Mortality

For Mortality, a total of 829 epidemic events are known so far. It is a keyword.

Table

Table

Page	DateStart date of the disease.	SummarySummary of the disease event	OriginalOriginal text	TranslationEnglish translation of the text	ReferenceReference(s) to literature	Reference translationReference(s) to the translation
1042-00-00-Yam’ territory	1042 JL	Horses plague in Rus army in Yam’ territory (between Lake Ladoga and the Northern Dvina; north of Rus).	В лѣ(т)[о] 6550 [1042] Иде Володимеръ сынъ Ӕрославль на Ӕмь и побѣдивъ ӕ и помроша кони оу вои Володимерь ӕко и ѥще дышющимъ конемъ съдираху хзъı с нихъ. Толикъ бо бѣ моръ в коних[ъ].<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> В лѣ(т)[о] 6550 [1042] Иде Володимиръ сынъ Ӕрославъ(л)[ь] на Ӕмь побѣдивъ ӕ и помроша кони оу Володимерь вои и ӕко єще дышющимь конемь сдирахоу хъзы с нихъ толикъ бѣ моръ в конѣхъ.	[In the year] 1042 Vladimir, son of Yaroslav, attacked the people of Yam' and conquered them. The horses of Vladimir's soldiery died; and they tore the skins off the horses while the latter were still breathing, so violent was the plague from which the animals suffered.	Ipаt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 2, Saint Petersburg 1908: Imperatorskaia Arkheograficheskaia Kommissiia, col. 141-142.	None
1060-00-00-Torks territory	1060 JL	Plague in Torks<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> during Rus princes campaign against them.	В семь же . лѣтѣ (6568) Изѧславъ, и С[вѧ]тославъ, и Всеволодъ, и Всеславъ совокупи[ша] вои бещисленъ [и] поидоша на конихъ и в лодьӕхъ бещислено множьство на Торкы. Се слъıшавше Торци оубоӕшасѧ пробѣгоша и до сего дне. И помроша бѣгаючи Б[о]жимь гнѣвомь гоними ѡви ѡт зимъı, друзии же, гладомь, ини же моромь и судомь Б[о]жьимъ. Тако Б[ог]ъ избави х[ре](с)[т]ьӕнъı ѡт поганъıхъ	In the same year 1060, after collecting a numberless army, Izyaslav, Svyatoslav, and Vsevolod made an expedition by horse and ship against the Torks. When the Torks heard of their coming, they were afraid, and are fleeing even to this day. In their flight they perished, pursued by the hand of God, some of them from the cold, some by famine, and others by pestilence and God's judgment upon them. Thus God once more saved the Christians from the pagans.	Lаvrеnt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ In: Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 163; Ipаt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 2, Saint Petersburg 1908: Imperatorskaia Arkheograficheskaia Kommissiia, col. 151-152.	None
1092-00-00-Polotsk	1092 JL	Epidemic in Polotsk.	В лѣ(т)[о] 6600 [1092] Предивно бы(с)[ть] [чюдо] Полотьскѣ въ мечтѣ ны, бъıваше в нощи тутънъ, станѧше по үлици, ӕко ч[е]л[о]в[ѣ]ци рищюще бѣси; аще кто въıлѣзѧше ис хороминъı, хотѧ видѣти, абьє оуӕзвенъ будѧше невидимо ѡт[ъ] бѣсовъ ӕзвою, и с того үмираху, и не смѧху излазити ис хоромъ; посемь же начаша в дне ӕвлѧтисѧ на конихъ, и не бѣ ихъ видѣти самѣхъ, но конь ихъ видѣти копъıта; и тако үӕзвлѧху люди Плотьскъıӕ и ѥго ѡбласть; тѣмь и ч[е]л[о]в[ѣ]ци гл[агола]ху: ӕко наӕвѣ бьють Полочанъı се же знаменьє поча бъıти отъ Дрьютьска.	In the year 1092, An extraordinary event occurred at Polotsk. At night there was heard a clatter and a groaning in the streets, and demons ran about like men. If any citizen went forth from his house to look upon them, he was wounded straightway by some invisible demon, and so many perished from such wounds that the people dared no longer leave their houses. The demons later began to appear on horseback during the day. They were not visible themselves, but the hoofs of their horses could be seen. Thus they did injury to the people of Polotsk and the vicinity, so that it was commonly said that ghosts were killing the · people of Polotsk. This portent had its beginning in Dryutesk.	Lаvrеnt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 214-215; Cf. Ipаt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 2, Saint Petersburg 1908: Imperatorskaia Arkheograficheskaia Kommissiia, col. 206	None
1092-00-00-Polotsk illustration1	1092 JL	Allegorical illustration of the plague in Polotsk: demons ready to attack people hiding in houses at night.		N/A	https://runivers.ru/doc/rusland/letopisi/?SECTION_ID=19639&ELEMENT_ID=587090	None
1092-00-00-Polotsk illustration2	1092 JL	Allegorical illustration of the plague in Polotsk: demons on horses attacking the townspeople during the daytime.		N/A	https://runivers.ru/doc/rusland/letopisi/?SECTION_ID=19639&ELEMENT_ID=587091	None
1092-00-00-Polotsk MLSKXVv	1092 JL	Probably an unknown plague that arouses fear and demonic associations in Polotsk	Bъ лѣто 6600. Пpeдивно бысть в Полтьсцe, мечты быщa в нощи, тутняше и стоняше по улицам и яко человѣци ришуще бѣси; и aще хтo вылeзаше из xpaмицы, xoтя видѣти тo, aбие yязвeнъ бывашe невидимo oт бeсoв язвою, и c того yмиpaxy и нe cмѣяxy излаити иc xopoмовъ пo ceмъ жe начашa въ день являтися на конexъ, и нe бе ихъ видете caмѣх, но конеи их коыта бѣ видѣти; и тако yязвяxy люди Полoтьскыя и иx oблacть. Ce жe знамениe нача быти oт Дpьютьcкa.	In the year 6600. It was very strange in Polotsk. At night there was heard a clatter and a groaning in the streets, and demons ran about like men; and if anyone came out of the homesteads to see it, they were wounded invisibly by the demons, and they died from it and did not dare to leave the homesteads. Then [demons] began to appear on horses during the day, and they themselves could not be seen, but the hooves [hoof prints] could be seen. And so they injured the people of Polotsk and their district. This phenomenon started in Dryutesk.	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 14	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1092-00-00-Polotsk novg2	1092 JL	Probably an unknown plague that arouses fear and demonic associations in Polotsk	В лѣто 6600<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>. Наидѣ рана на Полочаны, яко нѣкако бяше ходити по улицамъ, яко мнѣти вои множество, а конемъ копыта видѣти; да аще кто изъ избѣ вылазяше, напрасно убиенъ бываше невидѣмо.	In the year 6600. A panic came over the people of Polotsk, so that it was impossible to walk in the streets, because it was as if there was a quantity of warriors<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a> and as if one could see horses' hoofs; and if anyone went out of his house, he would be suddenly and unaccountably killed.	Новгородская первая летопись младшего изводa (Комиссионный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, p. 202.	None
1092-00-00-Polotsk novgorodian	1092 JL	Probably an unknown plague that arouses fear and demonic associations in Polotsk.	Bъ лѣто 6600<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>. Наиде рана на Полочяны, яко нѣкако бяше ходити уличямъ, яко мнѣти в…. oжьство, и конeмъ… ыта видѣти; дa aщe ктo из ыстбы вылeзeть, напрacнo убьенъ бывaшe невидимo	In the year 6600. A panic came over the people of Polotsk, so that it was impossible to walk in the streets, because it was as if there was a w… antity ; and as if one could see horses' …ofs<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>; and if anyone went out of his house, he would be suddenly and unaccountably killed.	Новгородская первая летопись старшего изводa (Синодальный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, p. 18.	None
1092-00-00-Rus	14 November 1092 JL	Epidemic in the whole Rus.	В си же времена [1092] мнози ч[е]л[о]в[ѣ]ци оумираху различнъıмї недугъı, ӕкоже гл[агола]ху продающе корстъı: ӕко продахомъ корстъı ѡт[ъ] Ѳилипова дне до мѧсопуста з҃ тъıсѧчь. Се же бы(с)[ть] за грѣхъı наша, ӕко үмножишасѧ грѣсї наши [и] неправдъı; се же наведе на ны Б[ог]ъ, велѧ на(м)[ъ] имѣти покаӕньѥ и въстѧгнутисѧ ѡт[ъ] грѣха, и ѡт[ъ] зависти, и ѡт[ъ] прочихъ злъıхъ дѣлъ неприӕзнинъ.	At the same time [1092], many died of various diseases, so that the undertakers asserted that in the interval between St. Philip's Day<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> and Lent<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a> they had sold seven thousand coffins. This misfortune was occasioned by our sins, because our transgressions and our unrighteousness had increased. God brought this calamity upon us as a summons to repent and to renounce sin, envy, and other evil works of the devil.	Lаvrеnt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 215; Cf. Ipаt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 2, Saint Petersburg 1908: Imperatorskaia Arkheograficheskaia Kommissiia, col. 206.	None
1092-00-00-Strasbourg	1092 JL	Great mortality in price increase in the world	och wart gros sterbotte und dürunge durch alle welt.	also was great dying and price increase through the entire world.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 435	None
1092-11-00-Rusia MLSKXVv	November 1092 JL	A plague in Rusia, perhaps it's specifically about Polotsk.<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	O мopy. B тo лѣто [6600] мopъ бяшe людем, яко же глаголaxy продающеи гpoбы: „яко oт Филипова заговенья до мясопустa великогo 7000 гpoбъ продахом”. Ce жe вce бысть гpexъ paди нашиx.	About the plague. This year [6600] plague was among the people. As the coffin sellers said: "we sold 7,000 coffins from Philip's Fast to Lent<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>." It was all because of our sins.	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 15.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1095-00-00-Strasbourg	1095 JL	Mortality of livestock and people.	Ein sterbotte. Do men zalte 1095 jor, do was ein sterbotte vihes und lüte durch alle welt.	A dying. In the year 1095, a mortality of livestock and people occured through the entire world.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 771	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1147-00-00-Europa	1147 JL	A pestilence with mortality breaks out (in Germany?) after a famine.	Ipso anno fames maxima facta est [...] Famem etiam pestilentia et mortalitas subsecuta est intolerabilis.	This year (1147) was a great famine [...] A pestilence and a mortality succeed dramatically to famine.	Chronica regia Coloniensis, p. 32.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1151-00-00-Erfurt	1151 JL	Famine and pestilence in Erfurt	Fames valida et pestilencia hominum.	A strong famine and an epidemic among humans.	Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 177	Translation by Martin Bauch
1154-00-00-between Rostov Rusia and Rus’	1154 JL	A plague in the troops of George [Yuriy Dolgorukiy] and his sons marching from Rostov Rusia to "Rus’", against the prince of Kiev, Izyaslav Mstislavovich.	[6662] Toм жe лѣтѣ пoидe Гюpги cъ pocтoвци, и cъ cyдaльци, и cъ всѣми дѣтми своими в Pycь, и бысть мopъ въ вceмъ плъкy eгo, якo жe нe былъ николи жe.	1154<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> That year George [Yuriy Dolgorukiy] went with the Rostovians, the Suzdalians, and all his children to Rus’, and there was a plague in his entire troops<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>, such as had never happened [before].	Лeтoпиceц Пepecлaвля Cyздaльcкoгo (Лeтoпиceц Pyccкиx Цapeй) in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Apxeoгpaфичecкий Цeнтp, 1995, p. 85.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1154-00-00-path from Suzdal and Rostov to the Kozelsk	1154 JL	Epidemic among horses belonging to the Yuri Dolgorukiy warriors.	В то же лѣ(т)[о] поиде Гюрги с Ростовци, и с Суждалци, и со всѣми дѣтми в Русь. И бъı(с)[ть] моръ в кони(х)[ъ] во всѣ(х)[ъ] воихъ ѥго, ако же не бъıлъ николиже.	That year 1154/1155 Yuri [Dolgorukiy] went with the inhabitants of Rostov and Suzdal and with all his children<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>. into Rus. At that time was an epidemic among the horses belonging to his warriors. The epidemic was like we had never [seen] before.	Lаvrеnt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 341; We can find the same information in the Kievan Letopis' (Kievan Chronicle): Ipаt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 2, Saint Petersburg 1908: Imperatorskaia Arkheograficheskaia Kommissiia, col. 568.	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1158-00-00-Novgorod	1158 JL	A plague affecting people and a sickness of horses and horned cattle in Novgorod the Great.	Bъ то жe лѣто [6666]<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>, пo гpѣxoмъ нaшимъ, мopъ быcть въ людexъ мнoгъ, и кoнь мънoжьcтвo пoмpe, якo ньлзѣ бѣше дoити дo тъpгу cквoзѣ гopoдъ, ни пo гpѣбли, ни нa пoлe выити cмopoды; тaкoжe и cкoтъ пoмpe poгaтыи.	The same year 1158 there was great mortality in the people, for our sins, and a quantity of horses died, so that it was not possible to walk to the market place through the town, nor along the dike, nor out to the fields, for the stench; horned cattle also died.	Новгородская первая летопись старшего изводa (Синодальный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, c. 30.	None
1158-00-00-Novgorod 2	1158 JL	A plague affecting people and a sickness of horses and horned cattle in Novgorod the Great.	В то же лѣто [6666] <a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>, по грѣхомъ нашимъ, моръ бысть в людех много, и конѣи множество помре, яко нѣлзѣ бяше проити до торгу сквозѣ город, ни по гребли, ни на поле, понеже бо великъ бяше смрад. Еше же и скот рогатыи помре.	The same year 1158 there was great mortality in the people, for our sins, and a quantity of horses died, so that it was not possible to walk to the market place through the town, nor along the dike, nor out to the fields, for the stench; horned cattle also died.	Новгородская первая летопись младшего изводa (Комиссионный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, p. 217	None
1158-00-00-Turov	1158 JL	Horses plague in Turov.	(6666) И стоӕша ѡколо города не(д)[е]ль ı҃, и бъı(с)[ть] моръ в кони(х)[ъ], и тако не оуспѣвше ему ничтоже възвратишасѧ въ своӕси не створше с ним[ъ] мира. И мнози пѣши придоша с тоѣ воинъı.	(1158) And they were standing <a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> about the stronghold [of the Turov] ten weeks, and there was an epidemic among horses. As they did not achieve anything, they returned to themselves, having made no peace. Many on foot returned from this war.	Ipаt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 2, Saint Petersburg 1908: Imperatorskaia Arkheograficheskaia Kommissiia, col. 492	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1167-08-15-Rome	14 August 1167 JL	The army of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa suffers from an epidemic while being near Rome, interpreted as divine punishment for treatment of the Pope.	Sed Deus ab alto cuncta prospectans iniuriam summi regis genitrici eiusque vicario beato Petro illatam nequaquam tulit impune. Extimplo siquidem nebula quedam pestilens ac fetida totum pene exercitum attaminavit, primoque Coloniensem archiepiscopum compluresque episcoporum, duces ac quosque in exercitu prepotentes inficiens sine mora extinxit; eademque mortifera lues regem quasi vitabundum cum reliquiis recedentem prosecuta, nunc hos, nunc illos et illos diversis in locis miro divine ulcionis iudicio, cuique nigro quodam caractere inter scapulas apparente, exanimavit.	But God, looking down from on high, by no means allowed the injustice inflicted upon the blessed mother of the supreme king and his vicar, blessed Peter, to go unpunished. Immediately, indeed, a certain pestilent and foul mist contaminated almost the entire army, and it swiftly extinguished the Archbishop of Cologne and several bishops, leaders, and those powerful in the army, infecting them without delay; and this deadly plague, pursuing the king as if fleeing, relentlessly struck him with remnants, now here, now there, and those in various places, with a wondrous judgment of divine vengeance, with a certain black mark appearing between their shoulders, causing them to expire.	Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 184	Translation by Martin Bauch
1170-00-00-Novogrod	1170 JL	Epidemic among horses and soldiers in Novogrod.<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>. Expedition of prince Andrey Bogolyubsky of Suzdal on Novogrod.<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>	(6681) Бы(с)[ть] же моръ великъ вь конѣхъ и вь полкохъ, и нѣ оуспѣша ничтоже городу ихъ, и вьзворотишасѧ ѡпѧть вь своӕси.	In that time (1170) was great epidemic among horses and troops [in Novogrod], and they	Ipаt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 2, Saint Petersburg 1908: Imperatorskaia Arkheograficheskaia Kommissiia, col. 560.	None
1186-00-00-Strasbourg	1186 JL	This passage tells of a false prophecy. It was wrongly predicted that a great destructive wind and mortality and price increase would come in autumn. People were very afraid, but nothing happened.	Eine falsche prophecie. Bi disen ziten verschreip ein meister von dem gestirne in alle lant, das in dem herbeste in dem jore noch gotz gebürte 1186 solte kumen ein wint, der alle bürge, hüser und boume dernyder würfe, und donoch ein gros sterbot und dürunge und vil andere wunderliche ding. und sprach och, das alle sternenseher in der cristenheit und in der heidenschaft und alle wise meistere wol erkantent, das diese ding also geschehen muestent. hievon erschrag das volg und mahtent etliche lüte hütten uf dem velde und hüselin under der erden do sü inne wonetent, und men mahte vil crüzegenge und gebet. do nu der herbest kam, do was es guet wetter und geschach der dinge keines die men gewissaget hette. hiebi mag men merken, das der welte wisheit ist eine torheit vor gotte.	A False Prophecy During this time, a master of the stars wrote to all the lands that in the autumn of the year 1186 after Christ's birth, a wind would come that would topple all castles, houses, and trees. This would be followed by a great death, price increase, and many other strange occurrences. He also claimed that all astrologers in Christendom and in pagan lands, as well as all wise masters, had recognized that these things must happen. This caused fear among the people, leading some to build huts in the fields and little houses underground where they could live. Many people made pilgrimages and prayed fervently. But when autumn came, the weather was good, and none of the predicted events occurred. From this, one can observe that the wisdom of the world is foolishness before God.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 648.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1187-00-00-Rusia	1187 JL	An unknown mass disease in an unspecified location in Rusia.	Toго же лѣта [6692] бысть болесть сильна в людex, не бяше бо ни единого двopa без болного, a въ иномъ дворѣ не бяше кому и воды подати, но все боли лежаxy.	That year 1187 there was a severe disease among people, because there was not a single manor without a sick person, and in another manor there was no one to give water to, because everyone was sick.<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 94.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1189-06-00-Cologne	1189 JL	A mortality among men and cattle breaks out during a warm summer.	Estas ferventissima usque ad augustum mensem fuit, in quo etiam mortalitas hominum et pecudum immensa contigit.	The summer (1189) has been very hot until August, and a mortality among men and cattle occured meanwhile.	Chronica regia Coloniensis, p. 143	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1190-01-00-Cologne	1190 JL	The mortality is high during the cold winter.	Hyemps sicca et calida. Mortalitas hominum immensa.	The winter (1190) has been dry and cold. The mortality has been enormous.	Chronica regia Coloniensis, p. 147.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1191-00-00-Neapel 0002	1191 JL	After the coronation of Henry VI. he conquered all the land to Naples. The siege of Naples falled because a plague broke out among the soldiers and Henry and his wife Constance fell ill as well. Constance died shortly after that. (Actually she died only the 27th November 1198)	Come lo 'mperadore Arrigo conquistò il regno di Puglia Come il detto Arrigo fu coronato imperadore [1191], e isposata Gostanza imperadrice, onde ebbe in dota il reame di Cicilia e di Puglia con consentimento del papa e della Chiesa, e rendendone il censo usato, e già nato Federigo suo figliuolo, incontanente con sua oste e colla moglie n'andòe nel Regno, e vinse tutto il paese infino a la città di Napoli, ma que' di Napoli non si vollono arrendere, onde Arrigo vi puose l'assedio, e stettevi tre mesi. E nella detta oste fue tanta pestilenzia d'infermità e di mortalità, che 'l detto Arrigo e la moglie v'infermaro, e della sua gente vi morì la maggiore parte; onde per necessità si levò dal detto assedio con pochi quasi inn-isconfitta, e infermo tornò a Roma, e la 'mperadrice Gostanza per malatia presa ne l'oste poco appresso si morìo, e lasciò Federigo suo figliuolo piccolino in guardia e in tutela di santa Chiesa. […]	How the emperor Arrigo conquered the kingdom Puglia As the said Arrigo was crowned emperor [1191], and married empress Gostanza, so he had the kingdom of Sicily and Apulia as a dowry, with the consent of the pope and the Church, and making the fee used, and already Federigo his son was born, He went into the kingdom with his entourage and his wife and conquered the whole country as far as the city of Naples, but the people of Naples did not want to surrender, so Arrigo laid siege to it and stayed there for three months. In the camp there was such a plague of sickness and death that the said Arrigo and his wife fell ill, and most of his people died there; so that he had to leave the siege with a few almost unconquered, and he returned to Rome sick, and the empress Gostanza died a short time later of a disease caught in the camp, and left Federigo his young son in the custody of the Holy Church.	Giovanni Villani 1990,Vol. 1, p. 247.	Translation by DeepL
1197-08-00-Acco	1197 JL	A mortality, attributed to summer's heat, decimates crusaders under the leadership of the archbishop of Mainz in Acre	Cunradus Mogontinus archiepiscopus in mense Ianuario iter dominice crucis arripiens, multis sibi signatis sociatis, valedicens imperatori in Apulia, inde navigavit Accaron. Cetera autem multitudo innumerabilium signatorum induciaverunt expedicionem ad festum sancte Walpurgis. Omnibus autem ad littus maris pervenientibus, inparatis navibus, propter fervorem mensis Augusti tanta mortalitas exorta est, ut vix decimus de tanta multitudine mortis imperium effugeret.	Conrad, the Archbishop of Mainz, undertaking a crusade in the month of January, accompanied by many associates bearing signs, bid farewell to the emperor in Apulia, and from there sailed to Acre. However, the rest of the countless multitude, who had enlisted for the expedition to the feast of Saint Walpurgis, arrived at the shore unprepared, with insufficient ships. Due to the heat of the month of August, such a deadly disease broke out among all those reaching the seaside that barely a tenth of the immense multitude escaped the grip of death.	Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, p. 198	Translation by Martin Bauch
1200-00-00-Holy Empire	1200 JL	A cattle mortality breaks out in the Holy Roman Empire.	Inaudita mortalitas boum per totum imperium.	Unheard mortality of the cattle all across the Empire.	Template:Reineri Annales, p. 655	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1203-00-00-Novgorod-001	1203 JL	Horse sickness in Novgorod and the sorrounding area	(6711) Томь же лѣтѣ, по грѣхомъ нашимъ, измроша кони Новѣгородѣ и по селомъ, яко нѣлзѣ бяше поити смрада никуда же Новгородская первая летопись старшего и младшего изводов	In that year, because of our sins, they fell horses in Novgorod and in the villages, until it was impossible to go anywhere becouse of the stench	Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. III, Mocква: Языки Руской Культуры, 2000. pp. 45–46.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1204-00-00-Europa	1204 JL	High mortality and disease among cattles and pigs	Et fuit maxima mortalitas et pestilentia bovum et porcorum	And there was the greatest mortality and plague among cattle and pigs	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 35	Translation needed
1205-00-00-Holy Empire	1205 JL	A mortality among sheeps breaks out in the Holy Roman Empire.	Mortalitas ovium per totum imperium.	Mortality of sheeps all across the Empire.	Reineri Annales, p. 657	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1211-00-00-Westfjords	1211 JL	19th-cent. summary of a cartulary of the church of Álftamýrar in the Icelandic Westfjords on a mortal disease of the Bishop Páll Jónsson (b. 1155) in 1211	Þessi máldagi er svo forn, að hann verðr varla talinn ýngri en frá tíma Páls biskups Jónssonar, og er þá sennilegast að heimfæra hann til þess árs, þegar Páll biskup fór yfir Vestfirðínga fjórðúng; en þetta var árið 1211, svo sem segir í sögu hans [...]). Í þessari ferð tók hann banasótt, og komst nauðulega til Hítardals, þar lá hann nálega fjórar vikur, og komst heim í Skálholt þrem nóttum fjrir Símonsmessu (25. Oktbr.). Þó reis hann aptr úr rekkju og las messu seinast á ahraheilagra messu dag (1. Novbr,), en nokkrum dögum seinna sló honum niðr aptr, og andaðist hann í Skálholti 29. Novbr. 1211.	This cartulary is so old that it can hardly be considered younger than the time of Bishop Páll Jónsson, and it is most likely to be attributed to the year when Bishop Páll crossed the quarter of the Westfjords; and this was in the year 1211, as it says in his story (Páls biskpus saga ch. 17; Bisk. s. I, 141). During this trip, he caught a mortal illness, and had to come to Hítardalur, where he lay for almost four weeks, and came home to Skálholt three nights before Simon's Mass (25 October). However, he got up again from his bed and read Mass last on All Saints' Day (1 November), but a few days later he fell down again, and he died in Skálholt on 29 November 1211.	Jón Sigurðsson et al.: Diplomatarium Islandicum (= Íslenzkt fornbréfasafn). Copenhagen 1857–67, p. 369	Translation by Carina Damm
1223-00-00-Strasbourg	1223 JL	Great mortality among livestock and animals.	Ein sterbotte. Do men zalte 1223 jor, do was ein gros sterbotte under vihe und den tieren und nüt under den lüten, und das werte 3 jor, also daz mereteil under dem vihe starp.	A dying. In the year 1223, a great mortality occured among livestock, animals, but not among people, and this lasted for 3 year. The majority of the livestock died.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 771.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1224-00-00-Rus territory	1224 JL	Famine and plague/pest in the Rus territory. Upraising of magicians in Suzdal’ city.	[6532] В се же лѣто въсташа волъсви в Суждали, избиваху старую чадь къ дьӕволю наоущенью и бѣсованью, глаголюще, ӕко си держать гобино. Бѣ мѧтежь великъ и голодъ по всеи тои странѣ; идоша по Волзѣ вси людьє в Болгары, и привезоша [жито] и тако ѡжиша. Слъıшав же Ӕрославъ волхвы, приде Суздалю; изъимавъ волхвы, расточи, а другъıми показани, рекъ сице «Богъ наводить по грѣхомъ на куюждо землю гладом(ъ) или моромъ, ли ведромь, ли иною казнью, а человѣкъ не вѣсть ничтоже».<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	In this year (1224), magicians appeared in Suzdal', and killed old people by satanic inspiration and devil worship, saying that they would spoil the harvest. There was great confusion and famine throughout all that country. The whole population went along the Volga to the Bulgars from whom they bought grain and thus sustained themselves. When Yaroslav heard of the magicians, he went to Suzdal'. He there seized upon the magicians and dispersed them, but punished some, saying, "In proportion to its sin, God inflicts upon every land hunger, pest<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>, drought, or some other chastisement, and man has no understanding thereof".<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a>		None
1225-00-00-Bologna	1225 JL	Disease in animals and humans in Bologna	Quest' anno fu grande mortalità de homeni, e bestie nell' città e contà de bologna	This year was great mortality of humans, and beasts in the city and contà de Bologna.	Giacomo del Poggio, p. 31	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1225-00-00-Bologna-002	1225 JL	Disease in animals and humans in Bologna	Tanta eodem tempore et in agro Bononiensi et urbe contagio pestilentiae fuit ut vix credibilia memoratu videantur quae de hominum pecorumque internectorum numero scriptores providere		Achille Bocchi, XIII, p. 2	Translation needed
1225-00-00-Bologna-003	1225 JL	Cattle disease and (human?) epidemic in Bologna	1225. Fù oltre la peste d' Italia una [f. 12r] gran mortalità di Buovi	Besides the plague of Italy, there was a great mortality of Cattle.	Chronica Azzolina (1106-1457), pp. 11v-12r	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1225-00-00-Europa	1225 JL	Great mortality of cattle.	Fuit maxima mortalitas in bobus et talis quod, ubi fuit, modici boves ibi remanserunt	There was a great mortality among cattle, such that where it occurred, only a few cattle remained.	Griffoni 1902, p. 8.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1225-00-00-Trient	1225 JL	Animal disease and Epidemic in Trient	Ci fu una pestilenza di animali e una feroce mortalità di uomini.	There was a plague of animals and a fierce mortality of men.	Template:Giangrisostomo Tovazzi 1986, p. 36	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1227-00-00-Bologna	1227 JL	Famine, price increase and high mortality in Bologna	Magna fames fuit in civitate Bononiae et per diversas partes et valuit corba frumenti tres libras et fabarum xlviij soldos, speltae soldos xxxiiij et melegae xxviij soldos [...] Fuit magna mortalitas tam in divitibus, quam in pauperibus personis	There was a great famine in the city of Bologna and in different areas and wheat was 3 pound and fabarum 48 Solidi, speltae 34 Solidi and melegae 33 Solidi. [...] Because of a great mortality a lot of poor people died.	Template:Griffoni 1902, p. 9	Translation needed
1227-00-00-Bologna 002	1227 JL	Famine, epidemic and price increase in Bologna; Contado hit even worse; deserted village; Bishop's alms end in mass panic with deaths	In questo anno vi fu una gran carestia in Bologna, come ancora da crudelissima peste, in maniera che molti dei nobili nella città morirono, ma nel contado infiniti perirono; percioche le Castella entire andarono in esterminio [...] in questa penuria in Bologna valse lo staio dell' grano tre lire, la fava soldi vintiotto, la spelta soldi quatordici, et la mollidura soldi quindici, et il duccato d'oro si spendeva per soldi [1]30. Il che mosse il Vescovo della Città il Giovedi Santo a invitare tutti i puoveri a pigliare per carità il pane dove concorse tanta multitudine che ventiquattro per la folta turba morirono: perche ciaschun bramava d'essere il primo, essendo dalla fame.	In this year there was a great famine in Bologna, as there was also a cruel plague, so that many of the nobles in the city died, but countless perished in the countryside; therefore the entire Castella went into extermination [...] in this scarcity in Bologna, the staio dell' grano was worth three lire, the fava bean was worth eight hundred soldi, the spelt fourteen soldi, and the mollidura fifteen soldi, and the dukedom of gold was spent for money 130. This moved the Bishop of the City on Holy Thursday to invite all the people to take bread for charity, where so great a multitude gathered that twenty-four died because of the large crowd: because each one yearned to be the first, being from hunger.	Template:Anonymus, p. 82	Translation by DeepL
1227-00-00-Bologna 003	1227 JL	Famine, price increase and high mortality in Bologna.	Per Bologna et per tutta Italia quest' anno fu grande carestia, et valeva la corba del formento lire tre, intravene che la giobia santa facendosi l'ellemosian al vescovado, gli fu tanta la calcha che gli ne mor circa 20. E fu grande mortalità quest' anno per la cita e morireno molti gentilhomini.	For Bologna and all of Italy, this year was a great famine, and the forage was worth three lire, when the holy jewel was made to the bishopric, there was so much heat that about 20 died. And it was a great mortality this year for the citation and many gentlemen died.	Template:Giacomo del Poggio, p. 34r.	None
1227-00-00-Iceland	1227 JL	High mortality in Iceland in 1227 as consequence of a "sandwinter", here possibly referring to eruptions in the Reykjanes volcanic system recorded in the Icelandic annals for 1226.	Sandvetr. […] Manndauðr mikill.	Sandwinter. […] High Mortality.	Annales regii. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 127; https://icelandicvolcanos.is/	Translation by Carina Damm
1230-00-00 Halych land	1230 JL	Epidemic in Árpád forces. The unsuccessful seizure of Halych by Andrew II. The chronicler described the campaign, especially emphasizing “the Pharaoh’s plagues” that struck the Árpád forces.	Ѡт[ъ]тѫдоу ж[е] поиде корол[ь] к Василевоу, и переиде Днѣстръ, и поиде къ Проутоу. Б[ог]ъ бо попүстил[ъ] бѧше на нѣ раноу, и агг[е]лъ б[ь]ѧше их[ъ], сице оумирающим[ъ], инїи же ис пѡдошевь выстоупахѫ, акы из чер[ь]вїа, инїи же в конѣ влѣз[ъ]ше измирахѫ, инїи же около ѡгнѧ слѣз[ъ]шесѧ и мѧсо къ оустѡм[ъ] придѣв[ъ]ше, оумирахү. Мнѡгыми же ранами различными оумирахү, хлѧби бѡ н[е]б[е]с[ь]ныа одинако топѧхѫ их[ъ].	From [Halych] the king went to Vasilev, crossed the Dniester, and headed toward the Prut. But the Lord sent a plague [upon the Hungarians] and His angel struck them down. And thus they perished: some shed their skin as they would their shoes, some found their way into the midst of a herd of horses and perished there, while still others died as they gathered around a fire and were raising a piece of meat to their lips. They died of many different afflictions while heavenly torrents inundated them without discrimination.	Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Nova Series, Vol. XVI: Chronica Galiciano-Voliniana. Chronica Romanoviciana, ediderunt, praefatione notisque instruxerunt, D. Dąbrowski, A. Jusupović, Kraków-Warszawa 2017, p. 152-253	None
1230-00-00-Denmark	1230 JL	Severe plague and epizootic. The epidemics are announced by a solar eclipse	Eclipsis solis et pestilentia hominum et iumentorum magna fuit.	Solar eclipse and a great pestilence among men and animals.	Annales Ryenses In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 171	None
1230-00-00-Novgorod	1230 JL	Epidemic of famine in Novgorod.	Того же лѣта [6738] бы(с)[ть] моръ в Новѣгородѣ ѡт глада. Инїи лю(ди) рѣзахү своєго брата и ӕдѧхү, а инїи м[е]ртвоє трүпьє ӕдѧхү, а дрүзїи конїнү, и псинү, и кошки, инїи мохъ соснү, и листъ илемъ. И то все зло бы(с)[ть] за грѣхы наша. И бѣ тог(д)а нїкомү никого погрести мертвы(х)[ъ] ѡт множества.	That year [1230] there was an epidemic in Novgorod from famine. Some people killed their brothers and ate, and others ate the dead bodies, and others ate horses, and dogs, and cats, and others moss, and wych elm <a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> leaves. All this was for our sins. Because of the number of the dead, there was then no one to bury the dead.	Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 512	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1230-00-00-Smolensk	1230 JL	Epidemic in Smolensk (Mass graves mentioned).	Того же лѣта [6738] бы(с)[ть] моръ въ Смоленьсцѣ. Створша д҃ скүделнїци, въ двү положиша ҂s҃ı, а въ третьєи ҂з҃, а въ четвертои .҂ѳ҃. Се же зло бы(с)[ть] по два лѣта.	That year 1230 there was an epidemic in Smolensk. Four mass graves<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> were created. 16,000 were buried in two, 7,000 in the third and 9,000 [bodies] in the fourth. This evil lasted for two years.	Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 511-512.	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1230-00-00-Smolensk MLSKXVv	1230 JL	A two-year heavy plague in Smolensk.	Toго же лѣта [6738] бысть мopъ силeн въ Cмоленсцѣ, cтворища 4 cкуделници и положища в дву16 тысящь, a въ третьеи 7000, a въ четвертои 9000. Ce же было по два лѣта.	This year 1230 there was a heavy plague in Smolensk. They made four mass graves and placed 16,000 in two, 7,000 in the third, and 9,000 in the fourth. This lasted for two years.<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 125.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1230-1231-00-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia?	1230 JL	Mass deaths of people caused by starvation	Toгo жe лѣтa [6738] бысть гладъ по всeи земли двѣ лѣтѣ, и помpe множecтвo люди.	That year [1230] there was a famine throughout the land [which lasted] two years. And lots of people died.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 54.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1231-00-00-Novgorod MLSKXVv	1231 JL	Epidemic and mass deaths due to hunger in Novgorod.	[6738]<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> Бысть же и в Hoвѣгадѣ моръ от глада, таковъ бѣ бо глад, яко мнози своего брата рѣжуще ядяxy, a инии мepтвое трупие ядяxy, друзии конину и псину и кошки, a инии мoxъ и cocну и илем и листъ, и толико бѣ множство мертвых, яко не бысть кому и погребати ихъ.	There was also a plague in Novgorod (1231) due to famine. For such was the famine that many ate their brother butchering them, and others ate dead bodies, others ate horsemeat and dog meat and cats, and others moss and pine and clay and leaves, and there were so many dead that there was no one to bury them.	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 125.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1232-00-00-Trient	1232 JL	Epidemic in Trient in northern Italy.	Ci fu una crudelissima peste.	There was a cruel plague.	Template:Giangrisostomo Tovazzi 1986, p. 36	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1237-00-00-Saint-Denis	1237 JL	A mortality breaks out in the monastery of Saint-Denis, killing 44 monks.	Hoc anno fuit maxima mortalitas fratrum monachorum in ecclesia Beati Dionysii fere usque ad XLIV.	In this year (1237) was a great mortality among brothers of the church of Saint-Denis affecting 44 monks.	Ex brevi chronico ecclesiae S. Dionysii 1876, p. 143.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1238-00-00-London	1238 JL	A flood and a unnatural air which led to diseases in London.	Eodem quoque anno, rivi insoliti et innaturales plurimis agris, stratis, et locis aridis et inaquosis, impetuose proruperunt ; et in rapidos torrentes ac repentinos excreverunt, ita ut pisces educarent. Aeris quoque intemperies et squalor innaturalis morbos diversos generavit, ut aeris inclementia pesti congrueret saeculari, et tam populares et agricolcae, quam milites et magnates, necnon et praelati, sentirent flagellum Domini generale.	In the same year, unusual and unnatural streams burst forth violently in many fields, streets, and dry and waterless places; and they rapidly grew into sudden torrents, even producing fish. The unseasonable and unnatural conditions of the air also generated various diseases, so that the harshness of the air corresponded with a widespread plague, and both common people and farmers, as well as soldiers, nobles, and even prelates, felt the general scourge of the Lord.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 3, p. 519.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1246-00-00-Iceland 002	1246 JL	Great plague and mortality in Iceland in 1246	Sott mickil ok manndaudr.	Great plague and mortality.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 256	Translation by Carina Damm
1247-00-00-Iceland 001	1247 JL	Great plague and mortality in Iceland in 1247	Sott mickil ok manndaudr.	Great plague and mortality.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 256	Translation by Carina Damm
1247-00-00-Iceland 002	1247 JL	Great plague and mortality in Iceland in 1247	Sott mikill (!) ok manndauðr.	Great plague (!) and mortality.	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 190	Translation by Carina Damm
1247-00-00-Parma	1247 JL	Epidemic with many deaths in Parma.	Item eodem tempore magna mortalitas fuit in civitate Parme, ita quod sepe et sepius quatuor et plures sepeliebantur ad unam ecclesiam.	Also, at the same time (1247), there was a great mortality in the city of Parma, so that often and repeatedly four or more were buried at one church.	Bonazzi 1902, p. 17.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1248-00-00-France	1248 JL	Illness of Hugo von Digne, probably part of an epidemic in Provence	De mora quam cum fratre Hugone contraxi. Ego vero et socius meus remansimus Areis cum fratre Hugone, a festo beati Francisci usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum. Et gaudebam quia habebam occasionem standi cum fratre Hugone, [p. 456] cum quo tota die de doctrina abbatis Ioachym erat sermocinatio mea. Habebat enim omnes libros abbatis Ioachym et erat maximus Ioachita et unus de maioribus clericis de mundo, sanctitate et scientia incomparabilis. Dolebam vero quod sotius meus graviter infirmabatur quasi ad mortem, et nolebat sibi cavere, et tempus navigandi propter hyemem in deterius mutabatur. Et contrata illa illo anno valde infirma erat propter ventum marinum, et vix poteram respirare de nocte, etiam morando sub divo; et audiebam lupos clamantes et ululantes de nocte in maxima quantitate, non semel neque bis. Et dixi socio meo, qui erat iuvenis valde protervus: «Tu non vis tibi cavere a contrariis et semper recidivas, ego vero cognosco contratam istam valde infirmam, et nollem adhuc mori, quia vellem videre illa que predicat frater Hugo. Quapropter noveris quod, si occurrerit de fratribus nostris societas congrua, ibo cum illis». Et dixit: «Placet quod dicis, veniam et ego tecum». Sperabat enim quod nullus veniret, qui frater esset. Et ecce, Domino faciente, statim venit frater Pontius quidam, sanctus homo, qui nobiscum steterat in conventu Aquensi et ibat Niciam, unde factus fuerat guardianus. Et gavisus est, quando vidit nos. Et dixi sibi: «Volumus venire vobiscum, quia Ianuam ire debemus ad habitandum». Et respondit et dixit: Multum placet michi. Vado ergo ad procurandum ut habeamus navem». In crastino autem post prandium ivimus ad navem, que distabat a loco fratrum per unum miliare. Socius autem meus nolebat venire, sed videns quod penitus recedebam, assumpto guardiano loci, venit post nos. Cumque porigerem sibi manum, ut elevarem eum ad navem intrandam, aborruit et ait: «Absit quod tu tangas me, quia non conservasti michi fidem et bonam societatem». Cui dixi: «Miser, cognosce bonitatem Dei erga te, oquia revelatum est michi a Domino quod, si stetisses ibi, absque dubio mortuus fuisses; et Sapiens in Eccle. VII dicit: Noli esse stultus, ne moriaris in tempore non tuo. Et de quibusdam dicitur in Iob XXII: Sublati sunt ante tempus suum, et fluvius(scilicet mortalitatis humane) subvertit fundamentum eorum». Quid plura? Non credebat iste michi quousque vexatiodedit auditui intellectum. Nam per totam hyemem in conventu Ianuensi ab illa [p. 457] infirmitate quam in Provincia contraxerat non potuit liberari; et in festo beati Mathie intravi mare et a Ianua usque ad locum fratris Hugonis in IIII diebus perveni; et sex fratres de illo loco inveni mortuos et sepultos; quorum primus fuit guardianus loci illius, qui socium meum ad navem associaverat; alter fuit frater Guillielmus de Pertuso, bonus predicator, qui in conventu Parmensi habitavit aliquando; et IIII alii quos nominare necesse non est. Cum autem in reversione mea ad Ianuensem conventum retulissem socio meo de morte istorum fratrum supradictorum, gratias referebat michi, quod eruissem eum de faucibus mortis. Convaluit tandem, et post multos annos ivit ad provinciam ultramarinam, eo anno quo rex Francie transfretavit secundo et Tunicium ivit; et fuit ibi custos et pro custode ad generale capitulum venit quod fuit Assisii celebratum, in quo frater Bonagratia factus fuit generalis minister, et declaratio regule ratribus data.	About the delay that I contracted with Brother Hugh. Indeed, my companion and I remained in Aries with Brother Hugh, from the feast of St. Francis until the feast of All Saints. And I was glad because I had the opportunity to stay with Brother Hugh," [p. 456] "with whom my entire day was spent discussing the teachings of Abbot Joachim. For he had all the books of Abbot Joachim and was a great Joachite and one of the most senior clerics in the world, incomparable in sanctity and knowledge. However, I was saddened because my companion fell gravely ill, almost to death, and he did not want to take care of himself, and the time for sailing worsened due to the winter. And the sea that year was very rough because of the marine wind, and I could barely breathe at night, even staying outdoors; and I heard wolves crying and howling at night in great numbers, not just once or twice. And I said to my companion, who was a very impetuous young man: 'You do not want to take care of yourself against the adversities, and you always relapse, but I know that the sea is very treacherous this year, and I do not wish to die yet, because I want to see what Brother Hugh preaches. Therefore, you should know that if a suitable opportunity arises among our brothers, I will go with them.' And he said, 'What you say pleases me, I will come with you.' For he hoped that no brother would come. And behold, by the grace of the Lord, Brother Pontius immediately arrived, a holy man, who had stayed with us in the convent of Aix and was going to Nice, where he had been appointed guardian. And he rejoiced when he saw us. And I said to him, 'We want to come with you, because we must go to Genoa to live there.' And he replied and said: 'I am very pleased. I will go then to arrange for us to have a ship.' On the next day after lunch, we went to the ship, which was one mile away from the place of the brothers. However, my companion did not want to come, but seeing that I was determined, he came after us, taking the guardian of the place with him. And when I reached out my hand to lift him onto the ship, he recoiled and said, 'God forbid that you touch me, for you did not keep faith with me and maintain a good companionship.' To which I said, 'Unfortunate one, recognize the goodness of God towards you, for it has been revealed to me by the Lord that if you had stayed there, undoubtedly you would have died; and the Wise One in Ecclesiastes 7 says: Do not be foolish, lest you die in your time. And it is said of some in Job 22: They were taken away before their time, and the river (namely, the river of human mortality) subverted their foundation.' Why more? This person did not believe me until vexation gave understanding to his hearing. For throughout the entire winter in the convent of Genoa, he could not be freed from the illness he had contracted in Provence; and on the feast of St. Matthias, I entered the sea, and from Genoa, I arrived at Brother Hugh's place in four days; and I found six brothers from that place dead and buried; the first of whom was the guardian of that place, who had accompanied my companion to the ship; the second was Brother William of Pertuso, a good preacher, who had once lived in the convent of Parma; and the other four need not be named. However, when I returned to the convent of Genoa and recounted to my companion the deaths of those aforementioned brothers, he thanked me for rescuing him from the jaws of death. He eventually recovered, and after many years, he went to the overseas province, in the year when the King of France crossed over for the second time and went to Tunis; and there he became the guardian and came as a guardian to the general chapter held at Assisi, where Brother Bonagratia was elected as the general minister, and the declaration of the rule was given to the brothers	Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 456–457	None
1248-00-00-Parma	1248 JL	There was a great mortality in Parma.	Et mortalitas valida fuit	And there was a strong mortality	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 464	Translation by Martin Bauch
1248-00-00-Reggio	1248 JL	High mortality in Reggio	Et mortalitas magna hoc anno fuit; et mortuus est abbas Sancti Prosperii [Gerardus].	Template:TN	Template:Albertus Miliolus 1903, p. 520	None
1250-00-00-Egypt	1250 JL	Deaths among the French army in Egypt due to plague and famine	1250 - Sed et prius pestilentia et inedia multi periere. Habuerunt enim caristiam et penuriam comestibilium rerum et victualium, nec talem dispositionem aeris habebant qualem in terra sua.		Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 486	Translation needed
1250-02-00-Damiette	February 1250 JL	The army of the Sixth Crusade under the leaderhsip of the French King suffers from an epidemic and dearth around Damiette.	Anno Domini MCCL captus est Lodoycus rex Francie, et maior pars exercitus Gallici qui cum rege transfretaverat a Saracenis est interfecta. Sed et prius pestilentia et inedia multi periere. Habuerunt enim caristiam et penuriam comestibilium rerum et victualium, nec talem dispositionem aeris habebant qualem in terra sua	In the year of our Lord 1250, King Louis of France was captured, and the majority of the French army that had crossed over with the king was killed by the Saracens. But even before that, many perished due to pestilence and famine. They experienced a scarcity and shortage of foodstuffs and provisions, and they did not have the favorable climate conditions they were accustomed to in their own land	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 486	Translation by Martin Bauch
1255-00-00-Foggia	1255 JL	Many deaths in the army of the Pope in Foggia, but only few in the besieging army.	Talis autem tempore illo fortuna Principis fuit, quod licet de Papali exercitu in Fogia multi quotidie morerentur, multique infirmi jacerent; in Principis tamen exercitu, qui ante Civitatem erat, paucissimi infirmi, duoque tantum ibi defuncti fuerunt.	Such, however, was the fortune of the Prince at that time, that although many from the Papal army in Foggia died daily, and many lay sick, in the Prince's army, which was before the city, very few were sick, and only two died there.	Nicolaus de Jamsilla Historia, p. 576.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1257-00-00-England	1257 JL	Starvation und plague during summer.	Jacuerunt terrae incultae, et mortua est prae inedia populi multitude numerosa. […] Annus insuper pestifer letales febres suscitavit, ita ut, si de aliis sileam, apud Sanctum Edmundum in aestate, diebus praecipue canicularibus ingruentibus, plus quam duo milia mortuorum cimiteria spatiosa occuparent.	The lands lay uncultivated, and a great multitude of people died from starvation. […] Additionally, that pestilent year brought about deadly fevers, such that, to mention only one example, at Saint Edmund's in the summer, especially during the dog days, more than two thousand dead occupied the spacious cemeteries.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 660.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1257-00-00-Horning	1257 JL	Plague and mortality due to intemperate weather.	Aeris igitur intemperies, hominum pestem et mortalitatem suscitavit	The intemperate weather caused a plague and mortality among the people.	Chronica Johannis de Oxenedes, p. 215.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1257-09-00-Iceland	September 1257 JL	In Miðfjörðr was a great mortality.	her segir fra mannfalle pui enu mikla er j Midfirde var er till tok Mariu messo sidarre. lette eftir paaska uiku: ok do or sott .cccc. manna j pessum kirkiu soknum at Stad. at Nupe. a Backa. a Mel. J Huamme ok Holum. ok Tiorn	Here tells about the great man-death which was in Miðfjörðr, which began on the later feast of Mary. It eased up after Easter week, and four hundred people died of sickness in these church districts: at Staðr, Gnúpi, Bakki, Mel, Hvamm and Hólar, and Tjörn	xxx, p. 36.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00 Italy	1258 JL	In summer high mortality in Italy.	Eo anno aestate fuit hominum magna mortalitas.	In this year was a high mortality among humans.	Riccobaldo da Ferrara 1726b, Sp. 133	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1258-00-00-Baghdad	1258 JL	Epidemic in Baghdad after the Mongol conquest of the city: A Mongol army under Hülegü Khan had captured Baghdad and killed the Abbasid caliph al-Mustaʿṣim bi-llāh [February 20, 1258]. Dead bodies were lying around everywhere, a bad smell developed in the city, the air changed. Many people died of the severe epidemic (wabāʾ) that followed the fighting. When the epidemic abated in Baghdad it traveled to Syria.			Al-Nuwayrī - Kitāb al-Ilmām 1968-1976, vol. 2, p. 224	Translation needed
