interitum. Volens affligere humanum genus plagis maximis, inauditis, primo in extremis partibus mundi, in orientis plaga cepit suum iudicium horrendum. Cum vero jam percussiset Tartaros, Turcos (p. 121) et genus infidelium universum in MCCCXLVIII, die XXV Januarii, hora XXIII, fuit maximus terremotus per horam mediam ad terrorem Christianorum. Post quem pestis inaudita transivit mare, scilicet in partes Venetiarum, Lombardie, Marchie, Tuscie, Alemanie, Francie et per fere mundum universum. Hanc, quidem infecti, venientes de partibus orientis, detulerunt. Hi solo visu, vel tactu, vel flatu omnes occidebant. Erat hec infectio incurabilis, non poterat evitari. Uxor fugiebat amplexum cari viri, pater filii, frater fratris: et gentes subito multotiens expirabant. Sic ovis infecta inficit totum gregem. Sic unius domus descendentes unum semper moriendo ceteri sequebantur usque ad canes. Corpora etiam nobilium manebant insepulta. Multi pretio a vilibus sepeliebantur sine presbyteris et candelis. Veneti vero, ubi centum milia perierunt, navibus redemptis magno pretio corpora ad insulas portabant. Civitas erat quasi desolata. Unus solus incognitus venit Paduam, qui civitatem infecit in tantum, quod forsan in toto comitatu tertia pars defecit. Civitates, cupientes evitare talem pestem, omnibus extraneis prohibebant ingressum. Sic mercatores de civitate ad civitatem non poterant ambulare. Hac clade fuerunt destitute civitates et castra. Non audiebantur voces, nisi heu, dolores et planctus. Tunc cessavit vox sponsi et sponse, sonus cythare, cantus juvenum et letitia. Pestes vero imminentes tempore Pharaonis, David, Esechie, Gregorii Pape respective possunt nunc pro nihilo reputari. Henc enim pestis circuit totum orbem. Deus enim tempore Noe tantas animas vix consumpsit, cui possibile est humanum genus etiam de lapidibus restaurare. Hujus pestis erant pessime alii infecti, ut supra; quidam evomendo sanguinem expirabant subito, ali morbo cancri, vel vermis. In signum vero mortis, quasi omnibus nascebantur glandule incurabiles, circa genitalia, vel sub brachiis, vel aliis partibus, venenosis febribus sociate. Hi prima, vel secunda die expirabant; post tertiam, licet raro esset, aliqua spes salutis, aliqui somno capti, nunquam excitati, transibant. Contra hoc medici palam profitebantur se nescire remedium, quorum hac peste potissima pars defecit.		Guillelmus de Cortusiis, pp. 120–121	Translation needed
1348-00-00-L'Aquila	1348 JL	Price increase of groceries parallel to the occurrence of the Black Death.	Mai no foro sà care cose de infermeria: / picciolu pollastregliu quatro solli valia, / e l'obu a duj denair e a tri se vennia, / delle poma medemmo era gra' carestia. / Cose medecinali ongi cosa à passato, / ché l'oncia dello zuccaro a secte solli è stato; / l'oncia delli tradanti se' solli è conperato, / e dello melescristo altro tanto n'è dato. / La libra dell' uva passa tri solli se vennia, / li nocci delle manole duj solli se dagia, / [p. 242] dece vaca de mori un denaro valia, / quanno n'aviano dudici bo' derrata paria.	Never a hole knows the dear things of the infirmary: / the small chicken is worth four coins, / and the bird is worth two and three coins, / and the medemma apple was a great famine. / Medecinal things every thing has passed, / because the ounce of the pumpkin was a hundred coins; / the ounce of the trader is a hundred coins, / and the meleschrist is another thousand coins. / La libra dell' uva passa tri solli se vennia, / li nocci delle manole duj solli se dagia, / [p. 242] dece vaca de mori un denaro valia, / quanno n'aviano dudici bo' derrata paria.	Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 241–242.	None
1348-00-00-Mantua	1348 JL	The Black Death in Mantua.	Cap. CLIIII - De mortalitate que fuit MCCCXLVIII In quel anno di gran mortalità venìa / ben che in del passato zià era stato, / di gaudusse a l' inguinaie morìa. / L'uno anno e l' altro si fu terminato / li due parti di li zente morire, / cinquantamila co conta extimato. / Li biade per li campi no choiere, / li uve in su li vigni si romanìa / non era chi curasse de quelli avire. / Li chase vode abandonate stasìa, / non era alchuno chi di roba curasse, / zaschuno per ascampar pensier facìa.	Chapter CLIIII - On the Mortality of 1348 In that year of great mortality, it came / even though in the past it had already been, / people died of swelling in the groin. / One year and the next it was finished / two-thirds of the people died, / estimated at fifty thousand in total. / The grain in the fields did not grow, / the grapes on the vines remained, / there was no one who cared for those possessions. / The houses stood empty and abandoned, / there was no one who cared for goods, / everyone thought only of escaping..	"Aliprandina" o "Cronica di Mantua", p. 133.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Middle East	February 1348 JL	The beginning and the origins of the Black Death in the Middle East; High mortality in Lucca, Pisa, Venice from February to June.	In lo dicto millesimo si fu una grandissima mortalità in più parte del mondo, specialmente a Zenoa, a Pisa, a Lucha, a Vinexia, in Avignone, in la Cicilia, e più città si facea guardia, de che queste città prescripte le persone de quelle non gli potesseno entrare. Et questo si cominzò in 1347, e pare che el commenzamento fusse al Chataio et in Persia, che gli piové aqua cum vermi et appuzolava tucte le persone et contrade, et possa parve che gli chadesse balotte facte como uno homo a grossa la testa et parea neve et como elle erano in terra che ardeano la terra et le prede, come fusseno legne; sì che disesse ch'ele fevano fumo grandissimo et quanti [p. 583] vedeva questo subbito chadevano morti. De che pare che da x galee de Christiani, zoè de Zenovisi, Ceciliani et d' altre parte, arivaseno là, et sentino de questo, et comminzono a morire; de che se partino et zaschuno s'apressò d'arivare alle soe contrade, et in ogni parte, là dove elli arivavano, si diseano' questa pistolenza, che zaschuno che gli odiva o vedeva, incontenti si era morto, o vero infermo; de che la mortaligha in le città sopradicte è 't sì forte et sì fiera che christiano non lo poteva contare. Et si vidi la lettera lá ove queste cose erano scripte, che da cielo era chazù tre prede grosse quanto è uno barile da mele zaschuna, et havela innanzi che questa mortaligha fusse in Ytalia; et fu dà la lettera a Pisa et de llì io l'avi. Questa mortalità da Lucha, da Pisa, da Vinexia fu in lo mille 3e 48, de febraro, de marzo, d'aprile, de mazo et de zugno.	In the said thousandth year, there was a great mortality in many parts of the world, especially in Zenoa, Pisa, Lucha, Vinexia, Avignon, and Cicilia, and more cities were guarded, so that these cities prescribed that the people of those cities could not enter them. And this began in M3cxl7, and it seems that the beginning was at Chataio and in Persia, that it rained water with worms and it appuzzolava all the people and lands, and it seemed to him that there fell boulders made like a man with a large head and it seemed like snow and how they were on the ground that burned the earth and the prey, as if they were wood; so that he said that they made very great smoke and those who [p. 583] saw this sub-burden. 583] saw this immediately fell dead. So it seems that from x galleys of Christians, namely from Zenovisi, Ceciliani and others, they arrived there, and heard of this, and began to die; So they departed and each one opened up to reach his own quarters, and in every place, where they arrived, they said to each other, that each one who hated them, or saw them, met with death, or was truly ill; so that the mortality in the cities above is so strong and so fierce that the Christians could not count it. Et si vidi la lettera lá ove queste cose erano scripte, che da cielo era chazù tre prede grosse quanto è uno barile da mele zaschuna, et havela innteriormente che questa mortaligha fusse in Ytalia; et fu dà la lettera a Pisa et de llì l'avvi. This mortality from Lucha, from Pisa, from Venice was in 1348, in February, de March, April, May and June.	Cronaca A (-1350), pp. 582–583.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Middle East 002	1348 JL	The beginning and the origins of the Black Death in the Middle East and about the severe earthquake especially in Villach.	In 1348 in Italia e per tuto lo mondo, circha l'ora de vespero, fonno grandissimi teramoti adì 25 de zenaro. El quale teramoto fo sentito per tuto el mondo e masimamente in le parti de Charantana, donde è una citade nome Vilach, la quale fo tuta somerssa per lo ditto teramoto; e fo contado e scrito per merchatanti che ne le parte del Chatay piovè grandisima quantitade de vermi e de serpenti li quali devoravano de le persone. Anchora in quele contrade del Chatay e de Persia piové fuogo da zielo a modo neve, el quale fuogo bruxò li monti e la terra e gli omeni, el quale fuogo faceva fumo tanto pesetelenziale chi chi lo sentìa morìa [p. 590] in fra spacio de 12 ore. Anchora chi guardava quili, ch'erano avenenati da quelo fumo, moriano. E avene che doe Zenoixi, passando per dita contrada fono infiziati de questa pistilenzia e cominzarno a morire. E prevenuti a Costantinopoli e in Pera incontenenti queli comenzono a morire in quele citade in tal modo che ne morì li dui terzi de le persone; e, andate quelle doe galee in Sizilia e in Misina, apichono la mortalitade in quele contrade dove morì 530 milia persone. E una citade de quelo reame che à nome Prapani remaxe dexabitada per quella pistilenzia. E in la cità de Zenora morì circa 40 milia persone. Anchora a la zitade de Marsilia remaxe quaxi desabitada. La quale pistilenzia fo per tuto lo mondo. E in quelo anno, per la nativitade de Ihesu Christo, aparve uno fuogo ne l'aiera, el quale tenìa da livante a ponente. [p. 591] E ne le parte de Catalogna cade tre prede grandissime e quili de quele contrade mandono una de quele prede su uno mulo al re de Catalogna. [...] [p. 592] E per quelo ch'io trovo, quella pistilenzia fo per tuto lo mondo: Unde fo scrito per merchadanti che in la cità de Parixi, in uno dì forno sepelidi 1328 persone, e molte citdae de Franza e d'oltra monti romaxeno quasi desabitade. E in Venexia e de Chioza se disse che ogni dì circha 600 persone, e similmente de Pixa.	In 1348 in Italy and all over the world, around the hour of evening, there was a great earthquake on the 25th of January. This earthquake was heard all over the world, and especially in the Charantana area, where there is a town called Vilach, which was completely submerged by this earthquake; and it was reported and written by merchants that in the Chatay area it rained a great quantity of worms and snakes which devoured people. Also in those parts of Chatay and Persia it rained snow-like gale-force winds, which burned the mountains and the earth and people, and which made such heavy smoke that those who felt it died within 12 hours. Even those who looked at those who were poisoned by that smoke died. And it came to pass that two Zenoixi, passing through the district, were infected with this pistilenzia and began to die. And when they came to Constantinople and Pera they began to die in those cities in such a way that two thirds of the people died; and when those two galleys went to Syzilia and Misina, they opened the mortality in those lands where 530 thousand people died. And a city of that realm, which is called Prapani, became inhabited by that people. And in the city of Zenora about 40 thousand people died. Anchora a la zitade de Marsilia remaxe quaxi desabitada. La quale pistilenzia fo per tutto lo mondo. E in quelo anno, per la nativitade de Ihesu Christo, a fuogo ne l'aiera aparve, el el el tenìa da livante a ponente. [p. 591] And in the part of Catalonia three very great preys fell, and those from those lands sent one of them on a mule to the King of Catalonia. [...] [p. 592] And from what I find, that pistilenzia was for all the world: so it was written by merchants that in the city of Parixi, in one day 1328 people were buried, and many cities of France and other mountains were almost deserted. And in Venice and Chioza it was said that every day about 600 people were buried, and similarly in Pisa.	Cronaca Bolognetti 1938, pp. 589–592.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Naples	1348 JL	Black Death leads to the withdrawal of King Louis the Great of Hungary	Eodem millesimo et temporibus maxima pestis mortalitatis fuit in civitate Neapolim, in qua mortui sunt in duobus mensibus LXIIIIm; quapropter rex Ungarie recessit inde		Anonymus 1908, p. 162	Translation needed
1348-00-00-Norway	1348 JL	Black Death in Norway in 1348. Pope Clement VI orders a mass called “Recordare Domine” to counter the Black Death in Avignon	Sniovar sva miklir ok islaug at engir mvndu slikan. Drepsótt ok mannfall sva mikit j Noregi ok i vt londum at enginn vissi dæmi til sliks fyrr siþan Noa floð var. ok eydduz bæði borgir ok bæir kastalar ok kauptvn sva skiott at nær engir fengu gert reikning sinn þar til. er Clemens pavi het fyrir at syngia skylldi messo þa er hann hafði componat þrim sinnum ok stanða á kniam með liosi. grasleysu sumar.	Such a harsh spring of snow and frozen hot springs that no one remembered anything alike. There was such a deadly disease and great loss of life in Norway and abroad that no one had known such an example since Noah's flood. And it laid waste both cities and villages, castles and market towns so swiftly that almost no one was able to give account (before God] until Pope Clement called to sing a mass for the remission of sins, of which he had composed three, where [all] should stand on their knees with candles. Grassless summer.	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 213	Translation by Carina Damm
1348-00-00-Paris	1348 JL	Black Death in Paris	Eodem millesimo (1348). Relata fuerunt nova in partibus Lombardie, quod die XIIIo martii sepulti fuerunt in civitate Parixius propter maximam pestem mortalitatis MCCCXXVIII homines sine aliis, de quibus non fiebat mentio; propter quod rex fugerat inde, et iverat castrum quoddam extra districtum, Parixius. Regina ipsius uxor cum unico filio et duobus nepotibus defuncti erant, et ali multi nobiles, et similiter in partibus circumstantibus, et in quadam civitate, que dicebatur Nobellexe, in qua habitabant circa MM homines armorum, non remanserat nisi CC. Alia civitas Avarexe inhabitabilis effeta erat, alie cuiusdam civitates pro maiori parte subverse et submerse erant et in partibus illis apparuerunt locuste que devoraverunt bladas, et arbores et alia mira satis.		Anonymus 1908, p. 161	Translation needed
1348-00-00-Paris2	1348 JL	List of noble victims of the Black Death across the Holy Roman Empire and France; impact on Paris and the Hundred Years War in Gascony.	Anno Domini M°CCC°XLIX° predicto in pestilencia moriebantur circa finem anni filia Karoli Romani regis et Bohemie, regina Ungarie, item soror eiusdem reigs, uxor Iohannis primogeniti Franci. Item uxor Franci de Burgundia; qui Francus filiam regis Navarnie pulcherrimam de suo genere duxit uxorem. Item primogenitus ducis Brabancie, gener predicti Iohannis. Item et domina de Couzin, filia quondam Lupoldi ducis Austrie, et Conradus de Medeburg maritus eius. Item filia regis Sicilie, uxor Stephani ducis Bavarie, relictis sibi pluribus liberis. Qui Stephanus filiam burggravii in Nurenberg duxit uxorem. Tantaque fuit in Francia et in Anglia pestilencia, quod Parisius et in pluribus locis vix nonus homo dicitur remansisse. Et cessare incepit. Anglus quoque, qui durante pestilencia quievit non inquietando Francum, iterum cessante pestilencia in Wasconia per suos Francum invadit, aliquas municiones expugnans et terram quasi usque ad Tholosam sue subiecens dicioni.	In the year of our Lord 1349, during the aforementioned pestilence, towards the end of the year, died the daughter of Charles, King of the Romans and Bohemia, the Queen of Hungary [Margaret of Luxembourg, died 7 September 1349 in Viségrad], as well as his sister [Jutta/Bonne of Luxembourg, died 11 September 1349 at Maubuisson], the wife of John, the eldest son of the King of France. Also, the wife of the French Duke of Burgundy [Jeann, died 12 December 1348]; this Frenchman married the most beautiful daughter of the King of Navarre from his lineage. Also, the eldest son of the Duke of Brabant, son-in-law of the aforementioned John. Also, the Lady of Coucy, [Catherine of Austria] daughter of Duke Leopold of Austria, and Burggrave Konrad I. of Maidburg, her husband. Also, the daughter of the King of Sicily, [Elisabeth of Sicily] wife of Stephen, Duke of Bavaria, leaving behind several children [died 21 March 1349 in Landshut] . This Stephen married the daughter of the Burggrave of Nuremberg. The plague was so severe in France and England that in Paris and in many places barely one out of nine persons is said to have remained alive. And it began to cease. Also, the English, who during the plague refrained from troubling the French, once the plague ceased, invaded Gascony through their own territory, capturing some fortifications and subjecting the land almost up to Toulouse to their rule.	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 439.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1348-00-00-Poland	1348 JL	The Black Death appears in Poland and other kingdoms (Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany) caused by a polution of the air by the Jews.	Pestis horrenda in Polonia et aliis Regnis ex corruptione aeris per Iudaeos infecti: quam etiam terrae motus subsecutus est. Gravis epidemiae pestis apud Poloniae Regnum saeva mortalitate in universos irruens, non Poloniam tantummodo, sed et Hungariam, Bohemiam, Daciam, Franciam, Almanniam et fere universa Christianitatis et barbarica Regna horrenda lue quassavit.	There was a horrible plague in Poland and other kingdoms which resulted from the infection of the air by the Jews. And directly afterwards the earth shook. There was a grave epidemic of plague in the kingdom of Poland and a terrible mortality burst over them, not only in Poland, but also in Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany and pretty much the whole of Christianity and of the barbaric kingdoms where terribly shaken by the plague.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 252	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-00-00-Sicily	1348 JL	Black Death in Sicily	Eo namque tempore, anno videlicet domini MCCCXLVIII, in toto regno Siciliae, et generaliter per totum mundum, pestifera mortalitas perduravit et morbus talis, quod subito apparebat glandula in inguine hominis et infra duos aut tres dies ad tardius hominem occidebat. Sicque in terra ipsa tanta invaluit ipsa mortalitas, quod quasi modicus superfuit populus in eadem; et sic generaliter contigit in singulis civitatibus et casalibus regni hujus et mundi.		Dominico de Gravina 1903, p. 49	Translation needed
1348-00-00-Southern-Italy	1348 JL	Appearance of the Black Death all across Southern Italy, with precise description of Symptoms	Eo namque tempore, anno videlicet domini MCCCXLVIII, in toto regno Siciliae, et generaliter per totum mundum, pestifera mortalitas perduravit et morbus talis, quod subito apparebat glandula in inguine hominis et infra duos aut tres dies ad tardius hominem occidebat. Sicque in terra ipsa tanta invaluit ipsa mortalitas, quod quasi modicus superfuit populus in eadem; et sic generaliter contigit in singulis civitatibus et casalibus regni hujus et mundi.	At that time, namely in the year of our Lord 1348, a pestilential mortality persisted throughout the entire kingdom of Sicily and generally throughout the whole world, and such a disease that a gland would suddenly appear in a man's groin and within two or three days at most, it would kill the person. And so, in that land, the mortality became so strong that almost only a small portion of the population remained; and this generally happened in every city and village of this kingdom and the world.	Dominico de Gravina 1903, p. 49	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Trapani	1348 JL	Apocalyptic origins of plague in Persia. Transported by the Genovese via Constantinople to Sicily and annihilation of Trapani	In partibus Persie maxima quantitas ignis ab ethere descendit, qui combuxit arbores et homines, ac fumum tante putredinis faciebat quod, qui odorabant, in prossimis duodecim horis deficiebant. Tunc Januensium quedam naves circa partes illas pervenerunt, et statim quidam navigantium infecti sunt; et ubicumque dicte naves peragrabant, ibidem maxima mortalits insurgebat. Dum verso Constantinopolis, Peram Siciliamque sulcarent, inficiebant omnes et moriebantur. Postquam etenim Janue adherant, statim mors rapida fuit; et multa hominum milia occubuerunt. Civitas vero Dreppani tali morbo inhabitas remansit.	In parts of Persia, a great quantity of fire descended from the sky, which burned trees and people, and the smoke produced such a stench that those who inhaled it perished within the next twelve hours. Then, certain Genoese ships arrived in those parts, and immediately some of the sailors were infected; and wherever these ships traveled, a great mortality arose. When they sailed towards Constantinople, Pera, and Sicily, they infected everyone and people died. After arriving in Genoa, death struck rapidly, and many thousands of people perished. The city of Trapani remained uninhabited due to this plague	Mazzatini 1903-09, pp. 66-67	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Venice	1348 JL	The Black Death in Venice, Chioggia and Pisa	Eodem millesimo et tempore maxim pestis mortalitatis fuit in Venetiis et Clugia, in quibus locis quolibet die sepelliebantur circa VIc corpora; et similiter pestis maxima fuit in civitate Pixarum.	In the same year and time, there was a great pestilence in Venice and Chioggia, where approximately 600 bodies were buried each day. Similarly, there was a great pestilence in the city of Pisa	Anonymus 1908, p. 162	Translation needed
1348-01-00-Pisa	January 1348 JL	Severe outbreak of Black Death in Pisa.	e così si partiro quelle maledette galee e vennero a Pisa a dì ... di gienaio, e come furono a Pisa nella piazza de' pesci e a qualunque favellavan subitamente amalavano di morbo e subito cadevano morti, e così che favellava a quelli amalati o tochasse alcuna di le loro cose, così di subito amalavano e morivano, e così si sparse per tutta Pisa, per modo che vi fu tal dì che ne moriva 400, e ognuno er inpaurito che l'uno non volea aiutare l'altro, el padre abandonava el figliuolo, el figluolo abandonava el padre e la madre e' fratelli, e la moglie el marito, e così nissuno aiutava l'altro, e ogni persona si fugìa, per tal modo ne morì tanti che [p. 553] Pisa fi fu abandonare e non si trovava medici che volessero curare, e a pena e' pochi preti davano la confessione e sagramenti, e non si trovava chi li sopellisse se no' el padre portava el figluolo, el marito portava la moglie a la fossa senza preti o croce, e molti rimaneano, chè non v'era chi li portasse a la fossa. E Dio promise però, che nissuno rimanesse in sul letto, nè in casa morto, che non fusse portato a la fossa de qualcuno dicendo: "Aiutiamo costoro, chè saremo aiutati noi, e portialli a la fossa, chè saremo portati noi"; e così come per morti molti si metteano e molti ne moriva e molti canpavano e molti facevano per denaro e molti per l'amor di Dio. E quelli che fugiano di Pisa erano divietati e non poteano entrare in terra alcuna, e durò questa morìa.	And so those accursed galleys departed and came to Pisa on the day ... of January, and as they were in Pisa in the square of the fish, and to whomever they spoke they immediately fell sick with the disease and immediately fell dead, and so that they spoke to those sick or touched any of their things, so they immediately fell sick and died, and so it spread throughout Pisa, so that there were some days when 400 died, and everyone was afraid that one did not want to help the other, the father abandoned the son, the son abandoned the father and the mother and the brothers, and the wife and her husband, and so no one helped the other, and each person fled, and so many died that [p. 553] Pisa was abandoned. 553] Pisa was abandoned and no doctors could be found who wanted to cure them, and it was a pity that few priests gave confession and sacraments, and there was no one to console them unless the father carried the child, and the husband carried his wife to the grave without priests or a cross, and many remained, because there was no one to carry them to the grave. And God promised, however, that no one would remain in bed, nor in the house dead, who was not brought to the grave of someone, saying: "Let us help these people, for we will be helped, and bring them to the grave, for we will be brought"; and in the same way many were put to death and many died, and many died for money and many for the love of God. And those who went out of Pisa were banned and could not enter any land, and this death lasted.	Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939 p. 553	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-25-Erfurt	25 January 1348 JL	Earthquake in Erfurt and outbreak of the plague in the Mediterranean region. Well poisoning is seen as the cause.	Eodem anno (1348) conversione sancti Pauli fuit terre motus magnus Erfordie. [...] Eodem anno fuit magna pestilencia in partibus transmarinis, videlicet in Gallia, Grecia, Francia et in provinciis paganorum ac circa Veneciam adeo quod tota Cristianitas ac alie naciones interierunt ratione foncium et aquarum infectarum veneno, ut dicitur.	In the same year (1348), on the feast day of the conversion of Saint Paul, there was a great earthquake in Erfurt. [...] In the same year, there was a great pestilence in overseas regions, namely in Gaul, Greece, France, and in the regions of the pagans, and around Venice to the extent that the entire Christendom and other nations perished due to the poison of contaminated fountains and waters, as it is said.	Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 394	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-01-25-Friuli	25 January 1348 JL	Earthquake and Black Death in Friuli	Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII, die XXV januarii, circa horam vespertinam, fuit terremotus magnus, qualis non fertur in aliquibus scripturis. Eodem quoque anno jam incepta pestilentia		Juliani canonici Civitatenses chronica, p. 57	Translation needed
1348-01-25-Venice	25 January 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Venice in 1347; after the Earthquake at 25. January 1348 even stronger and lasted until August	Qua quidem epidimia Venecijs incoacta 1347; die 25 januarii, hora vespertina, die conversionis sancti Pauli fuit Venetijs maximus et terribilis terremotus, et ex tunc ipsa pestis amplius invaluit, perseverans usque 1348, per totum mensem augusti; ob quam tercia pars Venetorum, vel circa, (dicitur decessisse).	During this epidemic in Venice, which began in 1348, on January 25th, at the hour of vespers, on the feast day of the Conversion of Saint Paul, there was a great and terrible earthquake in Venice. From that point on, the plague grew stronger, persisting until 1348, throughout the entire month of August. Due to this, it is said that about one-third of the Venetians, or thereabouts, died	Template:Raphaynus de Caresinis 1922, p. 5	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-02-00-Lucca	February 1348 JL	The Black Death comes to Lucca via Pisa	Avendo Iddio, per i nostri peccati, mandato il segno della carestia, come è stato raccontato, e nonostante questo non essendosi gli uomini pentiti né avendo perdonato le offese, ma organizzatisi addirittura per mali ancora maggiori, la somma potenza di Dio decise di mandare una epidemia per punire quelli senza timore di Lui e pertinaci nel fare del male, nonostante che per essa dovessero perire molti innocenti. Essendo giunte a Pisa dala Romania due galee di Genovesi, con a bordo uomini ammalati di peste, giunti che furono nella Piazza dei Pesci, tutti quelle che parlarono con quei marinai, in breve si ammalarono e [p. 111] morirono; e ciò avvenne del gennaio del 1348. E così l'epidemia iniziò grandemente in Pisa e poi si sparse per tutta la Toscana e sopratutto in Lucca. E in quel tempo, il 18 di febbraio dell'anno suddetto, nacqui io, Giovanni Sercambi, nella contrada di San Cristoforo, nelle case di messer Santo Falabrina; nella quale epidemia morirono più di 80 persone su cento. E l'aria era così impestata, che in qualunque luogo uno andasse la morte lo raggiungeva; e vedendo che tutti morivano, poco si aveva paura della morte. E da molti si credette che fosse la fine del mondo. E quell' epidemia durò in Toscana per più di un anno. E tutti quelli che sopravissero divennero ricchi, perchè il tesoro di molti rimase in proprietà di uno solo. E nonostante tutti questi segni i Pisani non abbondarono Lucca, ma per lungo tempo, con maggiore asprezza, la signoreggiarono.	Since God, due to our sins, had sent the sign of famine, as has been recounted, and despite this, men did not repent nor did they forgive offenses, but rather organized themselves for even greater evils, the supreme power of God decided to send an epidemic to punish those without fear of Him and persistent in doing harm, even though many innocents had to perish because of it. Two galleys from Genoa, carrying men sick with the plague, arrived in Pisa from the Black Sea and Aegean. When they reached the Piazza dei Pesci, all those who spoke with the sailors shortly fell ill and died; and this happened in January of 1348. Thus the epidemic began greatly in Pisa and then spread throughout Tuscany and especially in Lucca. And at that time, on February 18th of the aforementioned year, I, Giovanni Sercambi, was born in the district of San Cristoforo, in the houses of Messer Santo Falabrina; during this epidemic, more than 80 out of every 100 people died. The air was so contaminated that wherever one went, death would reach them; and seeing that everyone was dying, there was little fear of death. Many believed it was the end of the world. This epidemic lasted in Tuscany for more than a year. All those who survived became wealthy because the treasures of many remained in the possession of a single person. Despite all these signs, the Pisans did not abandon Lucca, but for a long time, ruled it with even greater harshness..	Giovanni Sercambi 2015), pp. 110-111.	Translation by DeepL
1348-03-00-Beziers	March 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Béziers; large mortality of the population.	El An. M.ccc.xlviij., elm es de Mars, comenser la mortaudat a Bezers, e duret entro lo mes d’Aost; e fo aytal mortalitat, que de las xxv. Pressonas a penas ne remanìa. Ij. o tres.	In the year 1348, in the month of March, the mortality began in Béziers and lasted until the month of August. The mortality was such that out of every 25 people, barely 2 or 3 remained.	Chronique de Mercier et Regis 1839, p. 89	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-03-00-Bologna	March 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Bologna.	Del mexe de marzo comenzò una morìa in Bologna e per tuto lo mondo, che fo in 1348, e mai non era stada una maore; e moriane d'uno male de pestilenzia, o sotto la laxina o in [p. 576] l'anguinaglie, e a questo non se trovava reparo nesuno so no la grazia de Dio, e si moriano in dui dì o tri al più.	In the month of March, a death began in Bologna and all over the world, which took place in 1348, and never before had there been a death; and they died of a plague, either under laxine or in [p. 576] anguinaglia, and no one could find reparation for this except the grace of God, and they died in two or three days at most.	Cronaca Bolognetti 1938, pp. 575-576	Translation by DeepL
1348-03-00-Béziers	4 March 1348 JL	A mortality, the Black Death breaks out in Arles and all over the world. 90 percent of the people die.	E en l'an mil CCCXLVIII, la primieyra semmana de carema (4 March), comenset a Bezes la gran mortalitat, et comenset costa le porge d'en Sicart Taborieg, mercadier, costa en P. Perus, qu'es de peyra al cap de la carieyra franceza, et moriron totz los senhors cossols, els clavaris, els escudiers, et apres tanta de gent, que de mil non y remanian cent.	In the year 1348, the first week of Lent (March 4), the great mortality began in Bezes, and the death of Sicart Taborieg, merchant, cost P. Perus, who is from Peyra in head of the French career, all the noble men, the claviers, the squires died, you learned so many people, that out of a thousand there were not a hundred left.	Le libre de memorias de Jacme Mascaro, p. 41.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1348-03-00-Firenze	March 1348 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Florence: a most detailed description of all its impacts and consequences	Negli anni del Signore MCCXLVIII fu nella città di Firenze e nel contado grandissima pistilenzia, e fu di tale furore e di tanta tempesta, che nella casa dove s'appigliava chiunque servìa niuno malato, tutti quelli che lo' serviano, moriano di quel medesimo male, e quasi niuno passava lo quarto giorno, e non valeva nè medico, nè medicina, o che non fossero ancora conosciute quelle malattie, o che li medici non avessero sopra quelle mai studiato, non parea che rimedio vi fosse. Fu di tanta paura che niuno non sapea che si fare; quando s'appigliava in alcuna casa, spesso avvenia che non vi rimanea persona che non morisse. E non bastava solo gli uomini e le femmine, ma ancora gli animali sensitivi, cani e gatte, polli, buoi, asini e pecore moriano di quella malattia e con quel segno, e quasi niuno, a cui venà lo segno, o pochi, veniano a guarigione. Lo segno era questo, che, o tra la coscia e'l corpo al modo (nodo?) d'anguinaia, o sotto lo ditello apparia un grossetto, e la febbre a un tratto, e quando sputava, sputava sangue mescolato colla saliva, e quegli che sputava sangue niuno campava. Fu questa cosa di tanto spavento, che veggendo appiccarla in una casa, ove cominciava, come detto è, non vi rimanea niuno; le genti spaventate abbondanavano la casa, e fuggivano in un' altra; e chi nella città, e chi si fuggia in villa. Medici non si trovavano, perocchè moriano come gli altri; quelli che si trovavano, voleano smisurato prezzo in mano innanzi che intrassero nella casa, ed entratovi, tocavono il polso col viso volo adrieto, e' da lungi volevono vedere l'urina con cose odorifere al naso. Lo figluolo abbandonava il padre, lo marito la moglie, la moglie il marito, l'uno fratello l'altro, l'una sirocchia l'altra. Tutta la città non avea a fare altro che a portare morti a sepellire; mollti ne morirono, che non ebbono all lor fine nè confessione ed altri sacramenti; e moltissimi morirono che non fu chi li vedesse, e molti ne morirono di fame, imperocchè come uno si ponea in sul letto malato, quelli di casa sbigottiti gli diceano: “Io vo per lo medico” e serravano pianamente l'uscio da via, e non vi tornavano più. Costui abbandonato dalle persone e poi da cibo, ed accompagnato dalla febbre si venia meno. Molti erano, che sollicitavano li loro che non li abbandonassero, quando venia alla sera; e' diceano all'ammalato: “Acciocchè la notte tu non abbi per ogni cosa a destare chi ti serve, e dura fatica lo dì e la notte, totti tu stesso de' confetti e del vino o acqua, eccola qui in sullo soglio della lettiera (p. 231) sopra 'l capo tuo, e po' torre della roba”. E quando s'addormentava l'ammalato, se n'andava via, e non tornava. Se per sua ventura si trovava la notte confortato di questo cibo la mattina vivo e forte da farsi a finestra, stava mezz'ora innanzichè persona vi valicasse, se non era la via molto maestra, e quando pure alcun passava, ed egli avesse un poco di voce che gli fosse udito, chiamando, quando gli era risposto, non era soccorso. Imperocchè niuno, o pochi voleano intrare in casa, dove alcuno fosse malato, ma ancora non voelano ricettare di quelli, che sani uscissero della casa del malato, e diceano: "Egli è affatappiato, non gli parlate" dicendo: "E' l'ha perocchè in casa sua è il Gavocciolo; e chiamavano quelle inflato gavocciolo. Moltissimi morieno senza esser veduti, che stavano in sullo letto tanto che puzzavano. E la vicinanza, se v'era, sentito lo puzzo, mettevono per borsa, e lo mandavano a seppellire. Le case rimaneano aperte, e non er ardito persona di tocare nulla, che parea che le cose rimanessero avvelenate, che chi le usava gli s'appicava il male.Fecesi a ogni chiesa, o alle più, fosse infon all'acqua, larghe e cupe, secondo lo popolo era grande; e quivi chi non era molto ricco, la notte morto, quegli, a cui toccava, se lo metteva sopra la spalla, o gittavalo in questa fossa, o pagava gran prezzo a chi lo facesse. La mattina se ne trovavano assai nella fossa, toglievasi della terra, e gettavasi laggiuso loro addosso; e poi veniano gli altri sopr'essi, e poi la terra addosso a suolo, a suolo, con poca terra, come si ministrasse lasagne a fornire formaggio. Li' beccamorti, che facevano gli servigi, erono prezzolati di sì gran prezzo, che molti n'arrichirono, e molti ne morirono, chi ricco e chi con poco guadagno, ma gran prezzo avieno. Le serviziali, o o serviziali, che servieno li malati volieno da uno in tre fiorini per dì e le spese di cose fiorite. Le cose che mangiavano i malati, confetti e zucchero, smisuratamente valevano. Fu vendeuta di tre in otto fiorini la libbra di zucchero e al simile gli altri confetti. Li pollastri ed alti pollami a meraviglia carissimi, e l'uovo di prezzo di denari 12 in 24 l'uno; e beato chi ne trovava tre il dì con cercare tutta la città. La cera era miracolo; la libbra sarebba montata più di un fiorino, senonchè vi si puose freno alle grande burbanze, che sempre feciono gli Fiorentini, perocchè si diede ordine non si potesse portare più due doppieri. Le chiese non avieno più che una bara, com' è d'uso, non bastava. Li speziali e bechamorti avien prese bare, coltri e guanciali con grandissimo prezzo. Lo vestire di stamigna che si usava nei morti, che soleva costare una donna, gonella guarnacca e mantello e veli, fiorini tre, montò in pregio di fiorini trenta, e sarebbe ito in fiorini cento, se non che si levò di vestire della stamigna, e chi era ricco vestiva di panno, e chi non ricco in lenzoletto lo cucìa. Costava le panche, che si pongono i morti, uno sfolgoro, e ancora non bastava tutte le panche ch'erano il centesimo. Lo sonare delle campane non si potevano li preti contentare; di che si fece ordine tra per lo sbigottimento del sonare delle campane e per lo vender le panche e raffrenare le spese, che a niuno corpo si sonasse, nè si ponesse panche, nè si bandisse, perocchè l'udivano gli ammalati, sbigottivano li sani, nonchè i malati. Li preti e i frati andavano ai ricchi e in tanta moltitudine, ed erano sì pagati di tanto prezzo che tutti arrichieno. E però si fece ordine che non si potesse avere più che d'una regola e la chiesa del popolo, e per la regola sei frati e non più. Tutte le frutta nocive vietarono a entrare nella città, come susine acerbe, mandorle in erba, fave fresche, fichi ed ogni frutta [p. 232] non utile e non sana. Molte processioni ed orlique e la tavola di S. Maria Impruneta vennero andando per la città, gridando: "Misericordià", e facendo orazioni, e poi in sulla ringhiera dei Priori fermate. Vi si rendereno paci di gran questioni e di ferite e di morte d'uomini. Fu questa cosa di tanto sbigottimento e di tanta paura' che le genti si ragunavano in brigata a mangiare per pigliare qualche conforto; e dava l'uno la sera cena a dieci compagni, e l'altra sera davono ordine di mangiare con uno di quelli, e quando credevono cenare con quello, ed egli era senza cena, che quegli era malato, o quando era fatta la cena per dieci, vi se ne trovava meno due o tre. Chi si fuggìa in villa, chi nelle castella per mutare aria; ove non eralo portavono, se v'era lo crescevano. Niuna Arte si lavorava in Firenze: tutte le botteghe serrate, tutte le taverne chiuse, salvo speziali e chiese. Per la Terra andavi, che non trovavi persona; e molti buoni e ricchi uomini erano portati dalla casa a chiesa nella bara con quattro beccamortì et uno chiericuzzo che portava la croce, e poi volieno uno fiorino uno. Di questa mortalità arricchirono speziali, medici, pollaiuoli, beccamorti, trecche di malva, ortiche, marcorelle et altre erbe da impiastri per macerare malori. E fu più quelle che feciono queste trecche d'erbe, fu gran denaro. Lanaiuoli, e ritagliatori che si trovarono panni li vendeano ciò che chiedeono. Ristata la mortalità chi si trovò panni fatti d'ogni ragione n'aricchiì, o chi si trovò da poterne fare; ma molti se ne trovarono intignati' e guasti e perduti a' telai; e stame e lana in quantità perdute per la città e contado. Questa pistolenza cominciò di marzo, come detto è, e finì di settembre 1348. E le genti cominciavono a tornare e rivedersi le case e le masserizie. E fu tante le case pien di tutti li beni, che non avevono signore, ch'era un stupore, poi si cominciarono a vedere gli eredi dei beni. E tale che non aveva nulla si trovò ricco, che non pareva che fusse suo, ed a lui medesimo pareva gli si disdicesse. E cominciornon a sfogiare nei vestimenti e ne' cavagli e le donne e gli uomini	In the year of our lord 1348 there occurred in the city and contado of Florence a great pestilence, and such was its fury and violence that in whatever household it took hold, whosoever took care of the sick, all the carers died of the same illness, and almost nobody survived beyond the fourth day, neither doctors nor medicine proving of any avail, and there appeared to be no remedy, either because those illnesses were not yet recognised, or because doctors had never previously had cause to study them properly. Such was the fear that nobody knew what to do: when it caught hold in a household, it often happened that not a single person escaped death. And it wasn't just men and women: even sentient animals such as dogs and cats, hens, oxen, donkeys and sheep, died from that same disease and with those symptoms, and almost none who displayed those symptoms, or very few indeed, effected a recovery. Those symptoms were as follows: either between the thigh and the body, in the groin region, or under the armpit, there appeared a lump, and a sudden fever, and when the victim spat, he spat blood mixed with saliva, and none of those who spat blood survived. Such was the terror this caused that seeing it take hold in a household, as soon as it started, nobody remained: everybody abandoned the dwelling in fear, and fled to another; some fled into the city and others into the countryside. No doctors were to be found, because they were dying like everybody else; those who could be found wanted exorbitant fees cash-in-hand before entering the house, and having entered, they took the patient's pulse with their heads turned away, and assayed the urine samples from afar, with aromatic herbs held to their noses. Sons abandoned fathers, husbands wives, wives husbands, one brother the other, one sister the other. The city was reduced to bearing the dead to burial; many died who at their passing had neither confession nor last sacraments, and many died unseen, and many died of hunger, for when somebody took ill to his bed, the other occupants in panic told him: 'I'm going for the doctor'; and quietly locked the door from the outside and didn't come back. The victim, abandoned by both people and nourishment, yet kept constant company by fever, wasted away. Many were those who begged their families not to abandon them; when evening came, the relatives said to the patient: 'So that you don't have to wake up the people looking after you at night, asking for things, because this is going on day and night, you yourself can reach for cakes and wine or water, here they are on the shelf above your bed, you can get the stuff when you want'. And when the patient fell asleep, they went away and did not return. If, through good fortune the victim had been strengthened by that food, the next morning alive and still strong enough to get to the window, he would have to wait half an hour before anybody came past, if this was not a busy thoroughfare, and even when the odd person passed by, and the patient had enough voice to be heard a little, if he shouted, sometimes he would be answered and sometimes not, and even if he were to be answered, there was no help to be had. For not only none or very few wished to enter a house where there were any sick people, but they didn't even want to have contact with those who issued healthy from a sick person's house, saying: 'He's jinxed, don't speak to him', saying: 'He's got it because there's the "gavocciolo" [bubo] in his house'; and 'gavocciolo' was the name they gave to these swellings. Many died without being seen, remaining on their beds till they stank. And the neighbours, if any were left, having smelled the stench, did a whip round and sent him for burial. Houses remained open, nobody dared to touch anything, for it seemed that things remained poisoned, and whoever had anything to do with them caught the disease. At every church, or at most of them, pits were dug, down to the water-table, as wide and deep as the parish was populous; and therein, whosoever was not very rich, having died during the night, would be shouldered by those whose duty it was, and would either be thrown into this pit, or they would pay big money for somebody else to do it for them. The next morning there would be very many in the pit. Earth would be taken and thrown down on them; and then others would come on top of them, and then earth on top again, in layers, with very little earth, like garnishing lasagne with cheese. The gravediggers who carried out these functions were so handsomely paid that many became rich and many died, some already rich and others having earned little, despite the high fees. The female and male sick-bay attendants demanded from one to three florins a day, plus sumptuous expenses. The foodstuffs suitable for the sick, cakes and sugar, reached outrageous prices. A pound of sugar was sold at between three and eight florins, and the same went for other confectionery. Chickens and other poultry were unbelievably expensive, and eggs were between 12 and 24 denari each: you were lucky to find three in a day, even searching through the whole city. Wax was unbelievable: a pound of wax rose to more than a florin, nevertheless an age-old arrogance of the Florentines was curbed, in that an order was given not to parade more than two large candles. The churches only had one bier apiece, as was the custom, and this was insufficient. Pharmacists and grave-diggers had obtained biers, hangings and laying-out pillows at great price. The shroud-cloth apparel which used to cost, for a woman, in terms of