1258-00-00-Baghdad 001	1258 JL	Famine and plague in the Middle East.		And in his time there was a very severe famine and a pestilence in all the land of SEN'AR, and 'ATHOR (Assyria), and BETH NAHRIN, and SYRIA and BETH RHOMAYE; for in DAMASCUS a young dove for a sick man was sold for twelve nasraye		None
1258-00-00-Baghdad 002	1258 JL	Great mortality in Baghdad, which spreads due to the odor and contaminated water.		It is said that there were more than 800,000 dead in Baghdad, not including the children thrown in the mud, those who perished in the canals, wells, and basements, and those who died of hunger and fear. Those that survived the killing were struck by an epidemic [wabaˉʾ] from breathing the odor of corpses and drinking contaminated water. The inhabitants frequently smelled onions because of the strong smell. The number of flies increased, filling the air; they would fall on food and spoil it.		None
1258-00-00-Bilbeis	1258 JL	Plague in Syria and Egypt.		In this year (i.e. 1258), plague struck across Syria, the regions of Egypt, and the like […] A fever and cough occurred in Bilbeis such that not one person was spared from it, yet there was none of that in Cairo. Then after a day or two, something similar happened in Cairo. I was stationed in Giza at that time. I rode to Cairo and found that this condition was spreading across the people of Cairo, except a few.		None
1258-00-00-Bohemia	19 May 1258 JL	Great mortality in Bohemia.	Anno domini 1258 XIV kalendas Junii eclipsis lune fuit et mortalitas maxima hominum fuit.	In the year of the Lord 1258 on the 14th calendes of June there was an eclipse of the moon and there was the greatest mortality of humans.	Johannis Neplachonis, Chronicon, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. III, Praha 1882, p. 445-484, 474.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1258-00-00-Miðfjörður	1258 JL	Great mortality before Easter in Miðfjörður in northwestern Iceland in 1258	her segir fra mannfalle þui enu mikla er j Midfirde var er till tok Mariu messo sidarre. lette eftir paaska uiku: ok do or sott .cccc. manna j þessum kirkiu soknum at Stad. at Nupe. a Backa. a Mel. j Huamme ok Holum. ok Tiorn.	Here it is said that there was a great loss of life in Miðfjörður, which began on the last feast of Mary. It eased up after Easter week; and 400 people died of plague in these church districts: at Staður, Gnúpá, Bakki, Mel, Hvammur and Hólar, and Tjörn.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 257	Translation by Carina Damm
1258-00-00-Modena	1258 JL	Disease and mortality in Modena.	Eodem anno fuit infirmitas et mortalitas ferre per totum orbem	In the same year (1258), there was widespread illness and mortality throughout the entire world.	Chronache Modenesi 1888, here: Cronca Tassoni, p. 58.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-Prague	1258 JL	In Prague frost and mortality among sheeps.	Hoc anno gelu laesit fructus arboreos et vineas, et mortalitas ovium fuit	This year, frost damaged the fruit trees and vineyards, and there was a mortality among the sheep.	Canonicorum Pragensium Contin. Cosmae, p. 176.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-Senones	1258 JL	A plague of livestock in Senones (Vosges).	Sed tamen pestilentia pecorum ipso anno finiente non finivit, sed per totum sequentem annum regiones plurimas bobus et vaccis [p. 334] penitus vacuavit.	However, the pestilence of livestock did not end with the close of that year, but continued throughout the following year, utterly emptying many regions of oxen and cows.	Richeri Gesta Senoniensis ecclesiae 1880, pp. 333-334.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-St. Albans	1258 JL	Plague among sheeps in St. Albans.	et pecudes necuit pubescentes, ita ut ovium et agnorum pestis fieret generalis	and killed the young livestock, resulting in a widespread pestilence among sheep and lambs.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 674.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-Syria	1258 JL	Around the time when the Mongols took Baghdad, an epidemic (ṭāʿūn) affected the people in Syria. This was in 656 H (January 8, 1258 to December 27, 1258). The former Ayyubid sultan of Damascus, al-Nāṣir Dāwūd, died of the disease in al-Buwayḍāʾ [May 21, 1259], a village in the surroundings of Damascus. His cousin al-Nāṣir Yūsuf, the lord of Damascus, traveled to al-Buwayḍāʾ, transferred Dāwūd's body to al-Ṣāliḥiyya and buried it in the tomb of Dāwūd's father al-Malik al-Muʿaẓẓam.	ولحق الناس بالشام في تلك المدة طاعون مات فيه الناصر داود، وخرج الناصر يوسف صاحب دمشق إلى البويضاء، وأظهر عليه الحزن والتأسف، ونقله إلى الصالحية فدفنه بتربة والده المعظم	In that period, a plague struck the Levant, in which Al-Nasser David died, and Al-Nasser Yusuf of Damascus went to Al-Buwayda, showed grief and sorrow for him, and transferred him to Salhiyah, where he was buried in the soil of his great father.	Ibn Faḍl Allāh al-ʿUmarī - Masālik al-abṣār 2001-2004, vol. 27, p. 369.	Translation by DeepL
1258-00-00-Syria 001	1258 JL	Famine and plague raged in the East.	Cette année, la famine et une maladie dangereuse, désolerent toutes les contrées de l’Orient.[…] Cette meme année, une maladie pestilentielle fit, en Syrie, de grands ravages. Il mourait, à Alep, douze cents personnes par jour. Und grand nombre d’ inhabitants de Damas fut victim de ce fléau	This year, famine and a dangerous disease devastated all the regions of the East. [...] In the same year, a pestilential disease caused great havoc in Syria. In Aleppo, twelve hundred people died per day. A large number of inhabitants of Damascus fell victim to this scourge.	Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks 1845, pp. 77-78.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-00-00-Syria 002	1258 JL	Disease in Syria.		Around the time (1258) when the Mongols took Baghdad, an epidemic (ṭāʿūn) affected the people in Syria. This was in 656 H (January 8, 1258 to December 27, 1258)	Ibn Faḍl Allāh al-ʿUmarī - Masālik al-abṣār 2001-2004, Vol. 27, p. 369.	Translation needed
1258-04-00-St. Albans	April 1258 JL	Strong famine and disease in St. Albans.	Defi[ci]ente insuper annona, pauperum multitude innumerabilis mortua est. Et inventa sunt passim eorum corpora tumida prae fame et liventia, quina vel sena in porcariis, sterquiliniis, et lutosis plateis, in semetipsis morticina miserabiliter tabefacta. Nec ausi sunt, qui domos habebant, perituros, propter tabem et contagia infirmorum in suam propriam inediam hospitari. Et cum plura corpora mortua invenirentur, factae sunt in cimiteriis amplae fossae et capaces, in quibus reponebantur corpora plurimorum	Additionally, with the failing grain supply, an innumerable multitude of the poor died. Their bloated and discolored bodies, swollen from hunger, were found everywhere, five or six at a time, in pigsties, dung heaps, and muddy streets, miserably decayed into corpses. Those who had homes did not dare to take in the dying, fearing infection and contagion, even at the cost of their own starvation. And since many dead bodies were found, large and spacious pits were dug in the cemeteries, in which the bodies of many were placed.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 690.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-05-00-London	May 1258 JL	Great famine and mortality in London.	Circa idem tempus, tanta fames et mortalitas ingruebat in terra, ut, ascendente summa blade usque ad pretium quindecim solidorum et ultra, et terra nummis esset vacuata, et per plateas innumerorum jacerent morticinia […] Jacuerunt insuper mortui super sterquilinia et in luto, et per plateas marcentes et tumescentes, ita ut vix erat qui mortuos sepeliret, nec audebant aut volebant cives vix aliqui mortuos propter tabem hospitari.	Around the same time, such great famine and mortality struck the land that, with the price of grain rising to fifteen solidi and beyond, and the land being emptied of money, countless corpses lay in the streets. [...] The dead also lay on dung heaps and in the mud, decaying and swelling in the streets, so that there were scarcely any who could bury the dead, nor did the citizens dare or wish to take in the dead due to the contagion.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 701-702.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-05-19-London	19 May 1258 JL	Immense disease in London.	Anno eodem, circa festum Trinitatis, immanis pestis et intolerabilis populum praecipue invasit et afflictum miserabiliter peremit.	In the same year (1258), around the feast of the Trinity, an immense and intolerable disease especially struck the people, miserably afflicting and killing them.	Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, p. 693.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1258-11-00-Cairo	November 1258 JL	Epidemic in Cairo.		Then there happened a great epidemic at Cairo, from which hardly any one escaped; it began on Thursday, the 24th of Shawwál, and Behá ed dín was one of those attacked by it. He survived a few days, and then expired a little before sunset onn Sunday the 4th of Dhu’l Ka’deh in the same year (Nov AD 1258) and was buried the next after midday prayers […]I could not make it for [Bahaˉʾ al-Dīn’s funeral] prayer as I was engaged myself with the disease. When I had recovered from the disease, I proceeded to his grave for visitation and read a part of the Qur’aˉn for him		None
1259-00-00-Alessandria	1259 JL	A plague disturbed a peace and raged also north of the alps.	Ceterum hanc ipsorum quietem aliquamdiu perturbavit vis pestilentiae, quae, tota fere Cisalpina Gallia debacchata, illos itidem vellicavit	Moreover, their peace was disturbed for some time by the force of a pestilence, which, having ravaged almost all of Cisalpine Gaul, also afflicted them.	Annales Alexandrini 1857, col. 233.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Borgo San Donino	1259 JL	The greatest mortality in Borgo San Donino.	Dominus Rubinus senex erat et plenus dierum et misit pro me, eo anno quo fuit mortalitas maxima et quo Icilinus de Romano captus fuit in bello, scilicet MCCLIX; et confessus est mecum et bene ordinavit de anima sua et mortuus est in senectute bona, transiens de hoc mundo ad Patrem.	Lord Rubino was old and full of days. He sent for me in that year (1259) when there was the greatest mortality and when Ezzelino da Romano was captured in war, namely, in the year 1259. He confessed with me and arranged well for his soul, and he died in good old age, passing from this world to the Father.	Template:Salimbene De Adam 1998/99, Vol. 2, pp. 548.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Dijon	6 April 1259 JL	Strong mortality around Dijon.	1259. Hoc anno fuit infirmitas et mortalitas hominum in toto mundo, ita ut pauce domus essent in quibus aliquis sanus inveniretur; cepitque inicium hec mortalitas in magna ebdomada ante pascha, duravitque circiter unum mensem	In the year 1259, there was an illness and mortality of people throughout the whole world, such that there were few houses in which a healthy person could be found. This mortality began in Holy Week before Easter and lasted for about one month.	Template:Annales S. Benigni Divionensis 1844, p. 50	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Italy 002	1259 JL	High mortality in Italy and death of an elder Italian Lord	1259 - [...] quo anno fuit in Ytalia hominum et mulierum mortalitas maxima, […] (p. 548) Dominus Rubinus senex erat et plenus dierum et misit pro me, eo anno quo fuit mortalitas maxima et quo Icilinus de Romano captus fuit in bello, scilicet MCCLIX; et confessus est mecum et bene ordinavit de anima sua et mortuus est in senectute bona, transiens de hoc mundo ad Patrem.	In the year 1259, which was the year of the greatest mortality of men and women in Italy, [...] (p. 548) Lord Rubino was old and full of days. He sent for me in that year when there was the greatest mortality and when Icilinus from Rome was captured in war, namely, in the year 1259. He confessed with me and arranged well for his soul, and he died in good old age, passing from this world to the Father	Salimbene De Adam 1966, pp. 539–540, 548	None
1259-00-00-London	1259 JL	Severe plague raged in Paris and London.	Eodem tempore, ascendente sole cancrum, facta est hominum pestilentia et mortalitas inopinata; ita quod [S. 747] ubique morientibus quamplurimis locis aliis omissis tantummodo Parisius plus quam milia hominum sepulcris commendabantur. Oleum etenim, vinum, et annona corrumpebantur. Et quia mortis rumphea nulli parcens nunc hunc nunc illum consumit, aequanimiter egenum et divitem rapiendo, obit in illa peste mortifera dominus Fulco Londoniensis episcopus	At the same time, with the sun rising in Cancer, an unexpected pestilence and mortality among people occurred; so much so that, with many dying everywhere, in Paris alone, more than a thousand people were committed to their graves. Even oil, wine, and grain were being corrupted. And because the scythe of death spared no one, consuming one person after another, rich and poor alike, Lord Fulco, the Bishop of London, died in that deadly plague.	Template:Matthaei Parisiensis: Chronica majora 1872–1884, Vol. 5, pp. 746-747.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Modena	1259 JL	Mortality in Modena.	Eodem anno fuit infirmitas et mortalitas fere per totum Orbem	In the same year, there was widespread illness and mortality almost throughout the entire world.	Annales Veteres Mutinensium 1727, col. 65.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Salzburg 001	1259 JL	Great plague in Salzburg.	et multe civitates exuste, set unde nemo congnoscere quivit. Sequitur etiam maxima pestilencia hominum	and many cities were burned, but no one could understand the cause. A great pestilence among the people followed as well.	Template:Continuatio chronici Magni Presbiteri 1861, p. 529.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-00-00-Wessobrunn	1259 JL	Mortality of people and livestock in Wessobrunn.	Anno Domini MCCLVIIII. […] morticinium grande nimis hominum atque pecudum.	In the year of Our Lord 1259 […] there was a great mortality of people and livestock.	Template:Historia Monasterii Wessofontani 1753, Vol. 2, p. 33.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-04-00-Borgo San Donino	April 1259 JL	Great mortality in Italy, for example in Bologna, Borgo San Donino, Milan and Florence.	Item eodem anno [1259] in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in dominica olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit domnus Rubinus de Soragna, barbanus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchispoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent	In the same year (1259) in Italy, there was a great mortality among women and men, such that during Vespers, we had two dead bodies at the same time in the church. This curse began in Passion Week, to the point that in the entire province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not recite the office on Palm Sunday, as they were afflicted by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. At that time, Lord Rubinus de Soragna, uncle of Uberto Pelavicini, and Brother Marchispoli, whom I heard in confession, passed away. Likewise, in the town of Borgo San Donnino, more than three hundred people died from that pestilence, and in Milan many thousands, and similarly many thousands in Florence; the bells were not rung, so as not to frighten the sick.	Template:Salimbene De Adam 1998/99, Vol. 2, pp. 674-675.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-04-00-Italy	April 1259 JL	Epidemic and high mortality in Italy.	Et eodem anno MCCLIX magna fuit mortalitas, et composui librum de tediis. [...] In supradicto millesimo habitabam in Burgo Sancti Donini et composui et scripsi alium librum Tediorum ad similitudinem Pateccli. Item eodem anno in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de Passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in Dominica Olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit dominus Rubinus de Soragna, barbánus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchisopoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent.	And in the same year 1259, there was a great mortality, and I composed a book about weariness. [...] In the aforementioned year, I lived in San Donino and composed and wrote another book of weariness, similar to Gherardo Patecchio. Also in the same year, in Italy, there was a great mortality of men and women, so much so that during the evening office, we had two dead in the church at the same time. And this curse began in the week of Passion, so that in the whole province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not perform the office on Palm Sunday, as they were affected by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. Then, Master Rubinus of Soragna, the barber of Uberti Pelavicini, and Brother Marchisopoli, whom I heard in confession, died. Also in San Donino, more than three hundred died from that pestilence, and in Milan, many thousands, and similarly in Florence, many thousands; and the bells did not toll, lest they terrify the sick.	Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, pp. 674–675.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-04-00-Paris	April 1259 JL	Mortality in Paris. Crops have been malevolent.	Anno sequenti, mense aprilis fuit mortalitas, maxima Parisius, et moriebantur homines quasi subito.	The year after, in April, there was a great mortality, especially in Paris. People died very rapidly.	Noate Constantienses , p. 543	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1259-04-00-Paris 001	April 1259 JL	Great mortality in Paris.	In Paschate etiam post fuit maxima mortalitas Parisius, et antequam essent vindemie fuit vinum ad IIIIor denarios per totum Parisius.	At Easter 1259 and afterwards, there was a great mortality in Paris, and before the grape harvest, wine was sold for 4 denarii throughout Paris.	Template:Annales Clerici Parisiensis 1877, p. 187.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-05-00-St. Albans	May 1259 JL	Air corruption was followed by disease and bad weather and harvest.	Item in mayo [1259] fuit maxima aeris corruptio per totum mensem. Inde subsecute sunt multe infirmitates et mortalitas hominum. Arbores non fructificabant. Item mense Julio multa tonitrua et terribilia et fulgura cadentia. Item mense octobri ad festum sancti Dionisii per tres dies continuos et noctes horrid tempestas celum commouit et undas et multi naufragio perierunt	Moreover, in May 1259, there was severe air corruption throughout the entire month. As a result, many illnesses and deaths followed among people. The trees did not bear fruit. Additionally, in July, there were many terrifying thunderclaps and lightning strikes. Furthermore, in October, around the feast of Saint Denis, for three continuous days and nights, a dreadful storm stirred the sky and the waves, and many perished in shipwrecks.	Template:Chronicon S. Andreae in Antona Sempentrionalis (bis 1339) 1929, p. 101.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1259-05-21-Aleppo	21 May 1259 JL	The sultan of Damascus died of a disease in al-Buwayḍāʾ.		The former Ayyubid sultan of Damascus, al-Nāṣir Dāwūd, died of the general disease in al-Buwayḍāʾ, a village in the surroundings of Damascus. His cousin al-Nāṣir Yūsuf, the lord of Damascus, traveled to al-Buwayḍāʾ, transferred Dāwūd's body to al-Ṣāliḥiyya and buried it in the tomb of Dāwūd's father al-Malik al-Muʿaẓẓam.	Template:Ibn Faḍl Allāh al-ʿUmarī - Masālik al-abṣār 2001-2004, Vol. 27, p. 369.	Translation needed
1259-06-16-Hubei	16 June 1259 JL	About an edict ordering rice to be released for charitable purposes, because of famine and epidemics in the year before.	五月辛亥，雨雹。丁已，诏：“湖北诸郡，去年旱潦饥疫，令江陵、常、澧、岳、寿诸州，发义仓米振粜。”辛未，婺州大水，发义仓米赈之。《宋史·理宗纪》四	On the day Dingsi, an edict was issued: "In the various prefectures of Hubei, due to last year's drought, floods, famine, and epidemics, order was given to the prefectures of Jiangling, Chang, Li, Yue, and Shou to release rice from the charity granaries for relief."	Template:Compendium of Chinese Meteorological Records 2004, p. 493.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1260-00-00-Bologna	1260 JL	Epidemic in connection with the flagellants.	Nell' Anno 1260 seguiura una attrocissima mortalita, che li sette ottavi delle Persone occissi alla sua falce, molte Cittade rimasero disabitate e fù al tempo del B. Riniero dove fù necessario per placare l' ira di Dio, che le persone andassero in Processione nudi insino alla centura disciplinandosi.	In the year 1260 there followed a very terrible death, so that the seven eighths of the people came to his sickle, many cities were left uninhabited and it was at the time of B. Riniero where it was necessary to appease the wrath of God, that the people went in procession naked to the centurion, disciplining themselves.	Template:Giacomo dal Gambaro, p. 182r.	Translation by DeepL
1262-00-00-Normandy	1262 JL	Mortality in Normandy	Hoc anno fuit mors valida in Normannia.	This year, a great mortality raged in Normandy.	Chronicon S. Stephani Cadomensis, p. 492	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1265-00-00-Italy	1265 JL	Great mortality in Italy in the year 1265	Magna mortalitas in Italia	Great mortality in Italy.	Template:Cronica Patricii Ravennatis, p. 1154	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1267-00-00-Austria	1267 JL	Great famine and severe plague with many deaths in people and animals in complete Austria	Anno Domini MCCLXVII. pestilencia et fames, ex nationes civitatum et villarum per Austriam surrexerunt, ita ut innumerus populus cum pecore pene omni in terris peste miserabiliter morerentur, que Deum vulgaris plebs affirmavit propter illivitas regis nupcias induxisse.		Iohannes Victoriensis 1340-1343, p. 170	Translation needed
1270-00-00-Tunisia	1270 JL	Charles of Anjou makes peace in Tunisia, partly because the plague hit his army	Reges, tum propter difficultatem urbem munitissimam capiendi, tum propter pestilentiam mortalitatis, que vehementer exercitum affligebat, tale pactum cum rege Tunicii pepigerunt: quod ipse persolveret regibus omnes transfetationis expensas et tributum redderet regi Karulo et filiis suis, quod ipse solebat persolvere annuatim magno principi Federico.		Template:Anonymus 1207–1270, p. 61	Translation needed
1271-00-00-Austria-Hungary	1271 JL	Plague in Austria and Hungary	Eiusdem tempore anni tam inaudita facta est pestilentia in Austria et Ungaria, ut ex tam vehementi pestilentie plaga in fossatis maximis simul et semel mortui homines tamquam peccora infoderentur.		Historia annorum 1264-1279 1851, p. 651, l. 52	Translation needed
1271-00-00-Lorraine	1271 JL	Mortality in Lorraine.	Mortalitas maxima in Lotharingia. Illo anno 20 fratres in convetnu fratrem Predicatorum Metensis mortui sunt.	Great mortality in Lorraine. This year, 20 brothers died in the Dominican monastery of Metz.	Chronica universalis Mettensis 1879, p. 523.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1276-00-00-Italy	1276 JL	Price increase in Genoa, Lombardy, Tuscany, France and in complete Italy, poverty migration and disease	In iam dicto anno [1276] victualium magna fuit penuries nedum in Ianua et districtu, set etiam in Lonbardia, Tuscia, Provintia et Francia, et quasi in Ytalia tota. In Ianua enim et districtu usque in solidos 40 frumenti mine singule vendebantur; quod autem durius est audire, nedum frumentum set nec etiam granum poterat reperiri. Qui enim granum habebant, illud ad libitum vendere potuissent, quantumcunque voluissent inde habere pretium; nisi iussio emanasset qua fuit cunctis inhibitum, ne ultra certam summam frumentum vel granum aliquatenus venderetur. Tanta autem victualium inedia nedum per totum illum annum set etiam quasi per totum sequentem regnavit, quod homines fame peribant. Qua ex causa urgente fame et fructuum paupertate, magna mulierum et hominum multitudo cum eorum familias etiam parvulis quos in cunabulis deferebant, fines Lonbardie, Tuscie, Provintie et totius Ytalie famem fugientes est egressa. Ex diversis quidem civitatibus locis et villis et quasi ex totius Lonbardie et Ytalie finibus homines mulieres magni et parvuli undique concurrebant, qui quasi fame consumpti velud mortui apparebant. Qui omnes habuerunt ad civitatem Ianuensem recursum, et quamquam Ianuensis civitas magna victualium laboraret inopia, tamen ad se fugientes non repulit; set ipsis miseris et oppressis fame [p. 283] compatiens manum aperuit et panem suum et omnia neccessaria eisdem esurientibus ministravit. Illo quippe anno et quasi toto sequenti aer infectus et pestilens celum fuit, et ad hec in omnibus iam dictis partibus morbus invaluit, quod infinitos homines et mulieres magnos et parvos fere in omnibus Ytalie partibus mors invasit.		Obertus Stanconus et al. 1863, pp. 283–284	Translation needed
1276-00-00-Reggio	1276 JL	Epidemic among humans and animals in Reggio Emilia	et magna mortalitas hominum, & bestiarum facta est eo anno		Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 8	Translation needed
1276-07-00-Italy	July 1276 JL	Months of continuous rain destroys crops, famine feared; livestock dies, famine, disease and deaths in Rome and throughout Italy	Eodem tempore [1276] quasi per totum mensem Julij, Augusti, Septembris & Octobris Deus tantum pluit super terram in Italia, quod quasi omnes segetes de Plano guastatae sunt & perditae, & timetur multum de caristia temporis in Italia, & propter multas aquas quasi omnes boves & vaccae & oves & caprae mortuae sunt in Italia, & Romae, & in illis partibus magnae fames, infirmitates, & mortalitates hominum et personarum etiam fuerunt		Template:Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 480	Translation needed
1277-00-00-Italy	1277 JL	Epidemic with deaths in Italy and Lombardy.	De magna hominum mortalitate, et de domino Mastino, qui interfectus fuit.[…] Et eodem anno (1277) fuit mortalitas maxima et magne infirmitates hominum, puerorum et mulierum quasi per universum orbem et maxime in regno Ytalie et Lombardie.	About the great mortality of men, and about Lord Mastino, who was killed. [...] And in the same year (1277), there was the greatest mortality and great illnesses of men, children, and women almost throughout the entire world, especially in the kingdom of Italy and Lombardy.	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 727.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1277-00-00-Lombardy	1277 JL	Epidemic with many deaths and strong price increase of grain in Lombardy and Italy	Item eodem anno fuit maxima caritudo blave, ita quod sestarium furmenti fuit positum in asetum [fixing the price] ad decem solidos imperiales spelte v solidos imperiales; et secrete per episcopatum vendebatur xx solidis imperialibus starium furmenti. Et magna mortalitas hominum, infancium et mulierum fuit per Lombardiam et totam Ytaliam [...] Et illo anno fuit paucum blaudum per totam Lombardiam, ita quod starium furmenti vendebatur xij solidis imperialibus et starium spelte vj solidis imperialibus. Et fuit magna mortalitas per totam Lombardiam		Template:Bonazzi 1902, p. 33	Translation needed
1277-00-00-Steterburg	1277 JL	Severe plague among animals	Anno sequenti pestilencia pecorum est exorta, ita ut nobis secundum veram computacionem mille et ducente oves et plus quam centum vacce morerentur; unde in comparandis lacticiniis multa expendere oportebat.		Gesta praepositorum Stederburgensium continuata, p. 728, l. 42	Translation needed
1278-00-00-Normandy	1278 JL	Mortality in the duchy of Normandy, and elsewhere (no precision).	Hoc anno fuit mors valida in Normannia et in multis partibus.	This year (1278), a great mortality raged in Normandy and in many other locations.	Chronicon S. Stephani Cadomensis, p. 492.	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1278-00-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia	1278 JL	Death of numerous people due to various diseases<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	Toe жe зимы<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a> [6786] мнoзи чeлoвѣци yмиpaxy paзличными нeдyги.<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a>	That winter 1278 many people died of various diseases.	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 152.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1278-00-00-Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia-Sim	1278 JL	Death of numerous people due to various diseases.<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	Toe жe зимы<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>[6786] мнoзи чeлoвѣци yмиpaxy<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a>. paзличными нeдyги.	That winter 1278 many people died of various diseases.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 76.	None
1281-00-00-Bohemia	1281 JL	High mortality caused by severe famine and plague in Southern Europe and Bohemia.	Fuerunt nives, pluvie et inundaciones aquarum magne, et cepit esse fames valida in cunctis inferioribus partibus Europe, et Bohemi quocumque divertebant fame et pestilencia interibant.		Chronicon imperatorum et pontificum Bavaricum 1292-1300, p. 224, l. 53,	Translation needed
1281-00-00-Denmark	1281 JL	Epizootic in Denmark in the year 1281.	Pestilentia pecorum.	(1281) Pestilence of the cattle.	Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 281	Translation by Carina Damm
1282-00-00-Bohemia	1282 JL	Following a great famine a disease spread throughout Bohemia to which so many people fall victim that the graveyards have not sufficient space for the deceased.	De fame maxima, que illis temporibus fuit in Bohemia. [...] Fame igitur urgente tanta pestilencia in terra prevaluit, quantam retroactis temporibus, prout a senibus didici, nullus inibi expertus fuit. [...] ex fetore cadaverum aer inficitur et qui forsan amplius vivere poterat, fetido tabefactus aere subito suffocatur. [...] Cimiteria pro sepultura deficiunt et qui defunctos sepeliant, tedio affecti iam inveniri vix possunt. Magne igitur fovee fodiuntur, in quas multa defunctorum cadavera bigis incessanter adducta proiciuntur.	About the great famine which was at those times in Bohemia. Under the pressure of hunger a plague prevailed in the land and it was so fierce that noone in preceeding times has wittned the like as I have learned from old people. [...] From the smell of cadavers the air got infected and those who could have lived longer did suddenly suffocate, because they were poisoned by the evil smelling air. [...] The graveyards were too small for the funerals and people who were ready to bury the dead were hard to find because they were overwhelmed by disgust. Therefore, large pits were dug to which the many deceased were brought with two horse carriages and into which they were flung.	Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 17f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1282-00-00-Bohemia-Moravia	1282 JL	A great wave of mortality went through Bohemia and Moravia. Heaps of people were burried in large ditches in the fields during winter and spring.	1282. Maxima mortalitas hominum fit per Boemiam et Moraviam. Nam Prage ac Brunne et alibi defuncti innumerabiles, velud fenum in curribus ad agros ducebantur; ibi in fossis profundis catervatim obstruuntur, tempore hyemalis et veris.	1282. A maximum mortality of humans happened throughout Bohemia and Moravia. In Prague and Brno as well as in other places innumerable people died. Like hay they were brought in waggons to the fields and there, in the times of winter and spring, large ditches were filled with heaps of them.	Continuatio Vindobonensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 698-722, 712, l. 24-26	Translation by Christian Oertel
1283-00-00-Italy 002	1283 JL	Cattle death, in the following high mortality among humans in 1284	1283 - De mortalitate boum que fuit hoc anno. Quod sequenti anno fuit hominum mortalitas subsecut[a]. Item supraposito anno Domini MCCLXXXIII fuit maxima boum mortaliltas per totam Lombardiam, Romagnolam et Ytaliam, et sequenti anno subsecuta est mortalitas hominum. Nam apud Salinum in Burgundia in quodam loco fratrum Minorum habitabant XXII fratres, quos ibi vivos invenit quidam frater Gallicus qui habitabat in Grecia et ibat Parisius; eodem anno, cum reverteretur, invenit XI ex illis mortuos, id est medietatem numeri supradicti. Audivi ab ore ipsius hec eadem apud Regium. In aliis vero partibus mundi eodem anno mortui sunt similiter multi. Et breviter ista est regula generalis, ut, quotienscumque fuerit mortalitas boum, statim sequenti anno mortalitas hominum subsequatur.		Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 754	Translation needed
1284-00-00-Hungary	1284 JL	Tatars invaded the land of Hungary, then a great famine and plague started.	Eodem anno Tarthari terram Ungarie que dicitur de Septemcastris intraverunt et multos christianos captivaverunt et occiderunt. Christus autem tutor christianorum, magnam famem in eos et pestilenciam inmisit.	The same year, the Tartars entered the land of Hungary, which is called the land of Seven Castles, and captured and killed many Christians. But Christ, the protector of Christians, sent great famine and pestilence upon them.	Annales Polonorum IV. 899-1327, p. 648, l. 28.	Translation by DeepL
1284-00-00-Iceland 003	1284 JL	Mortality among cattle and famine in northern Iceland in 1284	Fjárfellir og dóu margir menn af sulti á Íslandi og auðn margra bæja.	Death of cattle and many men died of hunger in Iceland, and many towns were laid waste.	Lárentíus saga biskups. In: Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík 1998, p. 230	Translation by Carina Damm
1284-00-00-Pisa	1284 JL	Deaths caused by plague in Pisa	De pestilentia qua Deus Pisanos percussit. Percussit enim Dominus Pisanos pestilentia illo anno (1284), et multi mortui sunt.	Regarding the plague with which God struck the Pisans. For indeed, the Lord struck the Pisans with the plague in that year (1284), and many died	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 781	Translation by Martin Bauch
1285-00-00-Augsburg	1285 JL	Severe plague among cattles.	Pestilentia pecudum solito maior per totam estatem duravit, ita ut in Augusta non decima pars vaccarum remaneret viva.	The plague of cattle lasted longer than usual throughout the entire summer, so that in the month of August not even a tenth part of the cows remained alive.	Annales Augustani Minores, p. 10, l. 18.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1285-00-00-Carpathian Mountains	1285 JL	Epidemic and famine among Tatars and Rus soldiers in Carpathian Mountains.	Быс[ть] идоущю окан[ь]номоу и безакон[ь]номоу Ногаеви и Телебоуѕѣ с ним[ь],воевав[ъ]шим[ъ] землю оугор[ь]скоую. Ногай поиде на Брашевь,а Телебоуга поиде поперекь горъ, што бѧше переити треми д[ь]ньми, и ходи по л҃ д[ь]невь блоудѧ въ горах[ъ], водим[ъ] гнѣвом[ь] Б[о]жїим[ь], и быс[ть] в них[ъ] голѡд[ъ] велик[ъ], и начаша люди ӕсти. Потом[ь] же начаша и сами покарѧти, и оумре их[ъ] бесчислен[ь]ное мнѡж[ь]ство. Самовид[ь]ци же тако рекоша: «Оумръших[ъ] быс[ть] р҃ тысѧч[ь]». Окан[ь]ныи же и безаконный Телебоугь выйде пѣшь съ своею женою ѡ одной кобылѣ, посрамлен[ъ] ѡт[ъ] Б[ог]а.	The cursed and lawless Nogaj started back with Telebuga, after they had pillaged the Hungarian land. [Then they separated], and Nogaj set out for Brašev, while Telebuga went through the [Carpathian] Mountains, which one could cross in three days. But he wandered thirty days in the mountains, driven [back and forth] by God's wrath. A great famine arose among [his men] and they began eating [their captives?]. Then they started dying themselves [so that] a countless number of them perished and eyewitnesses testified that there was a hundred thousand dead. [Finally] the cursed and lawless Telebuga made his way on foot out [of the mountains] with his wife and one mare. [And thus he was] shamed by God.	Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Nova Series, Vol. XVI: Chronica Galiciano-Voliniana. Chronica Romanoviciana, ediderunt, praefatione notisque instruxerunt, D. Dąbrowski, A. Jusupović, Kraków-Warszawa 2017, p. 525-527; See https://rcin.org.pl/ihpan/dlibra/publication/223688/edition/190072/content	None
1285-00-00-Italy	1285 JL	Connection of epidemic deaths and animal disease	Et nota, ut etiam alibi me dixisse recordor, quod ista est regula generalis et firma, quia, quotienscumque boum precedit mortalitas, totiens sequenti anno hominum mortalitas subsequatur. Idem post famem que precedit accidere consuevit ut mortalitas hominum similiter subsequatur.		Template:Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 862	Translation needed
1285-00-00-Lucca	1285 JL	Fever epidemic in Lucca	Eodem anno fuit epidemia de tertianis in qua multi sunt de dicta aegritudine mortui, et praecipue qui fuerunt in exercitu supradicto		Ptolemaeus Lucensis 1876, p. 94	Translation needed
1285-00-00-Parma	1285 JL	Epidemics near Parma and Rome with many deaths.	De magna mortalitate hominum que in diversis partibus mundi fuit. Item, millesimo supraposito, in villa Pupilii, que est in episcopatu Parmensi, infra tres menses LXXX homines mortui sunt. Nam ista est regula generalis sive argumentum probatum, ut quotiens boum precedit mortalitas, totiens sequenti anno hominum mortalitas subsequatur. Et eodem millesimo in urbe Romana maxima fuit mortalitas et infirmitas, ita ut mitrati inter abbates et episcopos a Pascha usque ad Assumptionem beate Virginis sub papa Honorio quarto XXIIII morerentur.	About the great mortality of men which occurred in various parts of the world. Likewise, in the aforementioned year, in the village of Pupilii, which is in the diocese of Parma, within three months, eighty men died. For this is a general rule or proven argument, that as often as there is a mortality among cattle, so often in the following year there follows a mortality among men. And in the same year, there was a great mortality and sickness in the city of Rome, so that between Easter and the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, twenty-four mitred abbots and bishops died under Pope Honorius IV.	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 849	Translation by Martin Bauch
1285-00-00-Thuringia	1285 JL	A great mortality among nobles in Thuringia, but unclear if disease-induced	Anno Domini 1285. magna mortalitas desevit in nobiles Thurinigie. Nam vix infra dimidii anni spacium nobilis vir marchio Theodericus de Landisberc et comes Albertus de Orlamunde et frater eius comes Otto, comes Heinricus de Swarczburc et comes Albertus de Glichinstein et multi alii ministeriales et nobiles mortui sunt.	In the year of our Lord 1285, a great mortality raged among the nobles of Thuringia. For scarcely within the span of half a year, the nobleman Margrave Dietrich of Landsberg, Count Albert of Orlamünde, his brother Count Otto, Count Heinrich of Schwarzburg, Count Albert of Glichinstein, and many other officials and nobles perished.	Template:Chronicon Sancti Petri 1899, pp. 287-288	Translation by Martin Bauch
1285-00-00-Tivoli	1285 JL	Epidemics in Tivoli.	1285 - Honorius quartus cum cardinalibus suis, in civitate Tyburtina; et fuit ibi mortalitas maxima, usque adeo grandis quod solummodo de forensibus mortui sunt ibi duo milia hominum.	In 1285 Pope Honorius IV, with his cardinals, (ws) in the city of Tivoli; and there was a great mortality there, so great that only among outsiders two thousand men died there.	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 861.	Translation needed
1286-00-00-Cremona	1286 JL	In Cremona, Piacenza, Parma and other regions: high mortality in humans and chickens. Epidemic with deaths in Italy and Lombardy.	1286 - Nam in Cremona et in Placencia et in Parma et in Regio et in multis aliis Italie civitatibus et dyocesibus fuit mortalitas maxima tam hominum quam gallinarum.	For in Cremona, and in Piacenza, and in Parma, and in Reggio, and in many other cities and dioceses of Italy, there was the greatest mortality, both of humans and of chickens.	Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 894.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1287-00-00-Iceland	1287 JL	Famine in Iceland in 1287	aa þessum timum komu hardla storir vetr margir j samt. ok manndaudr af sullte eftir þat.	At that time, many severe winters came, and mortality due to hunger.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 260	Translation by Carina Damm
1287-00-00-Poland	1287 JL	Epidemic in Poland.	Тое ж[е] ѕимы и в лѧхох[ъ] быс[ть] моръ великь, изомре их[ъ] бесчислен[ь]ное множ[ь]ство.	That winter there was a great plague in Poland [as a result of which] a countless number [of people] died.	Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Nova Series, Vol. XVI: Chronica Galiciano-Voliniana. Chronica Romanoviciana, ediderunt, praefatione notisque instruxerunt, D. Dąbrowski, A. Jusupović, Kraków-Warszawa 2017, p. 537; See https://rcin.org.pl/ihpan/dlibra/publication/223688/edition/190072/content	None
1288-00-00-Leprosy in Rus	1284 JL	Example of leprosy in Rurikids dynasty. Illnes of Vladimir Vasylkovich prince of Volodymyr-Volynsky<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>.	Кнѧѕю же Вълѡдимероу лежащю в болести своей пол[ъ]но д҃ лѣт[а]. Болезнь же его сице скажем[ъ]. Нача емоу гнити исподнѧа оустна – пръвого лѣта мало, на дроугое и на третїе бол[ь]ма почѧ гнити. И еще ж[е] емоу не вел[ь]ми бол[ь]ноу сѫщю, но ездѧше на кони, когда хотѧше”. […] Исходѧщю ж[е] д҃-мү лѣтоу и наставши ѕѣмѣ, начѧ бол[ь]ма нечимо: опада емү все мѧсо съ брады и зоубы исподнїи выгниша вси, и челюсть бороднаа перегни. Съй же быс[ть] вторыи Ӏевъ. […] и ѡт[ъ]пада емоу мѧсо все съ бороды, кость борѡд[ь]наа перегнила бѧше, и быс[ть] видѣти и гортан[ь]. И не въкоуша по з҃ недел[ь] ничтож[е], развѣ одиное воды, и тое ж[е] поскоудоу. И быс[ть] в че[твьрто]к[ъ]: на ноч[ь] поча изнемогати, и ӕко быс[ть] в коуры, и позна в собѣ д[оу]хь изнемагающь ко исходоу д[оу]ши.	Prince Vladimir lay suffering in great pain a full four years. We will tell of his pain in the following way. His lower lip began to rot. Only a little in the first year but in the second and third year, it decayed even more, and yet he was not very ill, but rode his horse when he wanted to<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a> […] As the fourth year was coming to a close and winter [had] set in, [Volodimer's illness became worse]. All his flesh parted from his chin, his lower teeth rotted away completely, and his lower jaw [also] decayed. He was [indeed] the second Job. […] All his flesh parted from his chin and the bone had decayed [to such an extent] that one could see his larynx. And for seven weeks he did not take anything except water and that very little. By nightfall Thursday he began to fail in strength, and when it was time for the cock to crow, he knew that his spirit was failing to allow his soul to leave [his body].	Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Nova Series, Vol. XVI: Chronica Galiciano-Voliniana. Chronica Romanoviciana, ediderunt, praefatione notisque instruxerunt, D. Dąbrowski, A. Jusupović, Kraków-Warszawa 2017, p. 587–588, 593-594, 596-597; See https://rcin.org.pl/ihpan/dlibra/publication/223688/edition/190072/content	None
1288-00-00-Poland-Rus-Tatars	1288 JL	Epidemic in Poland, Rus and Tatars.	Тое же ѕимы не токмо въ ѡдиной роуси быс[ть] гнѣвь Б[о]жїи морѡм[ь], но и в лѧхох[ъ]. Тое ж[е] ѕимы и в татарех[ъ] изомре все: и кони, и скоти, и ов[ь]цы все изомре, не остасѧ ничегож[е].	That winter God's wrath appeared in the guise of great plague not only in Rus' alone, but also in Poland. That very same winter all of the horses, cattle, and sheep perished also in the land of the Tatars. Everything perished; nothing remained.	Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Nova Series, Vol. XVI: Chronica Galiciano-Voliniana. Chronica Romanoviciana, ediderunt, praefatione notisque instruxerunt, D. Dąbrowski, A. Jusupović, Kraków-Warszawa 2017, p. 539; See https://rcin.org.pl/ihpan/dlibra/publication/223688/edition/190072/content	None
1291-00-00-Vienna	1291 JL	Destruction of the crops [through the invasion of King Andreas II. of Hungary and also a plague	Segetes tempore messis tam per pabulum quam per incendium et conculcationem pedum equorum ac hominum penitus devastavit; et talis pestilencia sex septimanis in terra ista duravit, et multo deterius huic terre fecit, quam Bela		Annales Vindobonenses, p. 716, l. 40	None
1292-00-00-Iceland 001	1292 JL	Great plague and high mortality in Iceland in 1292	Kom sua mikil sott um allt land at meiri lutr manna syktiz oc fylgði manndauðr mikill.	There was such a great plague all over the country that a lot of people fell ill and a great mortality followed.	Høyersannáll	Translation by Carina Damm
1295-05-00-Romagna	May 1295 JL	Epidemic with high mortality in Romagna	De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam		Template:Annales Caesenatenses 2003, p. 51	Translation needed
1297-00-00-Vladimir-Suzdal Rus	1297 JL	Epidemic in cattle on the territory of Vladimir-Suzdal Rus.	Того(ж)[е] лѣ(т)[а] [1297] моръ на скотъ бъı(с)[ть]	That year [6806] <a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> there was an epidemic in cattle	Lаvrеnt’еvskаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 484	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1300-00-00-Denmark	1300 JL	Epizootic in Denmark and indulgence in Rome	Indulgentia magna in Roma. Pestilentia pecorum.	Great indulgence in Rome and pestilence of the cattle.	Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 282	Translation by Carina Damm
1300-00-00-Iceland 003	December 1300 JL	Mortality in northern Iceland around Christmas 1300, in fact 1301. Eruption of Hekla, an earthquake and observation of a comet, certainly Halley on 26 Oct. 1301, in Iceland and Norway	Eldur hið v. í Heklufelli og land skjálfti fyrir sunnan land og myrkur viða um héruð af sandfalli mikið. Eldurinn var uppi nær xij mánuði. Mannfall fyrir norðan land, bæði fyrir jól og eftir. Létust eigi færii en d. manna. Sén cometa um allt Ísland og í Noregi.	Fifth fire in Hekla and earthquake in the south of the country. Darkness in the district due to a great fall of ash. The fire was up for almost twelve months. Mortality in the north of the country, both during and after Christmas. No less than 500 men died. [...] Comet seen all over Iceland and in Norway.	Skálholtsannáll. Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 199	Translation by Carina Damm
1300-09-16-Egypt	1300 JL	Epidemic disease (fanāʾ) in cattle in Egypt in 700 AH (Sept. 16, 1300-Sept. 4, 1301). A lot of cattle died. Subsequently, water wheels could not be operated anymore, draft animals were lacking in farming, and cattle prices hiked. Sugar cane could not be cultivated, thus sugar prices rose. (A marginal note in one manuscript adds: It was related that an elder [shaykh min ahl al-filāḥa] from Ushmūm [Ashmūn al-Rummān, in the Nile Delta] lost all but eight of his 1,011 Khaysiyya cows to the disease.)			Baybars al-Mansuri - Zubdat al-fikra 1998, p. 351	Translation needed
1300-09-16-Egypt 3	1300 JL	Epidemic disease (fanāʾ) in cattle in Egypt in 700 AH (Sept. 16, 1300-Sept. 4, 1301) that killed a great number of cows. It was related that the disease had killed 1,003 out of 1,021 Khaysiyya cows of an elder (shaykh) of Ushmūm-Ṭanāḥ (Ashmūn al-Rummān, in the Nile Delta). Cattle prices hiked and water wheels could not be operated with cattle anymore.			Al-Nuwayri - Nihayat al-arab 1964-1998, vol. 31, ed. by Albāz al-ʿArīnī and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Ahwānī, Cairo 1992, p. 416	Translation needed
1301-00-00-Iceland 001	December 1301 JL	Mortality in northern Iceland around Christmas 1301. Observation of the comet Halley on 26 Oct. 1301 in Iceland and in Norway	Sén cometa béði i Noregi ok á Islanndi. [...] Mannfall firir norðan lannd firir iol ok eptir. ok fell eigi fę́ra en d manna.	Comet seen both in Iceland and in Norway. [...] Mortality in the north of the country during and after Christmas. And no less than 500 people died.	Annales regii. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 146	Translation by Carina Damm
1301-00-00-Iceland 002	December 1301 JL	Mortality in northern Iceland around Christmas 1301. Observation of a comet, certainly Halley on 26 Oct. 1301, in Iceland and Norway	Sen cometa viða bæði a Islandi oc i Noregi. Mannfall fyrir norðan land fyrir jol oc eptir. oc fellu (eigi) færa en fim hundrut.	Comet seen wide both on Iceland and in Norway. Mortality in the north of the country during and after Christmas. Not less than five hundred died.	Høyersannáll	Translation by Carina Damm
1301-00-00-Iceland 003	1301 JL	Mortality in northern Iceland in 1301. Observation of a comet around St. Michael's Day (29 Oct.), certainly Halley on 26 October 1301	Manndaudr hinn mikle j Fliotum ok j Skagafirde. Cometa var sen af kaupmonnum j hafue vm Michials messo skeid.	Great mortality in Fljót and in Skagafjörður. A comet was seen by merchants at sea around Michaelmas.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 263	Translation by Carina Damm
1302-00-00-Sicily	1302 JL	Horse disease in southern Italy and Sicily	Eodem anno dominus Carolus circa majum transfretavit in Siciliam cum multitudine magna contra Fredericum praedictum, perdiditque majorem partem equorum suorum ex generali epidemia quae fuit in orbe		Ptolemaeus Lucensis 1876, p. 103	Translation needed
1303-08-15-Syria	August 1303 JL	Horse epidemic (most probably in Syria) in 703 AH (August 15, 1303 - August 3, 1304), innumerable horses perished. The stables of the amirs and the army emptied.			Abū l-Fidāʾ 1998-1999, vol. 4, p. 64	Translation needed
1305-00-00-Denmark	1305 JL	Mortality in Denmark in the year 1305.	Mortalits hominum.	Mortality of men.	Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: ‘‘Danmarks middelalderlige annaler‘‘. København 1980, p. 282	Translation by Carina Damm
1306-00-00-Iceland	1306 JL	Great plague in Iceland in 1306 and high mortality in the south of the country.	Sótt mikil a Islandi ok manndꜹvðr mikill fyrir svnnann land	Great plague on Iceland and mortality in the south of the country.	Annales vetustissimi. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 53	Translation by Carina Damm
1307-00-00-Bologna	July 1307 JL	Miracle cure through S. Petronio	Nel detto Anno, esendo multi Infermi et Amaladi, bevevano et lavavasi de laqua del Pozo de San Petronio, in San Stefano, e liberarsi tutti da diverse infirmitade	In the aforementioned year, when there were many infirm and amaleurs, they drank and washed themselves with the water from the Pozo de San Petronio, in San Stefano, and freed themselves from various infirmities	Template:Fragmenti di storia Bolognese, p. 129	Translation by DeepL
1307-00-00-France	1307 JL	A mortality occurs in France.	Si en fust la mortalité, / En cel an sur les hommes grant. / Li physiciens grandement / Lors gaaignèrent: qui ne peurent / En cel an vivre, celz moururent.	In this year, the mortality has been severe. Doctors earned a lot, and those who cannot live died this year.	Chronique métrique de Godefroy de Paris 1827, p. 117	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1308-00-00-Denmark	1308 JL	Epizootic in Denmark that is preceded by an invasion of Halland by the Duke of Svealand, Erik Magnusson	Dux Suetie Ericus uenit hostiliter in Hallandiam. Pestilentia pecorum.	Duke Eric of Sweden invaded Halland. Pestilence of cattle.	Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 282	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Iceland 001	1309 JL	Mortality in Iceland in spring 1309	var þat kallat manndaudar var.	That was called spring of mortality.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 265	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Iceland 002	1309 JL	Mortality in Iceland in spring 1309	var þat kallat manndaudar var.	That was called spring of mortality.	Lárentíus saga biskups. In: Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík 1998, p. 304	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Iceland 003	1309 JL	Plague in northern Iceland and pestilence in the south of the country	sott micil og manndaudi fyrir nordan land. [...] hofst sott og nocr manndaudi fyrir svnnan land en drepsott fyrir nordan land.	Great plague and mortality in the north of the country. There was a plague and some deaths in the south of the country, but pestilence in the north.	Gottskálksannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 341-42	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Iceland 004	1309 JL	Great plague in northern Iceland in 1309	Drep sott hin mikla fyrir norðan land.	Great mortal plague in the north of the country.	Annales vetustissimi. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 53	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Iceland 006	1309 JL	Mortal plague in northern Iceland in 1309	Drep sótt fyrir norþan land.	Mortal plague in the north of the country.	Skálholtssannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 202	Translation by Carina Damm