petticoat, outer garment, cloak and veils, three florins, rose in price to thirty florins, and would have risen to one hundred florins, except that they stopped using shroud-cloth, and whoever was rich was dressed with plain cloth, and those who weren't rich were sewn up in a sheet. The benches placed for the dead cost a ludicrous amount, and there weren't enough of them even if there had been a hundred times more. The priests couldn't get enough of ringing the bells: so an order was passed, what with the panic caused by the bells ringing and the sale of benches and the curbing of spending, that nobody should be allowed the death-knell, nor should benches be placed, nor should there be a public announcement by the crier, because the sick could hear them, and the healthy took fright as well as the sick. The priests and friars thronged to the rich, and were paid such great sums that they all enriched themselves. And so an ordinance was passed that only one rule (of religious houses) and the local church could be had, and from that rule a maximum of six friars. All harmful fruit, such as unripe plums, unripe almonds, fresh beans, figs and all other inessential unhealthy fruit, was forbidden from entering the city. Many processions and relics and the painting of Santa Maria Impruneta were paraded around the city, to cries of 'Mercy', and with prayers, coming to a halt at the rostrum of the Priori. There peace was made settling great disputes and questions of woundings and killings. Such was the panic this plague provoked that people met for meals as a brigata to cheer themselves up; one person would offer a dinner to ten friends, and the next evening it would be the turn of one of the others to offer the dinner, and sometimes they thought they were going to dine with him, and he had no dinner ready, because he was ill, and sometimes the dinner had been prepared for ten and two or three less turned up. Some fled to the country, and some to provincial towns, to get a change of air; where there was no plague they brought it, and where it already existed they added to it. No industry was busy in Florence; all the workshops were locked up, all the inns were closed, only chemists and churches were open. Wherever you went, you could find almost nobody; many rich good men were borne from their house to church in their coffin with just four undertakers and a lowly cleric carrying the cross, and even then they demanded a florin apiece. Those who especially profited from the plague were the chemists, the doctors, the poulterers, the undertakers, and the women who sold mallow, nettles, mercury plant and other poultice herbs for drawing abscesses. And those who made the most were these herb sellers. Woollen merchants and retailers when they came across cloth could sell it for whatever price they asked. Once the plague had finished, anybody who could get hold of whatsoever kind of cloth, or found the raw materials to make it, became rich; but many ended up moth-eaten, spoilt and useless for the looms, and thread and raw wool lost in the city and the contado. This plague began in March as has been said, and finished in September 1348. And people began to return to their homes and belongings. And such was the number of houses full of goods that had no owner, that it was amazing. Then the heirs to this wealth began to turn up. And someone who had previously had nothing suddenly found himself rich, and couldn't believe it was all his, and even felt himself it wasn't quite right. And both men and women began to show off with clothes and horses.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, pp. 230-232	None
1348-03-00-Firenze2	March 1348 JL	96.000 casualties in Florence because of the Black Death	La quantità di morti che morirono per la mortalità degli anni di Cristo 1348. Ora fatto ordine in Firenze per lo vescovo e per gli Signori che si vedesse solennemente quanti ne moriva nella città di Firenze, ultimamente veduto in calendi ottobre che di quella pistilenzia non morìa più persone, si trovarono tra maschi e femine, piccoli e grandi, dal marzo infine all'ottobre v'era morti novantaseimila.	The quantity of people who died during the plague outbreak of the year of our lord 1348. The bishop and the signoria in Florence having ordered a careful count of how many were dying of plague in the city of Florence, and seeing finally at the beginning of October that nobody was dying of that pestilence any more, it was discovered that putting together men and women, children and adults, from March to October, ninety-six thousand had died.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 232	None
1348-03-00-Pisa	March 1348 JL	A monk dies in Pisa in the context of the Black Death; 40 more monks from the monastery of S. Caterina follow	Frater Iacobus Orlandi. Hic fuit primus qui obiit in anno maxime pestis M°ccc°xlviij°, que pene totum delevit orbem. Hoc anno defuncti sunt in Pisis plusquam xl fratres, de secularibus turba quam nemo dinumerare valeret. Post istam mortalitatem diram et crudelissimam, numquam mores ordinis et religionis disciplina potuit ad pristina restaurari. Hic primus fuit frater quem ego viderim mori postquam ordinem sum ingressus. Fuit iste intelligens frater, magne religionis, bonus et devotus valde predicator, exemplaris valde et composite vite nimis, utilis conventui in confessionibus et cantu, magister novitiorum sollicitus et supprior pisanus. De mense martii requievit in pace.	Brother Giacomo Orlandi. He was the first who died in the year of the great plague 1348, which almost destroyed the whole world. In this year, more than 40 brothers died in Pisa, and the number of secular people who died was a crowd that no one could count. After this dire and most cruel mortality, the customs of the order and religious discipline could never be restored to their former state. He was the first brother I saw die after I entered the order. He was an intelligent brother, of great religiosity, a good and very devout preacher, very exemplary and of a very composed life, useful to the convent in confessions and singing, a diligent master of novices and subprior of Pisa. In the month of March, he rested in peace	Bonaini 1845, p. 530 and digital edition: https://www.e-theca.net/emiliopanella/pisa/8500.htm	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-03-12-Avignon	12 March 1348 JL	The Black Death arrives in Europe, with a detailed description of symptoms and precise numbers for Avignon, but also Venice, Marseille, Italy, Provence, Hungary, France, Germany and Scotland are mentioned	Anno Domini MCCCXLVII. pestilencia et mors universalis humani generis tanta invaluit, qualis umquam audita vel scripta reperitur. Nam primo in partibus ultramarinis inter paganos incepit, et tam gravis, ut dicebatur, quod ad ducenta milia ville, civitates absque hominibus remanerent; demum serpentino modo gradiebatur ex ista parte maris. Nam Veneciis, in tota Ytalia et Provincia, (p. 76), maxime in civitatibus iuxta mare sitis homines sine numero moriebantur; et Avinione, ubi tunc erat curia Romana, primis diebus proximis tribus post dominicam medie quadragesime mille et quadringenti computati homines sepulti fuerunt. Imo dicebatur, quod in civitate Marsyliensi ex hac pestilencia tot homines moriebantur, quod locus quasi inhabitabilis remansit. Postea transivit ad Alpes, ad Ungariam, per totam Alamaniam, per Franciam, in qua vix tercia pars hominum viva remansit, item per Scociam. Et semper in una provincia per unum annum vel circa duravit, transiens ultra; et sic paucis regnis exceptis quasi omnia mundi regna quassavit. Et ceciderunt homines ex ulceribus seu glandinibus exortis sub assellis vel iuxta genitalia - et pro maiori parte iuvenes moriebantur - vel per excrecionem materie sanguinee, et hic dolor in sex vel octo diebus homines suffocavit. Hec loca apud medicos emunctoria nuncupantur, quia superfluitas vel sudor subtilis hiis locis faciliter emittitur per naturam. Duravit autem hec pestilencia per quinque vel sex annos vel circa.	In the year of our Lord 1347, a universal pestilence and mortality of mankind surged with such intensity as has ever been heard or recorded. For it first began in distant lands among the pagans, and was so severe, it was said, that up to two hundred thousand villages and cities were left without inhabitants. Eventually, it advanced in a serpentine manner from that side of the sea. Indeed, in Venice, throughout Italy and Provence, especially in cities near the sea, people were dying in countless numbers; and in Avignon, where the Roman court was then located, within the first three days after mid-Lent Sunday, fourteen hundred people were buried. Moreover, it was said that in the city of Marseilles, so many people died from this pestilence that the place remained almost uninhabitable. Afterwards, it crossed the Alps, reached Hungary, passed through all of Germany, through France, where scarcely a third of the people remained alive, as well as through Scotland. And it always lasted in one province for about a year or so, before moving on; and thus, except for a few kingdoms, it shook almost all the kingdoms of the world. And people fell victim to ulcers or swellings that appeared under their armpits or near their genitals - and mostly young people were dying - or through the excretion of bloody matter, and this pain suffocated people within six or eight days. These areas are called snuffers or scissors (?) by physicians because excess or subtle sweat is easily emitted from these places by nature. However, this pestilence lasted for about five or six years.	Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, pp. 75-76.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-04-00-Crimea	April 1348 JL	News about the Black Death (wabāʾ) in other countries kept reaching Damascus in early 749 H (the year starts in April 1348): Terrible things were told about Crimea where a great number of people had reportedly died. Afterwards the plague, it was told, was transmitted to the lands of the Franks. The majority of the inhabitants of Cyprus were said to have died from the plague.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.	Translation needed
1348-04-00-Egypt	April 1348 JL	The Black Death in Egypt and other countries in 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349): People were taken by surprise by the epidemic (wabāʾ) whose death toll was high. The odors of death met them. People died quickly of the disease after buboes had appeared at their earlobes (marrāq).	...		al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 4 (1970), pp. 126-127; 143.	Translation needed
1348-04-00-Middle East	April 1348 JL	From April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented plague hit the Middle East, and lasted about a year, and one third of Greater Syria’s and Egypt’s population died.		The Black Death in the Middle East: In the year 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented wave of plague hit the Middle East. It was the sixth plague which affected the Middle East in the Islamic period. It was called the Kinship Plague (Ṭāʿūn al-Ansāb) since the decease of a person was often followed by the death of some of his or her relatives. People developed pustules, spat yellow blood and died within 50 hours. When people started spitting blood they would bid farewell to their friends, close their shops, their burial would be prepared, and they would die in their homes. The daily death toll reached a maximum of ca. 500 in Aleppo, more than 1,000 in Damascus, and ca. 20,000 in Egypt. Mostly women, youths, poor people, and riffraff died. The plague wave lasted about a year, and ca. one third of Greater Syria’s (Shām) and Egypt’s population died.	Ibn Ḥabīb - Tadhkirat al-nabīh 1976-1986, vol. 3 (1986), pp. 110-112	Translation by Undine Ott
1348-04-08-Perugia	8 April 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Perugia; description of contempory medical responses and cultural coping mechanisms	Adi 8 d'aprile cominciò in Perugia la moria grande, che a chi veniva male non vivea più che due giorni. Cominciò questa mortalità in Toscana , et spezialmente a Pisa. Fo questa mortalità generale quasi che per tutto il mondo. Si facevano grandissime processioni , discipline et orazioni. Fecero qui da noi alcuni medici notomia : trovarono che vicino al cuore nasceva una biscica piena di veneno: facevano sanguenare per la vena del cuore, et si facevano fuochi grandi, et si cibava chi potesse di cose buone et delicate : non bastavano i cimiteri et le sepolture per li corpi morti. Ognuno usava triaca, et chi non poteva usasse la scabbiosa o marobio o erbella , et embuono et asenso o ruta , santonico, et sopratulto si costuma sempre di portare erbe odorifere , et ordinarono un succo con molte cose aromatiche da portar sempre al naso.	On the 8th of April, the great plague began in Perugia, where anyone who fell ill would not live more than two days. This mortality began in Tuscany, and especially in Pisa. This mortality was almost universal throughout the world. Large processions, flagellations, and prayers were conducted. Some doctors here performed autopsies: they found that near the heart a bladder filled with poison was forming. They would bleed the patients through the vein of the heart, and large fires were made, and those who could would eat good and delicate foods. The cemeteries and burial grounds were not sufficient for the dead bodies. Everyone used theriac, and those who could not would use scabiosa or horehound or erba bella, and embuono and asenso or rue, santonica, and above all, it became customary to always carry fragrant herbs, and they ordered a juice with many aromatic things to always be carried to the nose	Fabretti 1850, p. 68.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-04-08-Perugia1	8 April 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Perugia; remarkable information from Paris and all across the known world via the papal court in Avignon	Adì 8 de aprile nel dicto millesimo comenzó in Peroscia una grande mortalità de peslilenzia, de modo chi se abatteva non viveva olirà doi dì ; et era infirmila si venenosa che non se trovava frate ne prcite che glie volesse confessare ne comunicare gli infirmi , ne chi glie volesse sepellirc ; et de ciò morirono grande quantità de cinerei. Comenzó la dieta mortalità in Toscana , et maxime in Pisa , la quale remase quasi inabitata ; et la dieta mortalità fu quasi per tutto ci mondo generalmente , maxime nelle terre de la marina , et anco in Francia ; però che vennero lettere al nostro comuno de Peroscia che in Parigi, adi 13 de marzo 1348, dentro nella cita erano stati sepulti 1573 homini boni citadini, sensa numerare le donne , mammoli e povere persone , delle quale non se ne teneva conto. Per questa cagione lo re de Francia e la regina se ne fuggirò ad uno castello lontano da Parigi cinque miglia chiamato Leonis , et lì morì la dicta regina con uno suo figlio, et certe nepote et molti altri baroni. Anco in un'altra cita pure de Francia, chiamata Noydes , la quale faceva vinte milia homini, et non ce ne remascro vivi 200. Anco in Avignone erano morte cinquantaquattro milia persone. Più oltra scrissero molti grandi principi e signori al Papa , fra li quali fu ci principe de Cypri, da Maiorica, da Alexandria, da Normandya,da Schiavonya, da Capadócia e da molte altre parte , come da Armenya maiure et in Cicilia , qualmente in questi tali paesi non ce era rimasta viva quasi alcuna persona , et che le bestie silvatiche andavano per le cita ; et dice che anco era grandissima mortalità in Turchya , in Costantinopoli e per tutto lo Oriente; et per tutta la Sicilia erano quasi tutti gli pesce de l'acque venenate , et chi ne mangiava moriva. .	On the 8th of April in the said year, a great mortality due to pestilence began in Perugia, so much so that those who fell ill did not live beyond two days; and the illness was so poisonous that no friar or priest could be found who would confess or administer communion to the sick, nor anyone who would bury them; and because of this, a great number of people died without sacraments. This mortality began in Tuscany, and especially in Pisa, which was left almost uninhabited; and this mortality was generally all over the world, especially in coastal lands, and also in France; for letters came to our commune of Perugia that in Paris, on the 13th of March 1348, 1573 good citizens were buried within the city, not counting the women, children, and poor people, of whom no account was kept. For this reason, the King of France and the Queen fled to a castle five miles away from Paris called Leones, and there the said queen died with one of her sons, some nephews, and many other barons. Also, in another city in France called Noyon, which had twenty thousand inhabitants, not even two hundred remained alive. In Avignon, fifty-four thousand people died. Moreover, many great princes and lords wrote to the Pope, among whom were the prince of Cyprus, from Majorca, from Alexandria, from Normandy, from Slavonia, from Cappadocia, and from many other places, such as Greater Armenia and Sicily, stating that in these countries almost no one was left alive, and that wild animals roamed the cities; and they said that there was also a great mortality in Turkey, in Constantinople, and throughout the East; and throughout Sicily, almost all the fish in the waters were poisoned, and whoever ate them died	Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 148	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-04-08-Perugia2	8 April 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Perugia; remarkable information from Paris and all across the known world via the papal court in Avignon	in questa nostra cita de Peroscia, alli 8 de aprile, comenzó la peste in Peroscia talmente, che per fina al mese de agosto proximo fuoro numerati esser morti in dieta cita cento migliaia de persone, cioè fra la cita et ci contado; et tutti quelli che morivano confessi e contriti , li era concessa dal papa indulgenzia plenaria insino alla festa de santo Agnolo de setembro; et non se trovava chi sepellissc gli morti. Stavano tutte le gente de le cita e de castella ode ville in processione et in discipline e letanie (p. 149) e li medici fecero la nottomya de alcuni corpi che de cio morivano , et trovaro che atorno al cuore nasceva una bessica picola piena de veneno, del quale moriva et atossicava le persone : anco trovaro clic dicto umore generava molte vermi pessimi e mortali ; onde che gli medici predicti trovarono questo remedio quale preserva e mantiene la vita dell' homo sana da tale infirmità; cioè prima che se purgasse et mangiasse de buoni cibi et bevesseno buono vino e sutile, usassero fuochi con fiamma de legnia seche, con manco fumo che sia possibile , maxime de legni odoriferi , como genepri o altri simili ; sanguinarse de la vena del cuore; davano li dicti medici per cessare questo veneno a quelli che erano infetti de tale infirmità, che l'homo usasse de prendere tyriaca, et chi non aveva tyriaca usasse la scabiosa, o marobio, o erbella, o ysopo, volesse o cotto o crudo ; et per confondere et occidere gli verme che nascano de ciò, pigliassero asenzo o ruta o erba vermenaria o santonico : et generalmente dissero che ciascuno devesse portare sempre erbe odorifere per odorare, et ogni altra cosa che desse odore : et ordenaro una palla odorifera fatta coninvolte cose aromatice , quale se devesse portare sempre al naso, puoi alle anguenaglie: et quasi per tutte le parte del corpo nascevano molte nascenze, le quale tutte erano piene de veneno. Et fu la magiore mortalità che se recordasse già mai; et fu sì terribile che non bastavano li cimiterii nè sepolture de le chiese per sepelire gli morti, et per gli cimiterii furono fatti pozze molto cupe, et tutte se rempivano de corpi morti, et ad ogni modo non bastavano.	In this our city of Perugia, on the 8th of April, the plague began in Perugia such that by the end of the following August, a hundred thousand people had been counted dead in the said city and its countryside. And to all those who died confessed and contrite, the Pope granted plenary indulgence until the feast of Saint Michael in September; and there was no one to be found to bury the dead. All the people of the cities, castles, and villages were in processions, doing penance and prayers. The doctors performed autopsies on some bodies that died from this and found that around the heart a small blister full of poison would form, which caused death and poisoned the people. They also found that this fluid generated many very bad and deadly worms; therefore, the aforementioned doctors found this remedy to preserve and maintain a healthy life from such an illness: first, to purge oneself and eat good food and drink good and light wine, use fires with flames from dry wood, with as little smoke as possible, especially from fragrant woods like juniper or others similar; to bleed from the vein of the heart. The said doctors recommended to stop this poison in those infected by this illness, that one should use theriac, and if they did not have theriac, they should use scabiosa, or horehound, or erba bella, or hyssop, either cooked or raw; and to destroy and kill the worms that came from this, they should take wormwood, or rue, or verminaria, or santonica: and generally, they said that everyone should always carry fragrant herbs to smell, and anything else that gives off a scent. They ordered an aromatic ball made with various aromatic things, which should always be carried to the nose, then to the groin: and almost all over the body, many swellings would form, which were all full of poison. And it was the greatest mortality ever remembered; and it was so terrible that neither the cemeteries nor the burial grounds of the churches were sufficient to bury the dead, and in the cemeteries, very deep pits were made, and all were filled with dead bodies, and even then, it was not enough.	Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 148	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-04-10-Gaza	10 April 1348 JL	The Black Death in Gaza: Some ten thousand people died of plague in the course of one month in Gaza in the beginning of 749 H (April-May 1348) according to a report (muṭālaʿa) the gouvernor (nāʾib) of Gaza had sent to Damascus.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.	Translation needed
1348-04-18-Avignon	18 April 1348 JL	The Black Death strikes Avignon and unusual mild weather combines with devastating frosts that damage fruits and crops.	Quo tempore eciam ibidem maxima fuit mortalitas, ut lxxx milia hominum infra tre menses Avinion. obiisse referantur. Fuit etiam tanta aeris temperies quod usque quarto idus aprilis nulla nix cecidit, sed idus aprilis venit nix que vinum et nuces lesit. Et tunc in nive cum philomela cuculus cecinit, […] Sed xiiii. Kal. Maii, que erat dies parascaphe, maior nix cecidit quam tota hieme cecidisset, et fere omnes fructus arborum consumpsit. Sed postea tanta temperies supervenit, quod aliqualiter fructus et segetes reparavit.	During that time (1348), there was also a great mortality there, with as many as eighty thousand people reported to have died in Avignon within three months. There was also such a temperate air that until the fourth day before the Ides of April, no snow fell. However, on 13 April, snow fell, damaging the vines and nuts. And then, in the snow, the blackbird and cuckoo sang. But on 18 April, which was Good Friday, more snow fell than had fallen in the whole winter, and it almost entirely consumed all the fruits of the trees. But afterward, such a temperate climate ensued that it somewhat restored the fruits and crops.	Heinrich von Diessenhofen 1868, p. 65.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-04-20-Venezia	20 April 1348 JL	Arivval of the Black Death in Venice, Avignon, Marseille and Messina, with estimated victims. Two fishermen infect Lyons. The plague is present several years and slowly moves North towards Germany and its regions up to the Baltic Sea	Venetiis una die, scilicet resurrectionis dominice, 900 homines preter parvulos absumptos fuisse, proditum est. In Avinione a Kalendis Februarii usque ad Kalendas Octobris centum milia perierunt. Retrospicias ad annos istius tricesimum primum et tertium annum Karoli IV. In Marsilia perpauci viventes remanserunt et in Messana. Duo piscatores per Rodanum de partibus inferioribus cum piscibus ascendentes, Lugdunum subintrabunt, et continuo vicus quietis eorum inficiebatur, et a minimo usque ad maximum, a puero usque ad senem decrepitum, viri et mulieres, simul omnes, illorum duorum pestifera contagione morientes, sic quod nec unus superfuit, perdebantur. Habuti autem lues hec cursum suum per annos multos, et a meridie lente diffundebatur in aquilonem, sic quod anno Domini 1350, venit in Theutoniam et plures ejus provincias, puta Westphaliam, Saxoniam, Slaviam, Daciam etc.	In Venice, it was reported that on one day, namely Easter Sunday, 900 people, excluding children, were consumed. In Avignon, from the first of February to the first of October, one hundred thousand perished, looking back thirty-one years to the third year of the reign of Charles IV. In Marseille, very few remained alive, as in Messina. Two fishermen from the lower parts of the Rhone, ascending with fish, entered Lyon, and immediately the quarters were infected with quiet disease, and from the least to the greatest, from child to decrepit elder, men and women together, all dying from the contagious pestilence of those two, so that not one survived, they perished. This plague had its course for many years, spreading slowly from south to north, so that in the year of our Lord 1350, it reached Germany and many of its provinces, such as Westphalia, Saxony, the Baltic Coast, Denmark, and others.	Heinrich von Herford 1859, pp. 273-274.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-04-20-Ventimiglia	20 April 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death causing the death of two canons of the cathedral of Ventimiglia and the city's bishop, as noted in a contemporary necrologue	In nomine Domini amen. MCCCXLVIII die XX mensis aprilis. Incepta mortalitate in civitate Vintimilii magna, interemit honorabilium virum Dominum Iohannem Berrettam praepositum, et Petrum canonicum dictae civitatis.In tempore huius eccidii Bonifacius Villaco episcopus Vintimilii mortuus est.	In the name of the Lord, amen. In the year 1348, on the 20th day of April. At the onset of the great mortality in the city of Ventimiglia, it took the lives of the honorable man Lord Giovanni Berretta, provost, and Pietro, a canon of the said city. During this time of devastation, Bonifacio Villaco, bishop of Ventimiglia, also died.	Rossi 1859, pp. 136-137	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-04-28-Dubrovnik	28 April 1348 JL	Letter from the Venetian Senate to the city government of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) condoling for the many deaths caused by plague.	Quod scribatur nostro comiti et comuni Ragusii cum pulcris verbis, condolendo de pestifero casu mortalitatis, propter quam de personis multum diminuiti dicuntur.	That shall be written to our officials and the city of Ragusa, with beautiful words, expressing condolences for the epidemic-related case of mortality, about which they say the number of persons has been diminished very much	Orlando 2007, p. 298	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-05-00-Bologna	May 1348 JL	Black Death in Bologna ravages for 5 months and kills allegedly 60% of population. City is partially abandoned afterwards and heritages remain unclaimed	Anno Domini 1348. Pestilentia magna Bononia quamplures consumpssit, a mense madii usque ad mensem septembris: de quinque tres mortui sunt. Erat miserabilis status civitatis, nam multe domus facte sunt habitatoribus vacue; hereditates quamplures sine heredibus remanserunt.		Sorbelli 1912, p. 43	Translation needed
1348-05-00-Bologna 01	May 1348 JL	Beginn of the Black Death in Bologna.	In lo dicto millesimo fu una gran mortalità in Bollogna. Comenzò del mexe de mazo e durò de fino a sa Michele ch'è de setenbre, e fo sì fera che astimado fo che di cinque era morti gli tri e più; e fo maore anchore che dire no se porave.	In lo dicto millesimo fu una gran mortalità in Bologna. It began in the month of March and lasted until Michaelmas, which is in September, and it was so bad that the three or more of the five died, and it was so bad that it was impossible to say.	Cronaca Villola (-1350), p. 587	Translation by DeepL
1348-05-00-Levantine coast	May 1348 JL	The Black Death at the Levantine coast (sawāḥil): The inhabitants of Damascus, after having heard about plague (wabāʾ) in the Levantine coastal plain and other regions, feared it might reach their city, too, and many people might die of the disease (dāʾ). For this reason, al-Bukhārī's (d. 870) hadith collection was recited in Damascus after Friday prayer on June 6, 1348. The judges and a group of people were present. Prayers of supplication were spoken, asking God to bring the pandemic to an end. On June 9, surah "Nūḥ" from the Quran was recited 3,363 times.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.	Translation needed
1348-05-00-Siena	May 1348 JL	The Black Death ravages in Siena.	La mortalità cominciò in Siena di magio, la quale fu oribile e crudel cosa, e non so da qual lato cominciare la crudeltà che era e modi dispiatati, che quasi a ognuno pareva che di dolore a vedere si diventavano stupefatti; e non è possibile a lingua umana a contare la oribile cosa, che ben si può dire beato a chi tanta oribiltà non vidde. E morivano quasi di subito, e infiavano sotto il ditello e l'anguinaia e favellando cadevano morti. El padre abandonava el figluolo, la moglie el marito, e l'uno fratello l'altro: e gnuno fugiva e abandonava l'uno, inperochè questo morbo s'attachava coll'alito e co' la vista pareva, e così morivano, e non si trovava chi soppellisse nè per denaro nè per amicitia, e quelli de la casa propria li portava meglio che potea a la fossa senza prete, nè uffitio alcuno, nè si sonava canpana; e in molti luoghi in Siena si fe' grandi fosse e cupe per la moltitudine de' morti, e morivano a centinaia il dì e la notte, e ognuno [si] gittava in quelle fosse e cuprivano a suolo a suolo, e così tanto che s'enpivano le dette fosse, e poi facevano più fosse.	Mortality began in Siena in May, which was a horrible and cruel thing, and I don't know where to begin with the cruelty that it was and the dispiatable ways, that almost to everyone it seemed that they became stupefied with grief at the sight; and it is not possible for human language to count the horrible thing, that one can well say blessed to those who did not see such oribilty. And they died almost at once, and infirmed under the finger and the eel, and speaking they fell dead. The father abandons his son, the wife her husband, and one brother the other: And each one fled and abandonned the other, because this disease was attacked by breath and sight, it seemed, and so they died, and there was no one to be found who would kill them either for money or for friendship, and those of their own house took them as best they could to the grave without a priest, nor any office, nor were they singing canpas; And in many places in Siena large and dark pits were made for the multitude of the dead, and they died by the hundreds day and night, and each one [was] thrown into those pits and they were buried floor to floor, and so much so that the said pits were filled in, and then they made more pits.	Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939, p. 555.	Translation by DeepL
1348-05-01-Orvieto	1 May 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Orvieto with a high number of deaths und many vacant houses.	Nelle calende di Maggio de l'anno mille et trecento quaranta otto, sì cominciò in Orvieto una grande mortalità di gente, et veniva ogni dì cresciendo più, et crebbe fino al mese di [p. 26] giugno et luglio: chè si trovó tal dì, che morirono cinquecento cristiani, tra grandi et piccoli, et maschi et femine. Et era sí grande la mortalità et lo sbigottimento delle genti, che morivano di subito; et la matina erano sani et l'altra matina morti. Et le bottege delli artefici tutte stavano chiuse. Et durò questa mortalità finamente a calenne di septembre; onde molte famiglie e chasate rimasero sderate; et contasi, che delle dieci parti ne morissero le nove parti; et quelle che rimasero, rimasero inferme e sbigottite, et con gran terrore dispartirsene delle case che rimasero delle genti loro morte.	On the first of May in the year one thousand three hundred and forty-eight, a great mortality of people began in Orvieto, and it was increasing every day, and grew until the month of June and July: for on such a day, five hundred Christians died, young and old, male and female. And the mortality and bewilderment of the people was so great that they died immediately; and one morning they were healthy and the next morning they were dead. And the workshops of the artisans were all closed. And this mortality lasted until the September heat of the year; so that many families and houses were destroyed; and it was counted that nine of the ten families died; and those that remained were sick and disconcerted, and with great terror they dispersed from the houses that remained of the people who had died.	Anonymus 1922-24, pp. 25–26.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-05-02-Perugia	2 May 1348 JL	During the Black Death in Perugia the relics of St. Florentius are found and carried around town in procession	Adi 2 di maggio 1348 fu ritrovato il corpo di S. Fiorenzo che stava sotto l'aitar grande di detta chiesa, et alli 4 del detto mese si trovarono tutte le religiosi alla detta chiesa di S. Fiorenzo, et con molta devozione fu portato quel, santo corpo in processione per la città acciò Dio cessasse così gran pestilenzia. Fu poi riposto detto corpo ch'era senza il capo sotto l'aitar grande, dove al presente si conserva.	On the 2nd of May, 1348, the body of St. Florentius was found beneath the main altar of said church, and on the 4th of the same month, all the religious gathered at the said church of San Fiorenzo, and with great devotion, that holy body was carried in procession through the city so that God would cease such a great pestilence. That body, which was without the head, was then placed back beneath the main altar, where it is currently preserved	Fabretti 1850, p. 68	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-05-31-Gaza	31 May 1348 JL	In the beginning of Rabīʿ I, 749 H (the month began on May 31, 1348) news about the Black Death in Gaza reached Aleppo while the author stayed there. The daily death toll had reportedly amounted to more than 1,000. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa then traveled on to Ḥoms which had already been affected by the plague; ca. 300 people died on the day of his arrival. He went on to Damascus whose inhabitants had fasted for three days [July 22 to 24] and on Friday set out for the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām). God subsequently reduced the burden of plague lasting on them. The daily death toll in the city had amounted to 2,400. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa traveled on to ʿAjlūn, and then to Jerusalem where the plague wave had already come to an end.		In the first days of the month of Rabīʿ I in the year forty-nine news reached us in Aleppo that plague had broken out in Ghazza and that the number of dead there exceeded thousand a day. I went to Ḥims and found that the plague had already struck there; about three hundred persons died on the day of my arrival. I went to Damascus and arrived on a Thursday; the people had been fasting for three days. On Friday they went to the Mosque of the Footprints, as we have related in the first book. God alleviated their plague. The number of deaths among them had risen to two thousand four hundred a day. Then I went to ʿAjlūn, and then to Bait al-Muqaddas [Jerusalem], where I found the plague had ceased.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), pp. 319-320.	None
1348-06-00-Cesena	June 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Cesena for half a year	MCCCXLVIII. indictione prima, de mense iunii, generalis mortalitas per universum orbem dominari incepit, et duravit quasi usque ad Nativitatem, de mense decembris dicti anni.		Annales Caesenatenses 2003, p. 182	Translation needed
1348-06-00-Damascus	31 May 1348 JL	Black Death in Damascus from May 31 to June 28, 1348) with every day more than 100 people died; especially women.		The Black Death in Damascus: In the month of Rabīʿ I 749 H (May 31 to June 28, 1348), every day more than 100 people died of plague (amrāḍ al-ṭawāʿīn) in Damascus; especially women died.	Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.	Translation by Undine Ott
1348-06-00-Padua	June 1348 JL	Spread of the Black Death in Tuscany and Padua, which lasted 6 months	Tempore huius pestis dominus Guerra comes Sancti Bonifacii, potestas in Senis, obiit quasi cum tota sua familia, ub etiam, Florentie et Pisis et per totam Tusciam fuit mortalitas abhorrenda. Hec pestis durabat sex mensibus communiter a sui principio in qualibet regione. Nobilis vir Andreas Moresinus, potestas Padue, in tertio suo regimine expiravit, mense Junii. Huic in regimine filius substitutus statim obiit. Audi tamen mirabile, quod tempore hujus cladis non obiit rex, princeps, nec dominus civitatis.	During this plague (1348), Lord Guerra, Count of San Bonifacio, the Podestà in Siena, died along with almost his entire household. Also, in Florence, Pisa, and throughout all of Tuscany, there was a dreadful mortality. This plague generally lasted six months from its onset in each region. The noble man Andrea Moresini, the Podestà of Padua, died in his third term of office in the month of June. His son, who succeeded him in office, immediately died. However, hear something remarkable: during this calamity, no king, prince, or lord of a city died.	Guillelmus de Cortusiis, p. 121	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-00-Trento	June 1348 JL	Social and Psychological Reactions to the Outbreak of the Black Death in Trento.	et ego nondum bene liberatus sum a malo glandulae, et stans summo mane propter absentiam aliorum clericorum ad fenestram sacristiae S. Vigilii vidi quandam mulierum euntem ad sepulchrum viri sui, et in fovea volutari; tamquam volutaretur pecus sine feretro, vel alio cantore; et dico quod propter accidentia secunda crevit tantus timor inter gentes, quod multi divites fugiebant cum familiis eorum per villas, et relinquebant domus proprias, et Christiani evitabant se invicem, tamquam lepus leonem, vel sanus leprosum, et dico tam de patre vel de matre contra filium, et e converso, vel de sorore contra fratrem, et e converso, vel de propinquo contra propinquum, quam de illis qui non noverant se: quia aliquos vidi nolentes accedere ad sepulturam filiorum propter timorem, et multi confitebatur in sanitatem, et die noctuque dimittebatur corpus Christi, et Oleum sanctum super altaribus, et quasi nullus sacerdis volebat sacramenta portare, nisi illi qui cupiditate lucri torquebantur, et fratres et sacerdotes in Tridento nisi unum evadere vidi, vel etiam de frequentantibus ad infirmos: omnia cimiteria plebium de Tridento, in tam modico tempore plena fuerunt, quod opportunum erat funera sepeliri extra sacrarium, et in fovea una multoties ponebantur quinque vel sex funera; et quandoque aperiebatur bis una fovea in die una.	I myself am not yet fully recovered from glandular illness, and standing early in the morning at the window of the sacristy of St. Vigilius due to the absence of other clerics, I saw a certain woman going to the grave of her husband and rolling in the pit; as if she were a beast rolling without a bier or any singer. And I say that because of subsequent events, such great fear grew among the people that many wealthy individuals fled with their families to villages, abandoning their own homes, and Christians avoided each other like a rabbit avoids a lion, or a healthy person avoids a leper. This applied to fathers and mothers against their children, and vice versa, or sisters against brothers, and vice versa, or relatives against relatives, as well as those who did not know each other. For I saw some unwilling to approach the burial of their own children out of fear, and many confessed in good health, and day and night the body of Christ and the holy oil were left on the altars, and almost no priest wanted to carry the sacraments, except those driven by the desire for profit. Among the friars and priests in Trento, I saw only one escape, even among those tending to the sick. All the cemeteries in the parishes of Trento were so quickly filled that it became necessary to bury the dead outside the consecrated ground, and in one grave, five or six bodies were often placed; and sometimes one grave was opened twice in a single day.	Giovanni da Parma 1837, p. 51	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-00-Trento1	June 1348 JL	Mortality of specific groups of people during Black Death in Trento; changes in the economy in the aftermath.	In Sancto Vigilio interierunt Clerici praebendati 40, quorum fuere canonici 14, mansionariae ambo bis vacaverunt in sex mensibus. De mulieribus praegnantibus dico quod de illis quae fuerunt praegnantes tempore illius infirmitatis non evaserunt in Tridento sex quia omnes moriebantur. Et dicebatur quod dicta infirmitas circuivit totum mundum tam inter paganos, Turcas, Judaeos, quam inter Christianos, sed (p. 52) non fuit tantum uno tempore, quia in aliquibus locis fuit in Autumno, in aliquibus in hieme, in aliquibus in vere, et in aliquibus in aestate; et citius moriebantur juvenes quam senes, et magis domicellae, et quanto erat pulchrior domicella, tanto citius moriebatur, et magis mulieres quam viri, et semper quod audivi ubique incipiebat mortalitas secunda a domicellabus, et tantum a pulchrioribus, quod bene sic fuit in Tridento, quia vidi tres domicellas, quae pulchrae fuissent in Curia Regis, una die mori quando supradicta incepta fuerunt, et tunc temporis non inveniebantur laboratores, et segetes remanebant per campos, quia non inveniebantur collectores. Et millesimo CCCXLIX dabantur uni laboratori XIII vel XIIII vel XV soldi, et quasi non inveniebant pro illo pretio; dabantur uni mulieri VI vel VII vel VIII solidi tantum pro una die: vendebantur plaustrum vini parvi valoris XL vel XLV vel quinquaginta libris denar. parvorum. Boni vini vendebantur ad plaustrum, sed ego vidi vendi unum plaustrum alicujus boni vini minutim dico ad rationem centum librarum, et dico de vino Tridentino, plura non scribo, quia multa alia possent scribi. Duravit infirmitas secunda in Tridento, mensibus sex, et sic per totum mundum secundum quod audivi. Magis moriebantur medici, quam aliii, et vii meliores, prout vidi, et ab aliis partibus audivi, quia secundae infirmitati non inveniebantur medicina, vel remedium nisi a solo Deo, cui est honor et gloria in saecula saeculorum. Amen.	In Saint Vigilius, 40 prebendary clerics died, of whom 14 were canons, and both mansions were vacated twice within six months. Regarding pregnant women, I say that of those who were pregnant during that time of illness, not six survived in Trento, because all died. It was said that the aforementioned illness spread throughout the whole world, among pagans, Turks, Jews, as well as among Christians, but not all at the same time. In some places, it occurred in autumn, in others in winter, in some in spring, and in others in summer. Young people died more quickly than the elderly, and maidens more so, and the more beautiful the maiden, the quicker she died, and more women than men. I always heard that the second wave of mortality started with the maidens, especially the more beautiful ones, which was certainly the case in Trento. I saw three maidens who would have been beautiful at the royal court die in one day when the above-mentioned sickness began, and at that time, laborers were not to be found, and the crops remained in the fields because there were no gatherers. In 1349, a laborer was paid 13, 14, or 15 soldi, but they were almost impossible to find even for that price; a woman was paid 6, 7, or 8 soldi for one day. A cartload of low-quality wine was sold for 40, 45, or 50 pounds of small coins. Good wine was sold by the cartload, but I saw a cartload of good wine being sold bit by bit for the equivalent of 100 pounds, and I am referring to Trento wine. I write no more because much more could be written. The second wave of illness in Trento lasted six months, and so it was throughout the world as I heard. More doctors died than others, and the seven best, as I saw and heard from other parts, because there was no medicine or remedy for the second illness except from God alone, to whom be honor and glory forever and ever. Amen.	Giovanni da Parma 1837, pp. 51-52.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-01-Almeria	1 June 1348 JL	The Black Death reaches Almeria and other parts of Spain like Valencia and Majorca, but also Northern Africa with cities like Tlemcen and Tunisia. Mortality varies by month and also social topography is provided.	Diese Pest, die jetzt entstanden ist, und nach der gefragt wurde, scheint mir aus der ersten Art der erwähnten Ursachen entstanden zu sein. Es spricht dafür, dass sie sich in den meisten, wenn nicht in allen Ländern, zu allen Jahreszeiten jahrelang hin durch ausbreitete, ohne daß die Regeln des Regens, des Wehens der Winde in den verschiedenen Jahreszeiten sich viel ändern, weder nach eigener Beobachtung noch nach dem, was uns aus anderen Ländern erzählt wird. Die Jahreszeiten wechseln, ohne dass ihr Wechsel die Krankheit anscheinend beeinflusst, sondern sie bleibt sich immer gleich. Sie brach in Almeriah Anfang Rabi I. Jahr 749 aus (1. Juni 1348), wütete einen Teil des Frühlings, den ganzen Sommer bis in die Herbstmonate und einen Teil des Winters bis jetzt, wo mein Buch geschrieben wird, Mitte Di-lkifdah, das heisst die ersten Tage des Februar. Bis jetzt ist sie nicht weg, aber die Erscheinungen der Gnade Gottes sind zu spüren, möge er uns recht bald seine Gnade ganz zuwenden! Die ganze Zeit hindurch blieb die Art der Krankheit die gleiche; es kam aber vor, daß die Symptome sich den Jahreszeiten anpaßten. Sie fing leicht an, und es waren zuerst nur wenige Leute, die befallen wurden; dann nahm sie allmählich und (p. 41) leicht zu bis Ende Ğumādā 2., das heißt Ende September, und dann nahm sie heftig zu und erhielt sich ungefähr mit gleicher Heftigkeit bis jetzt. Es war äußerst gnädig von Gott, daß sie in Almeriah so leicht angefangen hat, denn wenn sie plötzlich die Leute überfallen hätte, wie das in anderen Stätten des Islam der Fall war, wären die Einwohner infolge des Schreckens hilflos zu grunde gegangen. Sie hat angefangen in einer Ecke der Stadt, die unter dem Namen Hūām bekannt ist, die Nordostecke am Ğabala, die Wohnstätte der Armen und Bedürftigen. Die ersten Fälle waren von Leuten mit dem Namen Beni Danna bekannt, und von ihnen aus verbreitete sich die Krankheit allmählich unter den Nachbarn langsam zunehmend, und auf die Umgebung übergreifend, bis sie die äußeren Grenzen der Stadt und dann das Stadtinnere erreichte. Die Höchstzahl an Todesfällen an einem Tage während der ganzen Zeit war 70, eine Zahl, die verhältnismäßig gering ist verglichen mit dem, was uns über andere Städte des Islam und der Christen berichtet wurde. Glaubwürdige Berichterstatter erzählten uns, daß an einem Tage in Tunis 1202 Todesfälle vorkamen, in Tilimsan über 700, unlägst in Valencia am Unsoratag 1500, auf der Insel Mallorca am 24. Mai 1252, wo die Überlebenden auf etwa ein Viertel der Gesamtzahl der Einwohner geschätzt wurden. Das gleiche wurde uns über alle größeren und kleineren Städte berichtet.	