1309-00-00-Rus	1309 JL	Epidemic in Rus.	[6817] Того же лѣта моръ на люди и на кони и на всякiй скотъ, а жито всякое мышы поѣла	That year (1309) there was an epidemic among people and horses and among ranges of cattle; all the grain was eaten up by mice.	Letopis’ po Voskresenskomu spisku in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 7, Moscow 2001: Iazyk Russkoĭ Kul’tury, p. 185.	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1309-00-00-The whole Russian land	1309 JL	Plague on people, horses and cattle, as well as hunger.	Toгo жe лѣтa [6817] быcть мopъ нa люди и нa кoни нa вcякии cкoтъ, a житo вcякoe мышь пoѣлa, и тoгo paди и дopoгoвь быcть вeликa и глaд вeликъ быcть пo вceя зeмли Pyccкoи.	That year 1309 there was a plague on people, horses and all cattle, and all the grain was eaten by mice, and because of this the prices were high and the famine was great throughout the entire Rusian land.	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 159	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1309-06-11-Egypt	June 1309 JL	Epidemic (wabāʾ) in Cairo and other parts of Egypt in 709 AH (June 11, 1309 - May 30, 1310). Many people died, most of them were mamluks of amirs.		In that year the plague became widespread in Cairo, in Egypt, and throughout the Egyptian lands, and many people died from it. Most of those who died were the dependents (households) of the emirs.	Baybars al-Mansuri - Zubdat al-fikra 1998, p. 413	ChatGPT 5.2
1310-00-00-Bohemia	1310 JL	Severe plague during the reign of King Henry of Carinthia	Tanta devastationis pestilentia sub Heinrico duce de Chorinthia mulctabatur tota Bohemia quod non solum urbes, villae et personae seculares, sed quod lamenteabile est, viri spirituales aratarentur usquequaque etiam in suis coenobiis et claustrales --- Cotidie premebantur.	So great a plague of devastation afflicted all of Bohemia under Duke Henry of Carinthia that not only towns, villages, and laypeople were harried, but—what is lamentable to say—spiritual men as well were everywhere plundered, even within their own monasteries and cloisters. Day by day they were oppressed	Chronicon Aulae Regia 1301-1339, p. 289.	ChatGPT 5.2
1310-00-00-Denmark	1310 JL	Severe epizootic in Denmark	Subiugantur regi Erico Rostok et Ribnes. Fuit tunc parlamentum in Skialschør inter nobiles et Haquinum, regem Noruegie. Tunc fuit hyems asperrima per sex septimanas continue. Tunc fuit maxima pestilentia pecorum in Dacia.	Rostock and Ribe were subjugated by King Eric. There was then a parliament in Skælskør between the nobles and Hakon, King of Norway. Then there was a very severe winter for six weeks continuously. Then there was a great pestilence of cattle in Denmark.	Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 323	Translation by Carina Damm
1310-00-00-Iceland 002	1310 JL	Mortality in southern Iceland in 1310	Manndavdi micil fyrir svnnan land og sott med þrennv moti. landfar sott. bolna sott og kverka sott.	Great mortality in the southern part of the country. The plague came in three ways: typhus (?, lit. "illness that spreads throughout the land"), smallpox and a throat disease.	Gottskálksannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 342	Translation by Carina Damm
1310-00-00-Iceland 003	1310 JL	Mortality in southern Iceland in 1310	kuerka sott. stinga sott. bolna sott. augna verkr. manndauðr mikill.	Throat disease. Stitch illness (?). Smallpox. Eye pain. Great mortality.	Høyersannáll	Translation by Carina Damm
1310-00-00-Iceland 004	1310 JL	Mortality in Skálholt in southern Iceland in 1310	Manndauðr mikill vm allt Skalaholltz byskups dæmi. [...] Bolna sótt. kverka sótt. stinga sótt. Manndauðr micill.	Great mortality as above all in the example of the Bishopric of Skálholt. [...] Smallpox, throat disease, stitch illness. Great mortality.	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 203	Translation by Carina Damm
1310-00-00-Iceland 005	1310 JL	Mortal plague in western and southern Iceland in 1310 and smallpox	Drepsott ok manndavðr vm allan vestfirðinga fiorðvng ok svnnlendinga fiorðrung ok bólna sott sva at svmir menn fvnoðo i svndr.	Mortal plague and mortality in all quarters of the Westfjords and in one quarter of the south, and such smallpox that some people decayed into pieces.	Annales vetustissimi. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 53	Translation by Carina Damm
1310-01-04-Cairo	4 January 1310 JL	Epidemic (wabāʾ) in Cairo in Shaʿbān 709 AH (January 4 - February 1, 1310). 100 people died per day.			Al-Birzālī 2006, vol. 2, p. 432.	Translation needed
1311-00-00-Brescia	1311 JL	The army of the Roman-Germanic King Henry VII. is decimated by epidemics during the siege of Brescia	Multi quidem de exercitu mortui sunt ferro, alii vero epidemia crudelissima in omni parte praedicti exercitus continue vexati, absque nullo remedio mortui sunt quasi tertia pars eorum; equi eorum et iumenta a muschis occisa in magna quantitate. [...] Multa mala passus est Henricus, et gentes eius, expensis, ferro, peste, et epidemia; dicitur communiter, quod ibi mortui sunt plusquam decem millia viri bellatores	Many from this army were killed by fighting, but othery by a most cruel epidemic that hit everywhere in the aforementioned army. Without any remedy a third part of them died; and their horses and draft animals were killed by the mosquitos in large numbers [...] Henry had to suffer a lot of evil things: Expenses, war, plague and epidemics. Many people said that there died more than ten thousand fighters	Guglielmo Ventura 1848, Sp. 780	Translation by Martin Bauch
1311-00-00-Piacenza	1311 JL	Strong price increase, many deaths caused by famine and a desolation in Piacenza	Eodem anno & anno sequenti fuit fames valida in Placentia, & valuit starius frumenti soldos XXX, starius milii soldos XX, starius milicae soldiso XVI, et starius sicalis soldos XXIV. Et dicto anno innumerabiles per Civitatem Placentiae cadentes mortui sunt fame & pestilentia; & tunc Civitas Placentiae quasi tota fuit depopulata & evacuata Populo et laboratoribus.		Giovanni Mussi 1730, p. 488	Translation needed
1312-00-00-Bologna	1312 JL	Price increase and epidemic in Bologna.	Die quest' anno fu una gran mortalità sconosciuta dalli medici, fu similmente una grandissima carestia si di pane, come di vino, et aceto, che il fromento si vende sol. [f. 21v] di venti la Corba, che prima si vende una cinque, et il vino, et l'aceto 40 bolognini.	In this year there was a great mortality unknown to the doctors, there was likewise a great famine both of bread and of wine and vinegar, so that the fromento was sold for only. [f. 21v] of twenty la Corba, which was previously sold at five, and the wine, and vinegar 40 bolognini.	Template:Chronica Azzolina (1106-1457), p. 24	Translation by DeepL
1312-00-00-Italy 001	1312 JL	Famine and epidemics in Italy	In Italia, fere per totam, caritas magna annone, vini et omnium escalium, et lues et mortalitas plus virorum quam mulierum et magis locupletum quam egenorum		Cronica Patricii Ravennatis, p. 1166	Translation needed
1312-06-00-Bologna	June 1312 JL	Price increase and high mortality in Bologna	Eo anno fuit karitudo magna panis et vini tempore estivo et mortalitas magna gencium ubicumque; et multi de Bononia obierunt, et medici non bene cognoserunt malum eorum. Item de mense iunii desendit furmentum et valuit xx soldos quod parum ante valebat lv soldos bon., et valuit illo anno acetum et vinum xl soldos et ultra.		Cronaca Villola (-1350), p. 324	Translation needed
1312-06-00-Parma	June 1312 JL	Severe epidemic in Parma and also in complete Lombardy with many deaths, mainly men, but also heat; poor people mow wild grass and sell it.	De mense junij, julij et augusti magna mortalitas fuit in civitate Parme, et etiam per Lombardiam, hominum, et pauci qui infirmabantur, liberabantur, et infra octo vel novem dies moriebantur, ita quod prohibitum fuit mortuos cridari per commune Parme per civitatem, sicut antea moris erat; et hoc evenit magis in civitate Parme quam in episcopatu, et magis in masculis quam in feminis; et multi infirmi fuerunt. Et eo tempore maximus calor fuit, et per multos burgos civitatis et stratas erbe selvatice et pabulum nascebatur sic et in campaneis, it quod ribaldi metebant pabulum et erbam que dicitur zovenzonum per burgos et stratas civitatis et portabant eam ad vendendum.		Bonazzi 1902, p. 125	Translation needed
1313-00-00-Trier	1313 JL	Severe plague and famine lasted three years after the death of King Henry VII. in 1313	Etiam pestilentia universalis erat adeo magna, quod multorum pauperum Corpora exanima, fame et pestilentia infecta, in stratis publicis inveniebantur, et a pluribus civitatibus magnae generales foveae in cimiterium consecratae parabantur, et pretia statuebantur, ut ipsa cadavera sepulturae traderentur. Istae plagae, heu! post mortem lamentabilem Henrici imperatoris in flagellum omnium nationum statim esse coeperunt, et plus quam per triennium miserabiliter duraverunt. […]		Gesta Treverorum, p. 235.	Translation needed
1313-05-00-Lombardy	May 1313 JL	Price increase in Lombardy leads to famine deaths and in summer an epidemic throughout Italy	De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam		Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 24	Translation needed
1314-00-00-Florence	1314 JL	A comet in the sky was predicted by the astrologers as a sign for novelties and pestilence.	Come apparve una stella commeta in cielo. Nel detto anno MCCCXIIII apparve una commeta di verso settantrione quasi a la fine del segno de la Vergine, e durò di VI semmane, e seconde che (p. 268) dissono gli astrologi, significò molte novità e pestilenze ch'appresso furono, e la morte del re di Francia e di suoi figliuoli, che morirono poco appresso.	How a comet star appeared in the sky. In the said year 1314 a comet appeared in the north almost at the end of the sign of the Virgin, and lasted six weeks, and according to what the astrologers say, it signified many novelties and pestilences that followed, and the death of the King of France and his sons, who died shortly afterwards.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 2, pp. 267-268.	Translation by DeepL
1314-00-00-Iceland	1314 JL	Famine in southern Iceland in 1314	Mann fall sua mikit i svllt fyrir sunnan land af fatæku folki at komu .ccc. lika til Strandar kirkiu i Selvági. á auðru hundraði j Skala hollti ok margt til hverrar kirkiu.	Such a high mortality among poor people caused by a famine in the south of the country that 300 dead bodies came to Strandarkirkja in Selvogur, another hundred to Skálholt and many to each church ...	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 203	Translation by Carina Damm
1315-00-00-Asti	1315 JL	Famine in Western Europe, caused by incessant rain, causes epidemics and lack of grain and wine; merchants are fleeing back to Asti	Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod anno MCCCXV fuit fames valida in regionibus Alamanniae, Olandiae, Flandriae, Pannoniae, Lorenae, Brabantiae, Franciae, talis, quod similis non est a saeculo audita, quia granum, quod caperet Astensis mina, vendebatur quindecim grossis turonensibus, et pinta boni vini ad mensuram Astensem in supradictis locis vendebatur grossis sex turonensibus: et tantum duravit dicta fames, quod pro aliquo precio furmentum et avena non inveniebatur et vinum. Et haec acciderunt ex abundantia pluviae,quia in diebus illis pluvia de coelo non cessavit. Ex quibus pauperes innumerabiles obierunt fame, et inveniebantur in viis et plateis mortui sicut canes. Post haec epdimia sive mortalitas supervenit tam divitibus quam egenis, ex qua tercia pars virorum et mulierum supradictarum regionum obierant, et maxime rex Franciae qui non regnavit per annum: et tantum duravit, quod quasi non inveniebatur, qui mortuos sepelliret; et hoch verum est, quia multi Astenses habitantes in partibus illis venientes Asti, et fugientes fames illas et pestes, et alii multi de patria illa quasi mortui fame approbabant, et dicebant omnia esse vera, et in fine omnes eiusdem patriae firmiter asserebant, quod ex eadem fame et epidimia tercia pars virorum et mulierum obierunt.		Guglielmo Ventura 1848, Sp. 773	Translation needed
1316-00-00-Bohemia	1316 JL	High mortality and plague in Bohemia and all over the world	et secuta est postmodum maxima pestilencia et mortalitas hominum in omnibus partibus mundi, ita ut magne fierent ubique fovee ad sepelienda corpora mortuorum, quia cymiteria illa capere non valebant.	and in the following there was the greatest plague and mortality in all pars of the world so that everywhere large grave pits were dug to bury the bodies of the dead, for which the capacity of the graveyards was not large enough.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 472	Translation by Christian Oertel
1316-00-00-Bohemia 002	1316 JL	In many lands of the world, including Bohemia, there were a number of natural disasters and pestilences among humans and animals.	Iste annus Domini M.CCC.sextus decimus tot in se pestilentias & miserias continet, quod eas audire auris refugit, mens stupescit; [...] Retulit nobis Dominus Petrus Maguntinus Archiepiscopus, quod infra dimidii anni tempus in civitate solum Meczensi quinquis centum millia hominum mortua sunt, nihilominus equos, oves & boves, & universa pecora campi necuit pestilenitia huius anni, oves enim plures quam mille, [...] in grangiis [Aulam regiam] perierunt.	This year of the Lord 1316 includes so many pestileces and miseries that the ear takes flight from the hearing of it, the mind is stupified. [...] Lord Peter, the archibishop of Mainz has reported to us that within half a year in the city of Metz alone five times one hundredthousand humans have died. What is more, the pestilence of this year has killed horses, pigs, sheep and cattle as well as all animals of the fields. More than one thousand sheep [...] have perished at the farms of the monastery [of Aula Regia].	Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aulae Regiae, ed. Dobner 1784, p. 348f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1316-00-00-Bohemia-3	1316 JL	In many lands of the world, e.g. in Saxony, there were a number of natural disasters. Archbishop Peter of Mainz related that in the city of Metz 500.000 humans have died within one year.	anno Domini MCCCXVI cometa in parte aquilonari apparuit. [...] In partibus Saxonie in tantum fluvius Albea excrevit, quod CD et L villas aque vicinas [...] delevit [...]. Et retulit dominus Petrus Maguntinus archiepiscopus, quod in civitate Metensi infra unum annum quinquies C milia hominum mortua sunt, et diversa animalia et peccora campi intereunt huius anni pestilencia.	In the year of the Lord 1316 a comet appeared in the norhern parts. [...] In Saxony the river Elbe grew so much that CD (?) and 50 villages close to the water were destroyed [...]. And Lord Peter, the archibishop of Mainz has reported in the city of Metz within one year fivehundredthousand humans have died and various animals and fruits of the fields perished in this year's plague.	Franciscus Pragensis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler 1884, p. 347-456, p. 383	Translation by Christian Oertel
1316-00-00-Bohemia-4	29 September 1316 JL	In 1316 there was a great plague among the humans in France and Flanders, particularly in Metz where 500.000 humans are said to have died.	Anno domini MCCCXVII [...] Johannes XXI in papam eligitur, et pestilencia maxima hominum in Gallia et Flandria subsequitur, ita ut ville remanerent deserte et specialiter Metis in circa a festa sancti Michaelis usque ad pascha quingenta millis hominum dicantur mortui.	In the year of the Lord 1317 (sic!), John XXI (sic!) was elected as pope and the greatest plague among humans followed imediately in France and Flanders where hardly a village remained undeserted. And particularly Metz, where between around the feast of St Michael and Easter (1317) 500.000 humans are said to have died.	Johannis Neplachonis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. III , Praha 1882 , p. 445-484, 477	Translation by Christian Oertel
1316-00-00-Europe	1316 JL	High mortality of cattles caused by plague in many kingdoms	[…] eodem anno per plure regna pecora bovina valde communiter ex pestilentia morerentur	[...] the same year (1316), throughout several kingdoms, cattle commonly died from pestilence.	Anonymus Leobiensis 1350, pp. 917–18.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1316-00-00-Northwest-Europe	1316 JL	Great Famine in Northwest-Europe, therefore grain export from southern Italy; epidemic also in Italy	Nel detto anno MCCXVI grande pestilenzia di fame e mortalità avenne nelle parti di Germania, cioè nelle Magna di sopra verso tramontana, e stesesi in Olanda, e in Frisia, e in Silanda, e in Brabante, e in Fiandra, e in Analdo, e infino ne la Borgogna, e in parte di Francia; e fu sì pericolosa, che più che il terzo de la gente morirono, e da l'uno giorno a l'altro quegli che parea sano era morto. E 'l caro fu sì grande di tutte vittuaglie e di vino, che se non fosse che di Cicilia e di Puglia vi si mandò per mare gli mercantati per lo grande guadagno, tutti morieno di fame. Questa pestilenzia avenne per lo verno dinanzi, e poi la primavera e tutta la state fu sì forte piovosa, e 'l paese è basso, che l'acqua soperchiò e guastò ogni semanta. Allora le terre affogarono sì, che più anni appresso quasi non fruttarono, e corruppe l'aria. E dissono certi astrolaghi che la cometa ch'apparve, ch'ella dovea venire perché la sua infruenzia fu sopra quegli paesi. E in quello tempo la detta pestilenzia contenne simigliamente i Romagna e in Casentino infino in Mugello.	In the said year (1316) there was a great plague of famine and death in the parts of Germany, that is, in Magna above towards the north, and it spread to Holland, and to Friesland, and to Silesia, and to Brabant, and to Flanders, and to Analde, and even to Burgundy, and to parts of France; and it was so dangerous that more than a third of the people died, and from one day to the next those who seemed healthy were dead. And the cost was so great of all the victuals and wine, that if it were not for the fact that the merchants of Cicilia and Apulia were sent there by sea for the great profit, all died of hunger. This pestilence happened during the winter before, and then the spring and the whole state was so rainy, and the land was so low, that the water overpowered and spoiled every seed. Then the land drowned so, that more years after it scarcely bore fruit, and corrupted the air. And certain astrologers said that the comet that appeared, that it had to come because its infuence was over those countries. And at that time the said pestilence similarly contained the Romagna and Casentino until Mugello.	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 2: p. 285	Translation by DeepL
1316-00-00-Parc	1316 JL	Great famine and dearth in the Abbey of Parc, Brabant cause mortality and epidemic outbreaks in 1316-1317	1316. visa est stella comata. Quam subsecuta est pestilentia universa, fames prevalida, mors quam plurimos prosternens. Emebatur hoc anno et sequenti modius siliginis 24 libris et modius salis totidem; set post decrescendo in quinto anno pro 20 solidis; omnis populus infectus; quidam de vita desperantes languebant, fere plus quam tertia pars moriebatur, nullus quasi mortem amici sui curebat, quia quod debuit ... ita ut omnes fructus corrumperentur. Quantum mors et fames illius duobus annis regnabant et quantos populos destruebant ubique terrarum, sed plus in inferioribus terris, nullus dicere posset.	In the year 1316, a comet was seen. Following this, a universal pestilence occurred, accompanied by widespread famine, causing the death of a great many. In that year and the following, a bushel of wheat was bought for 24 pounds, and a bushel of salt for the same amount; however, after diminishing in the fifth year to 20 shillings. The entire population was affected; some, in despair of life, languished, and nearly more than a third perished. Almost no one cared for the death of their friends because of what was owed... so that all produce would spoil. The extent to which death and famine reigned in those two years and the numerous populations they destroyed everywhere, but more so in the lower lands, could not be expressed.	Annales Parchenses 1859, p. 608	Translation by Martin Bauch
1316-00-00-Romagna	1316 JL	Many deaths caused by epidemic, which rages mainly in Romagna	De mortalitate universa Anno Domini .M.°.CCCXVIIII.°, et duobus preteritis annis, mirandum quidem acidit, atque stupendum: mortalitas videlicet tam immensa per totum fere mundum, sed in provincia Romandiole acerbior: quod multi, terra gentibus pauperata, caruerunt ecclesiastica sepultura		Template:Annales Caesenatenses 2003, p. 108	Translation needed
1316-00-00-Strasbourg	1316 JL	In 1316 was a shortage, a price increase and a mortality which filled the hospital.	Der grosse Spittel zu Strosburg der stunt zum ersten in Kremergasse bi sant Erhardes cappelle, also es noch heisset "zum alten Spittel". do men nu zalte noch gotz gebürte 1316 jor, do galt ein viertel kornes zu Strosburg 30 sol. und in dem lande 2 lib. d. die türunge werte ein gantz jor. von der dürunge und gebresten kam ein grosser sterbotte, das der spittel und [die] gruben bi sant Erhartz cappellen wurdent alle vol mit doten gefüllet, und hette men zu enge, me gruben zu machen. Dovon wart der spittel uffewendig der stat gemaht, nebent unser frowen brueder closter.	The large hospital in Strasbourg initially stood on Kremergasse near St. Erhard's Chapel, when it was named "to the old Hospital." In the year 1316, a quarter of grain in Strasbourg cost 30 sol., and in the countryside, 2 lib. d. The price increase lasted an entire year. After the price increase and shortage a significant mortality ensued, filling the hospital and the graves near St. Erhard’s Chapel with the dead, to the point where there was not enough space, than it was closed. Because of this, the hospital was moved out of the city, next to the Our Lady's Brothers’ Monastery.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 738	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1316-00-00-Strasbourg 001	1316 JL	In Strasbourg was a price increase and a shortage, that led to a mortality.	Do men zalte 1316 jor, do galt ein viertel rocken zu Strosburg 30 sol. und in dem lande lib. d. diese türunge verzoch sich untz in das ander jor. und von der türunge und bresten kam ein grosser sterbotte, das der spittel wart us der stat gesetzet, also vor bi den sterbotten geschriben stet.	In the year 1316, a quarter of rye costed 30 shillings in Strasbourg an in the countryside one pound denar. This price increase continued until the next year. Due to the price increase and shortage arose a great dying. The hospital was moved out the city, like it was written for the dyings.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 868.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1317-00-00-Luebeck	1317 JL	Great famine all across the North of the Empire, but also in Lübeck and Holstein, with dearth and mortality because of famine and epidemic	In nulla autem praedictarum partium erat locus, in quo tempus esset tollerabilius, quam in civitate Lubicensi, in qua modius siliginis solvebat sex solidos et citra, modius ordei 3 solidos, avenae duos solidos. Et non solum isto anno, sed annis pluribus ante solvebat annona in partibus Slaviae et Holtzatiae et partibus aliss vicinis circa pretium praenotatum. Propter hanc karistiam, quae ante et post duravit fere 15 annis, et propter hominum seditiones et pestilentias eo tempore perierunt et depauperati sunt multi divites et potentes.	However, in none of the aforementioned regions was there a place where the cost of living was more bearable than in the city of Lübeck, where a bushel of wheat was selling for six shillings, and a bushel of barley for three shillings, and oats for two shillings. And not only in this year but in several preceding years, there was a stable grain supply in the parts of Slavia and Holstein, as well as in other neighboring regions, at the mentioned prices. Due to this abundance, which persisted for almost 15 years, and because of human revolts and epidemics during that time, many wealthy and powerful individuals perished and were impoverished.	Annales Lubicenses 1859, p. 426	Translation by Martin Bauch
1317-00-00-Romagna	1317 JL	Epidemics in Northern Italy	Anno Domini Millesimo CCCXIX. & duobus praeteritis Annis mirandum quidem accidit atque stupendum, Mortalitas videlicet tam immensa per totum fere Mundum; sed in Provincia Romandiolae acerbior, quod multi Terrae gentibus pauperatae caruerunt Ecclesiasticam sepulturam.	Template:TN	Anonymus 1729, p. 1138	None
1318-00-00-Bohemia	1318 JL	Although there was a peace treaty reached between King John of Bohemia and his rebelling nobles, the length of the preceeding conflict lead to great hunger and a plague.	De concordia inter Johannem, regem Bohemie, et suos nobiles facta et de fame maxima et pestilencia inaudita. [...] nam tali durante discordia nimia famis prevaluit miseria, ita quod infra unius anni spacium, ut experimento didici, in porta Scedelicensi triginta milia hominum sunt sepulta. Consimilis quoque pestilencia in omnibus civitatibus, oppidis et villis exstitit et in universa terra. In omnibus locis fovee fodiebantur, que mortuorum cadaveribus replebantur.	About the peace between John, the king of Bohemia, and his nobles and about the great hunger and unheard-of plague. [...] Because this condemnable conflict endured, there was such a great famine that within one year 30.000 humans were buried at the Sedletz gate as I have learned from my own experience. And similarly, there was a plague in all cities, towns and villages and in all lands. At all places pits were dug which were filled up with the deceased.	Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 247f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1318-00-00-Moravia	1318 JL	Because of the sins of the inhabitants of Bohemia, a plague came to the kingdom killing many thousand people.	Sed et indignacio et ira Dei descendit super Boemos propter peccata populi, ut creditur, et facta est pestilencia et mortalitas hominum pregravida, et mortua sunt multa milia hominum, facteque sunt fovce magne et profunde ad capienda corpora hominum moriencium pre nimia fame, et eciam pestilencia percussi. [...] Cum ergo multa mala longo iam tempore invaluissent et homines thabefacti de omni consolacione desperarent, quia omnes modi concordie fuerunt refutati, et fames ac pestilencia eos absque misericordia affligerent incessanter, clamaverunt ad Dominum omnes unanimiter, magni et parvi, clerici et layci, ut tantis malis finem imponere dignaretur.		Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 474	Translation needed
1318-00-00-Tver	1318 JL	Plague among people in Tver	Toe же зимы [6826] бысть моръ въ Tвepи нa люди.	This winter [6826] 1318 (and 1319?)<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> there was a plague in Tver among the people.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 89.	Translation by Dariusz Dabrowski
1320-00-00-Novgorod and Tver	1320 JL	Plague in Novgorod the Great and in Tver	дopoгo. мopъ.	Expensive. Plague.	T.M. Гимoн, Летописные записи на Пacxaльныx таблицax cбopникa XIV в., in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocквa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, pp. 579, 587.	None
1321-00-00-Rus	1321 JL	Epidemic among people and horses in Rus.	Того же лѣта [6829] моръ [б]ы(с)[ть] на люди и на кони.	That year [1321] the epidemic was on people and on horses.	Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 530	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1321-08-00-Parma	August 1321 JL	Great cattle mortality in Parma, surrounding areas and all of Lombardy.	Gran mortalità di bovi e bestie bovine ne l'episcopato di Parma masime al piano e per tutta Lombardia.	Great mortality of bovines and cattle in the episcopate of Parma maxime on the plain and throughout Lombardy.	Bonazzi 1902, Sp. 164.	Translation by DeepL
1323-00-00-Limbourg	1323 JL	Mortality in a monastery near Liège in Limbourg	Sub hac et aliarum perturbationum ingruentia conventus totus exivit de claustro relinquens opidum, et venit ad nostram mansionem apud Dungh, iuxta abbatem Adam ibidem moram facientem. Ubi cum continue moraretur per menses ferme 14, plures ex nostris dominis et confratribus propter aeris inconvenientiam egrotabant. Inter quos prior Geimarus vir laudabilis ibidem obiit.	Because of this and other disturbances the whole convent left the city and went to our mansion neard Dungh, where also Abbot Adam stayed. And as they stayed there for almost 14 months, some of our lords and brothers fell sick because of the inconvenient air. Amongst them was prior Geimarus, a most laudable man, who died there.	Köpke 1852, p. 416	Translation by Martin Bauch
1323-06-00-Paris	June 1323 JL	Mortality in Paris and all of France	En cest an [1323], en la saison d’esté, par le royaulme de France et especiaulment à Paris, fut si grant multitude de gens maladez, et tant en moururent, que chacun en estoit esbahy	In this year, in summertime, there was in the kingdom of France and especially in Paris a great many of ill people, and many of them died. Everybody was astonished about this.	Hellot 1884, p. 90	Translation by Martin Bauch
1323-08-00-Firenze	August 1323 JL	Fever and headaches of most people in Florence and all over Italy, low mortality.	Nel detto anno MCCCXXIII, a l’uscità d’agosto e a l’entrar di settembre, fu uno vento a favognano, per lo quale amalorono di freddo con alquanti dì con febbre e dolore di testa la maggiore parte degli uomini e de le femmine in Firenze: e questa pestilenza fu generale per tutte le città d’Italia, ma poca gente ne morì; ma in Francia ne morirono assai.	In this year 1323, at the end of August and in early September, there was a Western wind. Because of this, most people in Florence, women and men alike, fell ill with a cold and some days of fever and headaches. And this disease was everywhere in Italy, but few people died of it. But in France, many more died.	Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 2, pp. 406-407.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1323-08-00-Firenze2	August 1323 JL	A fever disease in Florence and all of Italy that causes few mortality, mainly among the elderly, and loss of appetite. It ends in mid-October 1323	Nel detto anno [1323] e del mese d’agosto e di settembre fu una infermità quasi generale di [p. 134] freddo, ed alquanti pigliava loro la febbre, e perdeano l’appetito, ed alquanti ne morieno, cioè vecchi e vecchie, e fu la detta malattia quasi in tutta Italia, e come venne mezzo ottobre restò.	In the aforementioned year [1323] in the month of August and September there was a general disease of cold, and many were hit with fever and lost their appetite. And some died, old men and women. And this disease was all over Italy, and it stopped mid of October.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, pp. 133-134	Translation by Martin Bauch
1323-08-05-Cairo	1323 JL	In the wake of a hot, black storm illnesses (amrāḍ) spread in Cairo in summer/autumn 723 AH (1323). For the period of a month, a number of people died. A similar storm had killed people in Damascus before, in Shaʿbān 723 AH (August 5 - September 2, 1323), and had made fruits wither and water run dry; Damascene wheat prices had subsequently gone up. In Cairo, the storm equally hampered grain crop growth, hence grain prices rose since little grain was available.			Al-Maqrīzī, Al-Sulūk 1997, vol. 3, p. 66.	Translation needed
1327-02-00-Italy	February 1327 JL	Fever and cold all over Italy with low mortality; astrological explanation.	Nel detto anno e mese di febbraio fu per tutta Italia una generale corruzione di febbre mossa per freddo, onde i più de le genti ne sentirono, ma pochi ne morirono. Dissono gli astrologhi naturali che di ciò fu cagione l’aversione di Mars e di Saturno.	In the said year (1327) in the month of February there was a general corruption of fever caused by cold all over Italy, and most people felt it, but only few died. The astrologers said that the aversion of Mars and Saturn was the reason for this.	Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 2, p. 596.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1327-02-00-Paris	February 1327 JL	Great mortality of sick people in Paris	Et aprez ce [a lunar eclipse on 25 February 1327], à Paris, une très grande mortalité de malades, povres et riches, ensui	And after this [a lunar eclipse on 25 February 1327], there was a great mortality of sick people, both poor and rich, in Paris.	Hellot 1884, p. 114	Translation by Martin Bauch
1328-02-18-Prague	18 February 1328 JL	After lunar eclipse heavy storm for one month; high mortality and cattle plague in April, after that processions in Prague	Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per hebdomadas quatuor continuatus hanc eclipsim subsequitur; multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth, Bohemie regina, metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero Pragensi indicit et populo; quibus factis notabiliter cessavit quassacio et placatus factus est Dominus populo suo. Hac nece cessante gaudet populus velut ante.		Chronicon Aulae Regia 1301-1339 2, p. 288, lib. 2, cap. 20.	Translation needed
1328-03-00-Bohemia	March 1328 JL	After an eclipse of the moon for four weeks, many humans died and in many parts of the world, there was a plague among the domestic animals.	Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per ebdomadas IIIIor continuatus subsequitur. Post hanc eclipsim mense Aprili moritur hominum multitudo et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth regina metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero et populo Pragensi indicit.	In this year at the full moon of the month of March the moon darkend and the eclipse remained in force for four weeks. After this eclipse in the month of April many humans died and in many parts of the world a plague among the domestic animals showed itself and raged heavily. Then, queen Elizabeth, shaken by the fear of punishment, ordered processions with the relics of the saints and all the clerics and the inhabitants of Prague to be performed.	Franciscus Pragensis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler 1884, p. 347-456, p. 401	Translation by Christian Oertel
1328-03-00-Bohemia-2	March 1328 JL	After an eclipse of the moon a long lasting plague among humans and domestic animals raged in many regions.	Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, quam eclipsim secuntur venti validissimi et pestilencia pecorum atque hominum in diversis partibus.	In this year the full moon of the month of March darkened, this eclipse was followed by a long lasting plague of animals and humans in different regions.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 481	Translation by Christian Oertel
1328-04-00-Bohemia	April 1328 JL	In the month of April 1328 many humans died and there was a plague among domestic animals in many lands.	Multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis.	Many people died in the month of April, and in many parts of the world raged a heavy plague among animals.	Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 288	Translation by Christian Oertel
1331-00-00-Iceland 002	1331 JL	Mortality of cattle and bad harvest in Iceland in 1331.	Felli vetr inn micli. Váran a korn i a Islandi.	A very hard winter (1331) when the cattle died. Bad harvest in grain in Iceland.	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 206.	Translation by Carina Damm
1331-00-00-Iceland 003	1331 JL	Mortality of sheep in Iceland in 1331	fiar fellir.	Mortality of sheep.	Annálabrot frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 219	Translation by Carina Damm
1331-00-00-Iceland 005	1331 JL	Famine in Iceland in the winter of 1331	Vetur þenna var mjög hörð veðrátta og varð heylitið á búum staðarins en margt kvikfé. [...] Veðráttan tók að harðna og hélt svo sömu harðindum fram. Kom svo að sauðfénaður staðarins datt niður unnvörpum í megurð.	This winter was very harsh and the local farms lost a lot of livestock. [...] The weather began to harden and then continued the same hardiness. It came to pass that the sheep of the place were reduced to nothing through starvation.	Lárentíus saga biskups, A. In: Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík 1998, pp. 432, 435	Translation by Carina Damm
1331-00-00-Iceland 006	1331 JL	Mortality of sheep in Iceland due the harsh winter of 1331 that lasted until Lent	Vetur þessi varð mjög harður. ... Hélzt hörð veðrátta allt til vors og í langaföstu datt niður fénaður staðarins unnvörpum af megurð og sulti.	This winter was very hard. ... Harsh weather lasted until spring, and during Lent the local livestock died from starvation and hunger.	Lárentíus saga biskups. In: Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík 1998, pp. 432-33	Translation by Carina Damm
1334-Summer-00-Languedoc-Aquitaine	15 May 1334 JL	Great mortality in the south of France, in Languedoc and Aquitaine	En cest an vraiement, fut grant planté de blefz et de vins, et très grande mortalité de gens tant en Languedoc, en Thoulouse, en Caours, en Avignon, en Gascoigne, et comme en France et ailleurs. Et commencha ceste mortalité environ la Penthecouste, et dura environ la saint Andrieu ensuivant.	This year has been very fruitful in cereals and wines. But a great mortality occured in Languedoc, near Toulouse, Cahors, Avignon and in Gascogne; likewise in France and elsewhere. This mortality began around Pentecost sunday (15 May) and lasted until André Day (30 November).	Hellot 1884, p. 161	Translation by Thomas Labbé
1334-Summer-France	June 1334 JL	In France, Burgundy, and the Champagne raged a plague during the three months of summer. In Paris (where the author stayed) died 16.000 people in one hospital.	Eodem anno mense Mai gelu intolerabile vineas omnes in partibus Almanie. Tantum destruxit, quod post vindemia luxit. In Burgundia vero et in Francia et Campania, ubi tempore vindemie pertransivi, non tantum dampnum factum fuisse conspeci. Aliam autem plagam Deus hoc anno eisdem terris intulit, quia mortalitatis pestilencia plurimos homines tunc percussit. Parysius namque infra tres menses estivales in hospitali regis, quod ante monasterium beate virginis in kathedrali ecclesia situm est, quod dolenter refero, sedecim milia hominum sunt mortua et in cimiterio innocentum sepulta, me etenim in ipso hospitali existente et compassivo animo contuente. Tot sunt in brevi mortui, quod vix erant tot, qui hos tollerent et ad tumulum deportarent.	In the same year in the month of May an unbearable frost destroyed all the vinyards in the German lands so that the grape harvest was in grief. But in Burgundy and in France and the Champagne, through where I passed during grape harvest, I did not see such damage. But God put in this year another load on these lands since a deadly plague killed many people then. For in Paris died during the three months of summer in the royal hospital, which is situated in front of the monastery of the Holy Virgin at the cathedral church, as I report with regrets, 16.000 people, and they were buried at the graveyard of the innocent. In fact, I stayed in this hospital and watched with a compassionate heart. So many died in a short period of time that there were hardly as many who could pick them up and bring them to their graves.	Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 321.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1336-00-00-Kranichfeld	1336 JL	A mortality in the small Thuringian city of Kranichfeld, but unclear if disease-induced	Noch gotis geburte tusent jar driehundirt jar in deme sechs unde drißigistime jare da vil daz volk von Cranchfelt, der was nun unde achzig, die storbin da tot.	In the year of our Lord 1336, the people of Kranichfeld, less than 80, died.	Template:Chronici Saxonici continuatio Erfordensis 1899, p. 482	Translation by Martin Bauch
1340-00-00-Europa	1340 JL	A plague before easter in the area of Klettgau	Hoc eciam tempore in quadragesima in Kleggow pestilencia hominum grandis et satis prevalida orta est, ita quod citra Tuͥengen et Keiserstůl et Klingnow certatim morerentur et multi periculose infirmarentur.		Johannes von Winterthur, p. 173	Translation needed
1340-00-00-Florence	1340 JL	Epidemic with 20'000 deaths in Florence, shortage	Ipso anno fuit penuria, & morbus magnus; nam Florentiae mortui sunt viginti milia hominum..		Template:Chronicon Regiense, p. 129	Translation needed
1340-00-00-Klettgau	1340 JL	Plague with high mortality in Klettgau, Tiengen, Kaiserstuhl and Klingnau in period of fasting	Hoc eciam tempore in quadragesima in Kleggow pestilencia hominum grandis et satis prevalida orta est, ita quod citra Tuͥengen et Keiserstůl et Klingnow certatim morerentur et multi periculose infirmarentur.	At this time also, during Lent, a great and quite prevalent pestilence of humans arose in Klettgau, so that without exception around Tiengen, Kaiserstuhl, and Klingnau, people were dying in droves and many were dangerously falling ill.	Template:Johannes von Winterthur, p. 173.	Translation by DeepL
1340-00-00-Tuscany	1340 JL	Mortality in Tuscany, particularly in Florence with more than 3.000 deaths a day. Also disease of the sheeps.	Tunc dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas pecudum et eciam hominum et in partibus Tusciae et Florentiae passi sunt diem extremum ultra tria milia personarum.	Then, in that year, there was a great mortality of livestock and also of humans, and in the regions of Tuscany and Florence, more than three thousand people passed away.	Giovanni da Bazzano - Chronicon Mutinense 1917, p. 119.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1340-03-00-Florence	March 1340 JL	Beginning of a severe epidemic that lasts into the winter and claims 15,000 lives (1/6 of the city), fewer deaths in the surrounding area, grain imported from there; Processions in Florence	Che incontanente cominciò grande mortalità, che quale si ponea malato, quasi nullo ne scampava; e morinne più che il sesto di cittadini pure de' migliori e più cari, maschi e femmine, che non rimase famiglia ch'alcuno non ne morisse, e dove due o ttre e più; e durò quella pestilenzia infino al verno vegnente. E più di XVm corpi tra maschi e femmine e fanciulli se ne sepellirono pure nella città, onde la città era tutta piena di pianto e di dolore, e non si intendea apena ad altro, ch'a sopellire morti. E però si fece ordine che come il morto fosse recato alla chiesa la gente si partisse; che prima stavan tanto che si facea l'asequio, e a tali la predicta con solenni uffici a' maggiorenti; e ordinossi che non andasse banditore per morti. In contado non fu sì grande la mortalita, ma pure ne morirono assai. Con essa pistolenza seguì la fame e il caro, agiunta a quello dell' anno passato; che con tutto lo scemo di morti valse lo staio del grano più di soldi XXX, e più sarebbe assai valuto, se non che 'l Comune ne fece provedenza di farne venire di pelago [...] [p. 227] Per questa mortalità, a dì XVIII di giugno, per consiglio del vescovo e di religiosi si fece in Firenze generale processione, ove furono quasi tutti i cittadini sani maschi e femmine col corpo di Cristo ch'è a Santo Ambruogio, e con esso s'andò per tutta la terra infino a ora di nona, con più di CL torchi accesi	Suddenly there began a great mortality, so that almost no one who fell ill could escape it; and more than a sixth of the best and dearest citizens, male and female, died, so that there was no family that did not die, and where two or three or more; and the pestilence lasted until the coming winter. And more than fifteen male and female bodies and children were buried in the city, so that the city was filled with weeping and sorrow, and there was nothing else to do but mourn the dead. And so it was ordered that when the dead were brought to the church, the people should leave; they had been so long before the funeral was made, and then they were preached with solemn offices to the mayors; and it was ordered that no bannermen should go out for the dead. In the countryside the death toll was not so great, but there were many who died. The famine and dearth followed, added to that of the previous year, so that with all the death toll, the staio of grain was worth more than 30 money, and it would have been worth much more, if the Commune had not taken steps to bring in more money [...] [p... 227] Because of this mortality, on the eighteenth day of June, on the advice of the bishop and the religious, a general procession was held in Florence, where almost all the healthy male and female citizens were present with the body of Christ, which is in Santo Ambruogio, and with it it went throughout the whole city until the ninth hour, with more than 150 torchi lit	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 226–227	Translation by DeepL
1340-06-00-Florence	June 1340 JL	Epidemic in Florence and Romagna	Eodem millesimo de mense junii et julii. Maxima pestis mortalitas fuit in civitate Florentie districtu, qua mortui sunt circa XVIm homines et mulieres; et similis casus accidit in Romandiola		Template:Anonymus 1908, p. 111	Translation needed
1341-00-00-Iceland 002	1341 JL	Great mortality among sheep and cattle in southern Iceland in 1341	Snio vetr sva micill fyrir sunnan land at engi vissi dæmi til annars þviliks. lagði a fyrir vetr ok helltz til sumars ok fylgði fiar fellir micill allz háttar. Elldz vpp quama inn setta í Heklu felli einni nótt eptir festum Dunstani. með sva miklu myrkri af ósku fallinu at í sumum stóðum fra dagmalum til nóns sa ekki skrím vti helldr enn menn væri blindir. ok var þo mikit myrkr allan daginn ok marga aðra siðan tok askan i aukla undir Eyia fióllum. ok fylgði naut fellir micill. annarr elldr var vppi í Hnappar vallar iókli. hinn priði i Herði breið yfir Fliotzdals heraði ok voru allir jafnsnemma vppi.	A winter with such a great snowfall in the south of the country that no one knew of anything alike. [The snow] laid before the winter and stayed until the summer, and was followed by a great mortality of all kinds among sheep. The last volcanic eruption of Mount Hekla one night after the feast of St Dunstan (= 19 May) [happened] with so much darkness from the fall of ash that in some places it was impossible to see anything outside from daytime to the ninth hour, and people were blind. And it was very dark all day and many others were covered by the ash under Eyjafjöll and there followed a great loss of cattle. Another fire was up in Hnapparvallarjökull, the third in Herðubreið above the region of Fljótsdal and they were all up at the same time.	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 273	Translation by Carina Damm
1341-00-00-Iceland 003	1341 JL	Volcanic eruption of Hekla in 1341. Followed by a great famine and mortality among sheep and cattle. 800 oxen died in the diocese of Skálholt between May and June.	Ellz upp kuama i Heklu felli med myklu sanndfalli ok sua storum brestum at biorgum laust saman i elldinum at naliga heyrdi um allt land sua uar ok dimt medan sanndfallid stod mest yfir. at eigi uar bok liost i kirkium þeim er næst stodu uppkuamu ellzins. hallæri mikid. mikill fiarfellir bædi sauda ok nauta sua at midil fardaga ok Peturs messo fiell at eins fyrir Skalhollti lxxx nauta.	A fire broke out in Mount Hekla with a great fall of sand and such large cracks in the rocks that the fire could be heard all over the country. It was also mostly dark while the sand fell, so there was no light in the churches that were closest to the outbreak of the fire. Great famine. A great mortality of both sheep and cattle, so that between the 'moving days' (=21−27 May) and St. Peter's Mass (29 June), a total of 80 oxen died in Skálholt.	Annálabrot frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 222	Translation by Carina Damm
1341-00-00-Iceland 004	1341 JL	Volcanic eruption of Hekla in 1341. Followed by a great mortality of livestock, especially sheep and cattle in Rangárvellir in southern Iceland.	Þa kom vpp elldr j Heklufelle med sua miklu sannfalle at fenadr do af vm varit. ok saudfe ok nautfenadr do mest vm Rangar vollu. ok eydde naligha .v. reppa. ok vidara. annarstadar do naut manna af sandinum.	Then there was a fire in Mount Hekla with so much sand falling that livestock died in the spring, and sheep and cattle died mostly around Rangárvellir and nearly destroyed five districts. In other places, cattle died from the sand.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 273	Translation by Carina Damm
1341-00-00-Iceland 005	1341 JL	Volcanic eruption of Hekla on 19 May 1341. Followed by a great mortality of livestock, especially sheep and cattle in southern Iceland	ellds vpp kuoma jn vj j Reklu felli med suo storum dynkium at landit skalf allt suo at j fiarlægum stodvm og hierudum hristis skiar æ husvm sem fyrir vindi hvossvm vm langa tima og var þa kyrt vedur. myrkr var svo micit af oskv falli j nalægum hiervdvm at lios brann j hvsvm vm daga. þetta var fyrir Vrbanus messo vj nottvm. af þessv osku falli do micill hluti naut fiar fyrir svnnan land svo at marger menn vrdu snavder at kuikfie og gengu yr husvm fra eignvm og jordum [sijnum]. eyddvst marger bæer vm Skalhollts sueit og Rang ar vollu og nockrer austar.	Sixth fire in Mount Hekla with such a large rumbling that the whole country trembled so that in distant places and districts the windows of houses shook because of strong winds for a long time and then the weather was calm. There was so much darkness from the ashfall in nearby districts that lights burned in houses for days. This was six nights before Urban Mass (= 19 May). Due to this fall of ash, a large part of the cattle died in the south of the country, so that many people became destitute of livestock and left their houses, their properties and lands. Many towns around in the district of Skálholt and Rangárvellir and a bit further east were laid waste.	Gottskálksannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, pp. 351-52	Translation by Carina Damm
1341-00-00-Iceland 006	1341 JL	Volcanic eruption of Hekla in spring 1341. Followed by mortality of cattle in south-western Iceland.	elldz vppkuoma i Heklu felli .vj. drottins dagin næsta eptir [skírdagr]. med sua miklum fædæmum ok ausku falli at eyduz margar sueitir þar i nændir ok myrkr sua mikit enn fyrsta dag vti sem þa er suartazst er i husum a hævetri vm nætr. dunur vm allt land sem hiæ væri auskufall vm Borgar fiord ok Skaga sua ad fenadr fell af ok hueruetna þar i milli. menn foru til fiallzins þar sem vpp varpit var ok heyrdiz þeim sem biargi storu væri kastat innan vm fiallit. þeim synduzst fuglar fliuga i elldinum bædi smair ok storir med ymsum lætum. hugdu menn vera sælir. huitasalt sua mikit læ þar vm huerfis opnuna at klyfia mætti hesta af ok brennu steini.	A fire broke out in Mount Hekla on the Lord's Day (= Sunday) after (Maundy Thursday), with so much hostility and ashfall that many nearby villages were laid waste, and it was so dark on the first day outside how it is blackest in houses in the dead of winter at night. Rumbling all over the country and ashfall around Borgarfjörður and Skaga, and everywhere in between, so that livestock died. People went to the mountain where the casting (= eruption) was, and they heard that a large rock had been thrown from within the mountain. They appeared to be birds flying in the fire, both small and large, with various sounds. People thought they were souls. There was so much white salt around the opening that a horse could be split, and sulfur.	Flateyjarannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 401	Translation by Carina Damm