This plague which has now arisen, and which has been enquired after, seems to me to have arisen from the first kind of causes mentioned. It appears that in most, if not in all countries, it spread through all seasons for years, without much change in the rules of the rain, the blowing of the winds in the different seasons, either from our own observation or from what we are told from other countries. The seasons change without their change apparently affecting the disease, but it always remains the same. It broke out in Almeriah at the beginning of Rabi I year 749 (1 June 1348), raged part of the spring, the whole summer until the autumn months and part of the winter until now, when my book is being written, in the middle of Di-lkifdah, that is, the first days of February. So far it has not gone, but the manifestations of God's grace can be felt, may he turn his grace to us completely very soon! All this time the nature of the illness remained the same, but it happened that the symptoms changed with the seasons. It began lightly, and at first only a few people were afflicted; then it gradually and (p. 41) slightly increased until the end of Ğumādā 2, that is, the end of September, and then it increased violently and continued with about the same severity until now. It was most merciful of God that it started so easily in Almeriah, for if it had suddenly attacked the people, as it did in other places of Islam, the inhabitants would have perished helplessly as a result of the terror. It started in a corner of the city known as Hūām, the north-east corner of Ğabala, the home of the poor and needy. The first cases were known from people called Beni Danna, and from them the disease gradually spread among the neighbours, slowly increasing and spreading to the surrounding area until it reached the outer limits of the city and then the city centre. The maximum number of deaths in one day during the entire period was 70, a number that is relatively low compared to what we have been told about other Islamic and Christian cities. Credible reporters told us that there were 1202 deaths in one day in Tunis, over 700 in Tlemcen, 1500 in Valencia on the day of the Unsorat, and 1252 on the island of Mallorca on 24 May, where the survivors were estimated at about a quarter of the total number of inhabitants. The same was reported for all larger and smaller towns.	Dinanah 1927, pp. 40-41	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-02-Trento	2 June 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Trento; detailed description of symptoms of plague and chances of survival.	Item eodem millesimo et indictione die 2 junii incepit quaedam mortalitas in Tridentino, quae fuit quintuplex, primo fuit febris (p. 51) continue, secundo glandularum, quae veniebant in inguinibus, vel sub brachiis, tertio carbunculorum, quarto sputi sanguinis quod appellatur antras, quinto mali dormiae, sexto quod appellatur malum S. Christophori, et per certo mortui sunt in Tridento de sex personis quinque, et non fuit aliqua familia in Tridento, quae non minueretur et multae familiae in totum interierunt, et de multis parentelis nulla persona remansit, itaque multae domus, et quasi omnes erant sine habitationibus, adhuc multae personae insaniebant, et quasi nullus qui infirmibatur, vivebat ultra 3 vel 4 aut quintam diem, sed si evadebat ultra xx. dies, liberabatur, sed major pars moriebatur tertia vel secunda vel prima die, vel subito, quia multae personae tradebantur mortuae ipsis euntibus per viam, tamquam fuissent pira matura. De sputo sanguinis nullum vidi vel audivi evadere, et qui liberabantur ab aliis infirmitatibus, quasi de pro maiori parte defectuosi remanebant, vel non poterant liberari vix post longum tempus.	In the same year and indiction, on June 2, a certain plague began in Trento, which was fivefold. First, there was continuous fever (p. 51), second, swelling of the glands, which appeared in the groin or under the arms, third, carbuncles, fourth, spitting of blood called anthrax, fifth, severe insomnia, sixth, what is called St. Christopher's disease. Certainly, out of six people, five died in Trento, and there was no family in Trento that was not diminished, and many families were entirely wiped out, and among many relatives, no person remained. Consequently, many houses, almost all, were without inhabitants, and many people went mad. Almost no one who fell ill survived beyond the third, fourth, or fifth day, but if they survived beyond twenty days, they were freed. However, the majority died on the third, second, or first day, or suddenly, because many people were found dead while walking on the road, as if they were ripe pears. Of those who spit blood, I saw or heard of none who survived, and those who were cured of other ailments remained almost entirely impaired or could barely recover after a long time.	Giovanni da Parma 1837, pp. 50-51	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-15-Rimini	15 May 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Rimini.	Ditto anno, e die XV de magio. Cominzoe in Arimino una grandissima mortalità, e poi per lo contado, e durò infina adì primo de decembre. E morì de tre persone le doe. E prima morì la poveraglia e poi gli altri grandi, fora ca tiranni e grandi signuri non morì nissuno. E questa mortalitade fo generale in ogne paese.	That year, and the fifteenth of May. A great mortality began in Arimino, and then in the countryside, and lasted until the first of December. And the two people died of three. And first the poor died, and then the other great ones, except that tyrants and great lords did not die. And this mortality was general in every country.	Template:Anonymus 1912, p. 17	Translation by DeepL
1348-06-17-Pistoia	17 June 1348 JL	Effects of the Black Death on governmental acitivies in Pistoia, Tuscany.	In Dei nomine amen. Anno nativitatis dominice MCCCXLVIII° Indictione prima die xvii° iunij Item, cum difficile sit immo quasi impossibile, ex infirmitate et mortalitate hominum existente, posse opportuna collegia communis Pistorij in sufficienti numero congregare [...] videtur et placet dicto Consilio providere, ordinare et reformare quod toto tempore presentium officiorum predictorum, quod esse debet hinc ad diem viii] mensis augusti proximi futuri, sufficiat congregari de numero dictorum vigintiquatuor (deputatorum super provisione expensarum communis Pistorij) duodecim ad minus et de numero dictorum duodec (deputatorum super custodia et munitione castrorum) sex ad minus, ad deliberandum et providendum que dicta officia habent deliberare et providere. Et sic possint dicto numero predicto tempore providere et deliberare, sicut congregata essent in solito et opportuno numero.	In the name of God, amen. In the year of our Lord's birth 1348, first indiction, on the 17th day of June. Furthermore, since it is difficult, indeed almost impossible, due to the illness and mortality of people, to be able to gather the appropriate assemblies of the commune of Pistoia in sufficient numbers [...] it is deemed and agreed by the said Council to provide, ordain, and reform that for the entire duration of the present offices, which should last from now until the 8th day of the upcoming month of August, it will be sufficient to convene twelve out of the twenty-four members (appointed for the provision of the commune's expenses of Pistoia) and at least six out of the twelve members (appointed for the custody and fortification of the castles) to deliberate and provide for what these offices are to deliberate and provide. And thus, they may be able to provide and deliberate during the said period with the said number, as if they were gathered in the usual and appropriate number.	Chiappelli 1887, p. 4	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-06-20-Faenza	20 June 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Faenza with blood spitting	1348 iunii 20. Incepit Faventiae mortalitas gangolarum et sputi sanguinis, et duravit per annum.		Azzurini 1907, p. 129	Translation needed
1348-06-29-Damascus	29 June 1348 JL	The number of plague deaths in Damascus increased in the month of Rabīʿ II 749 H (June 29–July 28, 1348). More than 200 people died per day, and the removal of the dead bodies was delayed. Poor people suffered the highest losses. On July 3, 1348, the Friday preacher prescribed to recite prayers and supplications asking for the plague to abate. The abolition of taxes (ḍamān) on funeral services by the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) Sayf al-Dīn Arghūn-Shāh al-Nāṣirī was proclaimed on July 14. On July 21, it was announced that the inhabitants of Damascus should fast for three days, and on day four abase themselves before God at the suburban Mosque of the Footprint (Qadam) and implore him to end the plague; afterwards, people set out for the desert to recite prayers of supplication, including Jews, Christians, and Samaritans, high and low, etc.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 503-504	Translation needed
1348-07-00-Damascus	July 1348 JL	In the days of the Black Death, in late July 1348, the governor of Syria Arghūn-Shāh ordered the inhabitants of Damascus to fast for three days and to close the food stalls in the market. People fasted from July 22 to 24. Afterwards, the elites and the other social strata flocked to the Umayyad Mosque to recite ritual prayers, supplications and invocations of God. They spent the night there, and at dawn the morning prayer was said. Then all the inhabitants of the city – men, women and children – went out to the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām), the amirs on bare feet. Muslims, Jews, and Christians all took part, carrying their respective Books and imploring God. At the mosque, people abased themselves before God and supplicated him. At noon they returned to the city and the Friday prayer was said. God, then, reduced their suffering. The daily death toll in Damascus did not reach 2,000 whereas in Cairo it amounted to 24,000.		Anecdote: I witnessed at the time of the Great Plague at Damascus in the latter part of the month of Second Rabīʿ of the year 49, a remarkable instance of the veneration of the people of Damascus for this mosque. Arghun-Shah, king of the amirs and the Sultan's viceroy, ordered a crier to proclaim through Damascus that the people should fast for three days and that no one should cook in the bazaar during the daytime anything to be eaten (for most of the people there eat no food but what has been prepared in the bazaar). So the people fasted for three successive days, the last of which was a Thursday. At the end of this period the amirs, sharifs, qadis, doctors of the Law, and all other classes of the people in their several degrees, assembled in the Great Mosque, until it was filled to overflowing with them, and spent the Thursday night there in prayers and liturgies and supplications. Then, after performing the dawn prayer [on the Friday morning], they all went out together on foot carrying Qur'ans in their hands — the amirs too barefooted. The entire population of the city joined in the exodus, male and female, small and large; the Jews went out with their book of the Law and the Christians with their Gospel, their women and children with them; the whole concourse of them in tears and humble supplications, imploring the favour of God through His Books and His Prophets. They made their way to the Mosque of the Footprints and remained there in supplication and invocation until near midday, then returned to the city and held the Friday service. God Most High lightened their affliction; the number of deaths in a single day reached a maximum of two thousand, whereas the number rose in Cairo and Old Cairo to twenty-four thousand in a day.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 1 (1853), pp. 227-229	None
1348-07-05-Orvieto	5 July 1348 JL	Shortage of wax candles due to the numerous deaths of the Black Death in Orvieto and corresponding regulations of wax quantities at funerals	Considerantes et advertentes necem pestiferam, que adheo atrociter suas undique saggitas emictit, et quod propter cere inopiam et caristiam de huiusmodi cera funeri non potest honor solitus exhibiri, volentes distinguere tempora et super hiis debite providere [...], nulla persona popularis vel nobilis possit nec debeat ad funus alicuius defuncti, cuiuscumque status vel condicionis existat, mictere vel deferri facere cereos cere amplioris ponderis, nisi ut inferius est expressum; videlicet, popularis quatuor libr. tantum vel ad inde infra, ad penam, pro quolibet et qualibet vice; decem lib. den., et nobilis ponderis lib. decem et non ultra vel ab inde infra sicut voluerit, ad penam XXV lib. den.	Considering and observing the deadly pestilence, which so fiercely sends its arrows everywhere, and because of the scarcity and high cost of wax, it is not possible to give the customary honor to funerals with such wax, wishing to distinguish the times and provide duly for these matters [...], no commoner or noble person can or should send or have carried to the funeral of any deceased person, regardless of their status or condition, candles of greater weight than specified below: namely, a commoner may send only four pounds or less, under penalty of ten pounds of denarii for each offense; and a noble may send candles weighing ten pounds and no more, or less if they wish, under penalty of twenty-five pounds of denarii	Anonymus 1922-24, p. 25, note 2	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-07-05-Venezia	4 July 1348 JL	Adjustments to the judicial system due to the plague raging in Venice. Many notaries and other legally relevant persons have died or left the city. The latter are ordered to return to Venice, otherwise they will lose their offices. The same threat is made to the doctors.	Cum multe persone et quasi sine numero sint que cotidie veniant ad curias et proprii et examinatorum et occaxione huius casus occurssi pro mortalitate presentis temporis [...] Et quia multi notarii et infiniti, qui receperunt rogamina testamentorum et cartarum aliarum plurium sunt morti [...] Et quia officia nostra occaxione notariorum et scribarum et eciam aliorum nostrorum officialium multum deffectum portabant, qui sunt extra Venecias et venire non curant, consulunt, quod publicata presenti parte, omnes cancellarii, notarii et scribe omnium nostrorum officiorum tam clerici quam layci qui exiverunt de terra a duobus mensibus citra tenenantur venisse Venecias infra octavam diem […] sub pena perdendi officia qui haberent [...] Quia civitas nostra multum deffectum portat in facto infirmorum occaxione medicorum qui exiverunt de Veneciis.	There are many people, almost innumerable, who daily come to the courts, both their own and those of examiners, and due to this circumstance arising from the mortality of the present time [...] And because many notaries and countless others who have received requests for wills and various other documents are deceased [...] And because our offices suffered greatly due to the absence of notaries and scribes and also other officials of ours, who are outside Venice and do not care to come, it is advised that with this part published, all members of chanceries, notaries, and clerks of all our offices, both clerics and laymen who left two months ago, are bound to have come to Venice within eight days [...] under the penalty of losing the offices they held [...] Because our city suffers greatly in the matter of the sick due to the absence of physicians who left Venice...	Orlando 2007, pp. 325-327	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-07-07-Bologna	7 July 1348 JL	The Black Death kills the expert in canon law, Giovanni d'Andrea, in Bologna.	Eodem anno (1346) floruit Iohannes Andree, egregius doctor iuris canonici, qui lecturam suam dictam Novellam super volumine Decretalium et alia multa bona in canonico iure scripsit. Qui anno Domini MCCCXLVIII ex pestilencia hominum, que fuit Bononie et in Ytalia undique [...] decessit.	In the same year (1346), Johannes Andreae flourished, an excellent doctor of canon law, who wrote his lecture known as "Novella" on the volume of Decretals and many other good works in canonical law. He died in the year of our Lord 1348 due to the pestilence among men, which was in Bologna and everywhere in Italy.	Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, p. 59.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-07-10-Venezia	10 July 1348 JL	Plague has subsided in Venice; to prevent a resurgence of the epidemic, it is forbidden to bring the deceased or (potentially) sick people into the city.	Quoniam per misericordiam nostri altissimi Creatoris satis nostra civitas ab ista pestilencia liberata videatur, et sit faciendum divino auxilio mediante, quod sic maneat liberata, et corpora multa mortua extra Venecias moriencia se faciunt adduci Venecias, quod est causa coruptionis [...] Et quoniam plurimi infirmi qui veniunt Venecias inducere possunt corruptionem, quod absit, consulunt quod nullus forenssis tam homo quam femina et tam magnus quam parvus, infirmus vel qui videretur infirmis, sit qui vellit, ullo modo possit venire Vencias de aliqua parte vel loco tam nobis subiecto quam non nobis subiecto	As our city appears to be sufficiently freed from this pestilence through the mercy of our highest Creator, and it is necessary, with divine assistance, to ensure that it remains so, and since many bodies, dead or dying outside Venice, are being brought to Venice, which is a cause of corruption of the air [...] And as many sick people who come to Venice could bring about corruption of the air, may it be far from us, they advise that no foreigner, whether man or woman, great or small, sick or appearing to be sick, in any way, should be allowed to come to Venice from any place or location, whether subject to our authority or not subject to our authority	Orlando 2007, pp. 332-333	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-08-00-Gaza	August 1348 JL	The Black Death's death toll in Gaza		Then we went to Ghazza and found most of it deserted because of the numbers that had died during the plague. The qāḍī told me that only a quarter of the eighty notaries there were left and that the number of deaths had risen to eleven hundred a day.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), p. 322	None
1348-08-00-Jerusalem	August 1348 JL	After the Black Death had ended in Jerusalem, the Friday preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn b. Jamāʿa hosted a banquet which the author was invited to: While the plague had lasted, ʿIzz al-Dīn had vowed to host a feast when the epidemic will have abated and he will not have prayed over a deceased person for one day. Most of the notables and dignitaries (ashyākh) Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Jerusalem had died during the plague.		Anecdote: The preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn gave a banquet one day and invited me among his guests. I asked him the reason for it. He told me that during the plague he had sworn he would give a banquet if the plague were to cease and a day were to pass during which he did not pray over a corpse. Then he said: 'Yesterday I did not pray over a corpse so I arranged the banquet as I had promised.' I found that some of the shaikhs I had met in al-Quds [Jerusalem] had departed to be with God Most High. May He have mercy on them! Only a few of them were left like ...	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), pp. 320-321	None
1348-08-07-Damascus	7 August 1348 JL	On August 7, 1348 the number of plague deaths in Damascus and its surroundings reached almost 300. Around September 10 (in mid-Jumādā II 749 H), the number of deceased further increased; both elite and common people died; the exact death toll remained unknown. On August 18, the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) ordered all dogs in the city to be killed. On September 27 [or, according to one manuscript: October 3], 42 deceased were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque alone; the mosque didn’t provide enough space for all the corpses, so some had to be placed outside the Sirr Gate.	... ...	On Thursday, the 10th of Jumada al-Awwal, after the noon prayer, the preacher performed a funeral prayer for sixteen deceased individuals all at once. This greatly alarmed and terrified the people, as death was striking many, and the death toll in the town and its surroundings reached nearly three hundred. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return. After the prayer, another funeral prayer was performed for fifteen deceased individuals at the Great Mosque of Damascus, and at the Mosque of Khalil, a prayer was performed for eleven souls. May Allah have mercy on them. On Monday, the 21st of the same month, the deputy of the Sultanate ordered the killing of dogs in the town. These dogs had become numerous throughout the town, and there were reports of them attacking people and blocking their way during the night. The defilement of places by these dogs had become widespread, making it difficult to avoid. Many had compiled sections of the hadiths regarding their killing and the differences among the scholars on this issue. Umar, may Allah be pleased with him, used to command in his sermons to slaughter pigeons and kill dogs. Malik, in the narration of Ibn Wahb, stated that it is permissible to kill dogs in a town where they cause harm, provided the Imam permits it for the public interest. On Friday, the second of the month of Rajab, after the Friday prayer at the Umayyad Mosque, a funeral prayer was performed for someone absent, who was Judge Alauddin, the son of Judge Shubha. Then, a funeral prayer was performed for forty-one deceased individuals all at once. The interior of the mosque could not accommodate them, so some of the deceased were taken outside to the gate of Al-Sirr. The preacher and the naqeeb (head of a group) went out and prayed for all of them there. It was a significant and solemn moment, a great tragedy. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return	Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 504-506.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-09-00-Alexandria	September 1348 JL	In September or October 1348, the Black Death had abated in Alexandria and Cairo. The maximum death toll in Alexandria had been 1,080, while it had been 21,000 in Cairo. Everyone from among the city elites Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Cairo had died.		Then I travelled to al-Maḥalla al-Kabīra, then to Naḥrarīya, then to Abyār, then to Damanhūr, and then to Alexandria. I found the plague had abated after the number of deaths had risen to a thousand and eighty a day. Then I went to Cairo and was told that during the plague the number of deaths there had risen to twenty-one thousand a day. I found that all the shaikhs I had known were dead. May God Most High have mercy upon them!	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), p. 323	None
1348-09-00-Cairo	September 1348 JL	A pilgrimage caravan left Cairo for Mecca in Rajab 749 H (September 26 to October 24, 1348). The Black Death accompanied it until it reached the Ayla pass (ʿAqaba).		When I arrived in Cairo I found that the Grand Qāḍī ʿIzz al-Dīn, son of the Grand Qāḍī Badr al-Dīn, son of Jamāʿa, had set out for Mecca in a huge caravan called Rajabī, because it leaves in the month of Rajab. I was told that the plague was among them until they reached the pass of Aila where it ceased.	Ibn Baṭṭūṭa - Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār 1853-1859, vol. 4 (1858), p. 324.	None
1348-09-29-Muehldorf	29 September 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Mühldorf in Bavaria.	Cum itaque pestis et decessus hominum prochdolor nimis atrociter lustrasset multos provinciarum fines, venit in Babariam, videlicet in Muldorf; ubi, ut dicebatur, a festo Michahelis preteriti anni (1348) decesserunt 1400 de pocioribus ibidem hominibus.	So when the plague and the excessive passing of people had cruelly ravaged many regions, it came to Bavaria, namely to Mühldorf; where, as it was said, on the feast of Michaelmas of the past year (1348), 1400 of the poorer people there died.	Annales Matseenses 1851, p. 829.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-09-30-Orvieto	30 September 1348 JL	Price restrictions on all types of goods, which may only be offered at 25% higher prices than before the Black Death.	artifices, magistri, laboratores et alii de rebus, quas vendunt et aliis magstriis, laboritiis ac victuris et factionibus personalibus, propter sevam et inauditam pestem mortiferam, que nuper undique in humano genere est diffusa, pretium adheo carum tollant, quod cives et alii cuncit conqueruntur merito, et nisi provideatur celeriter, non possent facere facta sua, ex quo detrimentum reipublice non modicum exoritur et iactura [...] ne huiusmodi appetitus noxius et nefandus usus in Urbevetana civitate diutius nec ulterius vigeat et res predicte in congrua disposicione persistant	Craftsmen, masters, laborers, and others, because of the severe and unprecedented deadly plague that has recently spread everywhere among humankind, have raised the prices of the goods they sell and other crafts, labors, and personal services to such an extent that citizens and others justly complain, and unless provision is made quickly, they will not be able to carry out their tasks, resulting in considerable harm and loss to the republic [...] so that this harmful greed and wicked practice may not continue any longer in the city of Orvieto and so that the aforementioned matters may remain in proper order	Anonymus 1922-24, p. 25, note 2	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-10-00-Damascus	7 October 1348 JL	On October 7, 1348 the number of people who had died of plague and were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus reached 150 or more; not included were inhabitants of the outskirts of the city and members of the protected religious minorities (ahl al-dhimma) whose bodies were not brought to the Umayyad Mosque. It was said that on many days, casualties in the outskirts of Damascus (ḥawāḍir al-balad) reached more than 1,000. On October 7, a dust storm reached Damascus; people prayed to God and ask for this to be the end of the plague; things only got worse afterwards, though. On Miʿrāj Night (October 21), not as many people as usual gathered in the Umayyad Mosque because so many people had died of plague and many more were occupied caring for the sick and the deceased. In the beginning of Shaʿbān 749 H (the month began on October 25), many people were infected with plague (fanāʾ), and often there would be a bad smell in the city.	... ...		Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 507-508.	Translation needed
1349-00-00-Austria	1349 JL	In 1349, after an earthquake, the Plague arrived in Austria together with flagellants. Around the feast of St John the baptist the disease was so severe that in Vienna 500 funerals were held per day. The disease spread because wells and other waters had been poisoned by the Jews who where persecuted all over the country.	A.D. 1349 incepit pestilencia scilicet post terre motum, et pestilenciam quidam prevenientes per ecclesias nudati usque ad cingulum acutis flagellis usque ad effusionem sanguinis se flagellantes decurrebant cum cantu de passione Domini, plurimos aspicientes in lacrimas commovebant. [...] Mox circa festum Iohannis baptiste facta est pestilencia qualis nunquam audita vel visa est, ita ut in civitate Wiennensi una die 500 funera haberentur, et tamen omnes rite sacramentalibus procurati per triduum et quasi dormiendo et cum magno fetore leniter decesserunt; ulcera habentes quidam circa genitalia sicca, quidam vesicas in cute. De quibus suspicati sunt quidam, Iudeos hoc in ulcionem inter christianos effecisse, quodam pulvere fontes et omnes aquas per necessarios eciam christianos infecisse; de quibus plurimi sunt exusti et in superioribus partibus omnes Iudei occisi et iugulati sunt; eciam in Chrems circa festum sancti Michahelis omnes Iudeorum domus aduste sunt, paucis Iudeis evadentibus. Quapropter dux Albertus, fautor Iudeorum, omnes adiacentes villas iussit spoliare. Iems nebulosa, ver optimus et floridus.		Kalendarium Zwetlense, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 689-698, 692, l. 26-40	Translation needed
1349-00-00-Austria-01	1 January 1349 JL	Around New Year of 1349 flagellants appeared in Austria and they remained active until Easter, when the plague diminished. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters.	Anno 1349 circa circumcisionem Domini usque in pascham viri 40, 60 vel 100 coadunati per ecclesias discurrentes cum flagellis se denudantes usque ad cingulum publicas egerunt penitencias, cantando de passione Domini, quatenus pestilencia que tunc in quibusdam locis prevaluerat cessaret. Incusati autem Iudei, quod fontes et aquas eciam fluentes quibusdam pulveribus toxicassent, unde in superioribus partibus undique autem iugulati, et in Chremsa adusti sunt una cum domibus eorum.	In the year 1349 from around New Year and until Easter 40, 60 or 100 assembled men spread over the churches and beat themselves naked down to the belt requesting penitence in public and singing about the passion of the Lord until the plague, which in those places prevailed, ebbed away. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters, also flowing ones, with powders. That is why they were killed in the upper parts [of the country] and in Krems they were burned together with one of their masters.	Continuatio Zwetlensis quarta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 684-689, 685	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Austria-02	1349 JL	In 1349 flagellants arose in Austria and when they were no longer active a great plague raged the land with unheard of mortality.	Eodem anno flagellatores surrexerunt, qui flagellaverunt se, et ibant de civitate in civitatem, et de villa in villam. Et finita ista secta, venit pestilentia sive mortalitas magna et inaudita, quod sepe una die sepeliebant mille homines nisi in una civitate, et in rure sepeliebantur homines in campis et talis pestilentia nunquam visa fuit, nec visa est.	In this year the flagellants arose, who beat themselves and they went from city to city and from village to village. And when this sect was finished a plague arrived or a great and unheard of mortality by which often in one day thousand people were buried in just one city, and in rural areas the people were buried in the fields and so great was the plague that it was never seen before nor is it seen.	Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis quinta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 735-742, 736	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Austria-Bavaria	1349 JL	In many places in Austria and Bavaria many people died of a most cruel plague, e.g. in Mühldorf am Inn in Upper Bavaria died on the feastday of St Michael (September 29) 1.400 people. The Jews were made responsible for the plague and in Salzburg, Munich and other places they were persecuted.	1349. Sevivit crudelissima pestilencia, que interemit forsam terciam partem hominum, quia in Wyenna decesserunt qualibet die due vel tres libre hominum, et una die quatuor libre, una die 960. In Patavia vero moriebantur qualibet die quinque vel sex solidi, et una die 9 solidi, una die 300 minus 30 homines. Lustrabat autem hec pestilencia totum orbem, non simul et semel, sed successive. Cum itaque pestis et decessus hominum prochdolor nimis atrociter lustrasset multos provinciarum fines, venit in Barbariam, videlicet in Muldorf; ubi, ut dicebatur, a festo Michahelis preteriti anni decesserunt 1400 de pocioribus ibidem hominibus. Item in Prawnau sepius uno die moriebantur 16, et in Monaco, et in Lantzhuta, et in aliis quam pluribus civitatibus et oppidis in tantum sevivit mors, quod ab effluxis temporum motibus enormiori peste nemo cogitaret. [...] Ob hanc nemppe nephariam infamiam in Saltzburga et Monaco et in aliis infinitis civitatibus Iudei fuerant cremati, cesi, secti et quomodolibet aliter trucidati et occisi. Et in Praunaw dicebatur eciam, quod Iudei redegerint feculenciam venenosorum animalium in pulveres, et impleverint sacculos in longitudine et latitudine duorum digitorum, et submerserint aquis puteorum et etiam foncium scaturiencium; et tales sacculi pleni intoxicacionibus a christianis per expurgacionem foncium fuerunt inventi.	1349. A most cruel plague raged through the land, which eliminated maybe one third of the people; as in Vienna died every day two libre (480) or three libre (720) people and one day four libre (960), one day 960 [the editor assumes that 1 libram = 240 people, one solidum = 30 people equalling it to the value of the respective currency]. In Passau died every day really five (150) or six (180) solidi and one day nine solidi (270), one day 300 minus 30 people. But this plague did not wander the whole world at the same time and all at once but sucessively. Because the pestilence and the deceased people caused too much hardness, many wandered over the borders of the province and went to Bavaria namely to Mühldorf, where, it is said, at the feast of St Michael of the last year 1.400 of their best people died. In the same way died often on one day 16 in Braunau; and in Monaco and in Landshut and in numerous other towns and villages raged such a death that in the fluent movement of time noone knows of a more enormous plague. [...] Because of this the infamous Jews in Salzburg and Monaco and in innumerable other towns were burned, slaughtered, cut down and in whatever other way massacred and killed. And in Braunau it was also said that the Jews made poisonous animal faeces to powder and that they filled them into small bags of two finger length and width and dumped them into the wells and other gushing waters; and such bags full with poisons were found by the Christians and carried away for the cleansing of the water.	Annales Matseenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 823-837, 829f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Cracow	1349 JL	Flagellants came from Hungary during that year and a great plague broke out in Cracov	Anno Domini 1349 flagellatores nudi venerunt de Ungaria. Eodem anno perstilencia magna erat in Cracovia.	In the year 1349 nude flagellants came from Hungary. In the same year there was a great pestilence in Cracov,	Notae Cracovienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 5, p. 905	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Denmark	1349 JL	Black Death in Denmark in the year 1349.	Mortalitas magna in Dania.	Great mortality in Denmark.	Chronica Sialandie. In: Ellen Jørgensen: Annales Danici medii ævi. København 1920, p. 175	Translation by Carina Damm
1349-00-00-Limburg	1349 JL	The Black Death strikes Limburg, but also Mainz and Cologne. In Limburg, the disease killed 2.400 people. From the fear of the plague arose the flagellants movement. A long description of the flagellants movement and their behaviour and rituals follows this source passage.	Item da man schreip dusent druhundert unde in dem nune unde virzigesten jare da quam ein groß sterben in Dusche lande, daz ist genant daz große erste sterben. Und storben si an den drusen, unde wen daz aneging, der starp an dem dretten dage in der maße. Unde storben di lude in den großen steden zu Menze, zu Collen unde also meistlichen alle dage me dan hondert menschen oder in der maße, unde in den kleinen steden als Limpurg storben alle dage zwenzig oder vir unde zwenzig oder drißig, also in der wise. Daz werte in etzlichen stat oder lande me dan dru virtel jahres oder ein jar. Unde storben zu Limpurg me dan vier unde zwenzig hondert menschen, ußgenommen kinde. Item da daz folk den großen jamer von sterbende sach, daz uf ertrich was, da filen di lude gemeinlichen in einen großen ruwen ire sunde unde suchten penitentien unde daden daz mit eigen willen unde namen den babest unde di heilige kirchen nit zu hilfe unde zu rade, daz große dorheit was unde groß vursumenisse unde vurdampnisse ire selen. Unde vurhauften sich di menner in den steden unde in dem lande unde gingen mit den geiseln hondert zweihundert oder druhondert oder in der maße. Unde was ir leben also, daz igliche partie gingen drißig dage mit der geiseten von einer stat zu der andern unde furten cruze unde fanen als in der kirchen unde mit kerzen unde tortisen. Unde wo si qwamen vur eine stat, da gingen si in einer procession zwene unde zwene bit einander bit in di kirchen; unde hatten hude uf, darane stunden vorne roden cruze, unde iglicher furte sine geiseln vur ime hangen unde songen ire leisen […]	In the year 1349, a great mortality occurred in the German lands, which is called the great first dying. They died of glandular disease, and when it started, people typically died on the third day. People died in the large cities like Mainz, Cologne, and almost daily more than a hundred people or thereabouts, and in the small towns like Limburg, twenty or twenty-five or thirty people died daily, similarly. This lasted more than three quarters of a year or a year in some cities or regions. In Limburg, more than twenty-four hundred people died, children excluded. When the people saw the great misery of the dying that was upon the earth, they generally fell into deep remorse for their sins and sought penance, doing so of their own will without seeking the aid and counsel of the Pope or the Holy Church. This was great folly, a great omission, and damnation of their souls. The men in the cities and the countryside banded together and went with the Flagellants in groups of one hundred, two hundred, or three hundred, or in similar numbers. Their way of life was such that each group went for thirty days with the Flagellants from one town to another, carrying crosses and banners as in church, with candles and torches. And when they came near a town, they would proceed in a procession, two by two, up to the church. They wore hats adorned with red crosses in the front, and each carried his scourge hanging before him, singing their chants [...]	Limburger Chronik 1883, p. 31.	Translation by Martin Bauch; None;
1349-00-00-Norway 001	1349 JL	Arrival of the Black Death to Norway in 1349.	Drepsotinn kom fyrst i Babilon a Serklandi sidan for hon til Iorsala lannz ok eyddi Iorsala borg þa for hon yfir hafid ok higat til pafa garz. þa uar Clemens sextus hann uigdi ana Rodanum ok uoru þar a bornir daudir menn er eigi matti iarda sidan for hon um Franz ok Saxland sua nordr um sio til Einglannz ok eyddi þar sua at eigi uar fleira manna i borginni Lunndun en xiiij. Þa vigldi .i. kuggr til Biorguiniar ok uard eiqi ruddr ok do af allt folkid en þegar gozid kom upp i bæinn þa do þegar folkid. for þa drepsottin um allan Noreg. fioldi skipa sock nidr med farmi ok urdu eigi rudd. Sidan for hon um Hialtland Orkneyar Sudureyar Færeyar. Þat uar kyn sottarinnar at menn lifdu iij dægr med hardan stinga þa toku menn blodspyu ok for þar med onndin. fyrr nefndr pafi setti moti þersi drepsott messo er sua byriaz recordare domine et cet. ok gaf þar med pardun rietskriftudum .cc. ok .Ix. daga. þar med dictadi hann eina bæn er sua hefr benediccio dei patris. ok med i uppgiof .dc. daga ok iiij karinur.	The deadly plague appeared first in Babylon in Serkland, then it went to Palestine and desolated Jerusalem. Then, it went over the sea hither to the papal city [= Avignon]. Clement VI consecrated the river Rhône and dead people, who could not be buried, were thrown into it. Then, the disease went across all France and Saxony northwards to England and raged there so heavily that not more than fourteen people survived in the city of London. Then, a cog sailed to Bergen, was not cleared, and all the people [on the ship] died. As soon as the goods were brought into the town, the townspeople died. Then, the disease swept all over Norway. The ship sank with its cargo, and was not cleared. After that, the disease spread across the Shetlands, Orkneys, Hebrides and Faroes. That was the sort of disease that people did not live more than three days with heavy pangs of pain. Then, they began to vomit blood, and then the spirit left them. The aforesaid pope set a mass against this plague that begins with recordare domine etc., and gave a written indulgence of 200 and 60 days. Then he also authored a prayer that starts benediccio dei patris, with the remission of sins for 600 days and four times 40 days of fasting.	Annálarbrót frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 223.	Translation by Carina Damm
1349-00-00-Norway 002	1349 JL	Arival of the Black Death to Norway via a cog from England in 1349. Two-thirds of the population in Norway die, among others the archbishop of Nidaros and the bishops of Bergen, Stavanger and Hamar. It is explicitly stated that the plague did not reach Iceland	J þenna tima kom drep sott so mickil vm alla nordr halfu heimsins at alldre kom slik fyrr sidan londin bygduzst. fyrst kom sottin vpp i Babilone a Serklande. vt i Affrica. sidan for hon hegat till Jorsalalandz ok i Iorsalaborg. ok eydde naliga borgina. þadan for hon nordr yfir Iorsala haf ok vm alla Romaniam ok sua nordr eftir londum ok vm pauagard. ok eydde allt naliga. vigdi paui aana Rodanum. voru þar vt aa steyttir daudir menn. Gaf paui þat af guds halfu at þat skillde þeira kirkiu gardr þui at eige matte jarda folkit fyrir mannfæd ok sott. sidan for hon vt vm Frakka rike ok vm Saxland. ok sua til Einglandz. ok eydde naliga allt Eingland. ok þat til marks at eige lifdi meir eftir i borginni Lvndunum en fiortan menn. J þann tima sigldi kuggr einn af Einglandi. ok var aa fioldi folks ok lagdi jnn aa Biorgwiniar vogh. ok var litt ruddr. sidan andadizst folkit allt af skipinu. en þegar vpp kom godzit i byinn af þessu skipe þa do þegar bæiar folkit. Þa for sottin vm allan Noreg ok eydde so at eige lifdi einn þridiungr eftir folksins i landinu. Einglandz kuggr saukk nidr med godzinu ok daudum monnum ok vard eige ruddr. fleiri skip buzur ok morg onnur skip sukku nidr ok rak uids vegar en sama sott for vm Hialltland Orkneyiar. Sudreyiar Færeyiar. Þat var kyn sottarinnar at menn lifdu eige meirr en eitt dægr edr tuo. med hordum stinga. eftir þat sætte at blod spyiu ok for þar ondin med sinn vegh. af þessi sott saladizst Arni erkebyskop. ok allir korsbrædr i Nidarose. vtan einn lifdi eftir er Lodinn hiet. ok hann giordi elecceionem kiosandi. Olaf abota af Holmi til erkebyskops. Jtem Ɵ Þorstein byskop. af Biorguin. Jtem Ɵ Guthormr byskop af Stafangre. Halluardr byskop af Hamri saladizst ok þa. Þessi sott kom ecki aa Island.	At that time, such a deadly plague spread all over the northern half of the world that never before had anything similar occurred since the lands were built. The disease started in Babylon in Serkland in Africa. Then then it went to Palestine and Jerusalem, and desolated nearly all towns. From there, it went northwards across the Sea of Jerusalem [= the Mediterranean] and across all the Romania [= Byzantium], and then across the countries further northwards, and to the papal city [= Avignon] and the surrounding area, and desolated nearly everything. The pope consecrated the river Rhône and dead people were thrown into the river. Then the pope prompted with God's help the protection of the churchyards; so that no one was allowed to bury people due to the lack of population and the plague. Then, the disease went across France and Saxony, and then to England. Nearly all of England was laid waste. And as a proof of that, not more than 14 people survived in the city of London. At that time, a cog sailed from England with many people on board, and it was put into the bay of Bergen. A little [cargo] was unloaded. Then, all the people from the ship died. As then the goods were brought into town from this ship, the townspeople began to die. Then, the plague swept all over Norway and raged so heavily that not one-third of the people in the country survived. The English cog sank down with its goods and the dead men, and was not unloaded. More ships, cargo vessels and many other ships sank down or drifted widely around. And the same disease spread across the Shetlands, Orkneys, Hebrides and Faroes. That was the sort of disease that people did not live more than a day or two, with heavy pangs of pain. After that they began to vomit blood, and then the spirit left them. From that plague died Archbishop Arne and all canons of Nidaros, but one who survived, named Lodin. He arranged an election and Abbot Olav of Holm was appointed archbishop. Likewise died Bishop Thorstein of Bergen. Likewise died Bishop Guttormr of Stavanger. Bishop Hallvard of Hamar also died at that time. That disease did not come to Iceland.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 275-276	Translation by Carina Damm
1349-00-00-Poland	1349 JL	After referring to the spreading of the Black Death in the entry for 1348, Jan Dlugos adds that in 1349 the Black Death reached Poland. After it had killed many people, the remaining took to religious practices and humiliated themselves through flaggelation and other treatments until God had mercy with them.	Pestifer hic annus eciam aput Polonos fuit morboque epidimie passim grassante multi mortales tam de nobilitate quam de plebe consumpti sunt. Dum quoque diuturni mali nullum esset remedium et plures non domos solum, sed opida et villas pestis desertasset, homines ad religionem conversi, credentes id malum propter indignacionem Divinam sceleribus hominum provocatum accidisse, conversi flagellis virgisque se mutuo verberabant aliisque penitencie generibus se affligebant, donec propiciata Divinitas pestiferam auram sustulit et mortalitatis molem cessare fecit.	This year brought the plague to Poland, too, and as it spread everywhere, many people among the gentry as well as among the peasantry died. And when no remedy could be found for this long-lasting vexation, and when the plague not only killed many in houses but also depopulated whole towns and villages, people convinced themselves that all their troubles fell on them as a divine retribution for their crimes and thus they turned to religious practices. So, they flagellated and birched each other, and humiliated themselves with other forms of penance until God showed his mercy towards them and took away the plague and let the acute mortality cease.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 257	None