1341-00-00-Pisa	22 December 1341 JL	Great mortality and famine in Pisa, also the General Captain Fazio Novello della Gherardesca died on the 22th of december	In nel 1341 fu in Pisa mortalità grande di giovani e ricchi e valenti e vi [fu] in prima grande fame; e al colmo d'ogni male a dì 22 di dicembre morì lo conte Fazio del quale menò grande duolo Pisa e tutta Toscana e ciascuno lo pianse come se fusse suo padre o suo unigenito figluolo, e fune bene da dolere chè, al parere d'ognuno, lui ebbe ogni bontà sensa alcuna malvagità.	In 1341, in Pisa, there was a great death toll of young, rich and talented people, and there was great hunger; and at the height of all evil, on the 22nd of December, Count Fazio died, causing great suffering for Pisa and the whole of Tuscany, and everyone mourned him as if he were his own father or his only-born son, and it was a good thing to mourn because, in everyone's opinion, he had all goodness without any evil.	Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, p. 90.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1341-12-22-Pisa	22 December 1341 JL	Price increase and famine lead to a great mortality in Pisa, especially among adolescents and the general captain Fazio Novello della Gherardesca died.	Nel milletrecentoquarantuno, essendo stato grande caro di grano l'anno dinansi che ss'era fatto la piassa del Grano e ffue grandissima fame, di che l'anno 1341 ditto si ffue grande mortalità di giovani. Inella quale mortalità, a d*i vindtidue, 22, di dicienbrew moritte lo ditto conte Fasio, nella chui morte ne menòe Pisa grande duolo e quazi tutta Toschana e ciaschuno lo piansse come se fusse stato suo padre o suo figluolo.	In the year 1341, since there had been a great shortage of grain in the year of the wheat harvest, and there was great hunger, there was a great mortality of young men. In this mortality, on the 22nd day of October, the said Count Fasio died, in whose death there was great grief in Pisa and all of Tosca and everyone mourned him as if he had been his father or his son	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 105.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1342-00-00-Aquileia	1342 JL	Plague in Aquileia	Hoc anno, tempore Augusti pestifer ventus oram Aquilegensis i portus afflavit de spumis maris Adriatici procellosis, qui in districtus illius complexu plurimos in mortem stravit, plurimos in infirmitatibus diucius colligavit.	In this year, during the time of August, a pestilent wind blew from the turbulent shores of the Adriatic Sea into the harbors of Aquileia, which, with the foaming waves of the stormy sea, brought death to many in that area and afflicted many with lingering illnesses.	Iohannes Victoriensis 1340-1343, p. 229.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1345-00-00-Venice	1345 JL	Origin of the Black Death and ravages in Venice	Anno Domini 1345, jnguiaria pestis, incipiens in partibus Tartarorum, et se, peccatis exigentibus, ad universum orbem contagiose extendens, adeo terribiliter desaevivit, quod penitus nulli loco perpercit; et si quando alicubi cessare videretur, transactis duobus, vel tribus annis, ad locum reverberatur eundem.	In the year of our Lord 1345, the pestilence, beginning in the regions of the Tartars, and spreading contagiously throughout the whole world, raged so terribly, driven by the demands of sin, that it spared no place entirely; and if it seemed to subside anywhere, after two or three years, it returned to the same place.	Raphaynus de Caresinis 1922, p. 5	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Asia	1346 JL	Epidemic among the people of the East/Asia (Tatars, Armenians etc.).	[6854] Того же лѣта казнь бысть отъ Бога на люди подъ восточною страною на городъ Орначь, и на Хазторокань, и на Сарай, и на Бездежъ и на прочiи грады во странахъ ихъ; бысть моръ силенъ на Бесермены, и на Татары, и на Ормены, и на Обезы, и на Жиды, и на Фрязы, и на Черкасы, и на всѣхъ тамо живущихъ, яко не бѣ кому ихъ погребати; яко же преже казни Богъ Египтяны; тако и сихъказни.	In that year (1346) God sent an torment among the people of the East, On cities: Urgench<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>, and on Sarai<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>, and on Bezdezh<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a>, and That year God sent a punishment on the people of the east and on other cities and their lands<a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a> The epidemic was among Muslims<a href="#cite_note-5">[5]</a>, and the Tartars, and the Armenians, and the Georgians, and the Jews, and among the Franks<a href="#cite_note-6">[6]</a>, and the Circassians, and among the other people living there. And there was no one to bury them. As God had punished the Egyptians before, so He punished these too.	Letopis’ po Voskresenskomu spisku in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 7, Moscow 2001: Iazyk Russkoĭ Kul’tury, p. 210.	Translation by Adrian Jusupovic
1346-00-00-Europe	1346 JL	This passage describes the spread of the plague beginning in Jerusalem and than moving forward across Europe. The jews were blamed for causing the plague by poisoning the people.	653. Des sulven jares unstund de grote plaghe der mynsheit des (p. 505) ghaen dodes, erst in den Jhersualemeschen landen over mer unde in der heidenscap, de by veftich, sestich, hundert, dusent unde ane tal nedervellen unde waren dot. dat stund nicht sere to claghen, wente se Godes viande sint; mer de sulve grote plaghe quam seder in cristene land. erst wart se vornomen in Pulle, dar na in Ungharen, dar na in Cecilien, in Avignon, dar neghest to Marsilien, dar na in Brancriken, dar na Engheland, dar vele lude storven; dar na in Blanderen, van Blanderen in Norweghen, dar na in Sweden, van Sweden in Denemarken, in Nortjutlande unde uppe Selande, dar na in Prutzen. to Koninghesberch, to Melbinghen was grot sterven. des tech men den ghedosten joden, de sik vor cristene lude helden unde beden dor Got ghuder lude almusen, dat de mit vorghifnisse, de se den luden gheven, dat volk to deme dode brochten. Dat wart van en gheseen unde worden anghetastet unde worden ghebrand; do bekanden se in erme dode, dat it war were, dat se it hadden ghedan, unde dat ir vele were, de in der selven sake in der cristenheit ghinghen, unde segheden, dat de riken joden in den groten steden dat bedacht hedden der cristenheit to vorderfnisse, wente se sint der martere unses heren ghevanghen lude hebben wesen, unde wolden nu koninghe unde heren worden sin over al den cristendom.	653. In the same year (1346), the great plague of humanity, the walking death, began, first in the lands of Jerusalem, across the sea and among the pagans, where fifty, sixty, a hundred, a thousand, and countless people fell and died. This was not much mourned, as they were considered enemies of God. However, this same great plague later came into Christian lands. First, it was observed in Apulia, then in Hungary, then in Sicily, in Avignon, then near Marseille, then in (...?), and then in England, where many people died; next, in Flanders, from Flanders to Norway, then to Sweden, from Sweden to Denmark, in North Jutland and on Zealand, then to Prussia. In Königsberg and Melbingen, there was great mortality. The Jewish converts, who presented themselves as Christian and begged for alms in the name of God, were blamed for bringing the death to the people with giving them poison. They were discovered and persecuted, and many were burned. Under torture, they confessed that it was true—that they had done it, and that many of them across Christendom were involved in this crime. They claimed that the wealthy Jews in large cities had devised this plot to destroy Christianity, as they had long been captives since the martyrdom of our Lord and now wanted to become kings and rulers over all Christendom.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 504-505.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Europe 001	1346 JL	The passage speaks about the origins of the plague, how it arrived to europe with the galleys, how it killed thousands of people and wiped out complete cities. It describes the wonders which happened simultaneosly and notes that the king of Bellemare oscillates between the religions.	Dese ding de scheghen ok in deme 46. jare over mer, dar de peper unde inghever west. to Dathagio an der stat vlot en water; dat wart vormeghet met utermaten vele wormen unde slanghen; de vreten alle de vrucht up, de in deme lande was. en grot deel, we dat water anrurbe, de vil neder unde was dot. vortmer to Imperio, meddes tusschen Kathagium unde Persiam, reghendet vur also snevlocken; dat vur vorbrande stede, borghe unde land, berghe unde dale, manne unde vrowen, unde stene, ast se drughe holt hedden ghewesen. dat vur ghas groten rok van sik; we den rok sach, de ne levede nicht enen halven dach; we ok den mynschen sach, de den rok gheseen hadde, de ne levede nicht langhe. hir van schaghet, dat van twelf galeyden, de in deme lande weren, de den rok gheseen hedden, twe galeyden quemen in Sreken to Ianueum, unde beghunden altohant to stervende, beide de in den galeyden weren unde de lude uter stat, also dat sy kume de galeyden mit kummer brachten van der stat in dat grote mer, unde dreven do to Constantinopolim unde to Peram. do de lude van Constantinopol unde van Pera ghespreken mit den galeyden, do ghinghen se to hus unde storven, unde we de sulven lude sach, de starf ok an der stunde, unde storven binnen den twen steden in korter stunde wol sesteyn dusent volkes. Dar na seghelden de galeyden van Sreken, unde wor se hen kerden, in allen steden leten se jo de suke des stervendes. to left quemen se to Cecilien unde Messinam; dar brechten se ok dat stervend, also dat dar ummelang storven wol der dusent lude, unde en stat binnen Cecilien, de ghenomet was Cratappaim, starf al wuste. dar na quemen de galeyden van Cecilien to Sardineam, unde brechten dat stervend an den galeyden des heren Archassari, de in de hervart scholden, unde storven also degher uth, dat de teynde mynsche nicht levende bles, also dat dar storven der unde vertich dusent volkes, de men in dat mer warp. Dar (p. 508) na quam ene van den twen galeyden to Marsilien, unde brochte dat stervend dar, also dat de stat wuste starf. vortmer des donnerdaghes vor winachten wart to Avinion, des morghens er de sunne upghing, gheseen en vur van deme ostene in dat westene, unde hing boven de stat to Avinion an der lucht. vortmer an deme weghe, als men ghet van Kathelonia to Arrogonia, vellen der grote stene van deme hemmele, jewelik also grot als en tover. des nehmen de lude ute deme lande enen van den stenen unde brachtene deme koninghe des landes up eneme mule to groteme wundere. Vortmer de koning val Bellemare, Albessessu ghenant, en here over ghantz Barbarien, let enen wech maken dor de wustenye, also men reysen mochte to Ianuam. do he ret mit groteme volke unde wolde den wech beseen, do quam en bode eme na unde seghede: 'here, sint dat du uthtoghest, sint ghestorven binnen twen daghen achtentich diner husvrowen; unde alle de in der stat sin, de sterven'. do de koning dat horde, he vruchte sic sere unde sprak: 'dat is Godes wrake; de will, dat wy to cristenen loven komen'. unde sende na sinen hoghesten unde na sinem raatgheveren, unde seghede en, dat he cristen werden wolde. under des quam en schip unde seghede, dat de cristenen ok storven. do dat de koning horde, do wolde he nicht cristen werden.	Similar things also occurred in the year 1346 overseas, where pepper and ginger are grown. Near Cathay, water flooded the land; it was filled with countless worms and snakes, which devoured all the crops. Many people who touched the water fell down dead. Furthermore, in a place called Imperium, between Cathay and Persia, fire rained down like snowflakes; this fire burned cities, castles, lands, mountains, valleys, men, women, and even stones as if they were dry wood. The fire produced a great smoke; anyone who saw the smoke did not live even half a day, and anyone who saw those people who had seen the smoke did not live long either. It is said that of twelve galleys in the area that encountered the smoke, only two arrived in Genoa, where both the crew on the ships and the people in the city immediately began to die, so much so that they barely managed to drag the ships out to the open sea. The ships drifted towards Constantinople and Pera. When the people of Constantinople and Pera spoke with those on the galleys, they went home and died, and anyone who saw them also died, with sixteen thousand people dying in the two cities within a short time. Later, the galleys left and spread the plague in every city they visited. Eventually, they arrived in Sicily and Messina, bringing death, so that about a thousand people soon died in the area. An entire town in Sicily, called Catania, was wiped out. The galleys then reached Sardinia, where they brought the plague to the fleet of Lord Archassari, and they all died so that barely one in ten survived, with around forty thousand people dead and thrown into the sea. One of the galleys then arrived in Marseille and spread death there, causing the entire town to perish. Moreover, on the Thursday before Christmas in Avignon, before the sun rose, a fire was seen in the sky from east to west, hovering over the city. Furthermore, along the road from Catalonia to Aragon, large stones fell from the sky, each as big as a tower. The people took one of these stones from the land and brought it to the king as a great wonder. In addition, the King of Bellemare, also known as Albessessu, a lord over all Barbaria, ordered a road to be built through the wilderness so that people could travel to Genoa. As he traveled with a large following to inspect the road, a messenger came to him and said: ‘My lord, since you set out, within two days, eighty of your noble ladies have died, and everyone in the city is also dying.’ When the king heard this, he was greatly afraid and said, ‘This is God's wrath; He wants us to praise the Christian faith.’ He summoned his highest advisors and declared that he wanted to become a Christian. However, soon a ship arrived, reporting that Christians were also dying. When the king heard this, he no longer wanted to become a Christian.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 506-508.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Florence	1346 JL	The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested.	Della inaudita mortalità. Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8) Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo. Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio. Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13) Di detta matera. Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro.	Of the outrageous mortality It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...] How long the plague lasted in each country As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God. In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others. About this subject The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 5-14.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1346-00-00-Florence 001	1346 JL	Florence was threatened by a famine. The city gathered large supplies of grain from elsewhere, however the problems weren't solved, because many people from the countryside came in the city. In addition to the famine diseases broke out amnong the immigrants and then it distributed also among the urban masses.	Cum ergo fames haud dubie immineret, sollers plane ad hoc civitas, in Africa et Sardinia et Sicilia aliisque locis permultis magna vi frumenti comparata, mari simul terraque importandum curavit. Nec eo tamen modo evitari potuit, quin difficultates permaximae (p. 306) eo anno subirentur. Turba enim ex agro in urbem mendicatura longis agminibus mulierum puerorumque advenerat. Ex finitimis etiam civitatibus quae minus ad hoc providae fuerant multitudo concurrerat, ut infinitus prope numerus hominum esset alendus. Magnumque in his civitatis meritum humanitasque eluxit; non modo enim non reiectus est quisquam advenarum peregrinorumque, sed etiam si tenuis foret, liberalitate gratuita per tantam rei frumentariae inopiam sustentatus, ut prope collatum a civitate beneficium in genus humanum videretur. Multa insuper eo anno tenuioribus indulta, et illud in primis, quod creditorum acerbitas repressa est, lege lata, ne quis nisi certa forma pro aere alieno conveniri posset. Satis enim premi caritate ipsa multitudinem existimavit civitas. Et accedebant ad caritatem morbi, qui multitudinem convenam et urbis insuetam consecuti, urbanam quoque apprehenderant turbam, ut et commiserendum et succurrendum esset.	So, as there was now no doubt about the threat of famine, the city showed its resourcefulness, gathering large supplies of grain in Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and many other places and seeing to their importation simultaneously by land and sea. But these steps were not enough to avoid the enormous difficulties they faced that year. For throngs of women and children from the countryside came (p. 308) into the city in long lines to beg. They were joined by multitudes from the nearby cities which had been less provident in this respect, so that there was almost an infinite number of people to feed. Amid these challenges the city’s great merit and humanity shone forth. For not only was not a single immigrant or foreigner turned away, but even the poor, with gratuitous liberality, were sustained throughout this great dearth of provisions, so that Florence seemed almost to have conferred a benefit on the human race. In this year, moreover, many allowances were made on behalf of the poor, and principally this: that the harshness of creditors was kept in check. A law was passed prohibiting suitors to collect debt except under particular conditions; the city felt that the multitude was oppressed enough already by the famine. And in addition to the famine there were the diseases which broke out among the throng of immigrants unused to the city, then spread among the urban masses, so that mercy and succor were needful.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, pp. 306-308.	None
1346-00-00-Golden Horde and adjacent territories	1346 JL	The first attack of the Black Death in the East, in Muslim countries and among the Tatars (Golden Horde), as well as other peoples living in these areas	Toгo жe лѣтa [6854] кaзнь быcть oт бoгa нa люди пoдo вocтoчнyю cтpaнoю, нa гopoд Opнaчь и нa Capaи и нa Xaзьтopoкaнь и нa Бeздeж и нa прочи грады въ cтpaнax ихъ, быcть моръ силенъ на Бecepмeны и нa Taтapoвe и нa Opъмeны и нa Oбeзы и нa Жиды и нa Фpязы и нa Чepкacы и нa вcѣx тaмo живущих, яко не бѣ кому их погребати. Яко же казни богъ египтяны, тако и сих казни.	In the same year (1346) the punishment from God was [sent] on the people of the eastern part, on Old Urgench<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> and Khaztorokan<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>, and on Sarai<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a>, and on Bezdezh<a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a>, and on other cities in their parts. There was a strong plague among the Muslims, and the Tartars, and the Armenians, and the Jews, and the Franks/ Latins, and the Abkhazians/Georgians, and among all those living there, so that there was no one to bury them. For as God punished the Egyptians, so also He punished tchem.	Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 175.	None
1346-00-00-Golden Horde and adjacent territories Sim	1346 JL	The first attack of the Black Death in the East, in Muslim countries and among the Tatars (Golden Horde), as well as other peoples living in these areas.	Toгo жe лѣтa [6854] кaзнь быcть oт Бoгa нa люди пoдъ вocтoчнyю cтpaнoю въ opдѣ и въ Opнaчи, и въ Capaи и въ Бeздeжѣ, и въ прочиxъ градѣxъ и cтpaнaxъ быcть моръ вeликъ на люди, на Бecepмeны и нa Taтapы, и нa Apмeны, и нa Oбeзы, и нa Жиды, и нa Фpязы, и нa Чepкacы, и нa прочaя чeлoвѣкы, тaмo живущaя въ ниxъ. Toль жe силенъ быcть моръ въ ниxъ, яко не бѣ мощно живымъ мepтвыxъ погрѣбати.	In the same year (1346)<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> the punishment from God was [sent] on the people of the eastern part, in the Horde, on Old Urgench<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a>, and on Sarai<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a>, and on Bezdezh<a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a>, and and in other towns and districts the plague was great among the people. There was a strong plague among the Muslims, and among the Tartars, and among the Armenians, and among the Abkhazians/Georgians, and among the Jews, and among the Franks/Latins, and among the Circassians, and among other people living there. The plague was so strong that it was impossible for the living to bury the dead.	Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 95.	None
1346-00-00-Orient	1346 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: In the Orient happened an unexplained plague, depopultating many regions. During the siege of Feodosia (Caffa) by the Tartars, their army was afflicted by the disease. The plague, which initially struck the Tartars, spread than also inside the city, because they ordered the plague-stricken corpses to be thrown over the walls of Caffa. The situation deteriorated, and people were expecting the impending judgement Day.	Anno domini MCCCXLVI. in partibus orientis, InfinitaTartarorum et Saracenorum genera, morbo inexplicabili, et morte subita corruerunt. Ipsarumque parcium latissime regiones, Infinite prouincie, regna magnifica, vrbes, Castra, et loca, plena hominurn multitudine copiosa, morbo pressa, et horrende rnortis morsibus, propriis Acollis denudata paruo tempore deffecerunt. Nan (!) locus dictus Thanna, in partibus orientis, uersus Acquilonem Constantinopolitana contrada (I) sub Tartarorum dominio constituta, ubi merchatores ytalici confluebant, cum propter quosdam excessus, superuenientibus Tartaris infinitis, modico temporis Interuollo (!) obsessa, et hostiliter debellata, deserta penitus remaneret. Accidit ut uiolenter christianj merchatores expulsi, Intra menia Terre Caffensis, quam ab olim illa Regione Januenses extruxerant, fugientes christiani sese pro suarum tutione personarum et rerum, Tartarorum formidantes potenciam, Armato Nauigio receptarent. Ha deus. Ecce subito, gentes Tartarorum profane, vndique confluentes, Caffensem urbem circurndantes, incluxos christicolas obsederunt, fere Triennio perdurantes. lbique hostium exercitu Infinito uallati, vix poterant respirare, licet Nauigio Alimenta ferrente illud talle subsidium intrinsecis spem modicam exhyberet. Et ecce Morbo Tartaros inuadente totus exercitus perturbatus longuebat et cottidie Infinita millia sunt extincta videbatur eis, sagittas euolare de celo , tangere et opprimere superbiam Tartarorum. qui statim signati corporibus In iuncturis , humore coagulato in Inguinibus, febre putrida subsequente, expirabant, omni conscilio et auxilio medicorum cessante. Quod Tartari, ex tanta clade et morbo pestifero fatigati, sic defficientes attoniti et vndique stupefacti, sine spe salutis mori conspicientes, cadavera, machinis eorum superposita, Intra Caffensem vrbem precipitari Jubebant, ut ipsorum fectore(!) intollerabili, omnino defficerent. Sic sic proiecta videbantur Cacurnina mortuorum, nec christiani latere, nec fugere, nec a tali precipicio liberari valebant, licet deffunctos, quos poterant marinis traderent fluctibus inmergendos. Moxque toto aere inffecto, et aqua uenenata, corrupta putredine, tantusque fetor Increbuit ut vix ex Millibus vnus, relicto exercitu fingere conaretur qui eciam uenenatus alijs ubique uenena preparans, solo aspectu, loca et homines, morbo Inffieret uniuersos. Nec aliquis sciebat, uel poterat viam lnuenire satutis. Sic undique Orientalibus, et meridiana plaga, et qui in Aquilone degebant, sagita percussis Asperima, que coporibus crepidinem Inducebat, morbo pressis pestiffero, fere onmes, defficiebant, et morte subita corruebant. Quanta, qualisque fuerit mortalitas generalis, Cathaijnj, lndi, Perses, Medi , Cardenses, Armeni, Tarsenses, Georgianj, Mesopotami, Nubiani, Ethijopes, Turchumani, Egiptij, Arabici, Saraceni, Greci et fere toto oriente corrupto, clamoribus, flectibus(!) et singultibus occupati, a supra dicto Millesimo usque ad Millesimo, CCCXLVIIII in amaritudine commorantes, extremum deij Judicium suspicantur.	In the year of Our Lord 1346, in the eastern regions, innumerable races of Tartars and Saracens perished due to an inexplicable plague and sudden death. Vast regions of these parts, countless provinces, magnificent kingdoms, cities, castles, and places filled with a dense population, were struck by the plague and succumbed to the horrific bites of death, being emptied of their inhabitants in a short time. For instance, a place called Thanna, in the eastern parts, towards the north near the territory of Constantinople under Tartar rule, where Italian merchants used to gather, was besieged and attacked by countless Tartars over a short period, and left completely desolate after an onslaught. It happened that the Christian merchants, violently expelled, fled to the fortified city of Caffa, which had been constructed long ago in that region by the Genoese, seeking protection for their lives and belongings. The Tartars, fearing the power of their enemy, surrounded the city and laid siege for nearly three years. Besieged by the massive Tartar army, the inhabitants barely managed to survive, despite some help brought by ships carrying supplies, which offered them only slight hope. Suddenly, the Tartars themselves were struck by disease, and their entire army began to weaken and was daily afflicted, with countless numbers dying. It seemed as if arrows were falling from the sky to strike and humble the pride of the Tartars. The infected showed signs in their joints and groins, with a thickened fluid, followed by a putrid fever, causing them to die despite all medical advice or aid. Exhausted by this disastrous plague, the Tartars, seeing no hope of recovery and stunned by the devastation, ordered the bodies of their dead to be catapulted into the city of Caffa to spread the intolerable stench and weaken the inhabitants. Thus, the Christians could neither hide nor escape nor free themselves from this danger, even though they threw the corpses they could into the sea to be carried away by the waves. The air was soon contaminated, the water poisoned, and the corruption spread so intensely that scarcely one in a thousand survived to flee, those who did often carrying the infection, spreading it wherever they went and infecting people and places simply by their presence. No one knew or could find a way to salvation. Thus, in the eastern regions, the southern lands, and the northern inhabitants, struck by the harshest arrows of disease that ate into the body, almost everyone succumbed and fell to sudden death. The scale and nature of the widespread mortality were such that the Cathayans, Indians, Persians, Medes, Kardians, Armenians, Tarsians, Georgians, Mesopotamians, Nubians, Ethiopians, Turcomans, Egyptians, Arabs, Saracens, Greeks, and nearly the entire East, overcome by cries, weeping, and sobs, suspected the final judgment, remaining in bitterness from the said year 1346 until 1349.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 48–49	Translation by Martin Bauch
1346-04-00-the Horde	April 1346 JL	In 747 H (April 24, 1346 to April 12, 1347), the Black Death spread in the Horde (bilād Uzbak), where many people died in villages as well as towns. Plague then arrived in Crimea where the maximum daily death toll amounted to ca. 1,000, as the author, Ibn al-Wardī, was told by a trustworthy merchant. Afterwards, plague spread to Asia Minor (Rūm) where it killed many people. An Aleppine merchant who had returned from Crimea reported to Ibn al-Wardī that the judge (qāḍī) of Crimea had said that they had counted the deceased and that the number had amounted to 85,000 known plague deaths. The plague reached Cyprus, too, and the death toll was enormously high there as well.			Ibn al-Wardī - Tatimmat al-Mukhtaṣar 1970, vol. 2, p. 489	Translation needed
1347-00-00-Bologna	1347 JL	Price increase, famine deaths and rural exodus throughout Europe, but also in Bologna	In questo anno fuo la magiore charestia che se recordi mai huomo alcuno; e del mese de zenaro muntò el formento a soldi 40 la corbe, e del mese de marzo muntò a lire 3 la corbe, e del mese d' aprile muntò a lire 3 soldi x la corbe e stete così infino a recolto. Et trovandosse molto buono racolto de formento, onde per la festa de santo Pietro callò el dito formento in ii sabadi a soldi xx per la corbe, e valse a Fiorenza iii fiorin la corbe, e male se ne posseva avere per li dinari, e molte persone schiosaron per la presia alla chà dal merchado dove se vendeva el formento. Et fuo generale carestia e fame per tuta cristianitade. I contadini veneron a la citade, e per la fame chaschavano per le contrade: grande mortalitatde fuo. Et one domane venìa alle ghiexia grande [S. 564] molte fameie de poveri per avere lemosina, chè continuo ne davano hone domane; fra li quali poveri vedivi morire molti gioveni e puti che murivano de fame in braze alle madre loro, e una grande schiuma li vegnia a la bocha; e questo vidi io scritore in Santo Iacomo di frti Romitani, la quale cosa era una grandissima compassione a vedere	In this year it was the greatest store that any man has ever recorded; and in the month of January he collected fodder at 40 lire, and in the month of March he collected it at 3 lire, and in the month of April he collected it at 3 lire, and stayed like that until the end of the year. And he found a very good harvest of fodder, so that on the feast of Saint Peter he called for fodder on the second Saturday at 20 lire per crown, and it was worth 3 Florins per crown in Florentine, and it was hard to get enough for the money, and many people went to the market where the fodder was sold. And there was general famine and starvation throughout Christendom. The peasants came to the city, and because of hunger, they went out into the countryside: there was great mortality. And one Sunday many families of the poor came to the great guiexia [S. 564] to have lemosina, since they were continually giving them money on Sundays; among the poor you could see many young men and women dying of hunger in the arms of their mothers, and a great froth came to their mouths; and this I saw in Santo Jacomo of the Romitani friars, which was a great pity to see.	Anonymus 1938c, pp. 563-564	Translation by DeepL
1347-00-00-Bologna 003	1347 JL	Price increase, famine deaths and epidemic in Bologna and grain imports of the city	In questo millesimo et anno si fu in queste parte una grande carestia, et qui in Bologna valse la corba del formento lire tre de bolognini; et li nostri signori ne feno venire del formento oltra che cento millia corbe, che'l comparono molto charo et si el feno dare per soldi 36 la corba [...] In lo dicto millesimo si fu in Bologna una grande mortalità et grande fame, chè valse la corba del formento lire tre, soldi x la corba; et morireno in Bologna per la dicta morìa de multi boni homini, tra li quali ce morirono quisti, zoè (List of socially high ranking citizens, scholars and nobles)	In this thousandth and year there was a great famine in these parts, and here in Bologna the forage was worth three lire, three coins; and our lords made the forage come more than one hundred thousand coins, which seem very cheap, and they gave it for 36 coins [... ] In the said thousandth year there was in Bologna a great mortality and great hunger, which made the forage worth three lire, money x the corba; and many good men died in Bologna because of the said death, among whom these died, namely (List of socially high-ranking citizens, scholars and nobles).	Anonymus 1938a, p. 565	Translation by DeepL
1347-00-00-Bologna 004	1347 JL	High mortality, famine and price increase in Bologna	In lo ditto imllesimo fo in Bononia una grande mortalega e de multi boni homini, e fame, che 'l ce valse la corbe del formento libre iii e soldi x.	In the aforementioned year there was a great death in Bologna of many good men, and hunger, which earned us forage in pounds 3 and soldi 10	Anonymus 1938a, p. 567	Translation by DeepL
1347-00-00-Bologna 005	1347 JL	Massive price increase, many deaths and epidemics in Bologna	In questo anno 1347 fu la mazora charastia che se arechordasse mai homo lchuno che fuse vivo al prexento et fu generalmente per tuta la christianita. Et del mexo di zenaro munto el formento a ß 40 la chorbe e del mexo di marzo munto a ß 60 la chorbe e del mexo d' aprile munto a ß 70 la chorbe et stete quossi per persino al recholto. Vedendo tal quosa el nostro S[ignore] M[esser] Tadio di Pepoli di tanta charastia ne feze venire per Bologna circha 50 milia chorbe che chomparo per diversi luchi molto charo per tenire la tera abondante et fe valo dare a quili da Bologna per ß 40 la chorbe. E questo feva per fare abondanzia al suo populo di bologna et ne perisse assai per che [stavua per morir che lino] li veniva e queste per far abondanzia al suo populo di Bologna et esendo venuto el recholto fu uno bono recholto e formento unde per la festa di santo [petronio] chalo el dito formento in tri sabati [cueve] a ß 20 la chorbe e valse la chorbe a fiorenza tri fiorini e malo se ne poseva avere per i 60 [soi] dinari e molte persone se afochorno per la pressia a la cha drimenchato donde se vendeva el formento. e questa tal charistia et famre super tuta christianita i chontadini venivano a la citade e per la fame chadevano per la chontea morti et vedovassi tanti poveri andare cerchanodo limoxena et alchuna volta non atrovavano limoxena chadevano morti per la fame. Et in frian di ubaldi schivando questa partida di suxo una latra chronicha el scriptore che avea schripto quela chronica disse di avere veduto chon li ochi soi morire alchuni pote di fame in braza a le madre e quando erano morti aveano la schiuma a la bocha et era una ghrandisima schurita	Template:TN	Friano Ubaldini 1378, p. 278r	None
1347-00-00-Bologna 006	1347 JL	Epidemics in Bologna.	In questo anno 1347 fu in Bologna una ghrandisima mortalita et mori per Bologna per la dita moria di molti boni homini fra li quai li morti quisti zoe [...] et molti altri assai morino di questa moria ma quisti nominati furno deli principali di Bologna.	In this year 1347 there was in Bologna a great mortality and many good men died in Bologna, among whom these two died [...] and many others died as a result of this death, but those named were the principal ones of Bologna .	Friano Ubaldini 1378, p. 279r.	Translation by DeepL
1347-00-00-Bologna 007	1347 JL	Famine and epidemic in Bologna with more than 4'000 deaths, also deaths from the upper class (with names).	Fò in Bologna tanta fame, e mortalità, che ne morì più di 4000 persone pizoli e grandi, e assai poveri caschavano de fame per le strade, e molti assai vecchi morivano de fame, perche non posseano avere del Pane per li suoi dinari a benchè molti assai ricchi, è questi sono li capi de li homini che morino di fame, e li nomi soi sono scritti quie de sotta, e prima: Misser Jacomo di Butrigiani Donore di lege. Misser Rainiero Samaritani Chavaliero. El Salvatico Dalfino da Loiano. Misser Bertuzo Soprano Medico. Mattiuzo Bianchetto di Bianchitti. Misser Bornino di Pepoli. Misser Marchium degl' Azigreidi. Misser Lippo di Pepoli. misser Azo di Romagno Dottore. Misser Piero di Bonpieri Dottore.	There was so much hunger and death in Bologna, that more than 4000 people died, both young and old, and many poor people were starving in the streets, and many very old people were starving, because they could not get bread for their money, although many were very rich, and these are the heads of the people who died of hunger, and their names are written here underneath, and before: Misser Jacomo di Butrigiani Donore di lege. Misser Rainiero Samaritani Chavaliero. El Salvatico Dalfino da Loiano. Misser Bertuzo Soprano Medico. Mattiuzo Bianchetto di Bianchitti. Misser Bornino di Pepoli. Misser Marchium degl'Azigreidi. Misser Lippo di Pepoli. Misser Azo di Romagno Dottore. Misser Piero di Bonpieri Dottore.	Pietro Fabio 1359–1424, p. 52	Translation by DeepL
1347-00-00-Central Asia	1347 JL	Fire comes out of the earth or falls from heaven in Central Asia as a reason for the outbreak of the Black Death.	Avemmo da mercatanti genovesi, uomini degni di fede, che avieno avute novelle di que' paesi, che alquanto tempo inanzi a questa pistilenzia, nelle parti dell' Asia superiore, uscì della terra, overo cadde da cielo un fuoco grandissimo, il quale stendendosi verso il ponente arse e consumò grandissimo paese sanza alcun riparo. E alquanti dissono che del puzzo di questo fuoco si generò la materia corruttibile della generale pistolenzia: ma questo non possiamo acertare. Apresso sapemmo da uno venerabile frate minore di Firenze vescovo di ..... de Regno, uomo degno di fede, che s'era trovato in quelle parti dov'è la città del Lamech ne' tempi della mortalità, che tre dì e tre notti piovvono in quelle paese biscie con sangue ch' apuzzarono e coruppono tutte le contrade:sc e in [p. 15] quella tempesta fu abattuto parte tel tempio di Maometto, e alquanto della sua sepoltura.	We have had from Genoese merchants, men worthy of faith, who have had news of those countries, that some time before this pistilenzia, in the parts of Upper Asia, a great fire came out of the earth, or fell from the sky, which, spreading towards the west, burned and consumed a great country without any shelter. And some say that from the stench of this fire was generated the corruptible matter of the general conflagration: but this we cannot ascertain. Later we learned from a venerable friar minor of Florence, bishop of ..... of the Kingdom, a man worthy of faith, who had been in those parts where the city of Lamech is in the times of mortality, that three days and three nights it rained in that country snakes with blood that apuzzarono and covered all the countries; and in [p. 15] that storm was torn down part of the temple of Muhammad, and some of his burial place.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 1, pp. 14–15.	Translation by DeepL
1347-00-00-Florence	May 1347 JL	Epidemic follows famine in Florence, 4000 dead (mainly women and children); particularly bad in Romagna, Provence, Bologna, Vignone, Pistoia and Prato. The mortality was foretold by astrologers.	Di grande mortalità che ffu in Firenze, ma più grande altrove, come diremo apresso Nel detto anno e tempo, come sempre pare che segua dopo la carestia e fame, si cominciò in Firenze e nel contado infermeria, e apresso mortalità di genti, e spezialmente in femine e fanciulli, il più in poveri genti, e durò fino al novembre vegnente MCCCXLVII ma però non fu così grande, come fu la mortalità dell'anno MCCCXL come adietro facemmo menzione; ma albitrando al grosso, ch'altrimenti non si può sapere a punto in tanta città come Firenze, ma in di grosso si stimò che morissono in questo tempo più di IIIIm persone, tra uomini e più femmine e fanciulli; morirono bene de' XX l'uno; e fecesi comandamento per lo Comune che niuno morto si dovesse bandire, né sonare campane alle chiese, ove i morti si sotterravano, perchè lla gente non isbigotisse d'udire di tanti morti. E lla detta mortalità fu predetta dinanzi per maestri di strologia, dicendo che quando fu il sostizio vernale, cioè quando il sole entrò nel principio dell'Ariete del mese di marzo passato, l'ascendente che ffu nel detto sostizio fu il segno della Vergine, e 'l suo signore, cioè il pianeto di Mercurio, si trovò nel segno dell'Ariete nella ottava casa, ch'è casa che significa morte; e se non che il pianeto di Giove, ch'è fortunato e di vita, si ritrovò col detto Mercurio nella detta casa e segno, la mortalità sarebbe stata infinita, se fosse piaciuto a dDio. Ma nnoi dovemo credere e avere per certo che Idio promette le dette pestilenze e ll'altre a' popoli, cittadi e paesi [p. 486] per pulizione de'peccati e non solamente per corsi di stelle, ma tolera, siccome signore dell'universo e del corso del celesto, come gli piace; e quando vuole, fa accordare il corso delle stelle al suo giudicio; e questo basti in questa parte e d'intorno a Firenze del detto delli astrolagi. La detta mortalità fu maggiore in Pistoia e Prato e nelle nostre circustanze all'avenante della gente di Firenze, e maggiore in Bologna e in Romagna, e maggiore in Vignone e in Proenza ov'era la corte del papa, e per tutto il reame di Francia.	Of a great mortality which occurred in Florence, although it was greater elsewhere, as we will recount. In this year and season, as seemingly always after food shortages and famines, a sickness began in the city and countryside of Florence. Soon people began to die, especially women and children, and the most among the poor. It lasted until November 1347, but it was not as great as the mortality of 1340 that we described earlier. If we make a rough guess—it is impossible to do otherwise in a city as great as Florence—it seems that this time more than four thousand people died, men and more women and children. More than one in twenty died. It was ordered by the commune that no death be announced and no church bell be sounded during burials, lest people be terrified to hear of so many deaths. This mortality was foretold by master astrologers who stated that during the vernal solstice—that is when the sun entered the sign of Aries last March—the sign of Virgo was rising and Virgo’s ruler Mercury was in the eighth house of Aries, a house signifying death. And were it not for the fact that Jupiter, which brings fortune and life, accompanied Mercury in this house and sign, the mortality would have been endless—if this had pleased God. But we should believe and be certain that the Lord God promises the said pestilences and others to peoples, cities, and lands to cleanse their sins, and [that he does so] not only through the movement of the stars but sometimes—as Lord of the universe and celestial motion—according to his will. And when he wishes, he matches the movement of the stars to his judgment. Let this suffice regarding Florence, its surroundings, and the sayings of astrologers. This mortality was greater in Pistoia and Prato and in the surrounding territories nearer to Florence; it was greater in Bologna and in Romagna; it was greater at Avignon and in Provence, where the papal court was, and throughout the kingdom of France.	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 485–486.	None
1347-00-00-Florence 001	1347 JL	Until harvest-time the problems of food shortage still existed in Florence. The first signs of the Black Death were seen in this time, but the plague arose already 2 year earlier in the East. The symptoms were horrible and many people died.	Altero dehinc anno, priusquam segetes maturescerent, eaedem quae superiori tempore difficultates rei frumentariae populum tenuere. Maturis deinde frugibus atque collectis, difficultates illae pristinae cessavere. Variis tamen morborum generibus laborabatur, et pestilentiae, qua postmodum vastata Italia est, signa quaedam horrenda tunc primum apparuerunt. Ea clades biennio fere ante (quantum haberi notitia poterat) in Orientis partibus coorta; mox inde per populos pestilenti contagio evagata, alia subinde appetendo loca, regiones cumulatis funeribus inanierat. Febris erat sopifera et inguinis tumor. Id quasi venenum quoddam robustissimos iuvenes, alioquin sanos, repente invadens, paucissimis interdum enecabat horis. Contagia omnium exitiosa erant. Ea igitur tunc civitatem ingressa imbecilliora primum corpora puerorum puellarumque conficere coepit; inde ad firmiora transgrediens, per omnem sexum aetatemque vagata est.	The next year, up until harvest-time, the People were preoccupied with the same difficulties of provisioning as before; but once the crops ripened and were harvested, these earlier difficulties ceased. Yet they were still suffering from diseases of various kinds, and certain horrid signs of the pestilence which afterwards devastated Italy then became manifest for the first time. As far as one can tell, this disaster had arisen two years earlier in parts of the East, then soon spread with epidemic virulence from populace to populace, seeking out one place after another, emptying whole regions with piles of corpses. It caused a sleep-inducing fever and a swelling in the groin. Like a kind of poison it suddenly attacked the most robust young men, otherwise healthy, and killed them in a few hours. It was the most destructive of all epidemics; and it was this epidemic that entered the city at that time. It began by first consuming the weaker bodies of boys and girls, then passed on to the stronger, spreading through both sexes and persons of every age.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 310.	None
1347-00-00-Florence 002	1347 JL	The great shortage of food in Florence led to disease and illness. The city took measures to reduce poverty, usury and exploitation. In addition, many prisoners were allowed to go out to freedom under certain terms. The conditions in the prisons were so terrible, that it was unavoidable.	Di certe novità e ordini che ssi feciono in Firenze per lo caro ch'era, e mortalità Essendo in Firenze e d'intorno il caro grande di grano e d'ogni vittuaglia, come poco adietro avemo fatta menzione, essendone afritti i cittadini e contadini, spezialmente i poveri e impotenti, e ogni dì venia montando il caro e lla difalta; e oltre a cciò conseguente cominciata infermità e mortalità, il Comune provide e fece dicreto a dì XIII di marzo che niuno potesse esere preso per niuno debito di fiorini C d'oro, o da indi in giù, infino a calen di agosto vegnente, salvo all'uficiale della mercatantia da libre XXV in su, acciò che ll'impotenti non fossono tribolati di loro debiti, avendo la passione della fame e mortalità. E oltre a cciò feciono ordine che nessuno potesse vendere lo staio del grano più di soldi XL; e chi nne recasse di fuori del contado di Firenze per vendere, avesse dal Comune fiorino uno d'oro del moggio; ma non si potéo osservare, che tanto montò la carestia e difalta, che ssi vendea fiorino uno d'oro lo staio, e talora libre IIII; e se non fosse la provisione del Comune, come dicemmo adietro, il popolo moria di fame. E per la pasqua di Risoresso seguente, che ffu in calen di aprile MCCCXLVII, il Comune (p. 484) fece offerta di tutti i prigioni ch'erano nelle carcere, che riavessero pace da'loro nimici, e stati in prigione da calen di febraio adietro; e chiunque v'era per debito da libre C in giù, rimanendo obrigato al suo creditore; e ffu gran bene e limosina, che per la 'nopia è ggià cominciata la mortalità, ogni dì morivano nelle carcere due o tre prigioni; furono gli oferti in quello dì CLXXIII, che ve ne avea più di D in più in grande inopia e povertà. E poi a l'uscita di maggio per sudette cagioni si fece riformagione per lo Comune di Firenze, che chiunque fosse nelle carcere o fosse in bando di pecunia da fiorini C d'oro in su, ne potesse uscire pagando al Comune in danari contanti soldi III per libra di quello fosse condannato o sbandito, e scontando ancora i soldi XVII per libra del debito del Comune che s'avea chi llo volea comperare per XXVIII o XXX per C da coloro che doveano avere dal Comune, che venia la detta gabella di pagare da soldi VII e mezzo per libra. Certi gli pagaro e uscirono di bando e di prigione, ma non furo guari; tanto era povero il comune popolo di cittadini per lo caro e ll'altre aversità occorse.	Of certain measures taken and ordinances made in Florence because of the recent food shortage and the sickness. As we noted a short while ago, there was a great shortage of grain and other foodstuffs in the city and the territory of Florence. The citizens and country folk were afflicted by this shortage, especially the poor and the powerless. Every day this shortage and this lack [of food] grew worse and, what is more, there then began a great sickness and mortality. The commune took things in hand, decreeing on the 23rd of March that until the coming August no one could be arrested for any debt of one hundred gold florins or less, unless by an official of the merchants’ court for twenty-five lire or more—this so that the powerless would not be harassed for their debts, since they were already suffering from hunger and sickness. Moreover, they issued an ordinance that no one could sell a staio of grain for more than forty soldi. And anyone who brought grain to sell from beyond the contado of Florence would receive one gold florin per moggio from the commune. But these ordinances could not be obeyed because the shortage and the lack [of food] so worsened that grain was being sold at one gold florin per staio, and sometimes at four lire per staio. And were it not for the provisions of the commune, which we mentioned earlier, the popolo would have died of hunger. The following Easter, which came in the month of April 1347, the commune made an offering of all jailed prisoners who had been in prison since the previous February and who were able to make peace with their enemies, and of prisoners who had been imprisoned for debts of one hundred Lire or less ([although] they remained obliged to their creditors). This was good and charitable, since the shortage had already provoked sickness and two or three prisoners were dying every day in the jails. On that day, one hundred seventy-three prisoners were offered, and there were more than five hundred others in great want and poverty. And then at the end of May, for the abovementioned reasons, a reform was made by the Commune of Florence—whoever was in jail or under ban for one hundred gold florins or more could get out by paying the commune three soldi for every one lira of the sum for which they had been condemned or banned, forgiving the seventeen soldi per lira of their debt to the commune, for there were those who were willing to buy [this debt] at twenty-eight or at thirty per one hundred from those who were creditors of the commune and this because the said gabelle stood to pay 7% soldi per lira. Some paid and were released from ban and from prison but they (p. 137) were very few, so poor were the common popolo of citizens as a consequence of the shortage and the other adversities which had occured.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, pp. 483-484.	None
1347-00-00-Iceland 001	1347 JL	Fourth smallpox epidemic in Iceland in 1347	Bolna sótt hin fiorða vm allt land. sva mikil at engi var sva gamall at slika myndi. var sva til reiknat at nær .cccc. manna andaðiz i henni milli Hvitskeggs huams ok Bótz ár. sva ok vm Floann ok Aulfusit með sama móti. Gekk sóttin fyrir sunn an land þetta arit enn it siðarra fyrir norðan. for hon sva gersamliga yfir sveitirnar at hon tok naliga hvern yngra mann enn fertugan. ok marga ellri. ok iafnvel var bolan a bórnunum þeim er moðirin fæddi viðr andlát sitt.	Fourth smallpox pandemic in the entire country. So severe that no one was old enough to remember something comparable. It was thus counted that close to 400 men died between Hvítskeggshvammur and the Bót river. So [it happened] also around Flói and Ölfusá in the same manner. The plague went through the south of the country this year, while the last one went through the north. It [= the plague] swept unremittingly through the districts so that it took almost every younger man under forty. and many elder ones. and there were even buboes on the children who were born during their mother's death.	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 213	Translation by Carina Damm
1347-00-00-Iceland 002	1347 JL	Smallpox in Iceland in 1347	Bolna sott for um allt landit ok andadiz fioldi mannz.	Smallpox swept through the entire country and many people died.	Annálarbrot frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 223	Translation by Carina Damm
1347-00-00-Iceland 003	1347 JL	Smallpox with high mortality in Iceland in 1347	Jtem bolna sott mickil vm allt Jsland. ok andadizst fiolde folks.	Then [there was] a great smallpox [plague] all around Iceland. And many people died.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 274-75	Translation by Carina Damm
1347-00-00-Italy	1347 JL	High mortality in Italy	Mortalitas magna per totum fere mundum		Cronica Patricii Ravennatis, p. 1172	Translation needed
1347-00-00-Italy1	1347 JL	Spread of the Black Death across the Mediterranean into Italy and its major islands with processions emerging in Florence.	E stesesi la detta pistolenza infino in Turchia e grecia, avendo prima ricerco tutto Levante i Misopotania, Siria, Caldea, Suria, Ciptro, il Creti, i Rodi, e tutte l'isole dell'Arcipelago di Grecia, e poi si stese in Cicilia, e Sardigna, Corsica, ed Elba, e per simile modo tutte le marine e riviere di nostri mari; ed otto galee di Genovesi c'erano ite nel mare Maggiore, morendo la maggiore parte, non ne tornarono che quattro galee piene d'infermi, morendo al continuo; e quelli che giunsono a Genova, tutti quasi morirono, e corruppono sì l'aria dove (p. 487) arivavano, che chiunque si riparava co lloro poco apresso morivano. Ed era una maniera d'infermità, che non giacia l'uomo III dì, aparendo nell'anguinaia o sotto le ditella certi enfiati chiamati gavoccioli, e tali ghianducce, e tali gli chiamavano bozze, e sputando sangue. E al prete che confessava lo 'nfermo, o guardava, spess s'apiccava la detta pistilenza per modo ch'ogni infermo era abbandonato di confessione, sagramento, medicine e guardie. Per la quale sconsolazione il papa fece dicreto, perdonando colpa e pena a' preti che confessassono o dessono sagramento alli infermi, e lli vicitasse e guardasse. E durò questa pestilenzia fina a ... e rimasono disolate di genti molte province e cittadini. E per questa pistilenza, acciò che Iddio la cessasse e guardassene la nostra città di Firenze e d'intorno, si fece solenne processione in mezzo marzo MCCXLVII per tre dì. E tali son fatti i giudici di Dio per pulire i peccati de' viventi..	This pestilence spread into Turkey and Greece, having first circled the Levant—Mesopotamia, Assyria, Chaldea, Syria, Cyprus, Crete, Rhodes, and all the islands of the archipelago of Greece—and then spread to Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and Elba and in like manner to all the shores and coasts of our seas. [When] eight Genoese galleys sailed into the Black Sea, the greater part of their crews died, and only four galleys returned, full of sick men who were dying one after another. Almost all those who reached Genoa died, and so corrupted the air where they landed, that whoever met with them died shortly afterward. This was the manner of the sickness: certain swellings appeared on the groin or below the armpits, swellings which some called gavoccioli and some ghianducce and some bozze, and which oozed blood. A man could not live for more than three days after they appeared. And this pestilence often attached itself to the priests who heard the confessions of the sick, or who looked after the sick, so that the sick were deprived of confession, sacrament, medicine, and watchers. This terrible problem led the pope to issue a decree, pardoning sin and penance to those priests who confessed or gave the sacrament to the sick, and who visited and watched over them. (p. 139) And this pestilence lasted until [. . .] and many provinces and cities were desolated. And in mid-March 1347, a solemn procession was held [every day] for three days, so that the Lord God might end this pestilence and Protect our city of Florence and its surroundings. ‘Thus do the judgments of God cleanse the sins of the living. Let us leave this matter, and speak somewhat of the deeds of the newly elected Emperor Charles of Bohemia.	Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 487–488	None
1347-00-00-Kuyavia	1347 JL	Severe plague in Kuyavia and after that Jews were being burned all over Germany	Anno Domini 1347 fuit gravis pestilencia et tunc Iudei per totam Almaniam fuerunt cremati, quia dicebantur christianum populum intoxicasse, ut fuit compertum.	In the year of our Lord 1347, there was a great plague, and at that time, the Jews throughout Germany were burned because they were accused of poisoning the Christian people, as it was determined.	Annales Cuiavienses II, p. 889	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1347-00-00-Lombardy	1347 JL	Cold weather followed by famine. Then outbreak of the Black Death in parts of Lombardy, especially in rural areas, but also in Varese; plague spares Milan, Novara, Pavia, Cuneo and Vercelli. Source is notorious for confused, imprecise and contradictory chronology<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>	Dixeram supra quod tunc temporis nix erat magna et fuit verum; nam duravit super facie terre usque ad finem raensis martii vel quasi, propter quam campestria tantum fastidium frigoris et undacionis susceperunt quod biada, nive recedente, ut plurimum mortua aparebant. Ex qua multe terre habitatoribus private fuerunt, maxime in montanis partibus; deinde, fame cessante, cepit morbus prosiliens a partibus ul'tramarinis partes inferiores invadere; et primo Bononiam applicuit, videlicet anno MCCCXLIIII, in qua civitate infiniti perierunt, omni defensione et medela destituta. Due partes autem corporum dicebantur periisse. Invasitque pestilencia Januam ubi simili modo perierunt; invasit Parmam in qua multi defecerunt. Servavit Mediolanum, Papiam, Novariam, Cumas, Vercellas, set discurrando occupavit Lombardiam a dicto anno usque annum MCCCXLVII, ubi iterum super districtu Novarie vigebat; nam in dicto districtu Momum vacuavit, Bellanzagum similiter et in Burgomanerio ', ubi conversationem habebam, ubi dicti viri belligeri habitabant, perlerunt dieta clade in tribus mensibus prò completis centenaria xxvii virorum, computatis mulieribus et parvulis, nec in aliìs terris tunc insilivit novariensibus; in comitatu autem Mediolani in partibus Varixii, Anglerie, Gallarate et circumstanciis ut supra, sine numero perierunt. Cessavit itaque dieta pestilentìa moriendi, tamen in aliquibus locis discurrendo.	I mentioned above that at that time there was a great snowfall, and it was true; for it lasted on the surface of the earth until the end of March or nearly so. Because of this, the fields suffered so much from the cold and flooding that, when the snow melted, most of the crops appeared dead. As a result, many lands were deprived of their inhabitants, especially in the mountainous regions. Then, as the famine ceased, a disease began to spread from the overseas regions, invading the lower areas. It first struck Bologna in the year 1344 (sic!), where countless people perished, lacking any defense or remedy. It was said that two-thirds of the population died. The pestilence then invaded Genoa, where many similarly perished, and then Parma, where many died as well. Milan, Pavia, Novara, Como, and Vercelli were spared, but the disease spread throughout Lombardy from that year until 1347 (sic!), when it again raged in the district of Novara. In that district, it emptied Momeliano, Bellinzona, and Borgomanero, where I lived, and where the mentioned warriors lived. In three months, 2,700 men perished, including women and children, and the disease did not attack other lands in Novara at that time. However, in the surroundings of Milan, in the regions of Varese, Angera, Gallarate, and the surrounding areas, countless people perished. Thus, the aforementioned pestilence ceased in its deadliness, though it continued to spread in some places	Cognasso 1926-39, p. 53.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-00-00-Middle East	1347 JL	Fire comes out of the earth or falls from heaven in Middle East and beginning of the Black Death at the mouth of the Don and in Trabizond.	Ma infinita mortalità, e che più durò, fu in Turchia, e in quelli paesi d'oltremare, e tra' Tarteri. E avenne tra' detti Tarteri grande giudicio di Dio e maraviglia quasi incredibile, e ffu pure vera e chiara e certa, che tra 'l Turigi e 'l Cattai nel paese di Parca, e oggi di Casano signore di Tartari in India, si cominciò uno fuoco uscito di sotterra, overo che scendesse da cielo, che consumò uomini, e bestie, case, alberi, e lle pietre e lla terra, e vennesi stendendo più di XV giornate atorno con tanto molesto, che chi non si fuggì fu consumato, ogni criatura a abituro, istendendosi al continuo. E gli uomini e femine che scamparono del fuoco, di pistolenza morivano. E alla Tana, e Tribisonda, e per tutti que' paesi non rimase per la detta pestilenza de' cinque l'uno, e molte terre vi s'abbandarono tra per la pestilenzia, e tremuoti grandissimi, e folgori. E per le lettere di nostri cittadini degni di fede ch'erano in que' paesi, ci ebbe come a Sibastia piovvono grandissima quantità di vermini [p. 487] grandi uno sommesso con VIII gambe, tutti neri e conduti, e vivi e morti, che apuzzarono tutta la contrada, e spaventevoli a vedere, e cui pugnevano, atosicavano come veleno. E in Soldania, in una terra chiamata Alidia, non rimasono se non femmine, e quelle per rabbia manicaro l'una l'altra. E più maravigliosa cosa e quasi incredibile contaro avenne in Arcaccia, uomini e femmine e ogni animale vivo diventarono a modo di statue morte a modo di marmorito, e i signori d'intorno al paese pe' detti segni si propuosono di convertire alla fede cristiana; ma sentendo il ponente e paesi di Cristiani tribolati simile di pistolenze, si rimasono nella loro perfidia. E a porto Tarlucco, inn-una terra ch'ha nome Lucco inverminò il mare bene x miglia fra mare, uscendone e andando fra terra fino alla detta terra, per la quale amirazione assai se ne convertirono alla fede di Cristo.	But the mortality was much greater and much more severe in Turkey and in Outremer, and among the Tartars. And a great judgment of God occurred among these Tartars, a marvel almost unbelievable but which was true, clear, and certain. Between the Turigi and the Cattai in the land of Parca, presently ruled by Casano, lord of the Tartars in India, a fire began to burn forth from the ground, or indeed to fall from the sky. It consumed men, animals, houses, trees, and (p. 138) the stones, and the earth, spreading a distance of more than fifteen days’ travel all around, with such great harm that those who did not flee were consumed—every creature and every inhabitant—as it ceaselessly spread. The men and women who escaped this fire died of pestilence. At Tana and Trebizond, and in all those lands, not one person out of five survived and many cities were abandoned because of the pestilence and terrible earthquakes and lightning. We learn from letters sent by trustworthy citizens of our city who were in those lands that a very great quantity of little worms rained down on Sibastia. Each was one span in length, colored black with eight legs and a tail. They fell both alive and dead and were terrifying to behold, filling the city with their stench, and those whom they stung were poisoned as with venom. In Soldania, in a city called Alidia, only the females remained and these [worms], driven by rage, ate one another. [The letters] tell of an even more marvelous and almost unbelievable thing that occurred in Arcaccia: men and women and every living animal became like dead statues of marble. Nearby lords saw these signs and considered converting to the Christian faith, but when they heard that the West and the Christian lands were suffering from these same pestilences, they persisted in their wickedness. At Porto Talucco, in a city called Lucco, the sea was filled for ten miles with worms that crawled out of the water and across the land all the way up to the city. Many people were so astonished by this that they converted to the faith of Christ.	Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 486–487	None
1347-00-00-Naples	1347 JL	Louis I of Hungary went on pilgrimage to Apulia to confirm the barons and to escape the plague which already raged in Naples.	[…] E partita del Regno la detta compagna, se n'andò il re il Puglia in pellegrinaggio al Monte Santo Agnolo e San Nicolò di Bari, e per sagire i baroni e paese di Puglia alla sua signoria, e per cessare la pistolenza della mortalità, che già era cominciata a Napoli grandissima.	After this company departed the regno, the king went on pilgrimage to Puglia, to Monte Santo Angelo and San Niccolò di Bari, to confirm the barons and the land of Puglia under his lordship and to escape the pestilence of sickness which had already begun and was already great in Naples.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, p. 548.	None
1347-01-00-Piombino	January 1347 JL	Black Death in Piombino, but only a few deaths in Milan.	Il detto morbo s'atachò a Pionbino, inperochè vi venne cierti Genovesi di quelle maledette galee, e morivi e' 3 quarti de le persone in Pionbino; per tanto si fu per abandonare. Queste maledette galee de' Genovesi venivano e aveano aiutato a' Saraceni e al Turco a pigliare la città di Romania che era de' Cristiani che non féro i Turchi, e per questo si tenea che Dio avea mandato tanta mortalità a i detti Genovesi e a' Cristiani e in Turchia, e morì in Saracina e' tre quarti e così de' Cristiani. A Milano morì poca gente, inperochè morì 3 fameglie, le quali le case loro furo murate l'uscia e le finestre, chè nissuno v'entrasse.	The disease came to Piombino, because some Genoese from those cursed galleys came there, and three quarters of the people died in Piombino; therefore it was abandoned. These accursed galleys of the Genoese came and had helped the Saracens and the Turks to take the city of Romania, which belonged to the Christians, rather than the Turks, and for this reason it was believed that God had sent so much mortality to the said Genoese and the Christians and in Turkey, and three quarters died in Saracina and so of the Christians. In Milan few people died, for three families died, and their houses were walled up with doors and windows, so that no one could enter.	Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939, p. 553.	Translation by DeepL
1347-02-00-Avignon	February 1347 JL	Famine and afterwards mortality in Avignon (fasting period until Whitsun).	Anno Domini MCCCXLVII in quadragesima et inter pascha et pentecosten circa Avionem propter gwerrarum rabiosam inundacionem circumquaque exortam fames exicialis et prevalida facta est, propter quam innumerabiles populi morte repentina extincti dicebantur. In tantum eciam mortalitas famem horrendam subsecuta seviebat, quod in plateis, vicis et in sterquiliniis prostrati miserabiliter iacuerunt.	In the year of our Lord 1347, during Lent and between Easter and Pentecost, near Avignon, due to the violent outbreak of war, a devastating famine arose everywhere, causing countless people to be struck down by sudden death. Such a terrible mortality ensued from the famine that people were said to be dying innumerable deaths. To such an extent did the deadly famine rage, that people miserably lay prostrate in the streets, alleys, and dung heaps.	Johannes von Winterthur, p. 270.	Translation by DeepL
1347-05-00-Bologna	May 1347 JL	Mortality in Bologna, Brescia, Milan and Florence, 10.000 deaths over several months	Dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas personarum maxime in civitate Bononiae, et [mortui sunt] de maioribus et melioribus personis ipsius civitatis ultra decem milia personarum et duravit dicta mortalitas a mense maii usque ad mensem septembris; et similiter fuit dicta mortalitas in civitate Mediolani, Brixiae et Florentiae.	In the same year, there was a great mortality of people, especially in the city of Bologna, and over ten thousand of the most prominent and best citizens of that city died. This mortality lasted from the month of May until the month of September. Similarly, there was said to be a great mortality in the cities of Milan, Brescia, and Florence	Giovanni da Bazzano - Chronicon Mutinense 1917, p. 135	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-08-00-Florence	August 1347 JL	A comet was seen as a sign of evil things, such as the death of kings and potentates and mortality. The predictions turned out to be true, as the forthcoming events have shown, especially in the Orient during this time.	Come in cielo aparve una commeta. Nel detto anno, del mese d'agosto, aparve in cielo la stella commeta, che ssi chiama Nigra, nel segno del Tauro, a gradi XVI nel capo della figura e segno del Gorgone, e durò XV dì. Questa Nigra è della natura di Saturno, e per sua infruenzia si cria, secondo che dice Zael filosofo e strolago, e più altri maestri della detta scienzia, la quale significa pure male e morte di re e di potenti; e questo dimostrò assai tosto in più re e reali, come inanzi leggendo si troverà; e ingenerò grande mortalità ne' paesi ove il detto pianeto e segno signoreggiano; e bene il dimostrò inn-Oriente e nelle marine d'intorno, come dicemmo adietro.	How a comet appeared in the heavens. In August of that year (1347) the comet called Nigra appeared in the heavens in the sign of Taurus, at sixteen degrees in the head of the constellation and sign of Gorgon and stayed there for fifteen days. This Nigra is of the nature of Saturn, whose power creates it, according to Zael, philosopher and astrologer, and many other masters of this science. It is a sign of evil things - the deaths of kings and of potentates; this was soon revealed [by what happened to] many kings and royals - as one will find by reading ahead. It brought great mortality to the lands where the planet and the sign rule. And events in the Orient and on nearby shores, which we have recounted, demonstrate this well.	Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, p. 510.	None
1347-09-00-Catania	September 1347 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Catania with detailed description of symptoms and social disintegration. Prominent victim of the plague is Duke Giovanni d'Aragona, Regent of the Kingdom of Trinacria/Sicily at the time.	Quid dicemus de civitate Cataniae, quae oblivioni tradita est? Tanta fuit pestis praedicta exorta in ea, quod non solum pustulae illae, quae "anthraci" vulgari vocabulo nuncupabantur, sed etiam glandulae quaedam in diversis corporum membris nascebantur, nunc in pectine, aliae in tibiis, aliae in brachiis, aliae in gutture. Quae quidem a principio erant sicut avellanae, et crescebant cum magno frigoris rigore, et in tantum humanum corpus extendebant et affligebant, quod diutius in se potentiam non habens standi, se ad lectum perferrebat, febribus immensis incitatus, et amaritudine non modica contristatus. Quapropter glandulae illae ad modum nucis crescebant, deinde ad modum ovi gallinae vel anseris, et quorum dolores non modici, et humorum putrefactione urgebant dictum humanum corpus sanguinem expuere; quod sputum, a pulmonibus infecto perveniens ad guttur, totum corpus humanum putrefaciebat: quo putrefacto, humoribus deficientibus, spiritum exalabant. Quae quidem infirmitas triduo perdurabat; quarto vero die ad minus a rebus humanis praedicta humana corpora erant adepta. Catanienses vero perpendentes talem aegritudinem sic brevi finire tempore, sicuti dolor capitis eis superveniebat, et rigor frigoris, omnia peccata eorum primo et ante omnia sacerdotibus confitebantur, et deinde testamenta eorum conficiebantur. Tanta erat in praedicta civitate condemnsa mortalitas, quod iudices et notarii se ad testamenta facienda ire recusabant. Et si ad aliquem infirmum accederent, ab eo procul omnino stabant. Sacerdotes ullatenus ad domos infirmorum accedere timore proximi mortis trepidabant. Tanta erat immensa mortalitas in civitate praedicta, quod iudices et notarii in conficiendis testamentis, nec sacerdotes ad peccatorum confitenda peccamina poterant totaliter continuo vacare. Patriarcha vero praedictus, volens de animabus Cataniensium providere, cuilibet sacerdoti, licet minimo, totam, quam habebat ipse episcopalem et patriarchalem licentiam, de absolvendis peccatis tribuit atque dedit. Quapropter omnes, qui deficiebant, secundum veram opinionem ad locum Dei tutam infallibiliter erant recepti. Dux vero Joannes praedictus timens mortem supradictam, nolens civitatibus et locis appropinquare habitatis propter aeris infectionem, per loca nemorosa et inhabitata, circumquaque se hinc inde continue versabatur. Sed dum hinc inde nunc ad aquam salis, quae est in nemore Cataniensi, nunc ad quamdam turrim, quae vocatur "Lu Blancu" per sex milliaria a civitate Cataniae distantem, nunc ad quandam ecclesiam sancti Salvatoris de Blanchardu in nemore civitatis praedictae, se quasi latitando discurreret, pervenit ad quamdam ecclesiam, seu locum per dictum Ducem noviter constructum [p. 568] vocatum sanctu Andria, qui locus est in confiniis nemoris Mascalarum; in quo dum incolumis ac sanus existeret, ex quadam sibi superveniente infirmitate mortuus extitit. Corpus cuius fuit sepultum in maiori Catanensi Ecclesia, in eo videlicet tumulo, ubi corpus quondam Friderici Regis patris sui fuerat conditum et humatum. Et hoc anno Domini MCCCXLVIII, de mense Aprilis primae Indictionis. Quae quidem mortalitas duravit a mense Septembris dictae primae Indictionis usque ad mortem Ducis supradicti paulo ante vel post. Talis itaque gravis fuit mortalitas in nullo dispar sexu, in nulla aetate dissimilis, generaliter cunctos iugiter affecit, ut etiam quos non egit in mortem, turpi macie exinanitos afflictosque dimisit atque relaxavit. In qua mortalitate fuit dictus Patriarcha mortuus, et sepultus in maiori Catanensi Ecclesia, anima cuius in pace quiescat.	What shall we say of the city of Catania, which has been consigned to oblivion? Such was the plague that arose there that not only did those pustules called "anthraces" in the common tongue appear, but also certain swellings in various parts of the body—now on the chest, some on the shins, others on the arms, and others in the throat. These, at first, were like hazelnuts, and they grew with a great chill and afflicted the human body so severely that, unable to stand any longer, the person would collapse onto the bed, overcome by intense fevers and burdened with great bitterness. As a result, those swellings would grow to the size of a walnut, then to the size of a hen's egg or even a goose's egg, and the pain was unbearable. The rotting of bodily fluids caused the afflicted person to spit blood; this sputum, infected from the lungs and reaching the throat, would completely decay the entire body. Once the body had decayed and the fluids had been drained, the person would exhale their spirit. This disease would last three days; by the fourth day, at the latest, the person would succumb. The people of Catania, observing that such an illness would end so quickly, often experienced severe headaches and chills. In this state, they confessed all their sins, first and foremost, to priests, and then prepared their wills. The mortality in the aforementioned city was so severe that judges and notaries refused to go to prepare the wills. And if they did approach any of the sick, they kept a great distance. Priests, too, were afraid to approach the homes of the sick out of fear of their own impending deaths. The mortality in the city was so immense that judges and notaries could not keep up with preparing wills, nor could priests attend continuously to the confession of sins. The Patriarch, seeing the need to provide for the souls of the people of Catania, granted to each priest, even the humblest, the full authority of his episcopal and patriarchal license to absolve sins. Because of this, all who died were, according to true belief, received into the secure presence of God. Duke Giovanni [di Randazzo/d'Aragona, 1317-1348], fearing the aforementioned plague and not wanting to approach inhabited cities or places due to the infection of the air, moved about continuously through forested and uninhabited areas. Wandering from one place to another, he would sometimes go to the Salt Spring in the forest near Catania, sometimes to a tower called "Lu Blancu," six miles from the city of Catania, or to a church called S. Salvatoris de Blanchardu in the forest of the aforementioned city. While wandering in hiding, he eventually came to a church or location newly constructed by the Duke, called S. Andrea, which is situated on the borders of the Mascalarum forest. While living there in good health, he was overtaken by a sudden illness and died. His body was buried in the major church of Catania, in the very tomb where the body of Frederick, King and his father, had been buried and laid to rest. This happened in the year of our Lord 1348, in the month of April, during the first Indiction. This mortality lasted from September of the same first Indiction until shortly before or after the death of the aforementioned Duke. Such a grave mortality affected all, regardless of sex or age, and struck everyone continuously. Even those whom it did not bring to death were left emaciated and afflicted with a wretched gauntness, ultimately releasing them in a weakened state. During this mortality, the aforementioned Patriarch also died and was buried in the major church of Catania, and may his soul rest in peace.	Michele da Piazza 1791, pp. 567-568.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-10-00-Messina	October 1347 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Messina, Sicily on board of Genoese ships.	Caput XXVII. De repentina mortalitate orta in Regno Sicilie & quo tempore duravit, & quid actum eo tempore extitit [...] Accidit ergo, quod de mense octobris anno dominice incarnationis MCCCXLVII circa principium mensis octobris prime indictionis, duodecim galee januensium, divinam fugientes ulcionem, quam Dominus noster pro eorum iniquitatibus desuper eis transmiserat, applicuerunt in portum civitatis Messane, talem secum morbum ossibus infixum deferentes, quod si quis cum aliquo ipsorum locutus fuisset , erat infirmitate effectus letali, quam mortem nullatenus evadere poterat inmediate. Signa vero mortis ianuensium et messanensium cum eis participantium talia erant. Quod propter infectionem hanelitus inter eos mixti universaliter alloquentes , adeo unus alterum inficiebat , quod quasi totus dolore concussus videbatur, et quodammodo conquassatus; ex cujus doloris conquassatione, et hanelitus inficatione oriebatur quedam pustula circa femur , vel brachium ad modum lenticule. Que ita inficiebat et penetrabat corpus, quod violenter spuebant sanguinem: quo sputo spuendo per triduum, incessanter sine aliqua cura curabili vitam expirabant; et non tantum moriebantur quicumque eis conversabantur, ymmo quicumque de rebus eorum 63) emeret, tangeret, seu affectaret. Messanenses vero cognoscentes dictam eorum repentinam mortem eis incurrere propter januensium galearum adventum, eos de portu et civitate predicta cum festinantia maxima expulerunt. Remansitque dicta infirmitas in civitate predicta, ex qua sequuta extitit immensa mortalitas. Et in tantum unus alium habebat exosum, quod si filius de morbo predicto infirmabatur, pater sibi adherere penitus recusabat; et si ad eum ausus esset appropinquare, adeo infectus erat morbo predicto, quod mortem nullatenus evadere poterat, quin per triduum suum spiritum non exalaret. Et non tantum solus ipse de domo moriebatur, sed omnes familiares in eadem domo astantes, catuli, et animalia in dicta domo existentia patrem familias mortui sequebantur. Et intantum mortalitas ipsa Messanensibus invaluit, quod petebant multi sacerdotibus confiteri sua peccata, et testamenta conficere, et sacerdotes, judices et notarii ad domos eorum accedere recusabant; et si aliqui ipsorum ad eorum hospitia ingrediebantur pro testamentis, et talibus conficiendis, mortem nullatenus repentinam poterant (p 83) evitare. Fratres vero Ordinis minorum et Predicatorum et aliorum ordinum accedere volentes ad domos infirmorum predictorum, et confitentes eisdem de eorum peccatis, et dantes eis penitentiam juxta velle sermus. divinam justitia, adeo letalis mors ipsos infecit, quod fere in eorum cellulis de eis aliqui remanserunt. Quid ultra? Cadavera stabant sola in hospitiis propriis, nullus sacerdos, filius, sive pater, atque consanguineus ausus erat in eisdem intrare, sed tribuebant bastatiis non modicam pensionem pro cadaveribus in sepultura deferendis predictis. Hospitia defunctorum remanebant aperta, et patentia cum omnibus jocalibus, pecunia, et thesauris; adeo ut si quis ingredi vellet, aditus a nullo proibitus erat. Nam tanta subito pestilentia exorta est, ut ministri quoque primum non sufficerent, deinde non essent. Quapropter Messanenses hunc casum terribilem et monstruosum intuentes, migrare de civitate quam mori potius elegerunt; et non solum in urbem veniendi, sed etiam appropinquandi ad eam negabatur. In aeris et in vineis extra civitatem cum eorum familiis statuerunt mansiones. Aliqui vero et pro majori parte in civitatem Catanie perrexerunt, confisi quod beata Cataniensis Agatha virgo eosdem tali infirmitate liberaret. Inclita regina Helisabeth regina Sicilie, existens in civitate Catanie, don Fridericum filium suum, qui in civitate Messane tunc temporis aderat, ad se festinante jussit venire; qui cum galeis venetorum Cataniam festinanter applicuit.	Chapter XXVII: On the sudden mortality that arose in the Kingdom of Sicily, the duration of that time, and what happened during that time Therefore, it happened that in the month of October in the year of our Lord's Incarnation 1347, around the beginning of October, twelve Genoese galleys, fleeing divine retribution which our Lord had sent upon them for their sins, docked at the port of the city of Messina. They brought with them a disease so deeply embedded in their bones that if anyone spoke with any of them, they were struck with a fatal illness from which they could not escape immediate death. The signs of death among the Genoese and those of Messina who interacted with them were such that, because of the infection from their breath, mingling with them universally, one infected another so that it seemed as if they were entirely shaken by pain, and in a way crushed by it; from this crushing pain and the infection from their breath, there arose pustules around the thigh or arm, like a lentil. These pustules infected and penetrated the body so violently that they coughed up blood; and with this coughing up of blood for three days, constantly without any cure, they expired; and not only did those who interacted with them die, but also anyone who bought, touched, or desired any of their belongings (page 563). The people of Messina, recognizing that this sudden death was befalling them because of the arrival of the Genoese galleys, expelled them from the port and the aforementioned city with the greatest haste. The aforementioned disease remained in the aforementioned city, resulting in immense mortality. To such an extent did one hate another, that if a son fell ill from the aforementioned disease, the father entirely refused to stay near him; and if he dared to approach him, he was so infected by the aforementioned disease that he could not escape death and would expire within three days. And not only did the individual in the house die, but all the family members present in the same house, including pets and animals in the house, followed the head of the dead family. The mortality increased so much among the people of Messina that many asked priests to confess their sins and make their wills, but priests, judges, and notaries refused to go to their houses; and if any of them entered their houses to make wills and other such documents, they could not avoid sudden death. Friars of the Order of Minors and Preachers and members of other orders, wishing to go to the houses of the aforementioned sick people, confessing their sins and giving them penance according to divine justice, were so lethally infected that almost none of them remained in their cells. What more? Corpses lay alone in their homes, no priest, son, father, or relative dared to enter them, but they paid considerable sums to others to bury the bodies. The houses of the deceased remained open and unguarded with all their jewels, money, and treasures; so that if anyone wished to enter, the entrance was prohibited by no one. Such a sudden pestilence arose that at first there were not enough servants, and eventually, there were none. Therefore, the people of Messina, seeing this terrible and monstrous event, chose to migrate from the city rather than die; and not only was it forbidden to come into the city, but also to approach it. They set up camps in the air and vineyards outside the city with their families. Some, and for the most part, went to the city of Catania, believing that blessed Agatha of Catania would free them from such an illness. The noble Queen Elisabetta, Queen of Sicily, residing in the city of Catania, hastily summoned her son Federico, who was then in the city of Messina, to come to her; and he hurried to Catania with Venetian galleys.	Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83	None
1347-10-00-Messina2	October 1347 JL	Procession to counter the outbreak of the Black Death in Messina fails.	Cap. 29: Quomodo Messanenses adcesserunt ad beatam Maria de Scalis cum sacerdotali officio; et que signa, et miracula apparuerunt ibidem et de mortalitate in civitate Catanie, et de morte Ducis Joannis. Messanenses vero de hujusmodi mira visione territi, miro modo sunt universaliter effecti timidi. Quapropter ad beatam Virginem de Scalis per miliaria sex a civitate Messane distantem, scalciatis pedibus, cum processione sacerdotali, comuniter ambulare statuerunt. Ad quam appropinquantes Virginem, omnes unanimiter in terris fixerunt devotissime genua, cum lacrimis, Dei et beate Virginis clamantes subsidium; et ingredientes in ecclesiam supradictam, devotis orationibus, et sacerdotali cantilena divina clamantes, miserere nostri Deus, quamdam ymaginem matris Dei sculpitam, ibidem antiquitus constitutam, propriis manibus appreenderunt. Quam in civitatem Messanem elegerunt ingredi facere, propter cujus visionem et ingressionem putabant demonia a civitate eicere, et a tali mortalitate penitus liberari. Propter quod elegerunt quendam sacerdotem ydoneum dictam ymaginem super quodam equo in brachiis suis honorifice apportare. Et reveretentes ad dictam civitatem cum ymagine supradicta, dicta sacra Dei mater, dum vidit et appropinquavit da dictam civitatem, adeo sibi exosam reputavit, et totaliter peccatis sanguinolentam, quod post tergum reversa, non tantum intrare noluit in civitatem, sed ipsam aborruit oculis intueri. Propter quod tellus aperta extitit in profundum, et equus, super quo dicta Dei matris ferebatur ymago, fixus et immobilis extitit sicut petra, et precedere, vel retrocedere non valebat.	Chapter 29: How the People of Messina Approached the Blessed Mary of the Stairs with Priestly Devotion; the Signs and Miracles that Appeared There; and the Plague in the City of Catania, Along with the Death of Duke John. The people of Messina, terrified by such a miraculous vision, were universally struck with great fear. Therefore, they resolved to walk barefoot, in a solemn priestly procession, to the Blessed Virgin of the Stairs, located six miles from the city of Messina. When they approached the Virgin, they all fell unanimously to their knees on the ground with great devotion, crying out with tears for the help of God and the Blessed Virgin. Entering the aforementioned church, they prayed devoutly and sang divine hymns with priestly chants, calling upon God with the words, "Have mercy on us, O God." In the church, they took hold of a carved image of the Mother of God, which had been placed there in ancient times. They decided to bring this image into the city of Messina, believing that her presence and entry into the city would drive out demons and completely free the city from the plague. To this end, they selected a suitable priest to carry the image with reverence in his arms on horseback. However, as they returned to the city with the sacred image, the Holy Mother of God, upon seeing and approaching the city, found it so abhorrent, deeming it bloodstained with sin, that she turned her face away. Not only did she refuse to enter the city, but she also avoided even looking at it. Because of this, the earth opened to a great depth, and the horse carrying the image of the Mother of God became fixed and immovable, like a rock, unable to advance or retreat.	Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83.	None
1347-10-00-Messina3	October 1347 JL	Most plague refugees from Messina fail to enter Catania and spread the Black Death to Siracusa, Agrigento and Trapani.	Quid ultra? Adeo fuerunt abominabiles & timorosi, quod nemo cum eis loquebatur, nec conversabant, sed fugiebant velociter eorum visionem, eorum anelitus penitus recusantes, & quasi in derisione omnibus Cataniensibus sunt effecti. Et si aliquis eorum cum aliquo loquebatur, respondebat sibi vulgariter, non mi parlari ca si Missinisi, & nemo eos hospitabatur. Domos pro eorum habitaculis ad conducendum penitus non inveniebant. Et nisi quod Messanenses aliqui in civitate Catanie cum eorum familia habitantes eos clam hospitabantur, fuissent quasi omni auxilio destituiti. Disperguntur itaque Messanenses per univerfam insulam Sicilie, & pergentes in civitatem Siracusie, adeo illa egritudo sic infecit Siragusanos, quod diversos immo immensos letaliter interfecit; terra Xacce, terra Trapani, & civitas Agrigenti.	What more? They were so abominable and feared that no one would speak to them or interact with them; instead, people fled swiftly from their sight, completely avoiding their breath, and they became a subject of mockery to all the people of Catania. And if any of them spoke to someone, they would be answered rudely, "I don’t speak to those from Messina." No one would give them shelter. They could not find houses to rent as living quarters. If it had not been for some Messinese families living in the city of Catania who secretly hosted them, they would have been completely without help. Thus, the Messinese dispersed throughout the entire island of Sicily, and when they reached the city of Syracuse, the plague so thoroughly infected the Syracusans that it lethally afflicted many, even in great numbers. The lands of Sciacca, Trapani, and the city of Agrigento were similarly affected.	Michele da Piazza 1791, p. 566.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-11-00-Italy	November 1347 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Genoa and spread across Italy; but Parma and Milan remain almost untouched	Nelle parti oltra mora per più sei mesi fu grandissima pestilenza, la quale dalle galee de' Genovesi fu portata in Italia; e furono a Genova ricevute del mese di Novembre le prefate galee, sulle quali, prima che arivassero a Genova, era morta di questa mala influenza la maggior parte di coloro, che vi erano sopra: il rimanente morì quasi subito che furono in Porto e patria loro, questa infermità si allargò nella Citta, & infiniti ne morivano il giorno, & in breve per ogni Città di Lombardia, di Toscana, della Marca, della Puglia, e per ogni terra d'Italia si estese. E fu grandissima due anni continui, per la quale molte Città d'Italia furono distrutte; e sole Parma, e Milano pochissimo ne senterono; ma si sparse oltra monti, in Provenza, in Francia, in Aragona, in Spagna, in Anglia, in Alemagna, in Boemia, in Ungheria.	In the parts beyond the sea, for more than six months, there was a great pestilence, which was brought to Italy by the Genoese galleys; and in November, the aforementioned galleys were received in Genoa, on which, before they arrived in Genoa, the majority of those on board had died from this bad influence: the rest died almost immediately upon reaching their port and homeland. This disease spread in the city, and countless people died each day, and soon it extended to every city in Lombardy, Tuscany, the Marches, Apulia, and throughout all of Italy. It was exceedingly severe for two continuous years, during which many cities in Italy were destroyed; only Parma and Milan felt it very little; but it spread beyond the mountains, into Provence, France, Aragon, Spain, England, Germany, Bohemia, and Hungary	Giovanni di Cornazano 1728, col. 746	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-11-00-Italy1	November 1347 JL	Societal consequences of the Black Death across Italy	anzi tutto il Mondo sì Cristiani, com Infedeli ne furono infetti, e furono da servi, da' Medici, da' Notari, da' Preti, e Frati, abbandonati gl' Infermi, tal che non erano serviti nè curati, nè potevano testare, nè confessi o contriti assoluti morire i miseri Apestati. La cagione di ciò era, che subito che s'apressavano a gl'Infermi, cadevano in cotale disavventurata peste, e morivano per lo più di subito, tanto che molti insepolti restavano, e l'uno, e l'altro abbandonato laiciava, nè conoscevasi che Padre avesse Figluoli, nè Moglie Marito, nè Amico compagno, e quantunque molti ricchi morissero, non erano allora pronti gli heredi a cercare i posessi dell facultadi; anzi senza prezzo era tutta la richezza tenuta; nè più si conosceva gli avari avere l'oro più che la vita caro. Cosa horribile a vedere, che gli huomini abbandonando gli huomini, gli odi, le invidie, le lascive, le facoltà, l'amore terreno, tutti volti in timore d'horrida e spaventevole morte.	The whole world, both Christians and infidels, were infected, and the sick were abandoned by servants, doctors, notaries, priests, and friars, so that they were neither served nor cared for, nor could they make a will, nor die confessed or absolved, the miserable plague victims. The reason for this was that as soon as they approached the sick, they fell into such unfortunate pestilence and died almost immediately, so that many remained unburied, and one and the other abandoned each other, and it was not known that a father had children, nor a wife a husband, nor a friend a companion. And although many rich people died, the heirs were not then ready to seek their possessions; rather, all wealth was held without value, and it was no longer known that the avaricious held gold dearer than life. It was horrible to see that humans, abandoning humans, hatreds, envies, lusts, possessions, and earthly love, all turned to fear of a horrible and frightening death	Giovanni di Cornazano 1728, col. 746	Translation by Martin Bauch
1347-12-25-Avignon	25 December 1347 JL	Great mortality in the south of France, especially in Avignon.	Quo eciam tempore maxima mortalitas viguit in Grecia in Thurchia ac Lompardia Tussia ac in provincia Waschonia et in Francia, quod ville et civitates alique dicebantur incolis destitute. Nam in civitate Avenionensi a festo nativitatis domini [25.12.1347] usque ad festum omnium sanctorum [01.11.1348] cclxxx milia hominum decesserunt, inter quos sex cardinales duces fuerunt transeuntium de hoc mundo ad patrem.	During this time, there was also enormous mortality in Greece, Turkey, Lombardy, Tuscany and the province of Vashonia [Gascony] as well as in France, so that houses and cities were named that were without inhabitants. For in the city of Avignon, 280,000 people died from the Feast of the Nativity of the Lord [25 December 1347] to the Feast of All Saints [1 November 1348], including six cardinals who passed from this world to the Father.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 65.	None
1348-00-00-Apulia 001	1348 JL	King of Hungary left Apulia because of the plague and Joanna, wife of Duke Louis of Taranto returned to Naples and resubdued the country.	112.) Qualiter rex Ungarie recessit ab Apulia propter pestilenciam. Reverso autem propter pestilenciam Ungaro Iohanna relicta Andree fratris sui uxor de auxilio pape Neapolim revertitur, et eiectis Ungari fidelibus terra sibi iterum subiugatur, Wernhero de Urselingen Swevo, qui primo Ungaro adhesit et ab eo propter quandam suspicionem sibi falso impictam, ut dixit, licenciatus fuit, eidem Iohanne propter pecuniam assistente. Tribunus enim Urbis, fautor Ungari, disparens eo tempore non erat potens in Urbe. Vendidit autem ipsa Iohanna, quantum in ea fuit pape civitatem Avinionensem pro multa pecunie quantitate.	113.) How the King of Hungary left Apulia because of the plague. After the Hungarian had gone home on account of the prevailing plague, Joanna, the widow of his brother Andrew and wife of Duke Louis of Taranto, returned to Naples with the help of the pope, expelled the followers of the Hungarian, and resubdued the country, being assisted for money by Werner of Urslingen, a Swabian, who had formerly served the Hungarian (p. 171), but had been dismissed by him on account of what he said was an unjust suspicion. The tribune of Rome, the supporter of the Hungarian, had disappeared around this time and no longer had any power in Rome. Queen Joan, however, sold the city of Avignon to the pope for a large sum of money.	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, p. 262	None
1348-00-00-Avignon 004	1348 JL	The Pope Clement VI. made a great indulgence for all the repentant christians in times of the Black Death.	Della 'ndulgenzia diede il papa per la detta pistolenza. In questi tempi della mortale pestilenzia papa Clemento sesto fece grande indulgenza generale della pena di tutti i peccati a coloro che pentuti e confessi la domandavano al loro confessoro, e morivano: e in quella certa mortalità catuno Cristiano credendosi morire si disponea bene, e con molta contrizione e pazienzia rendevano l’anima a Dio.	Of the indulgence given by the pope for the said pestilence. In these times of the deadly plague, Pope Clement the Sixth made a great general indulgence of the punishment of all sins to those who repented and confessed and asked their confessor, and died: and in that certain mortality, each Christian believing himself to be dying, disposed himself well, and with much contrition and patience rendered his soul to God.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 15.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Avignon02	1348 JL	About the outbreak of the Black Death in the East and the arrival of the plague in Sicily and Avignon. People flee from the plague because of the infected air.	Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII. Tempore hyemali vel circa principium veris in partibus ultramarinis exorta est mortalitas seu pestilencia tam grandis, quod infinitam et inestimabilem multitudinem infidelium absorbuit et absumpsit. Que derivata ad terras cristicolarum maxime in locis maritimis, precipue tamen in Sicilia, innumerabilem populum prostravit. Fertur, quod in quadragesima circa Marsiliam urbem et Avionem tam crudeliter endinia sevierit, quod infra spacium unius mensis XVI milia hominum obierint. Immo, ut dicitur, tantum in Avione excessit, quod vivi homines non sufficiebant defunctorum corpora tumulare et [p. 276] ideo tandem in fluvium Rodanum certatim proiciebantur. Fertur insuper, quod papa pestem hanc de Avione ad aliam civitatem fugerit. Nichilominus fama testante in Sicilia homines de Messana metropoli et de aliis quam plurimis civitatibus, in quibus mors prevaluit, relictis eis vacuis fugierunt ad montana se transferentes, ut ibi salubri aere hausto contagiosum in civitatibus captum emitterent et eflarent. In Messana urbe Sicilie memorata de LX fratribus Minoribus conventualibus brevi spacio temporis XXX mox mortis furia de medio sublati sunt. Quo viso superstites conventu illo relicto ad loca se alia contulerunt. Predicta, scilicet terre motus et pestilencia, precurrencia mala sunt extreme voraginis et tempestatis secundum verbum salvatoris in ewangelio dicentis: "Erunt terre motus per loca et pestilencia et fames" et cetera.	In the year of our Lord 1348, at the time of winter or early spring, there was such a great mortality or plague overseas that it devoured and destroyed an infinite and incalculable number of unbelievers. It spread in the Christian areas, but mainly in coastal regions, especially in Sicily, where it struck down countless numbers of people. It is reported that during Lent, a plague raged around the cities of Marseille and Avignon that was so cruel that sixteen thousand people died within a month. It is even said that it became so bad in Avignon that there were not enough living people to bury the corpses, [p. 276] and they were therefore finally eagerly thrown into the river Rhône. It is also reported that the pope fled from Avignon to another city to escape this plague. Nevertheless, according to reports in Sicily, people fled from the metropolis of Messina and many other cities where death was rampant, leaving them empty and taking refuge in the mountains to expel the infected air from the cities and breathe it out. In the city of Messina in Sicily, thirty of the sixty Friars Minor of the convent were snatched from life by the fury of death within a short space of time. When the survivors saw this, they left the convent and travelled to other places.These events, namely earthquakes and pestilence, are harbingers of extreme evils and storms, as it says in the Gospel: "There will be earthquakes in various places and pestilence and famine" etc.	Johannes von Winterthur, p. 275-276	None