1349-00-00-Poland-1	1349 JL	In this year there was a great pestilence and people flagellated themselves	Anno Domini 1349 pestilencia magna fuit, et homines se affligebant seu flagellabant.	In the year of the Lord 1349 there was a great pestilence and people beat or flagellated themselves.	Spominki Wladislawskie, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, p. 945	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Prussia	1349 JL	After writing for several chapters about the way of the Black Death over Europe and of the manifestations of the disease, the chronicler adds that it also raged in Prussia and Pomerania	Predicta ergo pestilencia, que circuivit Pene omnes regiones calidas, proch dolor, ad clima nostrum iam pervenit et iam fere in tota Pruzia et Pomerania innumerabiles viros ac mulieres consumpsit et hodierna die consumere non cessat.	The aforementioned plague, which has spread over almost all southern countries — oh horror of horrors! — arrived at our lands as well; in most of Prussia and Pomerania it has consumed innumerable men and women, and it continues to consume them still.	Chronica Oliviensis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica tom. VI, pp. 310-350, p. 347	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-00-00-Sweden	1349 JL	An undated prophecy by Birgitta of Sweden about the monks of the Swedish monastery of Alvastra. According to Tryggve Lundén it is to be set between 1344-49. The revelation if followed by the note that a disease came and took away 33 brothers	Cum domina staret orando rapta in spiritu, vidit domum quandam et super domum celum valde serenum. Cumque diligenter inspiciendo miraretur, vidit de domo columbas ascendentes et penetrare celum. Quas Ethiopes conabantur impedire sed non valebant. Subtus vero domum videbatur chaos, in quo sunt tres ordines fratrum. “Primi sunt simplices quasi columbe. Ideo faciliter ascendunt, quorum tibi nomina indicabo. Secundi sunt, qui veniunt ad purgatorium. Tercii sunt, qui iam alium pedem habent in mari et alium in tabulatu nauis. Quorum iudicium nunc appropinquat. Et vt scias et probes, vnus post alium cicius transibit, secundum quod nomina eorum exprimo tibi.” Quod similiter contigit. Venit enim mortalitas et tulit, sicut predictum est, XXXIII fratres.	As the lady [Birgitta] stood in prayer, rapt in spirit, she saw a certain house and above the house a very clear sky. And when she looked carefully and wondered, she saw doves ascending from the house and entering the sky which the Ethiopians (= devils, cf. ON blámenn) tried to prevent but were not able. Under the house she saw an abyss, and there are three kinds of brothers. The first are simple as a dove. Therefore they ascend easily. The second are those who come to purgatory. The third are those who have one foot in the sea and the other on the ship's deck. Their judgement is now approaching, and in order that you may know and be aware of it, one after another will quickly perish as I reveal their names to you." So it came to pass, for a sickness came and took away thirty-three brethren, as was foretold.	Tryggve Lundén:Den Heliga Birgitta, Himmelska uppenbarelser. Vol. 3., ch. 113. Malmö 1958, p. 182	Translation by Carina Damm
1349-00-00-Trier	1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death and other disesases, maybe dysentery and fever - all blamed on the Jews. Unusual symptoms of plague.	Isto etiam anno (1349) Deus genus humanus triplici plaga flagellavit: ita quod plusquam medietas hominum cessit ab humanis; primo percussit ipsum epidemia, cui gibbus grevit quacunque corporis parte; et omnes anhelitum ejus capientes celerius interierunt; secundo hemeroida; tertio sacro igne, ita quod corpora in seipsis celerius fuerant consumata; sic quod orbis initio non fuerant tempore periculosiora. Que plaga fuerat Judaeis imposita, sic quod aquam in omni terra intoxicassent, de quo aer infectus, tales plagae in omnia climata pullulassent. [...] (p. 264) Et ista per sequentem annum duraverunt.	In the same year (1349), God afflicted the human race with a triple scourge: so that more than half of humanity departed from the living; first, it struck with an epidemic, which oppressed with a hunchback anyone in any part of the body; and all who caught its breath perished swiftly; secondly, with hemorrhoids; thirdly, with a sacred fire, so that bodies were consumed more rapidly within themselves; thus, since the beginning of the world, there had not been more dangerous times. This scourge had been blamed on the Jews, so as if they could poison water in all lands, from which infected air such plagues spread into all climates. [...] (p. 264) And these plagues continued into the next year.	Gesta Baldewini 1838, pp. 263-164.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-00-00-Zwiefalten	1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Zwiefalten.	Mors pestilencia prima hic populos pressit.	Death by the first plague weighed heavily on the populace here.	Annales Zwifaltenses 1852, p. 62.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-01-27-Damascus	27 January 1349 JL	On January 27, 1349, the Friday preacher Tāj al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Raḥīm al-Qazwīnī died of plague in Damascus after two days of illness. The members of his household were infected, too; his brother Ṣadr al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Karīm died soon afterwards.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 509.	Translation needed
1349-03-22-Damascus	22 March 1349 JL	In the year 750 H (March 22, 1349 to March 10, 1350), the number of plague infections in Damascus greatly declined. The number of deceased people with taxable inheritance which the Office of Inheritances (dīwān al-mawārīth) recorded was ca. 20 for 750 H while it had been 500 for 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 21, 1349). Plague did not yet disappear entirely, though: on March 25, 1349, the jurist Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad b. al-Thiqa, his son and his brother all died of plague within one hour. They were buried in one grave.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), p. 509.	Translation needed
1349-04-05-Frankfurt	5 April 1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt accompanied by supplicatory processions and the presence of flagellants.	Die palmarum eodem anno et die exaltationis sanctae crucis fuit statio generalis cappis nigris nudis pedibus propter epidemiam habita Francofordiae. Flagellantes etiam fuerunt hic magno numero (Antiquitates) / Die exaltationis sanctae crucis stacio generalis cappis nigris nudis pedibus propter epidimiam habebatur (Acta).	On Palm Sunday of the same year (1349), and on the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, a general procession was held in Frankfurt for those affected by the epidemic, with people wearing black cloaks and barefoot. There were also a great number of flagellants present (Antiquitates) / On the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, a general procession was held in Frankfurt for those affected by the epidemic, with people wearing black cloaks and barefoot (Acta).	Joannes Latomus 1884, p. 93.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-04-12-Frankfurt	12 April 1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt until early 1350.	Post pascha 1349 tanta pestis fuit Francofordiae quanta numquam audita est antea et innumerabiles homines etiam cicrumquaque absumpti sunt et diem extremum clauserunt. Duravitque pestis illa inguinaria a festo paschae ad hiemem initio anni jubilaei.	After Easter in 1349, there was such a great plague in Frankfurt as had never been heard of before, and countless people perished everywhere, closing their final day. That inguinal plague lasted from Easter to the beginning of the jubilee year in winter.	Collectanea Petri Herp 1884, p. 59.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-05-31-Austria	31 May 1349 JL	A plague lasting from Penthecost (May 31st) until the feast of St Michael (September 29th) killed about two thirds of the population of Austria.	A.D. 1349 [...] Pestis vero contagiosa predicta successive pervenit usque ad Wyennam, necnon in omnes terminos, ita ut homines absque estimacione exspirarent, et tercia pars hominum vix remaneret. Ideo propter fetorem et horrorem cadaverum non sinebantur sepeliri in cimiteriis ecclesiarum, sed mox cum fuissent extincta deferebantur ad communem locum in agrum Dei extra civitatem, ubi quinque fovee in brevi profunde et late usque ad summum sunt corporibus mortuorum replete; et duravit hec pestilencia a festo penthecostes usque Michaelis. Non solum Wyennam sed et alia loca circumiacencia crudeliter invasit; monachis et monialibus minime pepercit, cum in Sancta Cruce 53 religiosi de hoc seculo eodem tempore migraverunt.	In the year of the Lord 1349 [...] The earlier mentioned really contagious plague arrived not only in Vienna but in all regions. In this way people [in numbers] beyond estimation died and hardly one third of the people remained. Because if the stench and the horror of the dead bodies they could not be allowed to be buried in the cemeteries of the churches, but soon the deseases were brought to public places them cemetaries outside of the cities, where five deep and wide ditches where filled up to their maximum with the bodies of the dead. And this plague lasted from the feast of Penthecost until [the feast of] St Michael. Not only Vienna but also other surrounding places were cruelly invaded. Monks and nuns were by no means spared, since in Sancta Cruce 53 members of their community passed away.	Continuatio Novimontensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 669-677, 676	Translation by Christian Oertel
1349-06-00-Strasbourg	June 1349 JL	The Black Death comes to Strasbourg, kills 16.000 people and Jews are persecuted in its aftermath.	Pervenit autem ad civitatem Argentinam hec pestilentia anno Domini MCCCXLIX. in estate, et moriebantur ibi, ut dicebatur, XVI milia hominum. Iudei autem propter pestilenciam precedentis anni infamati sunt, quod eam fecerint vel auxerint fontibus et puteis iniecto veneno. Et cremati sunt a mari usque ad Alemanniam preterquam Avinioni, ubi ipsos papa defendit.	However, this pestilence reached the city of Strasbourg in the year of our Lord 1349, in the summer, and as it was said, sixteen thousand people died there. The Jews, however, were defamed because of the pestilence of the preceding year, on the allegation that they had caused or increased it by poisoning wells and springs. They were burned from the sea to Germany, except in Avignon, where the Pope himself protected them.	Gesta Bertholdi 1924-40, p. 534	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-07-00-Strasbourg	July 1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Strasbourg with 16.000 vicitms, a detailed description of symptoms and course of the disease. The dating of the epidemic is parallel to the presence of flagellants in the city	Do man zalt 1349 jor, do die vorgeschribenen geischeler gen Strosburg koment, do kam ouch ein gemeinre schelme und ein sterben under die lute dar, daz nieman von ime selben gedohte noch von horsagenden, daz so großes sterbe ie do gewere. Und alle die wile daz die geischeler weretent, die wile starb man ouch, und do die abgegingent, do minret sich daz sterben ouch. Daz sterbe was so gros daz gemeinlich alle tage in iegelichem kirspel liche worent 7 oder 8 oder 9 oder 10 oder noch danne me, one die man zuo kloestern begruob und one die man in den spital druog: der waz als unzellich vil, daz man die spitelgruobe di bi der kirchen stuent, mueste in einen witen garten setzen, wann die alte gruobe zuo enge und zuo klein waz. Die lute die do sturbent, die sturbent alle an bülen und an druesen die sich erhubent under den armen und obenan an den beinen, und wen die bülen ankoment, die do sterben soltent, de sturben an dem vierden tage oder an dem virten oder an dem andern. Eteliche sturben ouch dez ersten tages. Es erbet ouch eins von dem anderen: dovon, in welhes hüs daz sterben kam, do hort es selten uf mit eime. [...] (p. 121) Man will ouch, daz von dem sterben zuo Strosburg stürbe 16 dusent lütes, doch starb minr lutes do noch margzahle, alse man sprach, wande in andern steten. Ouch wurdent ettelich lute erneret die die bulen hettent, den sü usgingen und ir genosent.	In the year 1349, when the mentioned flagellants came to Strasbourg, there also came a common epidemic and a pestilence among the people, so great that no one ever remembered or heard of such a great mortality. And all the while that the flagellants were present, people also died, and when they departed, the mortality decreased. The mortality was so great that generally every day in every parish there were 7 or 8 or 9 or 10 or even more deaths, except for those who were buried in monasteries and those who were taken to hospitals: their number was so incredibly high that the pits dug next to the churches had to be moved to a wide garden, because the old pit was too narrow and too small. Those who died did so from swellings and boils that appeared under their arms and the upper part of their legs, and when the boils appeared, those who were supposed to die did so on the fourth day or the third or the second. Some even died on the first day. It also spread from one to another: where the mortality entered a house, it rarely ceased with just one person. [...] (p. 121) It is said that 16,000 people died in Strasbourg, but fewer people died there than elsewhere, as it was said. Also, some people were fed who had the boils, but they diasappeared and they recovered.	Fritsche Closener 1870, pp. 120-121.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1349-07-22-Frankfurt	22 July 1349 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Frankfurt with 2000 people dead and a duration of seven months. Jews were burned troughout Germany	Anno 1349 Alemanniae pestilentia est suborta. Judei sunt cremati. Anno eodem [1349] Judei omnes et domus eorum per totam Allemanniam igne combusti. Anno eodem a die Mariae Magdalenae ad diem purificationis (p. 145) Mariae proxime Francoforti pestilentia totius mundi. Intra 72 dies 2000 et ultra hominum obiere. Secunda quacunque hora sine campanis candelis sacerdotibus 35 una die tumulati.	In 1349, a plague broke out in Germany. The Jews were burned. [...] In the same year, all Jews and their homes were burned throughout Germany. In the same year (1349), on the day of Mary Magdalene up to the day of the Purification of Mary, a plague struck the whole world and near Frankfurt. Within 72 days, 2000 or more people died. Twenty-five priests were buried in a single day, without bells or candles, at any hour.	Acta Francofurtana 1884, pp. 144-145.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack; None;
1349-08-17-Syria	August 1349 JL	The governor (nāʾib) of Aleppo, Sayf al-Dīn Quṭlīshā, died. News of his death reached Damascus in the beginning of Jumādā II (August 17 to September 14, 1349). Many people rejoiced at his death given his misconduct in Hama during the plague (ṭāʿūn) (before he became governor of Aleppo). It was reported that he had enriched himself on the inheritance of the deceased.			Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 515-516	Translation needed
1349-11-25-Orvieto	25 November 1349 JL	Prohibition of demolition of vacant houses in Orvieto after the Black Death, except for renovation and expansion	Comperto quod propter seva et pestifera tempora, que, satore seminante zizania in Civitate et comitatu Urbisveteris, huc usque diutius multiformiter viguerunt, domus, hedificia et casamenta gentium et populi consumptorum et in necem et exilum positorum remanserunt quam plurima vacuata, et inhabitata persistant, cuius causa venduntur et alienantur ab improbis, et emuntur et ponuntur plerique sub exterminio et ruina, interdum etiam sub ficto iuris velamine, in contumeliam, diminutionem, detrimentum, obrobrium et jacturam Civitatis, Comunis et Populi predictorum; quibus nisi per oportuna reparentur remedia, evidenter paulatim sedulo et interpolatim ipsa suis hedificis Civitatis nichilatur et orbatur, ut hiis reprobis finis deinceps apponatur saluber; igitur [...] nulla persona [...] possit [...] aliquam domum vel hedificium domus in Civitate vel burgis destruere vel scarcare in totum vel pro parte [...] ad penam [...] 50 libr. Domus vero et hedificia, que quomodolibet ruinam minarentur occasione terremotus vel alterius casus inoppinati, vel devasterentur pro rehedificando ipsam cum melioramento, pro parte vel in totum scarcari et dirui possint sine penam	It has been discovered that because of the severe and deadly times, which, like a sower sowing tares, have long prevailed in the City and county of Orvieto in various forms, many houses, buildings, and dwellings of the people who have been consumed, killed, or exiled, have remained vacant and persist uninhabited. As a result, these properties are sold and alienated by unscrupulous people and are often bought and placed under extermination and ruin, sometimes even under the guise of legal pretext, to the insult, diminution, detriment, disgrace, and loss of the City, the Commune, and its People. Unless appropriate remedies are provided, the city and its buildings will clearly be gradually but diligently and progressively destroyed and depleted, so to put an end to these reprehensible practices henceforth in a healthy manner; therefore [...] no person [...] may destroy or dismantle any house or building in the City or its suburbs in whole or in part [...] under the penalty of 50 pounds. However, houses and buildings that might be threatened by ruin due to an earthquake or another unforeseen event, or are demolished for the purpose of rebuilding them with improvements, may be dismantled and destroyed in whole or in part without penalty	Anonymus 1922-24, p. 25, note 2	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-00-00-Brno	1350 JL	An entry in the town book of Brno (of 1351 July 16) states that a certain Nicolaus died in the preceeding year in the times of the plague.	Nicolaus sepedictus anno preterito tempore pestilencie vitam suam finvivit.	Nicolaus, called "the Lizard", finished his life in the preceeding year in the time of plague.	Miroslav Flodr (ed.), Pamětní kniha města Brna z let 1343-1376 (1379), Brno 2005, p. 120, no 232.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1350-00-00-Denmark 001	1350 JL	Black Death in Denmark and "universally". It has been speculated (see Ulsig, Pest og befolkningsnedgang, p. 22) that the plague reached Denmark already in 1348	Item huius tempore fuit vniuersalis ypidumia per totum mundum, et annus iubileus impositus per Clementem papam et magna indulgencia in Roma, sub a. d. m.ccc.l.	Also at this time there was a universal epidemic throughout the whole world, and a year of jubilee was imposed by Pope Clement and a great indulgence in Rome in the year of our Lord m.ccc.l.	Chronica Archiepiscoporvm Lvndensivm. In: M. Cl. Gertz: Scriptores minores historiæ Danicæ medii ævi Vol. 2. København 1922, p. 117	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Denmark 002	1350 JL	Black Death around the world. Jubilee year and indulgence in Rome	Annus jubileus fuit et magne indulgencie in Roma, remissio videlicet omnium peccatorum. Item maxima epidemia toto illo anno fuit per totum mundum	It was a jubilee year and a great indulgence in Rome, namely the remission of all sins. Also, there was a great epidemic throughout the whole world that year.	Annales Scanici Sialandie. In: Ellen Jørgensen: Annales Danici medii ævi. København 1920, p. 189	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Herford	1350 JL	The Black Death and its social consequences like deserted settlements and disintegration of society; symptoms pointing to gastroenteritis before buboes were visible. In cities, mass graves are built. Maybe unusual weather in 1348.	Et in ejus "Principio celum spissa caligine terras / Pressit, et ignavos inclusit nubibus estus" (Ovid, met. VII, 526) hominusque viscera primo torrentur flammisque fatiscunt, ut dicetur anno Karoli IV. tertio [1348]. Ceperuntque nasci in inguinibus hominum vel in aliis locis delicatioribus glandule in modum nucis vel dactili. Quas mox subsequebatur febrium intollerabilis estus, ita ut in triduo homo extingueretur. Sin vero aliquis triduum transegisset, habebat spem vivendi. Erat autem ubique luctus, ubique lacrime. Nam ut vulgi rumor habebat, querentes cladem vitare hinc inde fugerunt. Et relinquebantur domus deserte habitatoribus, solis catulis domos servantibus. Peculia sola remanebat in pascuis, nullo astante pastore. Cerneres pridem villas seu castra repleta agminibus hominum, postera die, universis vel mortuis vel fugientibus, cuncta esse in summo silentio. Fugiebant quoque filii cadavera parentum insepultorum. Parentes obliti pietatis viscera, natos relinquebant estuantes. Si quem antiqua forsitan pietas perstringebant, ut vellet sepelire proximum, restabat ipse insepultus, et dum obsequebatur, perimebatur. Dum funeri obsequium prebebat, ipse funus sine obsequio manebat. Videres seculum in antiquum redactum silentium. Nulla vox in rure, nullus pastorum sibilus. Nulle insidie bestiarum pecudibus. Nulla dampna in domesticis volucribus. Sed corvorum subito nimis multiplicatorum tota die crocitationes super viventes et super mortuos hyatus. Sata transgressa metendi tempus intacta expspectabant messorem. Vinea, amissis foliis, radiantibus uvis, illesa manebat hyeme propinquante. Nullus cernebatur percussor, et tamen visum oculorum superabant cadavera mortuorum. Intra civitates cymitera sepeliendis non sufficiebant unde et in campis sepulturas hominum novas faciebant. Simile quid dictum est anno Justiniani ….	And, as one says about the third year of Charles IV reign (1348), "at its beginning thick fog covered the heavens and the earth, / And sluggish heat was confined in the clouds". And human entrails were first drenched with torrents and burst into flames. And there began to grow in the groins of men or in other delicate places glands resembling nuts or dates. Soon followed by an intolerable heat of fevers, so that within three days a person would perish. But if someone passed three days, they had hope of living. Everywhere there was mourning, everywhere tears. For, as the common rumor had it, those lamenting to avoid disaster fled hither and thither. And deserted houses were left behind, inhabited only by stray dogs. Only wealth remained in the pastures, with no shepherd present. You would see villages or camps recently filled with crowds of people, but on the next day, with everyone either dead or fleeing, everything was in total silence. Even the children fled the bodies of their unburied parents. Parents, forgetful of their natural affection, abandoned their suffering children. If perhaps ancient compassion moved someone to want to bury their neighbor, that person remained unburied themselves, and while they were attending to the burial, they were killed. While they offered funeral rites, their own funeral remained without ceremony. You would see the world returned to ancient silence. No voice in the countryside, no shepherd's whistle. No lurking danger from wild beasts for the flocks. No losses among domestic fowl. But suddenly, the cawing of crows, too numerous, echoed all day over the living and the dead. The crops, surpassing the time of harvest, awaited the reaper untouched. The vineyards, stripped of leaves, with ripening grapes, remained untouched as winter approached. No reaper was seen, yet the corpses of the dead outnumbered the sights of the eyes. Within cities, burial grounds were insufficient for burying, so new human graves were made in the fields. Similar things were said in the year of Justinian ...	Heinrich von Herford 1859, p. 274.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-00-00-Sweden 001	1350 JL	Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350	Fuit magna pestilencia super totum mundum.	There was a great pestilence over the whole world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 300	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 002	1350 JL	Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350	Anno Domini Mcccl fuit maxima pestilencia per totum mundum sicut vnquam fuit ante anni lxxx.	In the year of the Lord 1350, there was a great pestilence throughout the whole world, as it had never been before the year 80.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 326	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 003	1350 JL	Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350.	Item anno Domini MCCCL erat magna mortalitas hominum et brutorum animalium in regno Swecie, cujus memoria disignatur in hiis dictionibus: Mors CeCa CeLos ditans urbem spoliavit.	Likewise, in the year of the Lord 1350, there was a great mortality of men and beasts in the kingdom of Sweden, the memory of which is described in these sayings: Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 338	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 004	1350 JL	Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350	Item anno Domini MCCCl erat pestilencia super totum mundum.	In the year of the Lord 1350, there was a pestilence throughout the whole world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 348	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 005	1350 JL	High mortality in Sweden in 1350 called "the big death" (stoor dødhin)	Anno Domini 1350 fuit maxima mortalitas in Swecia dicta stoor dødhin.	In the year 1350, there was a great mortality in Sweden called "the big death".	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 352	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 006	1350 JL	Great plague in Sweden in 1350, foreseen by Saint Birgitta of Vadstena.	Eo tempore viguit in regno Swecie magna mortalitas, qua nemo meminit maiorem exstitisse nec ante nec post; quam diu ante predixerat futuram beata Birgitta. Christus namque in quadam revelacione eam sic predixit dicens: “Vadam per mundum cum aratro meo” etc.	At this time, the Black Death ravaged Sweden: no one can remember if there had been a greater plague epidemic than this, either before or after. Saint Birgitta had predicted long in advance that this would happen. Christ foreshadowed it thus in a revelation in which he says: "I will go over the world with my plough," etc.	Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 32	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Sweden 007	1350 JL	Great pestilence and sudden death among humans and cattle in Sweden	Gravis qvædam pestis ac mors subitanea tam in hominibus qvam in pecobirus grassabatur.	A certain grievous pestilence and sudden death ravaged both men and cattle.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 393	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Uppland	1350 JL	Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420. High mortality in the Swedish region of Uppland in 1350. Five sixths of the population died	Generalis mortalitas totam Vplandiam deuastauit ita quod sexta pars hominum vix remansit que quidem mortalitas annis precedentibus et succedentibus totum mundum circumiuit.	A general mortality ravaged the whole of Uppland, so that hardly a sixth of the people remained. In fact, the mortality in the preceding and succeeding years had encircled the whole world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-00-00-Uppsala	1350 JL	Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420 on the plague raging in Uppland in 1350 (MCCL)	Mors CeCat CeLos/ditans orbem spoiliauit.	Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world.	Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286	Translation by Carina Damm
1350-05-16-Magdeburg	16 May 1350 JL	The Black Death strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arisies for almost four months; numbers are given for the Franciscan order. There is a plague pit in Rottersdorf, outside the city.	In dissem sulven jare [1350] erhof sik ein grot sterven in disser stad to hant pingsten und stunt wente na sunte Michels dage und starf untellich volk, dat men se up den kerkhof nicht al graven konde: men moste alle dage utvoren mit twen karen und mit einem wagen und grof grote kulen to Rotterstorp, dar warp men se in. […] Mi jammert to schrivende vand drosnisse und schaden, den Magdeborch nam van den sterven. De wisesten and bedervesten dusser stadt alsmeistich vorgingen, wente ed storven leien und papen, olden und junge, rike und arme. Dat stervent was hir nicht alleine to Magdeborch, ed was ok over al disse land. De barvoten spreken na der tid dat ut orem orden weren storven allein hundert dusent verundtwintech dusten veirhundert und drittech brodere. Hi bi mach men merken wat leien storvent sint in dem jare, nu in einen orden so vele brodere storven. Hir in dem barvoten clostere bleven nicht mehr wenn dre broder levendich. Ik was ok in einen hus sulftegede, dar blef ik sulfandere levendich und achte storven. Ik horde ok sedder seggen dat den Augustineren weren des jares worden twelf schock vruwencleidere to selegered und manscleidere.	In that same year [1350] there was a great mortality in this town from Pentecost to St Michael's Day and countless people died so that they could no longer be buried in the churchyards. Every day they had to go out with carts and a wagon and make large ditches in Rottersdorf; the dead were thrown into them. [...] It is difficult for me to write about all the sadness and the damage that Magdeburg suffered from this mortality. The brightest and the most needy of this city perished to a large extent. Laymen and priests, old and young, rich and poor died. The dying was not unique to Magdeburg, it was everywhere in the country. The Franciscans said afterwards that 124,430 friars from their order alone died. This may give you an idea of how many lay people died that year if so many friars died in one order alone. Here in the Franciscan monastery, no more than three friars remain alive. I myself was present in a house where I and one other remained alive and eight died. I also heard myself say that the Augustinian monks received 1200 pieces of clothing from men and women that year as a testamentary donation for the salvation of souls.	Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 218-219.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-05-23-Magdeburg	23 May 1350 JL	A poem about how the Black Death strikes Magdeburg, a great mortality arises for almost four months and a plague pit is opened at Rottersdorf. This time is remembered as a time of misery, connected to the return of the "false Waldemar", an impostor pretending to be former Margrave of Brandenburg and the earthquake of January 1348	Ik mach schriven wol vorwar: / na godes bort schach dusent jar / dreihundert unde veftich / und warde went an sestich / dat god sines tornes hand / streckede hir in dutsche land, / dat in den tein jaren / wart clage noch ervaren. / dat clagent maket al de dot. / ein stervent wart hr also grot / dat men alle dage / sach weinen und clagen / [p. 3] isliken umme sinen mach. / men mende, ed were de leste dach. / dat stervent hof hir in der stadt / an der hochtit trinitat / und stund na sunte Michels dage. / da weinen jammer unde clage / was hir so gemeine, / dat grot unde kleine / jammer mochen schouwen / an mannen unde vrouwen / und an cleinen kinde / ok an den ingesinde. / de seiken men ungern laven / wolde, noch de doden graven. / mit wagenen unde karen / sach man to kerkhove varen / so vele der doden lute; / to Rottersdorp he nute / dar weren grote kulen, / dar inne de doden vulen. / neiman dat getelen kann, / wat vrouwen storve edder man. / […] / dat men noch alle dage / de lude horte clage, / wen se beginnen rogen / und ore dage wrogen. / se spreken, sodan ungemach / in der werlde nu geschach, / alse wi hebben levet: / [p. 4] de erde heft gebevet, / greve Wodenberch de dode man, / sprak men, he we up irstan.	I will write down the following: / After God's birth a thousand years / three hundred and fifty / and that lasted until sixty / that God stretched out the hand of his wrath / here to the German lands / that in the ten years / there was much to mourn. / The mourning was because of death. / Dying was so great here / that every day / weeping was seen and lamentation was made by everyone for his own. / People thought it was Judgement Day. / Dying began here in the city / on the Feast of Trinity / and ended around St Michael's Day. / Weeping, wailing and lamentation / was so widespread here that great and small experienced misery, men and women / and even small children and servants. / The sick were not cared for / nor did people want to bury the dead. / With wagons and carts / one saw many dead people travelling to the churchyard / out to Rottersdorf, / there were large mounds / into which the dead were allowed to fall. / No one can put into words / how many men and women died / [...] / one always heard people lamenting / when they were shaken up / because they were asked about their lives / they spoke: At that time only disaster happened in the world / when they lived: / [p. 4] the earth shook / and Count Waldemar, the dead man / was said to have risen again.	Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 2-4	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-07-25-Erfurt	25 July 1350 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year.	Eodem anno (1350) pestilencia epydimialis in Thuringia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erphordia, ita ut maxima pars hominum moreretur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro consules cum consilio magistrorum phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet; tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata magna in cimiterio ville Nuzezse prope Erphordiam, ad que deducta sunt circa XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et in curribus oneratis; de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem virginis gloriose cottidie tres bige vel quatuor corpora mortuorum in cimiteriis et in viis circumquaque sustulerunt. Exceptis his multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus, quorum anime cum electis Dei requiesant in pace! Amen. Unde dixit quidam: Mille trecentenis decies quinis simul annis / Hic hominum necifex locat aer milia bis sex. / Hir zwenzig hunder liche lin / Unde hunderwert hundert, / Dy sint vorscheiden al in dem sterben leydir.	In the same year (1350), an epidemic plague arose in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that a great majority of the people perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the city authorities, in consultation with the council of physicians, forbade any further burials there; such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven large pits were dug in the cemetery of the village of Neuses, near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and loaded carts. From the feast of Saint James until the purification of the glorious Virgin, daily three or four wagons carried the bodies of the deceased to cemeteries and streets everywhere. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages, may their souls rest in peace with the chosen ones of God! Amen. As someone said: "In the year thirteen hundred fifty, / the human-slaying air / killed two times sixthousand. / Here lie twenty times a hundred corpses / and a hundred times a hundred / who have all sadly passed away in death".	Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, pp. 381-382	Translation by Martin Bauch
1350-07-25-Erfurt2	25 July 1350 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year.	Anno eodem pestilencia grandis epidimialis in Thurinigia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erfordia, adeo ut decima pars amplius hominum morerentur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro cives cum consilio phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet. Tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata in cimiterio ville Nusessen prope Erfordiam, ad que deducta sunt XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et curribus, qui continue de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem numero III vel IIII vehebantur. Excepits hiis multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus.	In the same year, a great epidemic pestilence broke out in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that more than a tenth of the population perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the citizens, in consultation with the physicians, forbade any further burials there. Such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven pits were dug in the cemetery of the town of Neuses near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and carts. These were continuously transported, three or four at a time, from the feast of Saint James until Candlemas. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages.	Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, (Continuatio II A) pp. 396-397	Translation by Martin Bauch
1351-00-00-Brno	1351 JL	In a charter from the end of the year 1351 John, Markgrave of Moravia, offers settlers, who are willing to settle down in Brno, which is depopulated by the plague, tax exemption for four years.	[...], qualiter condicio Ciuitatis nostr Brvnne que hactenus per perstilenciam et mortalitatem hominum miserabiliter deuastata et deserta fuit [...].	[...] such is the condition of our city Brno, which has so far been miserably devastated and deserted through the plague and the mortality of the people [...].	Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VIII, p. 95, no. 129	Translation by Christian Oertel
1351-00-00-Znojmo	1351 JL	In a charter from the end of the year 1351 John, Markgrave of Moravia, offers settlers, who are willing to settle down in Znojmo, which is depopulated by the plague, tax exemption for four years.	Presertim, cum ciuitas nostra Znoymensis, que in metis Marchionatus nostri consistit, per pestilenciam et epidemiam pro dolor in tantum sit deuastata his proximis preteritis temporibus et desolata [...].	[...] Especially since our city Zojmo, which is situated at the border of our Margraviate, was devastated by a plague and epidemic and was left in great pain by its inhabitants in recent times [...].	Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VIII, p. 97f., no. 133	Translation by Christian Oertel
1353-00-00-Altusried	1349 JL	Impact of the Black Death on the demographics of the small village of Altusried in the Allgäu region according to tax records from Constance four years later.	Item ante bestilentiam fuerunt ibidem centum et L domicilia, nunc autem tantum sunt ibidem LX vel citra.	Similarly, before the pestilence, there were one hundred and fifty households there, but now there are only sixty or fewer	Haid 1870, sp. 61.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1353-00-00-Poehlde	1353 JL	Inscription on a church bell to protect from plague and famine, probably referring to the Black Death, from the parish of Poehlde in Lower Saxony.	O Rex aeterne populum Tu laedere sperne / Fulmine peste fame quotiens tonuit sonus a me.	O Eternal King, spare the people from injury by lightning, pestilence and famine as often as my sound is heard.	DI 105, Osterode, Nr. 14† (Jörg H. Lampe), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di105g021k0001408	Translation by Martin Bauch
1361-03-28-Avignon	3 March 1361 JL	The Pestis secunda hits Avignon worse than the Black Death, with 17.000 victims, including 1000 bishops and five cardinals.	Item eodem anno (1361) invaluit iterato pestilencia Avinione magna, ita quod a festo pasce usque ad pentecosten et ad festum Iacobi apostoli moriebantur ibidem circa septemdecim milia hominum, inter quos fuerunt centum episcopi et quinque cardinales. Et ex hac maior fuit disperacio in curia quam supra de pestilencia, que sub papa Clemente.	Likewise, in the same year (1361), a severe pestilence once again ravaged Avignon, to the extent that from Easter until Pentecost and the feast of St. James the Apostle, around seventeen thousand people died there, among whom were one hundred bishops and five cardinals. And from this, there was greater despair in the court than from the previous pestilence during the time of Pope Clement.	Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, p. 88.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1364-00-00-Nizhny Novgorod Sim	1364 JL	A great plague (Black Death) in Nizhny Novgorod and Pereyaslavl (Zalessky).	B лѣтo 6872 быcть моръ великъ в Hoвѣгopoдѣ Hижнемъ, xpaкaxy людiе кpoвью, a инiи железою боляxy, и не долго боляxy, но два дни или три, a инiи единъ день поболѣвше, умирaxy, и толико множество бѣ мертвыxъ, яко не ycпѣвaxy живiи погребати иxъ. Toe же oceни мѣсяца Oктября 23 прествися князь Иванъ Иванoвичъ, братъ великого князя Дмитрея, и положенъ быcть въ apxaггелѣ на Mocквѣ. Toe же oceни и тоѣ и зимы быcть нa люди мopъ великъ въ Пepecлавли, на день умирашe человѣкъ 20 или 30, иногда же 60 или 70, a иногда и до ста и боле. Болеcтъ же бѣ сица: преже яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или под груди или межи крилъ, и тако paзболѣвъся человѣкъ начнет кровью xpaкaти, и огнь зажжетъ и потомъ потъ, таже дрожь, и полежавъ eдинъ день или два, a pѣтко того кои 3 дни, и тако умиpaxy.	In the year 1364 there was a great plague in Nizhny Novgorod, people were coughing/spitting blood, and others suffered from ulceration/swelling of the glands, and soon they fell ill, barely two or three days, and others, after being sick for one day, died. And there were so many dead that the living couldn't bury them. That autumn, in the month of October, on the 23rd [day], Prince Ivan Ivanovich, brother of Grand Duke Dmitry, died and was laid to rest with the Archangel in Moscow. That fall and winter there was a great plague among people in Pereyaslavl [Zalessky], 20 or 30 people died a day, sometimes 60 or 70, and up to a hundred or more. The disease was as follows: first, it was like being hit by bear spear behind the shoulder blade, under the breast, or between the collarbones. And when he gets sick, he starts spitting blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he gets chills. And after lying for one or two days, rarely for three days, they still die.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 95.	None
1364-00-00-Pereyaslavl	1364 JL	Black death in Pereyaslavl. How the black death spread in Rus.	[6872] Тое же осени и той зимы бысть на люди моръ великъ: въ Перецлавле на день умираше человѣкъ 20 или 30, иногда 60 или 70, а иногда 100 и болѣ. Болѣсть же бѣ сице: преже яко рогатиною ударить за лопатку, или подъ груди, или межъ крилъ, и тако розболѣвся человѣкъ начнетъ кровiю хракати и огнъ зажжетъ, и потомъ потъ, таже дрожъ, и полежавъ единъ день или два , а рѣтко того кои 3 дни, и тако умираху; а инiи желѣзою умираху, желѣза же не у всякого бываше въ единомъ мѣстѣ: но овому на шеѣ, а иному подъ скулою, а иному подъ пазухою, другому за лопаткою, прочимъ же на стегнехъ. Бысть се не токмо въ единомъ градѣ Переславлѣ, но и во всѣхъ предѣлехъ его. Приде же сiа казнь, послана отъ Бога на люди, съ низу отъ Бездежа къ Новугороду къ Нижнему и оттолѣ къ Коломнѣ, таже къ Переславлю, потомъ же на другое лѣто къ Москвѣ; таже и по всѣмъ градомъ и странамъ бысть моъ великъ и страшенъ, не успѣваху бо живый мертвыхъ опрятывати, вездѣ бо бѣ мертвiи: въ градехъ и въ селѣхъ, въ домехъ и у церквей, и бѣ туга и скоробь и плачь неутѣшимъ; мало бо бѣ живыхъ, но все мертвiи, и погребаху же въ едину яму 5 или 6 мертвыхъ, а индѣ 10 и болѣ; а дворы мнози пусти быша, а въ иныхъ единъ остався или два, ли женескъ полъ, или мужескъ, или отроча мало.	That autumn and that winter there was a great epidemic among the people: in Pereyaslavl people were dying 20 or 30 a day, and sometimes 60 or 70, and sometimes 100 or more. And the sickness was like this: as if a rogatina (bear spear) hit them behind the shoulder, or in the breast, or in the shoulder and when they got sick they started coughing blood and burning a fire<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>, and then they sweated and shivered and lay there for a day or two, and rarely three days, and so they died; and others died because of the bubos, and the bubos were not in the same places in everyone: some on the neck, others under the cheek, others in the sinus area, others behind the shoulders, others on the thighs. All this was happening not only in the city of Pereyaslavl itself, but across its territory. And this doom came, sent from God upon the people, from the south from Bezezh to Novgorod, and then to Kolomna, and then to Pereyaslavl, and then for the next year to Moscow, and in all cities and lands there was a great and terrible epidemy, for they could not keep up with the living to bury the dead, for there were dead everywhere: in the cities and in the villages, in the houses and in the churches, and there was hardship and sorrow and weeping inconsolable; for there were few alive, but all dead, and five or six dead were buried in the pits, and sometimes ten and more; many mansions were empty, and in others there were one or two survivors, woman or man or few children.	Prodolzhenie letopisi po Voskresenskomu spisku in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 8, Moscow 2001: Iazyk Russkoĭ Kul’tury, p. 12.	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1366-00-00-Moscow	1366 JL	Black death in Moscow.	[6874] Бысть моръ великъ на люди во градѣ Москвѣ и въ всѣхъ предѣлехъ его, якоже преже и въ Переславли бысть.	There was a great epidemic among people in the city of Moscow and all its territory<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>, similar was earlier in Pereyaslavlj.	Prodolzhenie letopisi po Voskresenskomu spisku in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 8, Moscow 2001: Iazyk Russkoĭ Kul’tury, p. 13.	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic

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