1348-00-00-Avignon03	1348 JL	All the Carmelites and conventual brothers of the Eremites in Messina were killed.	In predicta pestilencia omnes Carmelite et omnes fratres Heremitarum conventuales in Messana civitate Sicilie memorata morte absumpti sunti.	In the aforementioned plague, all the Carmelites and all the conventual brothers of the Eremites in Messina, the Sicilian city mentioned above, were killed.	Johannes von Winterthur, p. 279.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-00-00-Bohemia	17 January 1348 JL	Following astrological phenomena a formerly unheard of epidemic raged in Bohemia as well as in other parts of the world (Christian and pagan) for 14 years. And there was no hideout from it neither in the lowlands nor on the mountains and many people died.	Eodem anno die XVII Ianuarii fuit eclipsis lune, et coniunccio quorundam malivolorum planetarum, ex quibus coniunccionibus et malis constellacionibus orta est inaudita epidimia seu pestilencia hominum in universo mundo et duravit tam in Boemia quam in aliis mundi partibus per XIIII annos proxime sequentes, et iam ibi, iam illic in terris christianorum et paganorum ubique. Nec erat alicubi refugium, quia sicut in planis sic in montibus et silvis homines moriebantur. In omnibus locis fiebant foveae grandes et plures singulis annis predictis, in quibus moriencium corpora sepeliebantur. Talis pestilencia et ita longa nunquam fuit a seculo.	In the same year on January 17 there was a eclipse of the moon and a malevolent conjunction of the planets and resulting from these conjunctions and bad constellations there was an unheard of epidemic or human plague in the whole world which lasted as well in Bohemia as in other parts of the world for 12 successive years at one time here at another there everywhere in the Christian and pagan lands. There was nowhere a hidout to be found, but as well on the flat land as in the mountains and forests the people died. In all places numerous and large grave pits where made in every single of the above mentioned years, in which the dead bodies where buried. Such a plague that lasted to long had never happend in this age.	Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 516	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-00-00-Bologna	May 1348 JL	Black Death in Bologna	Maxima et inaudita mortalitas fuit Bononiae, quae vocata fuit et semper vocabitur la mortalega grande, quia numquam fuit aliqua similis. Et incoepit de mense maji et duravit per totum annum et fere fuit per totum mundum et tam magna, quod duae partes ex tribus partibus personarum firmiter decesserunt; inter quos decesserunt duo doctores bononienses per totum mundum famosissimi, videlicet dominus Johannes Andreae, decretorum, et dominus Jacobus de Butrigariis, legum doctores	The greatest and unprecedented mortality was in Bologna, which was called and will always be called "the great mortality," because there was never anything like it. It began in the month of May and lasted for the whole year, and it was nearly worldwide and so severe that two out of every three people certainly died. Among those who died were two of the most famous doctors in the world from Bologna, namely, Master Johannes Andreae, a doctor of decrees, and Master Jacobus de Butrigariis, a doctor of law	Griffoni 1902, p. 56	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Bologna-Bohemia	1348 JL	After descrbing the effects of the Black Death in many parts of Europe, Francis states on Bohemia: Students travelling from Bologna to Bohemia saw a lot of dead and severely ill people. Most of the students died as well already on the way.	Eodem tempore quidam studentes de Bononia versus Boemian transeuntes viderunt, quod in civitatibus et in castellis pauci homines vivi remanserunt et in aliquibus omnes defuncti fuerunt, in multis quoque domibus, qui vivi remanserant et egritudine oppressi, unus alteri non potuit porrigere haustum aque, nec in aliquo ministrare, et sic in magna affliccione et anxietate decedebant. Sacerdotes quoque ministrantes sacramenta et medici egris medicamenta ab ipsis inficiebantur et moriebantur et plurimi sacerdotibus mortuis sine confessione et sacramentis ecclesie de hac vita migraverunt. Facte sunt autem fosse magne, late et profunde, in quibus corpora defunctorum sepeliebantur. In locis quoque pluribus infectus aer plus inficiebatur — qui plus nocet quam cibus corruptus — ex putredine cadaverum, quia non remansit superstes, qui sepeliret. Verumtamen de prefatis studentibus nisi unus fuit Boemian reversus sodalesque sui in via decesserunt.	At that time, certain students who were travelling from Bologna towards (versus) Bohemia saw that few humans remained alive in the cities and castles and in some, all were dead. In many houses, those who survived were so overcome by the disease that one could not carry a drink of water to another nor care for another in any way. Thus they withdrew in great torment and anguish. Priests ministering the sacraments and medics supplying medicaments got infected and died and many priests died without confession and the sacraments of the church and they moved away from this life. And in many places, the air became further infected from the rotting of corpses, becoming a greater threat than spoiled food, as no one survived to bury them. Of these students, only one returned to Bohemia. His companions died along the way.	Francis of Prague, Chronicon Francisci Pragensi, ed. Jana Zachová, Prague 1997, p. 204f.	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-00-00-Constance	1348 JL	The Jews were accused of poisoning the water in 1348 and as a consequence were killed. In the following year 1349 the flagellants movement arose and traveled through the lands and were forbidden by Pope Clement VI.	Von gottes gepurd MCCC und XLVIII jar kam ein plag uber die juden und burden geczigen, sy hetten basser und prunnen vergift, und burden ir gar vil in vil landen und in steten verprant. Und ist versechenlich, das ir der maist tail sey verbrant borden durch irsz gücz willen etc. (p. 230) Bey den zeitten do man zalt von gottes gepurdt MCCC und XLVIIII jar stund ein fromde bunderliche geschelschaft auff von purgern und von pawren, die giengen durch vil landt und stet mit creuczen und mit vannen und sungen deucze lieder und predigten und gaisleten sich selber vil und vast und vielen nider auf -, peichten und absolvirten selber an ein ander und hielten und geputen vil an ein ander czw halten bunderliche ding und falsch weise und articel wider cristen gelauben und czugen an sich beib und man, arm und reich, das ir zw leczt gar vil bardt und maintenn etlich, ir ber bey zway (p. 231) und vierczig tausent person, aber der vorgenant pabst Clemens der sechst der best bol, das ir beisz nit gerecht was, da gepot er durch alle landt, wer den selben ungelauben fuert und sich offenlich gaislet, das man den vachen und püssen solt, und zergieng da die selb geschelschaft da gar pald.	In the year of Our Lord 1348, a plague came upon the Jews, and they were accused of poisoning water and wells. Many of them were burned in various lands and cities. It is certain that the majority of them were burned because of their wealth. (p. 230) </ br>In the year of Our Lord 1349, a strange and miraculous society arose among the citizens and peasants, who traveled through many lands and cities with crosses and banners, singing german songs and preaching. They whipped themselves severely and excessively, and many of them fell to the ground, confessing and absolving one another. They held and professed many miraculous things, in a false way and contrary to Christian belief. They recruited many women and men, poor and rich, and eventually their numbers grew to over forty-two (p. 231) thousand people. However, Pope Clement VI, realizing that their beliefs were not just, issued a decree throughout all the lands that anyone who followed this unbelief and publicly flogged themselves should be punished. Consequently, this society quickly dispersed.	Konstanzer Weltchronik 1869, pp. 229-231	None
1348-00-00-Erfurt	1348 JL	The Black Death in Erfurt kills 12.000 people, who are buried in mass graves in Neuses.	Dez selbin jares was groez sterbin; alleiniz zue Erforte storbin zwolf tusent menschin, die da gevuert worden uf den karren zue Nueseße ane die in der stat heimelichen begrabin worden und in den dorferen die umme die stat lagen. Dese lute storibin dazu meiste teil an den drueßen.	In the same year, there was a great mortality; alone in Erfurt, twelve thousand people died, who were brought to Neuses on carts and wagons. Not included are those who were secretly buried in the city or in the villages surrounding it. These people mostly died due to glandular swellings.	Template:Chronici Saxonici continuatio Erfordensis 1899, p. 485	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Europe	1348 JL	Preface to Gabriele de Mussi's report on the plague in 1348. God seeks to punish humanity for its sins, warning of dire consequences for each individual. Filled with fear, the people turn back to the Almighty, repenting for their sins, and in response, God shows mercy and forgives them. However, the disease continues to persist.	In nornine domini amen. Incipit ystoria de Morbo siue mortalitate que fuit anno domini MCCCXLVIII. Compylata per Gabrielem de Mussis placensem. Ad perpetuam rei memoriam Nouerint vniuersi presentes, pariter et futuri, quod omnipotens deus, rex celestis qui uiuorum dominator et mortuorum, in cuius manu sunt omnia, ex alto respiciens, vniuersum genus ad omnia scelera pronum et lubricum,criminibus obuolutum, innumeris perseuerancie delictis, et in omni genere uiciorum inextimabili malitia usque ad Interiora dimersun, omni bonorum gracia denudatum, dei Judicia non exhorrens, ad omnia malla opera prosilleret, tot abhominabilia, tot horribilia ulterius ferre non ualens, clamauit ad terram. Quid agis terra, miserorum captivata cateruis, peccatorum sordibus maculata, tota es Ineffecta quid agis. cur humano sanguine madefacta non postulas ultionem. cur hostes et aduersarios meos pateris. debuisses jam Inimcos meos, producta libie (libidine ?) suffocasse, prepara te ut possis exercere uindictam. Et ego terra, tuo Imperio fundata, postquam jubes, apperiam venas meas et infinitos degluciam criminosos. negabo fructus solitos blada, vina et olea non effundam. § Cumque in celestibus demisso tonitruo irattus uehementer. Judex, ellementa, planetas, sydera, et ordines Angelorum, contra humanum genus ineffabili censura conduceret et singulos animatos in exterminium peccatorum armaret, et quodam crudelitatis impetu prouocaret Inquit meum est exercere Justiciam. Ego sum uita uiuencium.ego mortis cleues (!) gero . ego retribuo, reddens unicuique, quod suum est .manus mee formanerunt celos. lucem fabricauj , mundum constitui , omnibus ornamenta concessi. 0, peccator infelix, et cunctis jnfelicior, etw mini resistere decreuisti, mandata mea, leges et omnes Justicias contempsisti. ubi fides baptismi, et mee redemptionis merces. O, condam mea creatura , non de ea forte consideraueram ut in has plagas et in hoc exitium peruenires, paradixum tibi paraueram, non Infernum, et ecce quo te perduxisti , ubi me descendere compulisti, substinui globos vteri virginalis , famem, sitim, labores , crucis , patibulum et mortem pertuli, quid fecisti Ingratissime, adhuc me postulas crucifigi, debuissem eternis te punire supplicijs, fateor vincit me pietas. En ego tuj misertus fui , et me tumi saluatorem minime cognouisti, Indignus es beatitudinis eterne, te dignum constituisti tormentotum Infernj , egredere de terra mea, te desero draconibus lacerandum. Ibis ad tenebras, ubi perpetuus gemitus, et dencium stridor erit. Jam tue calamitatis terminus adest. desinant vires tue, uanitates et uoluptates quibus te in omnibus dedicasti, conspicio ipsis ad iram nie non modicarn prouocasti. Accedant maligni spiritus, te deuorandi eisdem concedatur potestas, non sit libi libertas vlterius. Ago Judicia, Baudia tua conuertantur jn luctum. prospera conturbentur aduersis. nullus uite ordo. sed sempiternus horror Inhabitet. Ecce mortis yrnago. Ecce caracteres et portas Infernales apperio, fames captivatos prosternat. Pax a mundi finibus euellatur. Scandalla consurgant. Regna adversus regna odio execrabili consumentur. pereat in terris misericordia. clades, pestes, uiolencie, latrocinia, lites, et omnia genera scandalorum nascantur . post hec nutu meo, planete Aerem Infficiant, atque vniuerssam terrarn corrumpant, vbique sit dolor et gemitus. Vndique mortis jacula Impietatis morsibus dominentur. Nemini parcatur.non sexui non etati. pereant cum nocentibus innocentes. Nulli sit ex euadendo libertas. Sed quia pastores mundi quos constitui, greges suos lupis rapacibus dimiserunt et uerbum deij non predicant, cuibis negligentes dominici, et penitenciam minime clamauerunt, duram contra eos exercebo uintlictam. delebo eos a facie terre. et texauros eorum absconditos, inimicus et aduersus possidebit, pacientur cum delinquentibus grauia onera delictorum. Nil proderit eis falax officium et quia plus homines quam deum timuerunt et magis suam graeiam dilexerunt, omnia pessima sustinebunt ypocritarum scelerata, religio suis finibus ellungata (elongata) lugebit. Sacerdotum et tocius ordinis clericalis, falsa et inimica societas suis periclitata deffectibus Interibit. Nulli dabitur requies singulos sagita uenenata percuciet. febres superbos deicient. et morbus Incurabilis fulminabit. Sic sic monitione premissa mortalibus uibrata omnipotentis Iancea, duris aculleis undique destinatis, egressus morbus, totum genus lnfecit humanum. Nempe Orion illa stella crudelis et seua cauda draconis. et gelus ueneni fiallis precipitatis in mare. et Saturni horribilis et indignata tempestas, quibus datum est nocere terre et mari , hominibus et arboribus, ab oriente in occidentem, pestiferis gradibus incedentem, per mundi uaria climata, uenenata pocula detullerunt. bulls igneas infirmantibus relinquentes, ex quibus mortis impetus horribilis discurrens mundi comminans ruijnam, mortales subita percussione consumpsit ut infra patebit. plangite plangite populi manibus, et dei misericordiam inuocate. —	Template:TN	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 45–46	None
1348-00-00-Europe 001	1348 JL	These passages describe the catastrophic events of the year 1348 in Europe, including the plague and an earthquake. They mention predictions about political upheavals, famine and other catastrophies.	Item, Anno fequenti 48. in Avinone & in vicinis ibi partibus in Marfilia & in Italia ac multis citra & ultra maritimis regionibus, etiam in Francia, Anglia, Vngaria, Carinthia, Austria, Bauaria, Suevia, Alsatia, & in partibus Rheni & aliis plerisque Germaniae partibus, & praecipue in locis aquosis, & in alpibus, cacuminibus & conuallibus partium montanarum tam maxima pestilentia feu mortalitas (p. 469) fuit hominum, quod plerumque una in hospitio moriente persona, ceteri cohabitantes homines, ut sepius quasi subito, moriuntur. Anno Domini 1348. in die conuersionis Sancti Pauli circa horam vespertinam uniuersalis terrae motus adeo magnus fuit, quod hinc inde & praecipue in partibus Carinthiae & maritimis multae munitiones & domus & praefertim lapideae corruerunt. Anno domini 1348. multa mirabilia contingent, ut Astrologus maximus attestatur, unus solus erit dominus, Romanum Imperium exaltabitur, magna rixa erit in terra, Tyrannus Rex Francie cadit cum Baronibus fuis, magna effusio sanguinis fiet, erit magna fames & mortalitas hominum, haec iam in multis partibus Alemanniae, magnus calor in aestate, magna siccitas, vindicabitur vindicta noui Regis, transfigurabitur Regina Veneris, pulues Lonistae & animalia venenosa abundabunt & multa mirabilia in aere apparebunt.	Moreover, in the following year 1348, in Avignon and its surrounding areas, in Marseille, Italy, and in many regions both on this side and beyond the seas, also in France, England, Hungary, Carinthia, Austria, Bavaria, Swabia, Alsace, and the regions of the Rhine and many other parts of Germany, especially in watery places, in the Alps, the peaks, and the valleys of mountainous areas, there was such a great plague or mortality among humans that often when one person died in a household, the other inhabitants frequently died suddenly as well. In the year of our Lord 1348, on the day of the Conversion of Saint Paul, around the evening hour, there was a universal earthquake so great that here and there, especially in Carinthia and coastal areas, many fortifications and houses, particularly those made of stone, collapsed. In the year of our Lord 1348, many wonders occurred, as the great astrologer attests: there will be only one lord, the Roman Empire will be exalted, there will be great strife on the earth, the tyrant King of France will fall with his barons, there will be great bloodshed, there will be great famine and mortality of people — this has already occurred in many parts of Germany. There will be great heat in the summer, great drought, vengeance will be exacted by the new king, the Queen of Venus will be transformed, the dust of Lonista will abound, and poisonous animals will be plentiful, and many wonders will appear in the air.	Chronicon Wirziburgense breve 1735, pp. 468-469.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Europe 002	1348 JL	These passages describe the catastrophic events of the year 1348 in Europe, including the plague. They mention predictions about political upheavals, famine and other catastrophies like extreme weather.	De magna pestilencia. Item eodem tempore et anno immediate sequenti in curia Romana Avinionis et in vicinis ibi partibus in Marsilia et Ytalia ac multis maritimis citra et ultra marinis regionibus, eciam in Francia Anglia Ungaria Karinthia Austria Bawaria Swevia et Alsacia ac in partibus Reni et aliis plerisque Germanie partibus, et precipue in locis aquosis et in alpibus cacuminibus et convallibus partium montanarum (p. 474) tam maxima pestilentia seu mortalitatis hominum tanta fuit et est, quod plerumque una in hospicio moriente persona ceteri cohabitantes homines et sepius quasi subito moriuntur. De eventibus lamentosis sub anno subscriptio. Anno domini m.ccc.xl.viii. multa mirabilia contingent, ut astrologus maximus attestatur. Unus solus erit dominus. Imperium Romanum exaltabitur. Magna rixa erit in terra. Tyrannus Rex Francie cadet cum baronibus suis. Magna effusio sanguinis. Papa dissipabitur cum cardinalibus suis. Erit magna fames et mortalitas. Hec vero iam in multis partibus Lombardie. Magnus calor in estate. In hieme magna siccitas. Semina corrumpuntur. Vindicabitur vindicta novi regis. Transfigurabitur regina veneris. Pulices locuste et animalia venenosa habundabunt, et multa mirabilia in aere apparebunt.	On the Great Pestilence. Likewise, at the same time and in the following year, in the Roman court at Avignon and in nearby areas, in Marseille and Italy, and in many maritime regions on both sides of the sea, also in France, England, Hungary, Carinthia, Austria, Bavaria, Swabia, Alsace, and in the regions along the Rhine and other parts of Germany, and especially in watery places and in the peaks and valleys of the mountainous regions, there was such a great plague or mortality of people that often, when one person died in a house, the other cohabitants and people would soon die almost immediately. On the Lamentable Events of the Year Described Below. In the year of our Lord 1348, many marvelous events occurred, as the greatest astrologer attests. There will be one sole lord. The Roman Empire will be exalted. There will be a great conflict in the land. The tyrant King of France will fall with his barons. There will be a great bloodshed. The Pope will be dispersed with his cardinals. There will be great famine and mortality. This has already occurred in many parts of Lombardy. There will be great heat in the summer. In winter, there will be great drought. Seeds will be corrupted. The vengeance of a new king will be exacted. The Queen of Venus will be transformed. Fleas, locusts, and venomous animals will abound, and many marvels will appear in the sky.	De chronicis temporum hominum modernorum 1843, pp. 473-774.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Faenza	20 June 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Faenza and all over the world	1348. Mortalitas maxima per totum mundum fuit.	In the year 1348, a very great mortality occurred throughout the whole world.	Azzurini 1907, p. 96	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-00-00-Firenze	1348 JL	The Black Death described from its presumed origins in India to Britain. For Florence, 60.000 victims are estimated.	1348. Lugubris et miseranda pestis pene per orbem, que in Asia apud Indos incipiens passimque provincias irrepens trium annorum spatio usque Britannos ubique terrarum in omnes gentes deseviit. Et hoc anno amplius sexaginta hominum milia Florentie et intra urbem absumpsit, et per agrum cuncta prope deserata reliquit.	1348. A mournful and pitiable plague almost throughout the world, which, beginning in Asia among the Indians, and creeping everywhere through the provinces, raged for the space of three years until it reached the Britons, devastating all peoples everywhere on earth. And in this year, it consumed more than sixty thousand people in Florence, both within and outside the city, leaving almost all the countryside deserted.	Annales florentini 1868, p. 679	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Florence	1348 JL	In this long plague treatise-like passage, the author describes the Black Death in Florence with its symptoms, death toll and consequences. He describes how to behave in order to avoid the disease and be better prepared, although it is not possible to avoid it with certainty. He also advises people to flee infected areas early and to listen to the doctors' instructions.	Negli anni di Cristo 1348 fu nella città di Firenze una grande mortalità di persone umane le quali morivano di male pestilenziale; e molti gran fatti se n’ode dire dalle persone antiche e assai se ne truova iscritti; e fra gli altri ne (p. 230) scrive assai chopiosamente messer / (c. 65v) Giovanni Bochacci inn u·llibro che fecie di ciento novelle, ed è nel prencipio del libro. Di prima chominciò lavgiente a morire di cierto enfiato che venia chon gran doglia e chon repente febre o nell’anguinaia o sotto le ditella o nella ghola, da piè dell’orechie; e viveano quatro o sei dì. Di poi grebbe, e morivano in due dì o meno; e inn utimo e’ si venne tanto a spargiere questo veleno, che si dimostrava in cierte bolle pichole ch’apariano nelle charni per qualunche luogho della persona: e queste erano più pericholose che l’enfiato e di meno rimedio. E di poi, più nel chuore della moria, aparivano a’ più pe·lle charni cierti rossori e lividori, e sputavano sanque od e’ gittavano pel naso o di sotto: e questo era pessimo sengnio e sanza rimedio. E, brieve, e’ chaschavano, e grandi e piccioli, da un dì a un altro: inn una ora si vedea ridere e mottegiare il brighante e nell’ora medesima il vedevi morire! E venne la chosa a tanto, che molti ne morivano pe·lla via e su pe·lle panche, chome abandonati, sanza aiuto o chonforto di persona: solo erano posti quivi perché fussono da’ vicini sotterrati per fuggire il puzo. E tale vi s’andava, che ssi vedea solo in chasa e abandonato, per avere qualche sochorso. Molti per farneticho andavano impazando pe·lla terra; molti se ne gittavano ne’ pozi, a tterra delle finestre e inn Arno; e tale s’uccideva per gran farneticho o per gran pena o dolore. Molti si morivano che non erano veduti e ’nfradiciavano su pe·lle letta; molti n’erano sotterrati che anchora erano vivi. Non si trovava chi gli servisse né chi gli sotterrasse; e più, che se ttu avessi voluto un testimone a un testamento, tu non llo potevi avere, o se pure ne trovavi niuno, e’ voleva sei o otto fiorini. Aresti veduto iª crocie ire per un chorpo, averne dietro tre o quatro prima giungniesse alla chiesa: assai n’erano posti la notte alle reggi di fuori della chiesa e nella via n’erano gittati assai. Molte chose maravigliose si vidono: assai, per vicitare uno infermo, per ghovernallo o ttocharlo, o llui o suoi panni, di fatto chaschare morti. E fra ll’altre chose, dicie messere Giovanni Bochacci che vide due porci grufolare e stracciare cierti pannicielli d’un povero uomo morto, rimasi nella via: di fatto i detti porci chascharono morti su que’ cienci istracciati da lloro. O vedi di quanto pericholo e di quanto rischio questo male pestilenziale è: non si può troppo guardare. Ora, chome voi avete in parte veduto e potuto chonprendere, la moria fu innistimabile, e diciesi, e chosì fu di cierto, che nella nostra città morirono i due terzi delle persone; ché era istimato / (c. 66r) che in Firenze avesse in quel tenpo CXX mila anime, che nne morirono, cioè de’ chorpi, ottantamila. Pensate se fu frachasso! Non è da prenderne gran maraviglia perché questo fusse, ché molte chagioni ci furono da inciendere il malore; e fu maggiore maraviglia, chi chonsiderasse bene ogni chosa, di que’ che chanparono che di que’ che morirono. E lle chagioni furono in parte queste, cioè: in Firenze non si chonoscieva, diciamo pe·lla chomunità, questo male, perché a gran tenpo non era apparito; era Firenze molto ripiena di giente e di più quantità ch’ella fusse mai; l’anno dinanzi era suto in Firenze gran fame, e credo non era nel centinaio venti che avessono pane o biada alchuna, e quelli chotanti n’avevono pocho: (p. 231) vivettesi d’erbe e di barbe d’erbe e di chattive, non lle chonoscieresti oggi, e beevano acqua, e tutto il chontado era pieno di persone che andavano pasciendo l’erbe chome le bestie. Chonsidera chome i loro chorpi erano disposti! Apresso, chom’è detto, e’ non aveano arghomento né riparo niuno; e fu la chosa sì grande e ssì aspra, che ll’uno non poteva atare l’altro di nulla, e per queste chagioni e’ si morirono sanza rimedio. Oggi è avvenuto, per esenpro di questa e di molte altre che spesso sono di poi istate, che ci s’è preso assai ripari, non però che gran danno non faccia; ma pure credo che assai ne chanpano per virtù de’ rimedi, ché dichono e medici che lle reghole ch’essi danno per rimedio di questo veleno è uno armarsi alla difesa. Non è però che uno che sia molto bene armato non possa essere morto, ché gli fia dato d’una lancia o d’una ghiera o d’una bonbarda o prieta che ll’ucciderà; chosì potrà avenire al buon uomo, che fia provveduto contro alla pestilenza, e gli giungnierà una nebbia o un puzo di chorruzione o un fiato d’altro malato che fia più forte di lui e ucciderallo pure. Ma che è? Egli è assai chiaro che a una zuffa mortale à gran vantaggio chi è bene armato, e meno ne muoiono che de’ disarmati; e però vo’ dire che’ rimedi sono buoni. Vuolsi avere chonsiglio chon valenti medici e pigliare per iscritto loro chonsiglio o loro riciette, e quelle osservare diligientemente e non se ne fare punto beffe. Da mme voglio abbi questo chotanto chonsiglio. Tu udirai dinanzi che lla mortalità sia nella città di Firenze un anno o due, perché prima offende la Romangnia o lla Lonbardia che lla città nostra, e quasi per uso l’anno vengniente ell’è in Firenze; o almeno il verno dinanzi tu nne sentirai qualche isprazo o nel contado o nelle pendici della terra, il perché chiaro si prosu/me (c. 66v) la mortalità dovere essere in Firenze. E sappi che di febraio ella comincia a ffarsi sentire dentro, e chosì va crescendo tutto lulglio; e da mezo luglio in llà ed ella s’apicha alle persone da bene e a quelli che sono vivuti regholati, e chomincia a morire meno giente, ma de’ migliori. E quest’è perché il veleno è tanto isparto e tanto t’à chonbattuto, che t’à rotte l’armi e passato dentro; e per la dura della battaglia e’ ti viene a strachare e a pocho a pocho a chorronperti, e ’nfine e’ t’abbatte. E però piglia questo riparo. Chomincia il verno dinanzi a ghovernare te e la tua famiglia tutta per questa via. Prima, fa di quardarti dall’umido quantunche ttu puoi e non patire punto il freddo. Apresso, usa il fuocho ongni mattina prima escha fuori e piglia qualche chosa sechondo lo stomacho che ài: o un pocho di pane e un mezo bichiere di buon vino o di malvagia, o una pillola apropiata a cciò, o un pocho d’utriacha quando fusse piove o umidori, de’ quindici dì due o tre mattine a llato, sul dì, e prima ti levi e dormi un pocho poi; e non mangiare nulla da ivi a ore cinque. Se tti venisse beuto o volessi bere un mezo bichiere di malvagia sarebbe buono, ma non altri vini grossi; o sse avessi lo stomacho debole o frigido, piglia degli otto dì una volta a tai tenpacci una barba di gengiovo (p. 232) in chonservo e bei un mezo bichiere di malvagia, e sta di poi cinque ore che ttu non mangi altro. O ttu piglia un gherofano o un pocho di ciennamo o uno ghughiaio di tregiea o quatro derrate di zafferano o due o tre noci chotte e due o tre fichi sanza pane o qualche chosetta, sechondo che sse’ chonsigliato. E quello vedessi ti faciesse noia lascialo istare; e se llo stomacho istà meglio digiuno, non gli dare impaccio. Non uscire fuori troppo avaccio: quand’è nebbia e piova istatti al fuocho. Desina all’ora chonpitente, mangia buone chose e non troppo; levati chon buono apitito, quarti dalle frutte e da’ funghi, non ne mangiare, o pocho e di rado. Esercita la persona, ma non chon faticha, che ttu non sudi e non n’abbi ’ansare o a sciorinarti de’ panni; quarti dal chiavare e dalle femine, non ti impacciare chon niuna in quell’anno. Non mangiare e non bere se non n’ài voglia; e quando avessi in sullo stomacho, lascialo prima digiestire e di poi ista un’ora prima mangi o bei. quarti dalla ciena, pocho mangia e buone cose; non mangiare porcho in niuno modo; usa, se ài buono istomacho, l’acieto e ll’agresto, ma non tanto ti desse noia a smaltire. Fa di stare sobrio del chorpo e che ttu escha il dì due volte il meno: se fussi istiticho e duro del chorpo, fatti uno arghomento degli otto dì o de’ quindici dì. / (c. 67r) Non ti raviluppare troppo nel dormire, levati al levare del sole. E ’n questa forma passa il verno. E tenendo questo o migliore istile, tu verrai a purghare lo stomacho overo il chorpo tutto, per modo che lla churrezione dell’aria non troverrà materia d’apicharsi. Alla primavera o veramente di marzo tu sentirai dove è buono fuggire. Aspetta che de’ tuoi cittadini si muovano: non volere essere de’ primi, ma, partitone quatro o sei piglia partito e va dove ne vanno i più e in sì fatta città che pel tuo danaio tu truovi ciò che bisongnia alla santà del corpo. Non essere isciocho, o per masserizia o per niuna chagione, di rinchiuderti in chastella o in ville o in lluoghi che non vi sia e medici buoni e medicine che nne interviene che l’amicho si muore e spende nella fine due tanti che gli altri ed essene fatto beffe, sanza il dolore e i·rripitio dell’animo che mai te ne puoi dare pacie. Non sono tempi da masserizia, ma da trarre il danaio d’ongni luogho che ttu puoi; e spendi larghamente nelle chose che bisongnia, sanza niuna masserizia che ssia però che non si guadangniano se non per ispenderli per chanpare o vuoi per vivere e per onore, o nelle brighe o in simili casi. E però ti chonforto del fuggire presto e quest’è il più sichuro ischanpo ci sia. Fa d’avere de’ denari: e non giuchare, ché potresti rimanere sulle secche, e a que’ tenpi se ne truovano molto pochi che te ne prestassono per molti rispetti. Sì che sia savio: provediti tanto dinanzi rauni treciento fiorini il meno, e non ne tocchare mai niuno se non abbisogni e non dire che ttu gli abbia, ché ti sarebbono chiesti. E togli chasa agiata pe·lla tua famiglia, e non punto istretta, ma chamere d’avanzo. E nella istate usa chose fresche: buoni vini e picholi, de’ polli e de’ chavretti e de’ ventri o peducci di chastrone choll’acieto o llattugha, o de’ ghanberi, se nne puoi avere. Istatti il dì di meriggio al frescho: non dormire se puoi farlo, o ttu dormi chosì a sedere. Usa d’un lattovaro che fanno fare i medici di ribarbero, danne a’ fanciulli ché uccide i (p. 233) vermini. Mangia alchuna volta la mattina un’oncia di chassia, chosì ne’ bucciuoli, e danne a’ fanciulli: fa d’averne in chasa e frescha e del zuchero e dell’acquarosa e del giulebbo. Se ài sete il dì bei di quello rinfreschati i polsi, le tenpie e al naso choll’acieto ben forte. None istare dove sia molta giente e spezialmente in luogho rinchiuso chome in loggie o in chiese o in simili luoghi. Chon chi venisse dell’aria chorrotta o che avesse infermi in chasa o fusse morto di sua giente, non istare / (c. 67v) cho·llui se none il meno che ttu puoi, non dimostrando ischifarlo per modo s’aveggha, acciò non isdengniasse o non pigliasse ischonforto. Fuggi quanto puoi maninchonia o pensiero: usa dove si faccia chose da diletto e dove tu possa pigliare ispasso chon piacere e chon allegreza, e non pensare punto di chosa ti dia dolore o chattivo pensiero. Chome ti venisse, fuggilo, o in pensare ad altro o dove si ragioni di darsi piaciere o dove si faccia alchuna chosa che tti piaccia o ttu giuocha, quando tai chasi t’avenissono, e di pochi danari per volta: non passare di perdere uno fiorino; e se llo perdi, lascialo andare sanza pensarvi e non volere per quel dì rischuoterti, ché potresti, dove vuoi fuggire pensiero e dolore, andarlo cierchando. Se ài chavallo, vatti a ssollazo e per la terra e di fuori la mattina pe·llo frescho e lla sera. Istà chasto il più che ttu puoi. Fuggi ongni chosa putidra e ll’aria ivi apresso, non vi istare tieni in diletto e in piaciere la tua famiglia e fa cho·lloro insieme buona e sana vita, vivendo sanza pensiero di fare per allora masserizia, ché assai s’avanza a stare sano e fuggire la morte. Al presente non iscriverrò più avanti sopra la detta materia, perché nel vero i medici fidati e che chonoschono la tua natura sarebbono quelli che meglio t’amaestrerrebbono di tale provedimento; e però, chom’è detto, il chonsiglio si vuole avere da lloro, nonistante che lle sopra iscritte chose sieno utili e buone a oservalle ne’ detti tenpi.	In the year of Christ 1348 there was a great mortality in the city of Florence among the people who died of a pestilential disease. Many stories about it are told by old people, and many are written down; and among others, Giovanni Boccaccio tells about it in detail in a book of a hundred novellas, and it is at the beginning of the book. At first people began to die of a swelling, accompanied with great pain and sudden fever, either in the groin, under the armpits, or in the neck, below the ears; they lived four or six days. Afterwards the disease grew worse, and they died in two days or less; finally this poison spread so far that it showed itself in certain small bumps which appeared on the skin anywhere on the body: and these were more dangerous than the swellings and more difficult to treat. Later, in the heart of the epidemic, certain redness and bruises appeared on the skin of many people, and they spat blood or bled from the nose or underneath: and this was a very bad sign and without cure. In short, they fell, big and small, from one day to the next: one hour you would see someone laughing and joking and the next hour you would see him die! It got to the point that many died in the streets and on the benches, like abandoned people, without help or consolation from anyone: they were only left there to be buried by the neighbours to avoid the smell. And it happened that people left, because they were alone and abandoned at home, to get some kind of help. Many wandered madly through the country because of delirium; many threw themselves into wells, from windows and into the Arno; and some killed themselves because of great delirium or great pain or suffering. Many died without being seen, rotting in their beds; many were buried even though they were still alive. There was no one to serve them or bury them; and what is more, if you needed a witness for a will, you could not get one, or he asked for six or eight florins. Crosses were seen brought for a body, and three or four followed it before it reached the church: many were deposited at night on the lattices outside the church, and many were thrown away in the street. Many marvellous things were seen: many who visited, nursed or touched a sick person, either him or his clothes, fell down dead. Among others, Giovanni Boccaccio relates that he saw two swine rooting and tearing certain rags of a dead poor man who had remained in the street: and immediately the said swine fell down dead on the rags they had torn. Oh, see how dangerous and risky this pestilential disease is: one cannot protect oneself enough. Now, as you have partly seen and understood, the mortality was immeasurable, and it is said, and so it certainly was, that in our city two-thirds of the people died; for it was estimated that there were 120,000 souls in Florence at that time, of whom 80,000 died. Think what an uproar that was! It is not very surprising that this happened, for there were many causes which increased the evil; and it is more surprising, when all is well considered, how many survived than how many died. The reasons were partly these: in Florence this disease, let us say for the community, was not known, as it had not appeared for a long time; Florence was very populous, more so than ever; the year before there was great famine in Florence, and I believe there were not a hundred people that had bread or corn, and those that had had little: they lived on herbs and roots and bad things that would not be recognised to-day, and they drank water, and all the surrounding country was full of people eating herbs like beasts. Think about what state their bodies were in! In addition, as I said, they had no remedies or defences; and the evil was so great and so violent that they could not help each other in anything, and for these reasons they died without remedy. Now it is so, in consequence of these and many others that have often taken place afterwards, that many precautions have been taken, not that it no longer does much harm; but still I believe that many survive by the power of the remedies, for the doctors say that the rules they give to ward off this poison are a kind of defence. This does not mean that one who is very well armed cannot die, for he may be struck by a spear thrust or a bullet or a stone that kills him; so it may happen to the good man who has taken precautions against the plague that a mist or a stench of putrefaction or a breath of another sick person stronger than himself may strike him and still kill him. But what is that? It is clear that in a mortal fight he who is well armed has a great advantage, and dies less than the unarmed; therefore I would say that the remedies are good. One should seek advice from good doctors and get their advice or prescriptions in writing and follow them conscientiously and not make fun of them. I would like you to take this advice to heart. You will hear that mortality lasts a year or two in the city of Florence, because it first strikes Romagna or Lombardy before it reaches our city, and almost always the following year it is in Florence; or at least in the winter before you will hear a whiff of it, either in the surrounding countryside or in the suburbs, so it is clear that mortality will come to Florence. And know that it begins to make itself felt in February, and so it grows into July; and from the middle of July it affects the wealthy people and those who have lived well, and fewer people die, but of the best. This is because the poison has spread so widely and has affected you so badly that it has broken through the armour and got inside; and because of the hardness of the battle it will tire you out and gradually wear you down, and finally it will strike you down. Therefore, take these precautions. In winter, begin to protect yourselves and your whole family in this way. First, beware of dampness as much as possible and do not endure cold. Then use fire every morning before you go out, and take something according to your stomach: a little bread and half a glass of good wine or malmsey, or a suitable pill, or a little theriac, if it is raining or damp, two or three mornings of fifteen days, during the day and before you get up, and then sleep a little; and eat nothing till five hours later. If you are thirsty or wish to drink half a glass of malmsey, that would be good, but no other strong wines; or if you have a weak or cold stomach, once in eight days at such times take a pickled ginger root and drink half a glass of malmsey, and then eat nothing else for five hours. Or take a clove leaf or a little cinnamon or a spoonful of trigonella or four grains of saffron or two or three boiled nuts and two or three figs without bread or anything else, as you are advised. And if you realise that it is not good for you, leave it alone; and if it is better for the stomach to remain sober, do not strain it. Don't go out too early: stay by the fire in fog and rain. Eat at the proper time, eat good things and not too much; get up with a good appetite, avoid fruit and mushrooms, do not eat them, or eat only a little and rarely. Exercise, but not strenuously, so that you do not sweat and do not feel the need to dry your clothes; avoid sexual intercourse and women, do not mix with them this year. Do not eat or drink if you do not feel like it; and if you have something in your stomach, let it digest first and then wait an hour before eating or drinking. Eat little and good things in the evening; do not eat pork in any way; if you have a good stomach, use vinegar and verjuice, but not so much that it gives you difficulty in digesting. Keep your body light, and see that you get out twice a day: If you are constipated and hard in body, take a treatment of eight or fifteen days. (c. 67r) Don't get too entangled in sleep, get up at sunrise. In this way spend the winter. And if you keep up this or a better style, you will so cleanse your stomach or your whole body that the bad air will find no clue. In spring, or really in March, you will realise where you should flee to. Wait till your fellow-citizens move: do not be the first, but after four or six have gone, go where most go, and to such a town where you will find for your money all that is necessary for the health of the body. Do not be foolish, either for miserliness or for any other reason, to shut yourself up in castles or villages or places where there are no good doctors and medicines, for it happens that the friend dies and ends up spending twice as much as the others and is laughed at, without the pain and trembling of the soul that never leaves you in peace. These are not times for miserliness, but to get money from wherever you can; and spend generously on what is necessary, without miserliness, for it is only earned to spend on survival or on life and honour, or on difficulties or similar cases. Therefore, I encourage you to escape early, and that is the safest escape there is. Make sure you have money: Don't gamble, because you could lose it all, and at these times there are very few who would lend it to you for many reasons. So be wise: Take care in advance to collect at least three hundred florins, and do not touch them unless it is necessary, and do not say that you have them, for they would be demanded of you. And take a spacious house for your family, not too cramped, but with extra rooms. And in summer use fresh things: good wine and small, chickens and goatlings, and the bellies or feet of mutton with vinegar or lettuce, or crabs if you can get them. Keep cool at midday: do not sleep if you can avoid it, or sleep sitting up. Use a lotion that doctors make with rhubarb, give it to children as it kills worms. Eat an ounce of cassia sometimes in the morning, in the buds, and give it to the children: keep it fresh in the house together with sugar and rose-water and syrup. If you are thirsty during the day, cool your wrists, temples and nose with strong vinegar. Do not stay in places with many people, especially in closed rooms such as loggias or churches or similar places. Do not stay with someone who comes from a contaminated area or has sick people in the house or whose relatives have died, as little as possible without showing it, so as not to offend or discourage them. Flee as much as you can from melancholy or sorrow: Stay in places where you can find joy and entertainment, and don't think about things that cause you pain or bad thoughts. When they come, flee from them by thinking of something else or by staying in places where there is pleasure or where people do things you like or where you can play, but only with little money: do not lose more than a florin; and if you lose it, let it go without thinking about it and do not try to recover that day, because where you want to flee sorrow and pain, you go in search of it. If you have a horse, go out in the morning and evening for pleasure. Be as chaste as possible. Flee from everything foul and the air in the neighbourhood, do not stay there. Keep your family in joy and contentment and lead a good and healthy life together, without thinking of miserliness, for it is enough to stay healthy and avoid death. I will not write further on this subject for now, because in truth, trustworthy doctors who know your nature are the ones who can give you the best advice; therefore, as I said, advice should be sought from them, although the things mentioned above are useful and good to observe in the times mentioned.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 229-233	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1348-00-00-Florence 001	May 1348 JL	Great mortality in Florence with a mortality rate of more than 60%.	In detto tempo una grandissima morìa fu in Firenze, che si stima morisse in detta pestilenzia più di 60 per cento, ch'è una scurità.	In this time (1349) was a large dying in Florence, it is estimated that more than 60 per cent died in this plague, what is an uncertainity.	Filippo di Cino Rinuccini: Ricordi storici 1840, p. 325	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-00-00-Florence 002	1348 JL	Fruosino was a good and new man and he died before the plague and his son Niccolò, who was a bad lad, died with all his sisters during the plague.	Il detto Fruosino ebbe poco, però che fu maltrattato e io gli vidi tondere i boldroni; e anche, come potea uncicare il danaio, il prestava. Fu grosso e nuovo uomo, e ebbe una moglie che fu nuova donna; ebbe due figliuoli maschi, e più femmine; Zanobi, e Niccolò vocato Bicocco, Morì innanzi a la mortalità del 1348, d'età di bene LXX anni; e Niccolò morì nella detta mortalità, e fu mercè, ch'era uno pessimo garzone, e avrebbe condotto altrui agevolemente a mali termini, e egli fatto mala fine. Le femmine anche tutte morirono;	The said Fruosino had little, because he was badly treated, and I saw him make the beds; and also, if he could scrape together a farthing, he lent it. He was a great and new man, and had a wife who was a new woman. He had two sons and several daughters; Zanobi, and Niccolò, called Bicocco. He died before the plague in 1348 at the age of a good seventy; and Niccolò died during that plague, it was mercy because he was a bad lad and could easily have got others into trouble, and he came to a bad end. All the daughters died too.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, p. 71	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1348-00-00-Florence 003	1348 JL	The woman Monna Bice survived by God's grace the Black Death which only one in a hundred managed to do.	Della detta monna Bice ebbi più figliuoli, maschi e femmine, che vennono a bene, e di que' che nel partorire non vennono a bene, (p. 292) sconciandosi anche in alcuno; ebbe grandissima infermità per la mortalità del 1348, e campò di quello che non ne campò una nel centinaio. Fu grazia di Dio e in iscampo di me, chè di certo ò per opinione, che s' ella fosse morta, io non sarei scampato, per gli accidenti m' avvennono, che che di quella infermità io non sentissi.	I had several children of the aforementioned Monna Bice, both male and female, who came out well, and of those who were not well at birth, some were mutilated. She had a very serious illness during the plague in 1348 and survived, which only one in a hundred managed to do. It was God's grace and my luck, because I'm sure I wouldn't have survived if she had died, because of the things that happened to me, even though I didn't feel anything from that illness.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, pp. 291-292	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-00-00-Florence 004	1348 JL	Plague raged in Florence and surroundings and more than 70 thousand people died alone inside the city.	Proximo dehinc anno pestis iampridem ingressa urbem ita desaevivit, ut supra fidem videatur eius stragem referre. Sexaginta amplius hominum millia defuncta morbo intra urbem constat, et insignes viros, quorum consilio respublica nitebatur, ferme omnes sublatos. In agro autem exinanita cuncta ac paene deserta. Ob eam calamitatem, nihil publice geri eo anno potuit. Tantum adversus latrones, qui per Apennini iugum itinera infestabant, copiae quaedam missae.	By the next year, the plague had long since entered the city and ravaged it to such an extent that the tale of its slaughter seems beyond belief. It is evident that more than 70,000 people inside the city died of the disease, and nearly all the distinguished men on whom the city relied were wiped out. The countryside was entirely emptied out and practically deserted. Thanks to this calamity, no public business could be conducted this year. The only action was to send some troops out against robbers infesting the roads that crossed the Apennine passes.	Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, p. 314.	None
1348-00-00-Florence 005	1348 JL	During the plague, the society of Orto San Michele became very rich, because people willingly left their money and wealth to the society. With these riches they helped many poor people, but with time greedy people tried to use the money for their own benefit.	Come alla compagnia d'Orto Sa Michele fu lasciato gran tesoro. Nella nostra città di Firenze, l’anno della detta mortalità, avenne mirabile cosa: che venendo a morte li uomini, per la fede che i cittadini di Firenze avieno a l'ordine e alla sperienza che veduta era della chiara, e buona e ordinata limosina che s'era fatta lungo tempo, e facea per li capitani della compagnia di madonna santa Maria d’Orto Sa Michele, sanza alcuno umano procaccio, si trovò per testamenti fatti (i quali testamenti nella mortalità, e poco apresso, si poterono trovare e avere) che’ cittadini di Firenze lasciarono a stribuire a’ poveri per li capitani di quella compagnia più di CCCLM di fiorini d’oro. Che vedendosi (p. 20) la gente morire, e morire i loro figliuoli e i loro congiunti, ordinavano i testamenti, e chi avea reda che vivesse, legava la reda, se lla reda morisse, volea la detta compagnia fosse reda; e molti che non avieno alcuna reda, per divozione dell’usata e santa limosina che questa compagnia solea fare, acciò che 'l suo si stribuisse a’ poveri com'era usato, lasciavano di ciò ch’avieno reda la detta compagnia; e molti altri novolendo che per successione il suo venisse a' suoi congiunti, o a’ suoi consorti, legavano alla detta compagnia tutti i loro beni. Per questa cagione, ristata la mortalità in Firenze, si trovò improviso quella compagnia in sì grande tesoro, sanza quello che ancora no potea sapere. E i mendichi poveri erano quasi tutti morti, e ogni feminella era piena e abondevole delle cose, sicché non cercavano limosina. Sentendosi questo fatto per cittadini, procacciarono molti con sollicitudine d’essere capitani per potere aministrare (p. 21) questo tesoro, e cominciarono a ragunare le masserizie e i danari; ch'avendo a vendere le masserizie nobili de'grandi cittadini e mercatanti, tutte le migliori e lle più belle volieno per loro a grande mercato, e l'altre più vili facieno vendere in plubico, e i danari cominciarono a serbare, e chi ne tenea una parte, e chi un'altra a lloro utilità. […]	A great treasure was left to the society of Orto San Michele. In our city of Florence, during the year of this deadly plague, something remarkable happened: as people were dying, the citizens of Florence, trusting in the order and experience demonstrated by the clear, good, and organized charity that had been practiced for a long time by the captains of the society of Our Lady of Orto San Michele—without any human intervention—left, according to wills (that could be found during the plague and shortly thereafter) more than 350,000 gold florins to be distributed to the poor by the captains of this society. People, seeing their children and relatives dying, arranged their wills, and those who had heirs who survived would pass on their inheritance; if the heirs died, they wanted the society to be their heir. And many who had no heirs, out of devotion to the customary and holy charity that this society used to perform, left what they had as inheritance to this society so that it could be distributed to the poor as was customary. And many others, not wanting their wealth to go to their relatives or associates through succession, bequeathed all their possessions to this society. For this reason, once the plague ceased in Florence, it was found that the society unexpectedly held a great treasure, aside from what could not yet be accounted for. And the poor beggars were almost all dead, and every household was full and abundant with supplies, so much so that they did not seek alms. When the citizens heard about this situation, many eagerly sought to become captains to be able to manage this treasure. They began gathering the goods and money; when they had to sell the valuable possessions of prominent citizens and merchants, they would take the best and finest for themselves at a good price, while the lesser items were sold publicly, and the money was kept by those who held parts of it, each for their own benefit. [...]	Matteo Villani 1995, pp. 19-21.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Genoa	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Infection of four marauding soldiers through a object in Rivarolo near Genoa, where all the inhabitants had already died of the plague.	Nos preterite consumpserunt. presentes corrodunt viscera. et future maiora, nobis discrimina comminantur quod Ardenti studio laborantes percepimus, (p. 51) perdidimus vna hora. Vbi sunt delicate vestes, et preciosa Juventus. Ubi nobilitas et fortitudo pugnancium. vbi seniorum maturitas antiquata, et dominarum purpurata caterua. Vbi thesaurus et preciosi lapides congregati proh dolor omnes mortis Impetu deffecerunt. Ad quern lbimus. qui nimium medebitur. Fugere non licet. latere non expedit. Vrbes, menia, Arua, nemora vie, et omuis aquarum materia, latronibus circumdantur. Isti sunt maligni Spiritus, summi tortores Judicis, omnibus supplicia Inhinita parantes. Quoddam possumus explicare pauendum, prope Januam, tunc exercitu residente euenit. vt quatuor exercitus socij, Intencione spoliandi loca et homines, exercitum dimiserunt . et ad Riparolurn pergentes in littore maris, ubi morbus Interfecerat vniuersos, domos clausas inuenientes, et nemine comparente, domum vnam apperientes, et Intrantes lectulum, cum Lana obuoiutum Inueniunt, aufferunt et exportant. et in exercitum reuertentes, nocte sequenti, quatuor sub lena , in lectulo dormitiui quiescunt. Sed mane facto, mortui sunt Inuenti. Ex quo tremor Inuasit omnes, ut Rebus et vestibus deffunctorum contemptis, nullus postea frui velet. nec eciam manibus atractare.	Template:TN	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 50–51	None
1348-00-00-Germany	1348 JL	Jews were accused of poisoning the water and wells. Thus they were persecuted and burned in many parts in Germany	[115.] De mala fama et infortunio Iudeorum in diversis terris et regionibus. Et infamati sunt Iudei, quod huiusmodi pestilenciam fecerint vel auxerint fontibus et puteis iniecto veneno. Et cre*mati sunt a mari usque ad Alamanniam preterquam Avinionis, ubi ipsos papa Clemens sextus defendit. Post [p. 265] hec tortis quibusdam in Berna, in comitatu Froburg et alibi, et reperto in Zovingen veneno, extinctisque Iudeis in pluribus locis, scriptoque *de hoc consulibus Basiliensis, Friburgensis et Argentinensis civitatum, maioribusque ad defensionem nitentibus Iudeorum, ac quibusdam eciam nobilibus Basilee pro quadam iniuria Iudeis illata ad longum tempus bannitis: ecce irruit populus cum baneriis ad palacium consulum. Quibus territis et querente magistro, quid vellent, responderunt se nolle abire nisi bannitis reversis. Pro quibus illico est transmissum, consulibus non audentibus egredi, quousque venerunt. Adiecitque populus se nolle, quod inibi amplius remanerent Iudei. Et iuratum est per consules et populum, quod in ducentis annis inibi nunquam residerent Iudei. Conveneruntque pluries nuncii meliores earundem trium civitatum, quibus cordi erat reten*cio Iudeorum, set populi timuerunt clamorem. Capti sunt autem undique in partibus illis Iudei. […][p. 266] Et sic modo in uno loco, postea in alio sunt cremati. Alicubi autem sunt expulsi. Quos vulgus apprehendens hos cremavit, aliquos interfecit, alios in paludibus suffocavit. [...]	116. Of the slander and persecution of the Jews in various countries and kingdoms. And the Jews were accused of having caused or aggravated this plague by throwing poison into springs and wells. They were burned from the seashore to Germany, except in Avignon, where Pope Clement VI protected them. After some had been tortured in Bern, in the county of Froburg and in other places and poison had been found in Zofingen, they were murdered in many places and written about to the councillors of the cities of Basel, Freiburg and Strasbourg, and since the rulers sought to protect them and even some nobles of Basel were banished for a long time because of an injustice done to the Jews, the people rushed to the town hall with their banners. The councillors were startled by this and the mayor asked: "What did they want?", to which they replied: "They would not leave until the exiles had returned"; so they were immediately sent for, because the councillors did not dare to leave until they had returned. Then the people said: "They would no longer tolerate the Jews in the city," and the councillors and the people swore that within two hundred years no Jew should live in the city. But the nobles of these three cities, who were anxious to keep the Jews, repeatedly came together, but they feared the clamour of the people. But the Jews were captured everywhere in that region. [...] and so they were burned sometimes in this place, sometimes in that. In some places they were merely expelled, but the people caught up with them, burned some and beat others to death or suffocated them in swamps. [...]	Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 264-266.	None
1348-00-00-Iceland	16 April 1348 JL	The bishop of Skálholt, Jón Sigurðsson, dies of a plague in 1348 on the Day of St Magnús Erlendsson, 16 April. Earlier, he had unsuccessfully attempted to reconcile Northern Icelandic peasants with the Bishop of Hólar, Ormr Ásláksson. Harsh winter in Iceland, even fjords are frozen	Vtkuama Jons byskops. Sigurdar sonar. Reid hann til Hola ok ætlade at koma sættargiord j millum Orms byskops ok Nordlendinga. en allr almugi bonda samnadizst saman ok kom til Hola. ok villdu at ongum koste vndir hann leggia edr sættazst vidr þa Orm byskop. Reid Jon byskop sudr kiol ok tok sott þegar hann kom sndr. vm land. ok la framan til Magnus dags ok saladizst þa. var hann framferdugr madr ok mickill hofdinga. Frosta vetr sua mickill a Islande at frere sioinn vmhuerfiss landit so at rida matte af hueriu annnese ok vm alla fiordu.	Arrival of Bishop Jón Sigurðsson (to Iceland). He rode to Hólar and attempted to bring reconciliation between Bishop Ormr and the Northerners. But all peasants gathered together and came to Hólar and did not want at any cost to submit or reconcile with Bishop Ormr. Bishop Jón rode southwards to Keilir and fell sick with a plague when he arrived in the south of the country, and was laid up until Magnus’ Day (= 16 April), and died then. He was a favourable and great man. Such a great winter of frost on Iceland that there was frost around the land, so that it was possible to ride from every point of land and all over the fjord.	Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 275	Translation by Carina Damm
1348-00-00-Italy	1348 JL	Black Death is associated with blood spitting	Isto anno usque ad Festum omnium Sanctorum, tam ultra mare, quam citra per totum mundum fuit morbus horribilis et tremendus. Qui conversabatur cum infirmo, moriebatur; spuebant sanguinem. Multae Civitates, & Oppida hac causa per Mundum desertae incolis factae sunt.	This year, until the Feast of All Saints, both across the sea and on this side throughout the entire world, there was a horrible and tremendous disease. Whoever interacted with the sick would die; they would spit blood. Many cities and towns around the world were deserted by their inhabitants because of this.	Chronicon Regiense, p. 66	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Italy 004	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Describes how the plague came from the city of Feodosia (Caffa) through sailors to Genoa and how it spreads rapidly about complete Italy, killing thousands and leading to mass deaths and panic. The society was overwhelmed by death and grief. The suffering is seen as a punishment from God.	Sane, quia ab oriente in occidentem transiuimus, licet omnia discutere que vidimus et cognouimus probabilimus argumentis, et que possumus deij terribilia Judicia declarare. audiant vniuersi et lacrimis habundare cogantur. Inquit enim conctipotens, delebo hominem quem creaui a facie terre. quia caro et sanguis est , in cinerem et puluerem conuertetur. Spiritus meus non permanebit in homine. Quid putas bone deus, sie tuam creaturam delere, et humanum genus, sic jubes, sic mandas subito depperire . vbi misericordia tua, vbi fedus patrum nostrorum.vbi est uirgo beata, que suo gremio continet peccatores. vbi martirum preciosus sanguis vbi confessorum et uirginum Agmina decorata, et tocius exercitus paradixi. qui pro peccatoribus rogare non desinunt . vbi mors Christi preciosa crucis, et nostra redemptio admirabilis. Cesset obsecro ira tua bone deus, nec sic conteras peccatores, ut fructu multiplicato penitencie. Aufferas omne malum nec cum iniustis iusti clampnentur quia misericordiam vis et non sacrificium. Te audio peccatorem, uerba mein auribus instillantem. Stille jubeo . Misericordie tempora deffecerunt. Deus uocor ulcionum. libet peccata et scelera vindicare. dabo signa mea inorientibus preuenti studeant animarum prouidere saluti. Sic euenit a preffata Caffensi terra,nauigio discedente, quedam paucis gubernata nautis, eciam uenenato morbo infectis Januam Applicarunt quedam venecijs quedam (p. 50) alijs partibus christianorum. Mirabile dictu. Nauigantes, cum ad terras aliquas accedebant, ac si rnaligni spiritus comitantes, mixtis hominibus Intererint. omnis ciuitas, omnis locus, omnis terra et habitatores eorum vtriusque sexus, morbi contagio pestifero uenenati, morte subita corruebant. Et cum unus ceperat Egrotari, mox cadens et moriens vniuersam familiam uenenabat. Iniciantes, ut cadauera sepelirent, mortis eodem genere corruebant. Sic sic mors per fenestras Intrabat. et depopullatis vrbibus et Castellis, loca, suos deffunctos acolas deplorabant. Dic dic Janua, quid fecisti. Narra Sijcilia, et Insule pellagi copiose, Judicia deij. Explica venecia, Tuscia, et tota ytalia, quid agebas. Nos Januensis et venetus dei Judicia reuellare compellimus. Proh dolor Nostris ad vrbes, classibus applicatis, Intrauimus domos nostras. Et quia nos grauis Infirmitas detinebat . et nobis de Mille Navigantibus vix decem supererant, propinqui, Affines, et conuicini ad nos vndique confluebant. heu nobis, qui mortis Jacula portabamus, dum amplexibus et osculis nos tenerent, ex ore, dum uerba uerba loquebamur, venenuni fundere cogebamur. Sic illi ad propria reuertentes, mox totam familiam venenabant . et Infra triduum, percussa familia, mortis Jaculo subiacebat, exequias funeris pro pluribus ministrantes, crescente numero deffunctorum pro sepulturis terra sufficere non ualebant. presbiteri et medici , quibus Infirmorum cura rnaior necessitatis Articulis Iminebat, dum Infirmos uisitare satagunt, proh dolor, recedentes Infirmi, deffunctos statim subsequuntur. O, patres. O, matres, O, filij, et vxores, gros diu prosperitas, Incollumes conseruauit, nec Infelices et Infeliciores, pre ceteris, vos simul, eadem sepultura concludit qui pari numdo fruebamini leticia et omnis prosperitas aridebat . qui gaudia uanitatibus miscebatis, idem tumulus vos suscepit, vermibus esca datos. O mors dura, mors Impia, mors aspera, mors crudelis, que sic parentes diuidis, dissocias coniugatos, filios Interficis, fratres separas , et sonores . plangimus, miseri calamitates nostras.	Since we have traveled from the east to the west, we are permitted to discuss all that we have seen and known with probable arguments and to declare the terrible judgments of God that we can. Let everyone hear and be compelled to overflow with tears. For the Almighty says, "I will destroy the man whom I have created from the face of the earth, because he is flesh and blood, and he will be turned into ashes and dust. My spirit will not remain in man." What do you think, good God, about thus destroying your creation and commanding the human race to suddenly perish in this way? Where is your mercy, where is the covenant with our fathers? Where is the blessed Virgin who holds sinners in her lap? Where is the precious blood of the martyrs, where are the decorated bands of confessors and virgins, and the entire army of paradise? They do not cease to pray for sinners. Where is the precious death of Christ on the cross and our admirable redemption? Cease, I beseech you, your anger, good God, and do not crush sinners so that the fruit of penance may multiply. Remove all evil, and do not let the just be condemned with the unjust, for you desire mercy, not sacrifice. I hear you, sinner, instilling my words in your ears. I command you to stop. The times of mercy have ended. I am called the God of vengeance. I am pleased to avenge sins and crimes. I will give my signs to those in the east, let them strive to ensure the salvation of their souls. Thus it happened that from the aforementioned land of Caffa, a certain ship, governed by a few sailors, even infected with the venomous plague, set sail and arrived at Genoa. Some went to Venice, others to other parts of Christendom. It is incredible to say. When the sailors approached any lands, as if accompanied by malignant spirits, mixing with the people, every city, every place, every land and its inhabitants of both sexes, infected by the contagious pestilence, suddenly collapsed in death. And when one began to fall sick, soon falling and dying, he poisoned the entire household. Those who came to bury the corpses fell by the same kind of death. Thus, death entered through the windows, and with the cities and castles depopulated, the places mourned their dead inhabitants. Tell, Genoa, what have you done? Tell, Sicily, and the numerous islands of the sea, declare the judgments of God. Explain, Venice, Tuscany, and all of Italy, what were you doing. We Genoese and Venetians are compelled to reveal the judgments of God. Oh, sorrow, when we arrived at our cities with our fleets, we entered our homes. And since we were held by a severe illness, with scarcely ten of us out of a thousand sailors surviving, relatives, friends, and neighbors flocked to us from everywhere. Alas for us, who bore the arrows of death, as they held us in their embraces and kisses, while we spoke words, we were compelled to pour out poison from our mouths. Thus, they returning to their homes, soon poisoned their entire household. And within three days, the family struck by the arrow of death lay dead, and those attending the funerals of many could not find enough earth for burials, as the number of the dead increased. Priests and doctors, whose care for the sick was most needed, while striving to visit the sick, oh sorrow, leaving the sick, immediately followed the dead. Oh, fathers, oh mothers, oh sons, and wives, whom prosperity long preserved unharmed, neither the unfortunate nor the most unfortunate were buried together in the same grave. Those who enjoyed equal prosperity and happiness, the same tomb received, given as food for worms. Oh harsh death, impious death, bitter death, cruel death, that thus divides parents, separates spouses, kills sons, and separates brothers and sisters. We, the miserable, lament our calamities.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 49–50	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Italy 005	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes how the plague destabilized the social cohesion and moreover the report see the reason for the plague in a punishment of god. The text calls for repentance and humility to appease God's wrath.	edet plura contexere, et tante Calamitatis uulnera denudare. Contremescat omnis creatura, Judicio deij perterita,et suo creatori, humana fragilitas, non resistat . plus dolor, cordibus accendatur et oculi omnium uberes in lacrimas prorumptur. Audiant vituri (victuri ?) seculi huius calamitatis euentum. Jacebat solus languens in domo. ullus proximus accedebat. Cariores flentes, tantum Angulis se ponebant. Medicus non trabat. Sacerdos attonitus, ecclesiastica sacramenta timidus ministrabat. Ecce vox flebilis Infirmantis clamabat. Misereminj miseremini saltem vox amici mei , quia manus domini tetigit me. Alter Aiebat. O pater cur me deseris, esto non immemor geniture Aliuus. O. Mater ubi es, cur heri mihi pia modo crudelis efficeris. que mihi lac vberum propinasti, et nouem niensibus, vtero portasti. Alter, O, filij, quos sudore et laboribus multis educavi cur fugitis. Versa vice vir et vxor Inuiceni extendebant, heu nobis, qui placido coniugio lectabamur, nunc tristi, proh dolor diuorcio separamus. Et cum jn extremis laboraret egrotus, voces adhuc lugubres emittebat. Accedite proximi et (p. 54) convicinj mel . En siclo, aque gutam porrigite sicienti viuo Ego .Nolite timere. Forsitan viuere plus licebit. tangite me. Rogo, palpitate corpusculum , certe nunc me tangere deberetis. Tune quispiam, pietate ductus remotis ceteris, accenssa in pariete candelam iuxta Caput fugiens lmprimebat(?) Et cum spiritus exalaret sepe mater filium, et maritus uxorem, cum omnes deffunctum tangere recusarent in capsia pannis obuolutum ponebant. Non preco, non tuba, non Campana, nec 1lissa solempniter celebrata ad funus amicos et proximos Inuitabant. 1Iagnos et nobiles ad sepulturam gestabant vifes et abiecte perssone conducte peccunia, quia deffunctis consimiles, pauore percussi , accedere non audebant. Diebus ac noctibus, cum necessitas deposcebat, breuj ecclesie officio, tradebantur sepulcris .clausis frequenter dom'ibus deffunctorum, nullus Intrare, nec res deffunctorum tangere presumebat. Quicquid actum fuerit, omnibus Inotescat, vno post Alium decedente omnes tandem mortis Jaculo deffecerunt. O durum et triste spectaculum vniuersis . quis pia compassione non lugebat. et superuenientis pestis cladis et morbi teribilibus non turbetur. Indurata sunt corda nostra et nullam futurorum memoriam computamus. Heu nobis . Ecce hereditas nostra uersa est, ad Alienos et domus nostre ad extraneos. Addant si uolunt superstiltes , nempe lacrimas singultibus occupatus procedere uon valleo. quia vndique mors, vbique amaritudo describitur . plus et plus lterato, manus ornnipotentis extenditur. Judicium teribile, continuatis temporibus Inualescit. § Quid faciemus, o, bone yhesu animas suscipe deffunctorum. Auerte fadem tuam a pec catis nostrijs . et omnes iniquitates nostras delle. Scimus seimus, quia quicquid patimur peccata nostra merentur. Apprehendite igitur disciplinam , ne quando Irascatur Klominus, et pereatis de via iusta . humilientur ergo superbi. Errubescant Auari, qui pauperum detinent ellemosinas lmpeditas. Invidi caritate calescant. Lusuriosi spreta putredine, honestatis regula decorentur. Effrenes, Irracundi, salutis sue terminos non excedant. Gulosi Jeiunijs temperentur. Et quibus accidia dominatur, bonis operibus Induantur. Non sic, non sic adolesceutes et Juuenes, vestibus delectentur in cultu. Sit fides et equitas In Judicibus: (p. 55) Sit legalitas Merchatorum. Notariorum parua et inordinata eondictio, prius discat, et sapiat , quam scribere meditetur. Religiosorum abiciatur ypocrisis. Ordinetur in melius dignitas prelatorum. Omnis populus viam salutis Impetrare festines. Et dominarum pomposa vanitas, que sic uoluptatibus Imiscetur, freno moderata procedat. contra quarum arroganciam ysayas, suo vaticinio resonabat . pro eo quod elleuate sunt filie Syon , et ambulauerunt extento collo, et nutibus oculorum ibant et plaudebant ambulabant, et pedibus suis, composito grade Incedebant decaluabit dominus verticem filiarum Syon et dominus crinem earum nudabit. In die illa aufferet dominus, ornatum calciamentorum lunullas et torques, monilia, et Armillas, mitras et discriminalia, periscelidas, et niurenullas, et olfactoriola, et in Aures Annullos . et gemas in fronte pendentes, et nmtatoria, et paliola, et linteamina, et acus, et specula, et Syndones, et nittas, et terristra. et erit pro suavi odore fetor, et pro Zona funiculus, et pro crispanti crine caluicium, et pro fascia pectorali cillicium.puicerimi quoque viri tui gladio cadent , et fortes tui in prelio. et moerebuntur atque lugebunt ponte eins . et dessolata terra manebit. hec contra dominarum et Juuenum superbiam elleuatum.	Template:TN	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp, 53–54.	None
1348-00-00-Lübeck	1348 JL	The Master Johan Dannekowe explains the great plague in Magdeburg and Lübeck by a conjunction and a solar eclipse. In addition, the Jews were accused of poisoning people during this time.	666. In deme sulven jare schref mester Johan Dannekowe, de wiseste mester in der kunst astronomia, de to den tyden in Dudeschen landen was, von deme stervende van Meydeborch to Lubeke sinen sunderliken vrunden. he schref: 'wetet van der suke des stervendes, als my dunket, dat de sake desser suke was unde is en eclipsis des manen, de dar was vor der samelunghe der planeten Jovis unde Saturni in deme jare Godes 1345 an unser vrowen nacht in der vastene der bodescap, unde was an deme negheteynden daghe des Merten, an der nacht dar na des sulven jares, unde was desse eclipsis an dem mynsliken (p. 514) tekene, als an deme tekene, dat de libra eder de waghe heited, unde de ascendens des halven eclipsis was des scorpionis tzaghel. dor der stede willen betekende de eclipsis over mynslike slechte unde dor des ascendens willen, dar de planete Mars here over is, betekent he mordent unde sukent, unde na wane dor des schorpionis tzaghels willen betekent he vorghift; unde wente desse vorsproken eclipsis was an der tiid der sammelunghe der grotesten planeten Saturni unde Jovis, als hir vor sproken is, wente se beide warn in deme sulven enen grade, dar umme betekent he langhe warenden anval, als de hoghe mester Ptolomeus sprekt in deme boke quadriperto. mer ik hope, dat Almania van desser betekenunghe nicht vele liden schal, wente aries dat teken is over Almanien, unde Mars de planeta, de dar here is over dat teken aries, was here des ascendentis desses eclipsis. 667. Nu hadden ok de joden grote mestere in der sulven kunst astronomia, de langhe vorgheseen hadden de tiid des stervendes. Do ghewunnen de joden arghe danken, unde wurden des to rade, dat se mit vorghifnisse hemeliker sake unde mit arghen dinghen tolegheden unde hulpen desseme vorbenomenden tokomenden stervende, uppe dat se dar nicht ane vordacht worden unde wolden sik vryen van der eghenscap, dar se inne syn. nu wolde Ghod, dat dit to wetene wart den mechtighen heren in den landen unde den guden steden; de worden des to rade, dat se de undat wreken wolden an den joden, unde sloghen se in manighen landen unde in menigher stat to dode.	666. In the same year (1348), Master Johan Dannekowe, the wisest master in the art of astronomy in the German lands at the time, wrote to his special friends about the plague that affected Magdeburg and Lübeck. He wrote: “Be aware of the cause of this plague, as I see it, which was an eclipse of the moon that occurred before the conjunction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn in the year of our Lord 1345, on the night of the Annunciation of Our Lady, during Lent, on the 29th day of March, and the following night of the same year. This eclipse happened in a human sign, namely in the sign of Libra (the Scales), and the ascendant of the partial eclipse was in the sting of Scorpio. Due to its position, the eclipse signified harm to humanity, and due to the ascendant, which is ruled by the planet Mars, it signifies death and disease, and furthermore, due to the influence of Scorpio's sting, it signifies poison. Because this mentioned eclipse occurred at the time of the conjunction of the great planets Saturn and Jupiter, as was spoken of before, since they both were in the same degree, it therefore indicates a prolonged assault, as the great master Ptolemy speaks of in the book Quadripartite. However, I hope that Germany will not suffer greatly from this omen, since Aries is the ruling sign over Germany, and Mars, the planet that governs Aries, was in the position of the ascendant for this eclipse. 667. Now, the Jews also had great masters in the same art of astronomy, who had foreseen the time of the plague long before. Then, the Jews developed evil intentions and decided to add to the impending plague by means of poison and wicked deeds, to avoid being blamed for it themselves and to free themselves from the distress they were in. But God willed that this knowledge came to the attention of the powerful lords in the lands and the good cities, who resolved to take revenge for this evil on the Jews, and they put many to death in numerous lands and various cities.”	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 513-514.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-00-00-Mantua	1348 JL	The Black Death in Mantua.	Cap. CLIIII - De mortalitate que fuit MCCCXLVIII In quel anno di gran mortalità venìa / ben che in del passato zià era stato, / di gaudusse a l' inguinaie morìa. / L'uno anno e l' altro si fu terminato / li due parti di li zente morire, / cinquantamila co conta extimato. / Li biade per li campi no choiere, / li uve in su li vigni si romanìa / non era chi curasse de quelli avire. / Li chase vode abandonate stasìa, / non era alchuno chi di roba curasse, / zaschuno per ascampar pensier facìa.	Chapter CLIIII - On the Mortality of 1348 In that year of great mortality, it came / even though in the past it had already been, / people died of swelling in the groin. / One year and the next it was finished / two-thirds of the people died, / estimated at fifty thousand in total. / The grain in the fields did not grow, / the grapes on the vines remained, / there was no one who cared for those possessions. / The houses stood empty and abandoned, / there was no one who cared for goods, / everyone thought only of escaping..	"Aliprandina" o "Cronica di Mantua", p. 133.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Middle East	February 1348 JL	The beginning and the origins of the Black Death in the Middle East; High mortality in Lucca, Pisa, Venice from February to June.	In lo dicto millesimo si fu una grandissima mortalità in più parte del mondo, specialmente a Zenoa, a Pisa, a Lucha, a Vinexia, in Avignone, in la Cicilia, e più città si facea guardia, de che queste città prescripte le persone de quelle non gli potesseno entrare. Et questo si cominzò in 1347, e pare che el commenzamento fusse al Chataio et in Persia, che gli piové aqua cum vermi et appuzolava tucte le persone et contrade, et possa parve che gli chadesse balotte facte como uno homo a grossa la testa et parea neve et como elle erano in terra che ardeano la terra et le prede, come fusseno legne; sì che disesse ch'ele fevano fumo grandissimo et quanti [p. 583] vedeva questo subbito chadevano morti. De che pare che da x galee de Christiani, zoè de Zenovisi, Ceciliani et d' altre parte, arivaseno là, et sentino de questo, et comminzono a morire; de che se partino et zaschuno s'apressò d'arivare alle soe contrade, et in ogni parte, là dove elli arivavano, si diseano' questa pistolenza, che zaschuno che gli odiva o vedeva, incontenti si era morto, o vero infermo; de che la mortaligha in le città sopradicte è 't sì forte et sì fiera che christiano non lo poteva contare. Et si vidi la lettera lá ove queste cose erano scripte, che da cielo era chazù tre prede grosse quanto è uno barile da mele zaschuna, et havela innanzi che questa mortaligha fusse in Ytalia; et fu dà la lettera a Pisa et de llì io l'avi. Questa mortalità da Lucha, da Pisa, da Vinexia fu in lo mille 3e 48, de febraro, de marzo, d'aprile, de mazo et de zugno.	In the said thousandth year, there was a great mortality in many parts of the world, especially in Zenoa, Pisa, Lucha, Vinexia, Avignon, and Cicilia, and more cities were guarded, so that these cities prescribed that the people of those cities could not enter them. And this began in M3cxl7, and it seems that the beginning was at Chataio and in Persia, that it rained water with worms and it appuzzolava all the people and lands, and it seemed to him that there fell boulders made like a man with a large head and it seemed like snow and how they were on the ground that burned the earth and the prey, as if they were wood; so that he said that they made very great smoke and those who [p. 583] saw this sub-burden. 583] saw this immediately fell dead. So it seems that from x galleys of Christians, namely from Zenovisi, Ceciliani and others, they arrived there, and heard of this, and began to die; So they departed and each one opened up to reach his own quarters, and in every place, where they arrived, they said to each other, that each one who hated them, or saw them, met with death, or was truly ill; so that the mortality in the cities above is so strong and so fierce that the Christians could not count it. Et si vidi la lettera lá ove queste cose erano scripte, che da cielo era chazù tre prede grosse quanto è uno barile da mele zaschuna, et havela innteriormente che questa mortaligha fusse in Ytalia; et fu dà la lettera a Pisa et de llì l'avvi. This mortality from Lucha, from Pisa, from Venice was in 1348, in February, de March, April, May and June.	Cronaca A (-1350), pp. 582–583.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Middle East 002	1348 JL	The beginning and the origins of the Black Death in the Middle East and about the severe earthquake especially in Villach.	In 1348 in Italia e per tuto lo mondo, circha l'ora de vespero, fonno grandissimi teramoti adì 25 de zenaro. El quale teramoto fo sentito per tuto el mondo e masimamente in le parti de Charantana, donde è una citade nome Vilach, la quale fo tuta somerssa per lo ditto teramoto; e fo contado e scrito per merchatanti che ne le parte del Chatay piovè grandisima quantitade de vermi e de serpenti li quali devoravano de le persone. Anchora in quele contrade del Chatay e de Persia piové fuogo da zielo a modo neve, el quale fuogo bruxò li monti e la terra e gli omeni, el quale fuogo faceva fumo tanto pesetelenziale chi chi lo sentìa morìa [p. 590] in fra spacio de 12 ore. Anchora chi guardava quili, ch'erano avenenati da quelo fumo, moriano. E avene che doe Zenoixi, passando per dita contrada fono infiziati de questa pistilenzia e cominzarno a morire. E prevenuti a Costantinopoli e in Pera incontenenti queli comenzono a morire in quele citade in tal modo che ne morì li dui terzi de le persone; e, andate quelle doe galee in Sizilia e in Misina, apichono la mortalitade in quele contrade dove morì 530 milia persone. E una citade de quelo reame che à nome Prapani remaxe dexabitada per quella pistilenzia. E in la cità de Zenora morì circa 40 milia persone. Anchora a la zitade de Marsilia remaxe quaxi desabitada. La quale pistilenzia fo per tuto lo mondo. E in quelo anno, per la nativitade de Ihesu Christo, aparve uno fuogo ne l'aiera, el quale tenìa da livante a ponente. [p. 591] E ne le parte de Catalogna cade tre prede grandissime e quili de quele contrade mandono una de quele prede su uno mulo al re de Catalogna. [...] [p. 592] E per quelo ch'io trovo, quella pistilenzia fo per tuto lo mondo: Unde fo scrito per merchadanti che in la cità de Parixi, in uno dì forno sepelidi 1328 persone, e molte citdae de Franza e d'oltra monti romaxeno quasi desabitade. E in Venexia e de Chioza se disse che ogni dì circha 600 persone, e similmente de Pixa.	In 1348 in Italy and all over the world, around the hour of evening, there was a great earthquake on the 25th of January. This earthquake was heard all over the world, and especially in the Charantana area, where there is a town called Vilach, which was completely submerged by this earthquake; and it was reported and written by merchants that in the Chatay area it rained a great quantity of worms and snakes which devoured people. Also in those parts of Chatay and Persia it rained snow-like gale-force winds, which burned the mountains and the earth and people, and which made such heavy smoke that those who felt it died within 12 hours. Even those who looked at those who were poisoned by that smoke died. And it came to pass that two Zenoixi, passing through the district, were infected with this pistilenzia and began to die. And when they came to Constantinople and Pera they began to die in those cities in such a way that two thirds of the people died; and when those two galleys went to Syzilia and Misina, they opened the mortality in those lands where 530 thousand people died. And a city of that realm, which is called Prapani, became inhabited by that people. And in the city of Zenora about 40 thousand people died. Anchora a la zitade de Marsilia remaxe quaxi desabitada. La quale pistilenzia fo per tutto lo mondo. E in quelo anno, per la nativitade de Ihesu Christo, a fuogo ne l'aiera aparve, el el el tenìa da livante a ponente. [p. 591] And in the part of Catalonia three very great preys fell, and those from those lands sent one of them on a mule to the King of Catalonia. [...] [p. 592] And from what I find, that pistilenzia was for all the world: so it was written by merchants that in the city of Parixi, in one day 1328 people were buried, and many cities of France and other mountains were almost deserted. And in Venice and Chioza it was said that every day about 600 people were buried, and similarly in Pisa.	Cronaca Bolognetti 1938, pp. 589–592.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Middle East 003	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes the spread and the demografical impact of the plague on various regions, including Genoa, Venice and the Orient. It details the victim number in these areas. The plague caused massive losses in populations, with the Saracens being particularly hard-hit.	Hec de Januensibus, quorum pars Septima vix Remansit. Hec de venetis, quorurn In Inquisitione facta super defunctis asseritur, ex centenario ultra Septuaginta. Et ex viginti quatuor medicis excellentibus, viginti, paruo tempore deffecisse& ex alijs partibus ytalie, Sycilie, et Apulie, cum suis circumdantibus plurimum dessolatis congemunt, Pisanij, lucenses, suis acollis denudati, dolores suos exagerant uehementer. Romana Curia, prouincie citra, et vltra Rodanum, hyspania, Francia, et latissime Regiones, Allamaniae, suos exponant dolores, et clades, cum sit mihi in narrando difficultas eximia. Sed quid acciderit Saracenis, constat Relatibus fide dignis. Cum igitur Soldanus plurimos habeat subiugatos, ex sola Babilonis vrbe vbi thronnm et dominium habet, tribus mensibus non elapsis. In MCCCXLVIII. CCCCLXXX.M morbi cladibus Interempti dicuntur, quod quidem Innotuit ex Registro Soldani, abi nomina mortuorum notantur, a quorum quolibet recipit bisancium vnum, quando sepulture traduntur. Taceo Damascum et (p. 52) ceteras vrbes eius, quarum Infinitus extitit numerus deffunctorum. Sed de alijs Regionibus oriientis, que per trienium vis (!) poterunt equitari, cum tanta sit multitudo degentium, ut quando occidens vnum, genera X .M [10,000] Oriens producat. et nos refferunt, Insulatos, credendum et Innumerabiles deffecisse.	Regarding the Genoese, scarcely one-seventh of them survived. Regarding the Venetians, it is reported from investigations of the deceased that out of every hundred, more than seventy died. Of the twenty-four excellent physicians, twenty perished in a short time. Other parts of Italy, Sicily, and Apulia, along with their surrounding areas, mourn their extreme desolation. The people of Pisa and Lucca, stripped of their neighbors, deeply lament their pain. The Roman Curia, provinces on both sides of the Rhône, Spain, France, and the vast regions of Germany express their sorrows and calamities, making it exceedingly difficult for me to recount them all. But what happened to the Saracens is known from trustworthy reports. The Sultan, having many subjects, in the city of Babylon alone, where he has his throne and dominion, in less than three months in the year 1348, is said to have lost 480,000 people to the plague, as noted in the Sultan's registry, where the names of the deceased are recorded, each paying a bisancium for their burial. I omit Damascus and other cities under his rule, where the number of the dead was immense. As for other regions of the East, which could not be traversed in three years due to the great number of inhabitants, when one dies in the West, the East produces ten thousand more. Reports indicate that countless people perished on the islands as well.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 51–52	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Milan	1348 JL	Small outbreak of the plague in Milan with only three dead families	Et a Milano non fue sì grande, chè vi morì in tucto tre famiglie alle quali furono murati usci e finestre, et non andò più innanzi, et misonvi fuocho inelle chase.	And in Milan, it was not so great, because three families died there, whose doors and windows were walled up, and they did not go any further, and put fire in the houses.	Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, p. 97	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Milan 001	1348 JL	In Milan just a small outbreak of the plague with only 3 dead families.	A Melano (p. 147) non vi morì se non tre famiglie, alle case di quelli funno murati li usci e lle finestre, ma fu per tutta Lonbardia.	In Milan (p. 147) only three families died there, the houses of those families had their doors and windows walled up, but it was all over Lombardy.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 147	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Méounes-lès-Montrieux	1348 JL	A report from Francesco Petrarca to the bishop of Padua about the actions of a Carthusian monk in Méounes-lès-Montrieux during the plague of 1348, who was against fleeing the plague and helped his friars dying of the plague without fear. He rebuilt his monastery after the severe plague wave.	Cum pestis hec que omnes terras ac maria pervagata est, ad vos ex ordine venisset et castra in quibus Cristo militas, invasisset, priorque tuus, vir alioquin, ut ipse novi, sancti ardentisque propositi, tamen inopino malo territus, hortaretur fugam, te illi cristiane simul ac philosophice respondisse acrius iret quo se dignum crederet, te in custodia tibi a Cristo credita permansurum; cumque iterum et iterum instaret et inter terrores alios sepulcrum quoque tibi defuturum minaretur, dixisse te illam tibi ex omnibus ultimam curam esse, neque enim tua interesse sed superstitum quali iaceas sepultura; illum postremo cessisse ad penates patrios nec ita multo post morte illuc eum insequente subtractum, te vero incolumem, Eo apud quem est fons vite protegente, mansisse; et cum diebus paucis mors quattuor et triginta qui illic erant, abstulisset, solum in (p. 2212) monasterio resedisse. Illud addebant te nullo morbi contagio deterritum, astitisse fratribus tuis expirantibus et suprema verba atque oscula excipientem et gelida corpora lavantem, sepe uno die tres plures ve tuis manibus indefesso pietatis obsequio sepelisse et exportasse tuis humeris, cum iam qui foderet aut qui iusta morientibus exhiberet, nemo esset; solum te ad ultimum cum cane unico remansisse, totis noctibus vigilantem, modica lucis parte necessarie quieti data, cum interim predones nocturni, quorum feracissima est regio, sepe per intempeste noctis silentia locum invadentes a te, imo a Cristo qui tecum erat, nunc pacificis nunc acrioribus verbis exclusi, nichil damni sacris edibus inferre potuerint; cum vero transisset estas illa terribilis, misisse et ad proxima servorum Cristi loca ut aliquis tibi loci tui custos mitteretur; quo facto ivisse Cartusiam et ab illo, religionis nunc cultore unico in terris, priore loci inter tres et octuaginta priores alienigenas te non priorem, singulari et insolito honore susceptum, obtinuisse ut tibi prior ac monachi darentur quos e diversis conventibus elegisses, quibus desertum morte tuorum monasterium reformares, teque hoc velut eximio triumpho letissimum rediisse.	When the plague that swept over all lands and seas inevitably reached you and invaded your camp, where you were fighting for Christ, your prior, otherwise of pious and ardent zeal, as I know myself, in horror at the unexpected destruction, advised to flee. Yet, you responded to him with Christian and philosophical wisdom, stating that his counsel would be welcome if there were any place impervious to death. Thereafter, he stressed the necessity of departure with no less urgency, to which you responded more firmly, telling him to go wherever he pleased, while you intended to remain steadfast at the post entrusted to you by Christi. And in response to his repeated entreaties, with which he threatened you with many horrors, including the lack of a proper burial, you replied that in the midst of all worries, your concern for how you would lie in the end was the least, for it was not your duty to worry about it; rather, it should concern the survivors. Following this, he finally left for the ancestral household gods, and not long afterward, Death, pursuing him, overtook him there, while you were spared, thanks to your protector, in whom 'the source of life' resides. Certainly, in a matter of a few days, Death claimed thirty-four occupants in that place, and you were the only one left in the monastery. They also added the following: You fearlessly provided aid to your dying brethren, accepting their last words and embraces, washing their lifeless bodies, often carrying three or more of them on your shoulders in unwavering devotion on a single day, and burying them with your own hands, as there was no one else to dig graves or attend to the dying. In the end, when you were alone with only a single dog, you spent whole nights awake and allowed yourself only a modest portion of bright daylight for necessary rest. By that time, nocturnal thieves, who found that area highly fertile, often assaulted that place in the still of the deepest night, but through you, or rather with the assistance of Christ, they were repelled, either by peaceful or sharp words, so that they could not harm the consecrated buildings. However, when that dreadful summer came to an end, you sent a request to the servants of Christ in nearby settlements, asking them to send a guardian for your monastery. Subsequently, you moved to the Chartreuse, where you were received by the prior, who was now the sole representative of the order in that region, and by eighty-three foreign priors, with exceptional and unique honors, even though you were a non-prior. You managed to secure a prior and monks from different convents to revitalize the empty monastery following the death of your brothers.	Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari XVI-XX, pp. 2212–2214	None
1348-00-00-Naples	1348 JL	Black Death leads to the withdrawal of King Louis the Great of Hungary	Eodem millesimo et temporibus maxima pestis mortalitatis fuit in civitate Neapolim, in qua mortui sunt in duobus mensibus LXIIIIm; quapropter rex Ungarie recessit inde	In the same year, and at that time, there was a very great pestilential mortality in the city of Naples, in which 64,000 people died within two months. Because of this, the Louis I of Hungary departed from there	Anonymus 1908, p. 162	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-00-00-Norway	1348 JL	Black Death in Norway in 1348. Pope Clement VI orders a mass called “Recordare Domine” to counter the Black Death in Avignon	Sniovar sva miklir ok islaug at engir mvndu slikan. Drepsótt ok mannfall sva mikit j Noregi ok i vt londum at enginn vissi dæmi til sliks fyrr siþan Noa floð var. ok eydduz bæði borgir ok bæir kastalar ok kauptvn sva skiott at nær engir fengu gert reikning sinn þar til. er Clemens pavi het fyrir at syngia skylldi messo þa er hann hafði componat þrim sinnum ok stanða á kniam með liosi. grasleysu sumar.	Such a harsh spring of snow and frozen hot springs that no one remembered anything alike. There was such a deadly disease and great loss of life in Norway and abroad that no one had known such an example since Noah's flood. And it laid waste both cities and villages, castles and market towns so swiftly that almost no one was able to give account (before God] until Pope Clement called to sing a mass for the remission of sins, of which he had composed three, where [all] should stand on their knees with candles. Grassless summer.	Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 213	Translation by Carina Damm
1348-00-00-Paris	1348 JL	Black Death in Paris	Eodem millesimo (1348). Relata fuerunt nova in partibus Lombardie, quod die XIIIo martii sepulti fuerunt in civitate Parixius propter maximam pestem mortalitatis MCCCXXVIII homines sine aliis, de quibus non fiebat mentio; propter quod rex fugerat inde, et iverat castrum quoddam extra districtum, Parixius. Regina ipsius uxor cum unico filio et duobus nepotibus defuncti erant, et ali multi nobiles, et similiter in partibus circumstantibus, et in quadam civitate, que dicebatur Nobellexe, in qua habitabant circa MM homines armorum, non remanserat nisi CC. Alia civitas Avarexe inhabitabilis effeta erat, alie cuiusdam civitates pro maiori parte subverse et submerse erant et in partibus illis apparuerunt locuste que devoraverunt bladas, et arbores et alia mira satis.		Anonymus 1908, p. 161	Translation needed
1348-00-00-Piacenza	1348 JL	Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes the impact of the plague in various regions, particularly in Bobbio and Piacenza and their surroundings. The plague spread rapidly and the mortality was very high, also among clerics.	morbos et Interitus omnes studeant suis literis apperire. Verum quia placentinus plus de placentinis scriber[e surr hortatus, quid acciderit placencie, MCCCXLVIII. ceteris Inotescat Quidam Januenses, quos morbus egredi compelebat cupientes locis salubribus collocari, transactis Alpibus ad lombardie se planiciem contullerunt. Et quidam Mercimonia defferentes, dum in Bobio hospitati fuissent, vendictis (!) ibi mercibus, accidit ut Emptor et hospes, cum tota familia, pluresque vicini subito Infecti morbo perierunt. Quidam ibi suum volens condere Testamentum notario, et presbitero confessore, ac testibus omnibus auocatis mortuus est . et die sequenti omnes pariter tumulati fuerunt. Et tanta postmodum ibi calamitas Invalavit, ut fere omnes habitatores ibidem repentina mode conciderint. quia post defunctos paucissimi remansserunt. Hec de Bobiensibus, Ceterum in Estate, dicto millesimo, alter Januensis, se transtulit ad territorium placentinum, qui morbi cladibus vexabatur. Et cum esset Infarmato , querens fulchinum de lacruce, quem bona amicicia diligebat, Nunc suscepit hospicio. qui statim moriturus occubuit. § post quem in mediate dictus fulchinus, cum tota familia, et multis vicinis expirauit. Et sic breuiter morbus ille effusus Intrauit placentiam. Nescio ubi possum lncipere. vndique planctus et lamenta consurgunt. Videns continuatis diebus Crucis defferi vexilla, corpus domini deportari, et mortuos absque numero sepeliri. Tantaque feit mortalitas subsecuta, ut vix possent homines respirare.superstites esse sepulturas parabant, deficiente terra pro tumullis per porticus et plateas ubi nunquam extiterat sepultura, fossas facere cogebantur. Accidit quoque frequenter, vt vir cum vxore, pater cum lilio et mater cum filia. demum post modicum tota familia, et plures, conuicini, simul et Eadem fuerint sepultura locati. Idem in Castro arquato, et vigoleno, et Alijs villis, locis, vrbibus et Castellis . et nouissime (p. 53) in valletidonj , ubi sine peste vixerant , plurimi ceciderunt Quidam dictus Obertus de sasso, qui de partibus morbosis processerat, inxta Ecclesiam Fratrum minorum, dum suum vellet facere Testamentum, conuocatis notario testibus et uicinis, omnes cum reliquis, ultra numero Sexaginta, Infra tempus modicum migrauerunt. Hoc tempore Religiosus vir frater Syfredus de Bardis conuentus et ordinis predicatorum, vir utique prudens et magne sciencie, qui Sepulcrum domini visitauerat cum XXIII eiusdem ordinis et conuentus. Item Religiosus vir frater Bertolinus coxadocha placentinus, minorum ordinis, sciencia, et multis virtutibus decoratus, cum alijs XXIIIj or sui ordinis, et conuentus, ex quibus nouem una die. Item ex conuentu heremitarum Vjj. Ex conuentu Carmelitarum, frater Franciscus todischus, cum Sex sui ordinis et conuentus. § Ex Seruis Beate marie IllIor. Et ex alijs prelatis et Rectoribus Ecclesiarum ciuitatis et destrictus placensis, ultra numero LX. Ex nobilibus multi. Ex juuenibus Infiniti. Ex mulieribus presertim pregnantibus , innumerabiles , paruo tempore deffecerunt.	Diseases and Deaths strive to reveal everything through their writings. However, because the Placentine (author) was encouraged to write more about the Placentines, what happened in Piacenza in 1348 should be known to others. Certain Genoese, compelled to leave by disease and desiring to settle in healthy places, after crossing the Alps, came down to the plains of Lombardy. And certain merchants, while they were staying in Bobbio, after selling their goods there, it happened that the buyer and the host, with his whole family and many neighbors, suddenly infected by the disease, perished. One man, wishing to make his will there, died after calling a notary, a priest-confessor, and all the witnesses. The next day, they were all buried together. And afterward, such a calamity prevailed there that almost all the inhabitants suddenly perished, with very few remaining after the dead. This about the people of Bobbio. Moreover, in the summer of the said year, another Genoese moved to the territory of Piacenza, which was afflicted by the ravages of disease. And while he was ill, seeking Fulchino de la Cruce, whom he loved with good friendship, he was received into hospitality. He immediately died. Shortly after, Fulchino himself, with his entire family and many neighbors, expired. And thus the disease briefly spread into Piacenza. I do not know where to begin. Wailing and lamentations arise everywhere. Seeing the procession of crosses day after day, the body of the Lord being carried, and the dead being buried without number. Such a great mortality followed that barely could men breathe. The survivors prepared graves, and as the land for tombs was exhausted, they were compelled to dig pits under porticos and in squares where there had never been burials. It also frequently happened that a man with his wife, a father with his son, and a mother with her daughter, shortly after, the entire family, and many neighbors, were buried together in the same grave. The same happened in the fortresses of Arquato and Vigoleno, and in other villages, places, cities, and castles. Finally, in the valley of Tidone, where they had lived without plague, many fell. A certain man named Obertus de Sasso, who came from plague-stricken parts, while he was making his will near the Church of the Friars Minor, after calling a notary, witnesses, and neighbors, all with the others, over sixty in number, died within a short time. At this time, a religious man, Brother Syfredus de Bardis of the convent and order of preachers, indeed a prudent man of great knowledge, who had visited the Holy Sepulcher with twenty-three others of the same order and convent. Also, a religious man, Brother Bertolinus Coxadocha of Piacenza, of the order of Minors, adorned with knowledge and many virtues, with thirty-four others of his order and convent, nine of whom died on the same day. Also, from the convent of hermits, seven. From the convent of Carmelites, Brother Franciscus Todischus, with six of his order and convent. From the Servants of Blessed Mary, four. And from other prelates and rectors of churches of the city and district of Piacenza, over sixty in number. Many of the nobility. Countless young men. Innumerable women, especially pregnant women, died in a short time.	Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 52–53	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-00-00-Poland	1348 JL	The Black Death appears in Poland and other kingdoms (Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany) caused by a polution of the air by the Jews.	Pestis horrenda in Polonia et aliis Regnis ex corruptione aeris per Iudaeos infecti: quam etiam terrae motus subsecutus est. Gravis epidemiae pestis apud Poloniae Regnum saeva mortalitate in universos irruens, non Poloniam tantummodo, sed et Hungariam, Bohemiam, Daciam, Franciam, Almanniam et fere universa Christianitatis et barbarica Regna horrenda lue quassavit.	There was a horrible plague in Poland and other kingdoms which resulted from the infection of the air by the Jews. And directly afterwards the earth shook. There was a grave epidemic of plague in the kingdom of Poland and a terrible mortality burst over them, not only in Poland, but also in Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany and pretty much the whole of Christianity and of the barbaric kingdoms where terribly shaken by the plague.	Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 252	Translation by Christian Oertel
1348-00-00-Sicily	1348 JL	Black Death in Sicily	Eo namque tempore, anno videlicet domini MCCCXLVIII, in toto regno Siciliae, et generaliter per totum mundum, pestifera mortalitas perduravit et morbus talis, quod subito apparebat glandula in inguine hominis et infra duos aut tres dies ad tardius hominem occidebat. Sicque in terra ipsa tanta invaluit ipsa mortalitas, quod quasi modicus superfuit populus in eadem; et sic generaliter contigit in singulis civitatibus et casalibus regni hujus et mundi.	For at that time, namely in the year of the Lord 1348, a pestilential mortality persisted throughout the whole Kingdom of Sicily, and generally throughout the whole world. The disease was such that a swelling suddenly appeared in a man’s groin, and within two or three days at the latest it killed him. And in that land the mortality grew so severe that only a small number of people remained alive there. And the same thing generally happened in every city and village of this kingdom and of the world	Dominico de Gravina 1903, p. 49	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-00-00-Venice	1348 JL	The Black Death in Venice, Chioggia and Pisa	Eodem millesimo et tempore maxima pestis mortalitatis fuit in Venetiis et Clugia, in quibus locis quolibet die sepelliebantur circa VIc corpora; et similiter pestis maxima fuit in civitate Pixarum.	In the same year and time, there was a great pestilence in Venice and Chioggia, where approximately 600 bodies were buried each day. Similarly, there was a great pestilence in the city of Pisa	Anonymus 1908, p. 162	Martin Bauch / ChatGPT 5.2
1348-01-00-Pisa	January 1348 JL	Severe outbreak of Black Death in Pisa.	e così si partiro quelle maledette galee e vennero a Pisa a dì ... di gienaio, e come furono a Pisa nella piazza de' pesci e a qualunque favellavan subitamente amalavano di morbo e subito cadevano morti, e così che favellava a quelli amalati o tochasse alcuna di le loro cose, così di subito amalavano e morivano, e così si sparse per tutta Pisa, per modo che vi fu tal dì che ne moriva 400, e ognuno er inpaurito che l'uno non volea aiutare l'altro, el padre abandonava el figliuolo, el figluolo abandonava el padre e la madre e' fratelli, e la moglie el marito, e così nissuno aiutava l'altro, e ogni persona si fugìa, per tal modo ne morì tanti che [p. 553] Pisa fi fu abandonare e non si trovava medici che volessero curare, e a pena e' pochi preti davano la confessione e sagramenti, e non si trovava chi li sopellisse se no' el padre portava el figluolo, el marito portava la moglie a la fossa senza preti o croce, e molti rimaneano, chè non v'era chi li portasse a la fossa. E Dio promise però, che nissuno rimanesse in sul letto, nè in casa morto, che non fusse portato a la fossa de qualcuno dicendo: "Aiutiamo costoro, chè saremo aiutati noi, e portialli a la fossa, chè saremo portati noi"; e così come per morti molti si metteano e molti ne moriva e molti canpavano e molti facevano per denaro e molti per l'amor di Dio. E quelli che fugiano di Pisa erano divietati e non poteano entrare in terra alcuna, e durò questa morìa.	And so those accursed galleys departed and came to Pisa on the day ... of January, and as they were in Pisa in the square of the fish, and to whomever they spoke they immediately fell sick with the disease and immediately fell dead, and so that they spoke to those sick or touched any of their things, so they immediately fell sick and died, and so it spread throughout Pisa, so that there were some days when 400 died, and everyone was afraid that one did not want to help the other, the father abandoned the son, the son abandoned the father and the mother and the brothers, and the wife and her husband, and so no one helped the other, and each person fled, and so many died that [p. 553] Pisa was abandoned. 553] Pisa was abandoned and no doctors could be found who wanted to cure them, and it was a pity that few priests gave confession and sacraments, and there was no one to console them unless the father carried the child, and the husband carried his wife to the grave without priests or a cross, and many remained, because there was no one to carry them to the grave. And God promised, however, that no one would remain in bed, nor in the house dead, who was not brought to the grave of someone, saying: "Let us help these people, for we will be helped, and bring them to the grave, for we will be brought"; and in the same way many were put to death and many died, and many died for money and many for the love of God. And those who went out of Pisa were banned and could not enter any land, and this death lasted.	Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939 p. 553	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-00-Pisa 001	January 1348 JL	Outbreak of a severe plague with a high mortality in Pisa caused by the Genoese galleys.	Negli anni 1348, alla entrata di gennaio, venne a Pisa due ghalee di Genovesi le quali vennono di Romania, et chome furono gunti alla piaza del pesce, qualunque persona favellò a quelli delle decte due ghalee di subito si era amalato et morto, et qualunque favella allo infermo o tochasse di quegli morti, di subito amalava et moriva. Et chosì fu sparto lo grande furore per tucta la cictà di Pisa, in tanto che ogni persona moria; e fue si grande paure che niuno voleva vedere l'uno l'altro, nè llo padre il figliuolo nè llo figliuolo lo padre, nè ll'uno fratello l'altro, nè lla moglie il marito nè il marito la moglie et ongni persona fuggiè la morte; ma pocho valeva chè chiunque dovea morire si moria, et non si trovava persona gli sotterasse. Ma cquello Singniore che fecie il cielo e lla terra e 'l mare, provvide bene a ogni chosa; chè 'l padre, vedendo morire il figliuolo abandonato da ongni persona, ché niuno lo voleva tocchare, nè chucire, nè portare, elli si accusava morto et poi faceva ello stesso lo meglio che potea: elli lo cucìa e poi lo mettea in della cascia e, con aiuto, lo portava alla fossa e elli stesso lo sotterava. E poi, quello che l'aveva portato alla fossa, l'altro dì si moriva. Ma ben ti dico che fu provveduto di dare aiuto l'uno all'altro tanto che, chon tuto che ciascuno morìa solo a tocchare i panni o danari, nondimeno non rimase in chasa niuno morto che non fusse sotterrato, fussi chi volessi, poveri o ricchi. Et decte (p. 97) il nostro sanctissimo Creatore tanta carità l'uno all'altro che si schusavano l'uno dell'altro e dicevano: 'aiutiamli a portare a fossa acciò che a nnoi sia facto lo simile quando noi saremo morti, chè noi saremo portati alla fossa!'. Et questa pistolenza durò insino al maggio: furono cinque mesi duranti nel modo ai udito di sopra; morirono de' cinque e' quattro, et sicchome fu in Pisa, chosì fu per tucto l'altro mondo et u' più e u' meno, et di questo fu qui il principio.	In the year 1348, at the beginning of January, two galleys of Genoese came to Pisa from Romania, and as soon as they were thrown into the square of the fish, any person who spoke to them about these two galleys immediately fell ill and died, and any person who spoke to the sick or touched those dead people immediately fell ill and died. And so great fury spread through the whole city of Pisa, so that every person died; and there was such great fear that no one wanted to see one another, neither the father nor the son nor the son the father, nor one brother the other, nor the wife the husband nor the husband the wife, and every person fled death; but little good came of it because whoever had to die died, and no one could be found to bury him. But that Lord, who made heaven and earth and the sea, provided well for all things: for the father, seeing his son die, abandoned by every person, because no one wanted to touch him, nor to kill him, nor to carry him, he blamed himself for his death and then did the best he could: he sewed him up and then put him in the house and, with help, carried him to the grave and buried him himself. And then, the one who had carried him to the pit, the other day died. But I can tell you that they provided help for each other, so that, since each one died only to touch their clothes or their money, there was no one left in the house who had not been buried, whether they were poor or rich. And he decreed (p. 97) our most holy Creator so much charity to one another that they mocked one another and said: 'Let us help them to take to the grave so that the same will be done to us when we are dead, for we will be taken to the grave! And this gunfight lasted until May: they lasted five months in the manner heard above; they died of the five and four, and as it was in Pisa, so it was for the whole other world and more and less, and this was the beginning here.	Template:Cronaca di Pisa 1963, pp. 96–97.	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-00-Pisa 002	January 1348 JL	Outbreak of a severe plague with a high mortality in Pisa caused by the Genoese galleys and almost collapse of the social order.	E nel ditto anno milltrecientoquarantotto, di po' questo mutamento, venne una novella a Pisa, come in Cicilia e a Napuli si era incomincciata una grande mortalità di gente, poi venne come s'era incomincciata in Genova. E, alla 'ntrata di gennaio, venne in Pisa due ghaleie delli gienovesi, che veniano di Romania. E come furono giunte alla piassa delli Pesci chiunque favella co lloro subitamente tornava a casa malato e in poghi dì morto, e chiunqua favellava al malato o tocchasse di quelli morti altressì tosto amalava e morto era in poghi dì. E ffu sì sparta la grande corrutione che quazi ogni persona moria. E fue sì grande la paura che ll'uno non volea vedere l'autro, lo padre non volea veder lo figluolo morire, né 'l figluolo lo padre, né ll'uno fratello l'autro, né lla donna lo marito, e ogni persona fuggia la morte <e poco li valea che chiunque dovea morire, si moria>. E non ssi trovava persona che llo volesse portare a ffossa né sotterrare. Ma quello Signore che fecie lo Cielo e la Terra providde bene ogni cosa, che llo padre vedendo morire lo suo figluolo e morto e abandonato da ogni persona, che niuno lo volea tochare né chucire né portare, elli si 'chuzava morto. E poi faciea elli stesso lo meglo ch'ello potea, elli lo chucia e ppoi con aiuto d'altri lo portava a la fossa, elli stesso lo sotterava. E poi l'autro giorno elli e chiunqua l'avea tocchato si era morto. Ma ben ti dico che ffu proveduto di dare aiuto l'uno all'autro, che 'n tutto che cciaschuno moria, chiunque tochasse lui o di suoe cose u denari u panni, non di meno non ne rimase niuno morto in nessuna casa che non ffusse sotterato (p. 146) honoratamenta seconda la qualità sua. In tanta carità diè Iddio che ll'uno uzando coll'autro achuzando se morto, e' dicieano: 'Aiutalli a portare a ffossa, acciò che siamo portati anco noi', e chi per amore e chi per denari. E la persona il più istava malata il più due o tre dì inssine in quattro, ma poghi, e la maggiore parte moriano i più brevi iddì.	And in the said year one thousand three hundred and forty-eight, after this change, news came to Pisa, as in Cicilia and Napuli a great mortality of people had begun, then came as it had begun in Genoa. And, at the beginning of January, two galleys of the Genoese, who came from Romania, came to Pisa. And as soon as they arrived at the Pisces Pass, anyone who spoke with them immediately returned home sick and dead, and anyone who spoke to the sick or touched those who were dead also quickly fell ill and was dead in a few days. And so great was the corruption that every person died. And so great was the fear that the one did not want to see the other, the father did not want to see his son die, nor the son his father, nor the brother the other, nor the woman her husband, and every person fled death <and little did it matter that whoever had to die, died>. And no one could be found who would take him to the grave or bury him. But the Lord who made Heaven and Earth provided all things well, so that the father, seeing his son dead and abandoned by every person, and that no one wanted to touch him, nor to bury him, nor to carry him, he thought himself dead. And then he himself did the best he could, he buried him, and then with the help of others he carried him to the grave. And then on the next day he and whoever had touched him had died. But I can tell you that it was arranged to give help to each other, so that in spite of the fact that everyone died, whoever touched him or his belongings, money or clothes, there was no one left dead in any house who was not buried (p. 146) honorably according to his quality. In such charity did God give that the one killed the other, and they said: 'Help them to be carried to the grave, so that we too may be carried', some for love and some for money. And the person was sick most two or three days in four, but few, and most died the shortest.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 146	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-15-Pisa	15 January 1348 JL	Description of the symptoms, the social consequences and the mortality of the plague in Pisa.	E inssomma la ditta pistolentia e morìa incomincciò sì forte in dela cità a cresciere e a sparggiere, che lla sera si coricava la persona e lla maitina si trovava morta: chie moria d'anguinaia, chi di uno inffiato che apparia al ditello, e ad alchuno aparia a la coscia uno inffiato si chiamava tinccone, e chie isputava sangue ed altri sossi mali. E, favellando favellando, moriano le gient alquanto. E la maggior parte che morto ch'era la persona sì l'ischopriano esciali sopra la carne a modo di cotórsuli larghi, neri come uno fiorino, e chiamavansi faoni, ed erano a veder morti della laide cose del mondo. de' mille l'uno a chie aparia nessuno di questi inffiati o a chi aparia di quelli faoni non ne canpava nullo, né medico non trovava chi vvi volessa andare a churarlo che subito era 'chuzato morto e ssì per paura di sé. E venne tanto a Pisa che li fondachi e lle bottehge delli spetiali. Alchuni citadini fuggiano della cità e andavano per lo contado, e ppoi ritornavano però ch'ella sparse per lo contado al simile modo, non valea niente lo fuggire. E altro non si facea a Pisa, se non di sotterar morti, e non era dì nessuno che 'n Pisa non ssi sotterrasseno tra grandi e picciuli quando dugiento e quando treciento e quando quatrociento e quando cinqueciento per dì. Ed ebbe in Pisa più case di quindici o piò in famigla che non ne rimase nullo, che tutti morìrono. E durò questa pistolentia dal mezzo gennaio sine al settenbre, che poi ch'ella fu restata si trovònno morti piò di settantta per cientonaio di tutte le persone che erano in Pisa, e chie dicie delli diece ne morì li nove. E cosiì fue per lo contado di Pisa e per tutta cristianità e per le terre de saracini, e in terre murate e non murate, benchè maggior pistolentia fusse in un luogo più che 'n uno alto.	And in short, the pistolentia and death began to grow and spread so strongly in the city, that in the evening, people went to bed and found themselves dead: some died of eel, some of an injury that appeared on the finger, and some had an injury that appeared on the thigh, which was called "tinccone", and some were spitting blood and other ills. And, speaking by speaking, they died a little. And most of those who were dead, whose persons were dead, were exhaled from their flesh in the form of large cotórsuli, as black as a florin, and they were called faoni, and they were to be seen dead from the foul things of the world. Of the thousand of them, none of those who had been inhaled or those who had been inhaled were able to find any, nor any doctor who wanted to go and heal them, so that they were immediately killed, and so for fear of themselves. And he came so much to Pisa that the fondachi and the shops of the spetiali. Some of the citizens fled the city and went to the countryside, and then returned, but since they spread out through the countryside in the same way, it was worth nothing to flee. And nothing else was done in Pisa, except to bury the dead, and there was no one in Pisa who did not bury themselves among the great and small, when two hundred and when three hundred and when four hundred and when five hundred per day. And he had in Pisa more houses of fifteen or more in the family that none remained, that all died. And this pistolentia lasted from the middle of January to the end of October, so that when it was over, more than seventy people per hundred of all the people who were in Pisa were found dead, and those who said they were ten died of the nine. And so it was for the county of Pisa and for the whole of Christendom and for the lands of the Saracens, and in walled and unwalled lands, although there was more gunfire in one place than in another.	Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 146.	Translation by DeepL
1348-01-25-Alsace	25 January 1348 JL	A great earthquake made big damage, especially in Carinthia and a big plague followed. Jews were burned and the flagellants walked around.	Ein schadeber ertbidem noch dem vil unglückes kam. Do men zalte 1348 jor, an sant Bawels tage [25.01.] also er bekert wart, do kam [ein] ertbidem in Elsas, der do nüt schedelich was. aber in andern landen det er grossen schaden, das in etlichen stetten die lüte nydervielent also ob in geswunden were. und dieser ertbideme kam vil tage nohenander, und sunderliche zu Kerneten, do zerviel die grosse stat Villach und me denne hundert bürge. ouch vielent in etlichen landen die berge zusamene und verfelletent stette und dörfer und was dozwüschent was, und verdarp also vil lütes, das dovon vil zu sagene were. und in dem selben jore und in dem nehesten jore donoch, do kam ouch ein grosser gemeiner sterbotte durch alle die welt. von des selben sterbotten wegen wurdent ouch die Juden gebrant und gingent die geischeler, also dovor bi andern sterbotten ist geseit.	A harmful earthquake, followed by misfortune In the year 1348, on the feast day of Saint Paul, as he was converted, a severe earthquake came to Alsace, which was not dangerous there. However, in other lands, it caused great damage, so that in some places people fell down as if they were disappeared. This earthquake came many days in a row, and particularly in Carinthia, where the large city of Villach was devastated, and more than a hundred citizens perished. Many mountains in various lands collapsed, destroying towns and villages, and what was there in between, so many people perished that it is difficult to describe. In the same year and in the following years, a great general mortality came through the whole world. Because of this mortality, Jews were also burned, and the flagellants walked around, what was said for the other plagues before.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 862.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-01-25-Constance	25 January 1348 JL	A great earthquake was followed by many evils and great mortality.	Nam in conversione beati Pauli [ian. 25] terre motus factus est hora vesperarum, qui multos terruit et multa loca subvertit, in ducatu Karinthie Villach oppidum, et multa castra seu ecclesie corruerunt, et multa mala et magna mortalitas postea subsecuta sunt, de quibus infra in locis debitis veritas patefiet, unde hic ad alia transeam.	For at the conversion of St Paul [on 25 January] an earthquake occurred at eventide, which terrified many and devastated many places, including the town of Villach in the Duchy of Carinthia, and many castles or churches collapsed, and there followed many evils and great mortality, about which the truth will come to light later in the appropriate places. However, let us move on to other things here.	Henricus de Diessenhofen 1868, p. 3.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-01-25-Italy	25 January 1348 JL	Earthquakes in entire Italy, in the cities Pisa, Bologna, Padua and strongest in Venice with great damages. They are omens for diaster and pestilence in the named cities and are signs for the Judgement Day. But even more worse the earthquakes were in Friuli, Aquileia and partly in Germany. Usuer admitted their sins and in the city Villach happened many miracles.	Di grandi tremuoti che furono in Vinegia, Padova, e Bologna, e Pisa. Nel detto anno, venerdì notte dì XXV di gennaio, furono diversi e grandissimi tremuoti in Italia nella città di Pisa, e di Bologna, e di Padova, maggiori nella città di Vinegia, nella quale ruvinarono infiniti fummaiuoli, che ve ne avea assai e belli; e più campanili di chiese e altre case nelle dette città s'apersono, e tali rovinarono. E significarono alle dette terre danni e pistolenze, come leggendo inanzi si potrà trovare. Ma i pericolosi furono la detta notte in Frioli, e inn-Aquilea, e in parte dalla Magna, sì fatti e per tale (p. 563) modo e con tanto danno, che dicendolo o scrivendolo parranno incredibili; ma per dirne il vero e non errare nel nostro trattato, sì cci metteremo la copia della lettera che di là ne mandaro certi nostri Fiorentini mercatanti e degni di fede, il tinore delle quali diremo qui apresso, scritte e date inn-Udine del mese di febraio MCCCXLVII. (p. 564) […] Per li quali miracoli e paura i prestatori a usura della detta terra, convertiti a penitenzia, feciono bandire che ogni persona ch'avessono loro dato merito e usura andasse a lloro per essa; e più d'otto dì continuarono di renderla […] (p. 565) Nella detta città di Villaco molte maraviglie v'apariro, che lla grande piazza di quella si fesse a modo di croce, della quale fessura prima uscì sangue e poi acqua in grande quantità. […] (p. 566) E nota, lettore, che lle sopradette rovine e pericoli di tremuoti sono grandi segni e giudici di Dio, e non sanza gran cagione e premessione divina, e di quelli miracoli e segni che Gesù Cristo vangelizzando predisse a' suoi discepoli che dovieno apparire alla fine del secolo.	Template:TN	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 562-566.	None
1348-01-25-Venice	25 January 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Venice in 1347; after the Earthquake at 25. January 1348 even stronger and lasted until August	Qua quidem epidimia Venecijs incoacta 1347; die 25 januarii, hora vespertina, die conversionis sancti Pauli fuit Venetijs maximus et terribilis terremotus, et ex tunc ipsa pestis amplius invaluit, perseverans usque 1348, per totum mensem augusti; ob quam tercia pars Venetorum, vel circa, (dicitur decessisse).	During this epidemic in Venice, which began in 1348, on January 25th, at the hour of vespers, on the feast day of the Conversion of Saint Paul, there was a great and terrible earthquake in Venice. From that point on, the plague grew stronger, persisting until 1348, throughout the entire month of August. Due to this, it is said that about one-third of the Venetians, or thereabouts, died	Template:Raphaynus de Caresinis 1922, p. 5	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-02-00-Lucca	February 1348 JL	The Black Death comes to Lucca via Pisa	Avendo Iddio, per i nostri peccati, mandato il segno della carestia, come è stato raccontato, e nonostante questo non essendosi gli uomini pentiti né avendo perdonato le offese, ma organizzatisi addirittura per mali ancora maggiori, la somma potenza di Dio decise di mandare una epidemia per punire quelli senza timore di Lui e pertinaci nel fare del male, nonostante che per essa dovessero perire molti innocenti. Essendo giunte a Pisa dala Romania due galee di Genovesi, con a bordo uomini ammalati di peste, giunti che furono nella Piazza dei Pesci, tutti quelle che parlarono con quei marinai, in breve si ammalarono e [p. 111] morirono; e ciò avvenne del gennaio del 1348. E così l'epidemia iniziò grandemente in Pisa e poi si sparse per tutta la Toscana e sopratutto in Lucca. E in quel tempo, il 18 di febbraio dell'anno suddetto, nacqui io, Giovanni Sercambi, nella contrada di San Cristoforo, nelle case di messer Santo Falabrina; nella quale epidemia morirono più di 80 persone su cento. E l'aria era così impestata, che in qualunque luogo uno andasse la morte lo raggiungeva; e vedendo che tutti morivano, poco si aveva paura della morte. E da molti si credette che fosse la fine del mondo. E quell' epidemia durò in Toscana per più di un anno. E tutti quelli che sopravissero divennero ricchi, perchè il tesoro di molti rimase in proprietà di uno solo. E nonostante tutti questi segni i Pisani non abbondarono Lucca, ma per lungo tempo, con maggiore asprezza, la signoreggiarono.	Since God, due to our sins, had sent the sign of famine, as has been recounted, and despite this, men did not repent nor did they forgive offenses, but rather organized themselves for even greater evils, the supreme power of God decided to send an epidemic to punish those without fear of Him and persistent in doing harm, even though many innocents had to perish because of it. Two galleys from Genoa, carrying men sick with the plague, arrived in Pisa from the Black Sea and Aegean. When they reached the Piazza dei Pesci, all those who spoke with the sailors shortly fell ill and died; and this happened in January of 1348. Thus the epidemic began greatly in Pisa and then spread throughout Tuscany and especially in Lucca. And at that time, on February 18th of the aforementioned year, I, Giovanni Sercambi, was born in the district of San Cristoforo, in the houses of Messer Santo Falabrina; during this epidemic, more than 80 out of every 100 people died. The air was so contaminated that wherever one went, death would reach them; and seeing that everyone was dying, there was little fear of death. Many believed it was the end of the world. This epidemic lasted in Tuscany for more than a year. All those who survived became wealthy because the treasures of many remained in the possession of a single person. Despite all these signs, the Pisans did not abandon Lucca, but for a long time, ruled it with even greater harshness..	Giovanni Sercambi 2015), pp. 110-111.	Translation by DeepL
1348-03-00-Bologna	March 1348 JL	Outbreak of the Black Death in Bologna.	Del mexe de marzo comenzò una morìa in Bologna e per tuto lo mondo, che fo in 1348, e mai non era stada una maore; e moriane d'uno male de pestilenzia, o sotto la laxina o in [p. 576] l'anguinaglie, e a questo non se trovava reparo nesuno so no la grazia de Dio, e si moriano in dui dì o tri al più.	In the month of March, a death began in Bologna and all over the world, which took place in 1348, and never before had there been a death; and they died of a plague, either under laxine or in [p. 576] anguinaglia, and no one could find reparation for this except the grace of God, and they died in two or three days at most.	Cronaca Bolognetti 1938, pp. 575-576	Translation by DeepL
1348-03-00-Béziers	4 March 1348 JL	A mortality, the Black Death breaks out in Arles and all over the world. 90 percent of the people die.	E en l'an mil CCCXLVIII, la primieyra semmana de carema (4 March), comenset a Bezes la gran mortalitat, et comenset costa le porge d'en Sicart Taborieg, mercadier, costa en P. Perus, qu'es de peyra al cap de la carieyra franceza, et moriron totz los senhors cossols, els clavaris, els escudiers, et apres tanta de gent, que de mil non y remanian cent.	In the year 1348, the first week of Lent (March 4), the great mortality began in Bezes, and the death of Sicart Taborieg, merchant, cost P. Perus, who is from Peyra in head of the French career, all the noble men, the claviers, the squires died, you learned so many people, that out of a thousand there were not a hundred left.	Le libre de memorias de Jacme Mascaro, p. 41.	Translation by Thomas Wozniak
1348-03-00-Firenze	March 1348 JL	Arrival of the Black Death in Florence: a most detailed description of all its impacts and consequences	Negli anni del Signore MCCXLVIII fu nella città di Firenze e nel contado grandissima pistilenzia, e fu di tale furore e di tanta tempesta, che nella casa dove s'appigliava chiunque servìa niuno malato, tutti quelli che lo' serviano, moriano di quel medesimo male, e quasi niuno passava lo quarto giorno, e non valeva nè medico, nè medicina, o che non fossero ancora conosciute quelle malattie, o che li medici non avessero sopra quelle mai studiato, non parea che rimedio vi fosse. Fu di tanta paura che niuno non sapea che si fare; quando s'appigliava in alcuna casa, spesso avvenia che non vi rimanea persona che non morisse. E non bastava solo gli uomini e le femmine, ma ancora gli animali sensitivi, cani e gatte, polli, buoi, asini e pecore moriano di quella malattia e con quel segno, e quasi niuno, a cui venà lo segno, o pochi, veniano a guarigione. Lo segno era questo, che, o tra la coscia e'l corpo al modo (nodo?) d'anguinaia, o sotto lo ditello apparia un grossetto, e la febbre a un tratto, e quando sputava, sputava sangue mescolato colla saliva, e quegli che sputava sangue niuno campava. Fu questa cosa di tanto spavento, che veggendo appiccarla in una casa, ove cominciava, come detto è, non vi rimanea niuno; le genti spaventate abbondanavano la casa, e fuggivano in un' altra; e chi nella città, e chi si fuggia in villa. Medici non si trovavano, perocchè moriano come gli altri; quelli che si trovavano, voleano smisurato prezzo in mano innanzi che intrassero nella casa, ed entratovi, tocavono il polso col viso volo adrieto, e' da lungi volevono vedere l'urina con cose odorifere al naso. Lo figluolo abbandonava il padre, lo marito la moglie, la moglie il marito, l'uno fratello l'altro, l'una sirocchia l'altra. Tutta la città non avea a fare altro che a portare morti a sepellire; mollti ne morirono, che non ebbono all lor fine nè confessione ed altri sacramenti; e moltissimi morirono che non fu chi li vedesse, e molti ne morirono di fame, imperocchè come uno si ponea in sul letto malato, quelli di casa sbigottiti gli diceano: “Io vo per lo medico” e serravano pianamente l'uscio da via, e non vi tornavano più. Costui abbandonato dalle persone e poi da cibo, ed accompagnato dalla febbre si venia meno. Molti erano, che sollicitavano li loro che non li abbandonassero, quando venia alla sera; e' diceano all'ammalato: “Acciocchè la notte tu non abbi per ogni cosa a destare chi ti serve, e dura fatica lo dì e la notte, totti tu stesso de' confetti e del vino o acqua, eccola qui in sullo soglio della lettiera (p. 231) sopra 'l capo tuo, e po' torre della roba”. E quando s'addormentava l'ammalato, se n'andava via, e non tornava. Se per sua ventura si trovava la notte confortato di questo cibo la mattina vivo e forte da farsi a finestra, stava mezz'ora innanzichè persona vi valicasse, se non era la via molto maestra, e quando pure alcun passava, ed egli avesse un poco di voce che gli fosse udito, chiamando, quando gli era risposto, non era soccorso. Imperocchè niuno, o pochi voleano intrare in casa, dove alcuno fosse malato, ma ancora non voelano ricettare di quelli, che sani uscissero della casa del malato, e diceano: "Egli è affatappiato, non gli parlate" dicendo: "E' l'ha perocchè in casa sua è il Gavocciolo; e chiamavano quelle inflato gavocciolo. Moltissimi morieno senza esser veduti, che stavano in sullo letto tanto che puzzavano. E la vicinanza, se v'era, sentito lo puzzo, mettevono per borsa, e lo mandavano a seppellire. Le case rimaneano aperte, e non er ardito persona di tocare nulla, che parea che le cose rimanessero avvelenate, che chi le usava gli s'appicava il male.Fecesi a ogni chiesa, o alle più, fosse infon all'acqua, larghe e cupe, secondo lo popolo era grande; e quivi chi non era molto ricco, la notte morto, quegli, a cui toccava, se lo metteva sopra la spalla, o gittavalo in questa fossa, o pagava gran prezzo a chi lo facesse. La mattina se ne trovavano assai nella fossa, toglievasi della terra, e gettavasi laggiuso loro addosso; e poi veniano gli altri sopr'essi, e poi la terra addosso a suolo, a suolo, con poca terra, come si ministrasse lasagne a fornire formaggio. Li' beccamorti, che facevano gli servigi, erono prezzolati di sì gran prezzo, che molti n'arrichirono, e molti ne morirono, chi ricco e chi con poco guadagno, ma gran prezzo avieno. Le serviziali, o o serviziali, che servieno li malati volieno da uno in tre fiorini per dì e le spese di cose fiorite. Le cose che mangiavano i malati, confetti e zucchero, smisuratamente valevano. Fu vendeuta di tre in otto fiorini la libbra di zucchero e al simile gli altri confetti. Li pollastri ed alti pollami a meraviglia carissimi, e l'uovo di prezzo di denari 12 in 24 l'uno; e beato chi ne trovava tre il dì con cercare tutta la città. La cera era miracolo; la libbra sarebba montata più di un fiorino, senonchè vi si puose freno alle grande burbanze, che sempre feciono gli Fiorentini, perocchè si diede ordine non si potesse portare più due doppieri. Le chiese non avieno più che una bara, com' è d'uso, non bastava. Li speziali e bechamorti avien prese bare, coltri e guanciali con grandissimo prezzo. Lo vestire di stamigna che si usava nei morti, che soleva costare una donna, gonella guarnacca e mantello e veli, fiorini tre, montò in pregio di fiorini trenta, e sarebbe ito in fiorini cento, se non che si levò di vestire della stamigna, e chi era ricco vestiva di panno, e chi non ricco in lenzoletto lo cucìa. Costava le panche, che si pongono i morti, uno sfolgoro, e ancora non bastava tutte le panche ch'erano il centesimo. Lo sonare delle campane non si potevano li preti contentare; di che si fece ordine tra per lo sbigottimento del sonare delle campane e per lo vender le panche e raffrenare le spese, che a niuno corpo si sonasse, nè si ponesse panche, nè si bandisse, perocchè l'udivano gli ammalati, sbigottivano li sani, nonchè i malati. Li preti e i frati andavano ai ricchi e in tanta moltitudine, ed erano sì pagati di tanto prezzo che tutti arrichieno. E però si fece ordine che non si potesse avere più che d'una regola e la chiesa del popolo, e per la regola sei frati e non più. Tutte le frutta nocive vietarono a entrare nella città, come susine acerbe, mandorle in erba, fave fresche, fichi ed ogni frutta [p. 232] non utile e non sana. Molte processioni ed orlique e la tavola di S. Maria Impruneta vennero andando per la città, gridando: "Misericordià", e facendo orazioni, e poi in sulla ringhiera dei Priori fermate. Vi si rendereno paci di gran questioni e di ferite e di morte d'uomini. Fu questa cosa di tanto sbigottimento e di tanta paura' che le genti si ragunavano in brigata a mangiare per pigliare qualche conforto; e dava l'uno la sera cena a dieci compagni, e l'altra sera davono ordine di mangiare con uno di quelli, e quando credevono cenare con quello, ed egli era senza cena, che quegli era malato, o quando era fatta la cena per dieci, vi se ne trovava meno due o tre. Chi si fuggìa in villa, chi nelle castella per mutare aria; ove non eralo portavono, se v'era lo crescevano. Niuna Arte si lavorava in Firenze: tutte le botteghe serrate, tutte le taverne chiuse, salvo speziali e chiese. Per la Terra andavi, che non trovavi persona; e molti buoni e ricchi uomini erano portati dalla casa a chiesa nella bara con quattro beccamortì et uno chiericuzzo che portava la croce, e poi volieno uno fiorino uno. Di questa mortalità arricchirono speziali, medici, pollaiuoli, beccamorti, trecche di malva, ortiche, marcorelle et altre erbe da impiastri per macerare malori. E fu più quelle che feciono queste trecche d'erbe, fu gran denaro. Lanaiuoli, e ritagliatori che si trovarono panni li vendeano ciò che chiedeono. Ristata la mortalità chi si trovò panni fatti d'ogni ragione n'aricchiì, o chi si trovò da poterne fare; ma molti se ne trovarono intignati' e guasti e perduti a' telai; e stame e lana in quantità perdute per la città e contado. Questa pistolenza cominciò di marzo, come detto è, e finì di settembre 1348. E le genti cominciavono a tornare e rivedersi le case e le masserizie. E fu tante le case pien di tutti li beni, che non avevono signore, ch'era un stupore, poi si cominciarono a vedere gli eredi dei beni. E tale che non aveva nulla si trovò ricco, che non pareva che fusse suo, ed a lui medesimo pareva gli si disdicesse. E cominciornon a sfogiare nei vestimenti e ne' cavagli e le donne e gli uomini	In the year of our lord 1348 there occurred in the city and contado of Florence a great pestilence, and such was its fury and violence that in whatever household it took hold, whosoever took care of the sick, all the carers died of the same illness, and almost nobody survived beyond the fourth day, neither doctors nor medicine proving of any avail, and there appeared to be no remedy, either because those illnesses were not yet recognised, or because doctors had never previously had cause to study them properly. Such was the fear that nobody knew what to do: when it caught hold in a household, it often happened that not a single person escaped death. And it wasn't just men and women: even sentient animals such as dogs and cats, hens, oxen, donkeys and sheep, died from that same disease and with those symptoms, and almost none who displayed those symptoms, or very few indeed, effected a recovery. Those symptoms were as follows: either between the thigh and the body, in the groin region, or under the armpit, there appeared a lump, and a sudden fever, and when the victim spat, he spat blood mixed with saliva, and none of those who spat blood survived. Such was the terror this caused that seeing it take hold in a household, as soon as it started, nobody remained: everybody abandoned the dwelling in fear, and fled to another; some fled into the city and others into the countryside. No doctors were to be found, because they were dying like everybody else; those who could be found wanted exorbitant fees cash-in-hand before entering the house, and having entered, they took the patient's pulse with their heads turned away, and assayed the urine samples from afar, with aromatic herbs held to their noses. Sons abandoned fathers, husbands wives, wives husbands, one brother the other, one sister the other. The city was reduced to bearing the dead to burial; many died who at their passing had neither confession nor last sacraments, and many died unseen, and many died of hunger, for when somebody took ill to his bed, the other occupants in panic told him: 'I'm going for the doctor'; and quietly locked the door from the outside and didn't come back. The victim, abandoned by both people and nourishment, yet kept constant company by fever, wasted away. Many were those who begged their families not to abandon them; when evening came, the relatives said to the patient: 'So that you don't have to wake up the people looking after you at night, asking for things, because this is going on day and night, you yourself can reach for cakes and wine or water, here they are on the shelf above your bed, you can get the stuff when you want'. And when the patient fell asleep, they went away and did not return. If, through good fortune the victim had been strengthened by that food, the next morning alive and still strong enough to get to the window, he would have to wait half an hour before anybody came past, if this was not a busy thoroughfare, and even when the odd person passed by, and the patient had enough voice to be heard a little, if he shouted, sometimes he would be answered and sometimes not, and even if he were to be answered, there was no help to be had. For not only none or very few wished to enter a house where there were any sick people, but they didn't even want to have contact with those who issued healthy from a sick person's house, saying: 'He's jinxed, don't speak to him', saying: 'He's got it because there's the "gavocciolo" [bubo] in his house'; and 'gavocciolo' was the name they gave to these swellings. Many died without being seen, remaining on their beds till they stank. And the neighbours, if any were left, having smelled the stench, did a whip round and sent him for burial. Houses remained open, nobody dared to touch anything, for it seemed that things remained poisoned, and whoever had anything to do with them caught the disease. At every church, or at most of them, pits were dug, down to the water-table, as wide and deep as the parish was populous; and therein, whosoever was not very rich, having died during the night, would be shouldered by those whose duty it was, and would either be thrown into this pit, or they would pay big money for somebody else to do it for them. The next morning there would be very many in the pit. Earth would be taken and thrown down on them; and then others would come on top of them, and then earth on top again, in layers, with very little earth, like garnishing lasagne with cheese. The gravediggers who carried out these functions were so handsomely paid that many became rich and many died, some already rich and others having earned little, despite the high fees. The female and male sick-bay attendants demanded from one to three florins a day, plus sumptuous expenses. The foodstuffs suitable for the sick, cakes and sugar, reached outrageous prices. A pound of sugar was sold at between three and eight florins, and the same went for other confectionery. Chickens and other poultry were unbelievably expensive, and eggs were between 12 and 24 denari each: you were lucky to find three in a day, even searching through the whole city. Wax was unbelievable: a pound of wax rose to more than a florin, nevertheless an age-old arrogance of the Florentines was curbed, in that an order was given not to parade more than two large candles. The churches only had one bier apiece, as was the custom, and this was insufficient. Pharmacists and grave-diggers had obtained biers, hangings and laying-out pillows at great price. The shroud-cloth apparel which used to cost, for a woman, in terms of petticoat, outer garment, cloak and veils, three florins, rose in price to thirty florins, and would have risen to one hundred florins, except that they stopped using shroud-cloth, and whoever was rich was dressed with plain cloth, and those who weren't rich were sewn up in a sheet. The benches placed for the dead cost a ludicrous amount, and there weren't enough of them even if there had been a hundred times more. The priests couldn't get enough of ringing the bells: so an order was passed, what with the panic caused by the bells ringing and the sale of benches and the curbing of spending, that nobody should be allowed the death-knell, nor should benches be placed, nor should there be a public announcement by the crier, because the sick could hear them, and the healthy took fright as well as the sick. The priests and friars thronged to the rich, and were paid such great sums that they all enriched themselves. And so an ordinance was passed that only one rule (of religious houses) and the local church could be had, and from that rule a maximum of six friars. All harmful fruit, such as unripe plums, unripe almonds, fresh beans, figs and all other inessential unhealthy fruit, was forbidden from entering the city. Many processions and relics and the painting of Santa Maria Impruneta were paraded around the city, to cries of 'Mercy', and with prayers, coming to a halt at the rostrum of the Priori. There peace was made settling great disputes and questions of woundings and killings. Such was the panic this plague provoked that people met for meals as a brigata to cheer themselves up; one person would offer a dinner to ten friends, and the next evening it would be the turn of one of the others to offer the dinner, and sometimes they thought they were going to dine with him, and he had no dinner ready, because he was ill, and sometimes the dinner had been prepared for ten and two or three less turned up. Some fled to the country, and some to provincial towns, to get a change of air; where there was no plague they brought it, and where it already existed they added to it. No industry was busy in Florence; all the workshops were locked up, all the inns were closed, only chemists and churches were open. Wherever you went, you could find almost nobody; many rich good men were borne from their house to church in their coffin with just four undertakers and a lowly cleric carrying the cross, and even then they demanded a florin apiece. Those who especially profited from the plague were the chemists, the doctors, the poulterers, the undertakers, and the women who sold mallow, nettles, mercury plant and other poultice herbs for drawing abscesses. And those who made the most were these herb sellers. Woollen merchants and retailers when they came across cloth could sell it for whatever price they asked. Once the plague had finished, anybody who could get hold of whatsoever kind of cloth, or found the raw materials to make it, became rich; but many ended up moth-eaten, spoilt and useless for the looms, and thread and raw wool lost in the city and the contado. This plague began in March as has been said, and finished in September 1348. And people began to return to their homes and belongings. And such was the number of houses full of goods that had no owner, that it was amazing. Then the heirs to this wealth began to turn up. And someone who had previously had nothing suddenly found himself rich, and couldn't believe it was all his, and even felt himself it wasn't quite right. And both men and women began to show off with clothes and horses.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, pp. 230-232	None
1348-03-00-Firenze2	March 1348 JL	96.000 casualties in Florence because of the Black Death	La quantità di morti che morirono per la mortalità degli anni di Cristo 1348. Ora fatto ordine in Firenze per lo vescovo e per gli Signori che si vedesse solennemente quanti ne moriva nella città di Firenze, ultimamente veduto in calendi ottobre che di quella pistilenzia non morìa più persone, si trovarono tra maschi e femine, piccoli e grandi, dal marzo infine all'ottobre v'era morti novantaseimila.	The quantity of people who died during the plague outbreak of the year of our lord 1348. The bishop and the signoria in Florence having ordered a careful count of how many were dying of plague in the city of Florence, and seeing finally at the beginning of October that nobody was dying of that pestilence any more, it was discovered that putting together men and women, children and adults, from March to October, ninety-six thousand had died.	Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 232	None
1348-03-00-Pisa	March 1348 JL	A monk dies in Pisa in the context of the Black Death; 40 more monks from the monastery of S. Caterina follow	Frater Iacobus Orlandi. Hic fuit primus qui obiit in anno maxime pestis M°ccc°xlviij°, que pene totum delevit orbem. Hoc anno defuncti sunt in Pisis plusquam xl fratres, de secularibus turba quam nemo dinumerare valeret. Post istam mortalitatem diram et crudelissimam, numquam mores ordinis et religionis disciplina potuit ad pristina restaurari. Hic primus fuit frater quem ego viderim mori postquam ordinem sum ingressus. Fuit iste intelligens frater, magne religionis, bonus et devotus valde predicator, exemplaris valde et composite vite nimis, utilis conventui in confessionibus et cantu, magister novitiorum sollicitus et supprior pisanus. De mense martii requievit in pace.	Brother Giacomo Orlandi. He was the first who died in the year of the great plague 1348, which almost destroyed the whole world. In this year, more than 40 brothers died in Pisa, and the number of secular people who died was a crowd that no one could count. After this dire and most cruel mortality, the customs of the order and religious discipline could never be restored to their former state. He was the first brother I saw die after I entered the order. He was an intelligent brother, of great religiosity, a good and very devout preacher, very exemplary and of a very composed life, useful to the convent in confessions and singing, a diligent master of novices and subprior of Pisa. In the month of March, he rested in peace	Bonaini 1845, p. 530 and digital edition: https://www.e-theca.net/emiliopanella/pisa/8500.htm	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-03-03-Constance	3 March 1348 JL	Jews were burned in Constance and Swabia, because they were accused of poisoning the people. This accusations was according to the author wrong. In addition the flagellants appeared.	Item anno domini 1348 an dem dritten tag im Mertzen wurdent die Juden verbrent ze Costentz, und wurdent och gar an mengen stetten in Schwaben verbrent. Und beschach das darumb, daß der erst groß tod angefangen hatt und zich man die Juden, sy trügent gift umb und dorumb stürbent die lüt. Es befand sich aber darnach, das den Juden unrecht beschach, dan der selb sterbet darnach vil lang weret, nachdem und sy verbrent wurden und och verschickt und verbotten. Und in dem gemelten jar giengen die lüt, die sich selbst geiselten.	In the year of Our Lord 1348, on the third day of March, the Jews were burned in Constance, and they were also burned in many towns in Swabia. This happened because the first great plague had begun, and people accused the Jews of carrying poison, which they believed was causing people to die. However, it was later found that the Jews were wronged, as the plague continued for a long time after they were burned, exiled, and banned. And in the same year, the people who flogged themselves also appeared.	Konstanzer Chronik 1891, p. 55	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1348-03-12-Avignon	12 March 1348 JL	The Black Death arrives in Europe, with a detailed description of symptoms and precise numbers for Avignon, but also Venice, Marseille, Italy, Provence, Hungary, France, Germany and Scotland are mentioned	Anno Domini MCCCXLVII. pestilencia et mors universalis humani generis tanta invaluit, qualis umquam audita vel scripta reperitur. Nam primo in partibus ultramarinis inter paganos incepit, et tam gravis, ut dicebatur, quod ad ducenta milia ville, civitates absque hominibus remanerent; demum serpentino modo gradiebatur ex ista parte maris. Nam Veneciis, in tota Ytalia et Provincia, (p. 76), maxime in civitatibus iuxta mare sitis homines sine numero moriebantur; et Avinione, ubi tunc erat curia Romana, primis diebus proximis tribus post dominicam medie quadragesime mille et quadringenti computati homines sepulti fuerunt. Imo dicebatur, quod in civitate Marsyliensi ex hac pestilencia tot homines moriebantur, quod locus quasi inhabitabilis remansit. Postea transivit ad Alpes, ad Ungariam, per totam Alamaniam, per Franciam, in qua vix tercia pars hominum viva remansit, item per Scociam. Et semper in una provincia per unum annum vel circa duravit, transiens ultra; et sic paucis regnis exceptis quasi omnia mundi regna quassavit. Et ceciderunt homines ex ulceribus seu glandinibus exortis sub assellis vel iuxta genitalia - et pro maiori parte iuvenes moriebantur - vel per excrecionem materie sanguinee, et hic dolor in sex vel octo diebus homines suffocavit. Hec loca apud medicos emunctoria nuncupantur, quia superfluitas vel sudor subtilis hiis locis faciliter emittitur per naturam. Duravit autem hec pestilencia per quinque vel sex annos vel circa.	In the year of our Lord 1347, a universal pestilence and mortality of mankind surged with such intensity as has ever been heard or recorded. For it first began in distant lands among the pagans, and was so severe, it was said, that up to two hundred thousand villages and cities were left without inhabitants. Eventually, it advanced in a serpentine manner from that side of the sea. Indeed, in Venice, throughout Italy and Provence, especially in cities near the sea, people were dying in countless numbers; and in Avignon, where the Roman court was then located, within the first three days after mid-Lent Sunday, fourteen hundred people were buried. Moreover, it was said that in the city of Marseilles, so many people died from this pestilence that the place remained almost uninhabitable. Afterwards, it crossed the Alps, reached Hungary, passed through all of Germany, through France, where scarcely a third of the people remained alive, as well as through Scotland. And it always lasted in one province for about a year or so, before moving on; and thus, except for a few kingdoms, it shook almost all the kingdoms of the world. And people fell victim to ulcers or swellings that appeared under their armpits or near their genitals - and mostly young people were dying - or through the excretion of bloody matter, and this pain suffocated people within six or eight days. These areas are called snuffers or scissors (?) by physicians because excess or subtle sweat is easily emitted from these places by nature. However, this pestilence lasted for about five or six years.	Heinrich Taube von Selbach 1922, pp. 75-76.	Translation by Martin Bauch
1348-04-00-Crimea	April 1348 JL	News about the Black Death (wabāʾ) in other countries kept reaching Damascus in early 749 H (the year starts in April 1348): Terrible things were told about Crimea where a great number of people had reportedly died. Afterwards the plague, it was told, was transmitted to the lands of the Franks. The majority of the inhabitants of Cyprus were said to have died from the plague.		Reports came in succession of the outbreak of the plague in the border regions of the lands. It was mentioned concerning the land of al-Qirm (the Crimea) that there was a dreadful event and great mortality among its people. Then it was reported that it spread to the lands of the Franks, to the point that it was said that most of the people of Cyprus died, or nearly so. Likewise, a great calamity occurred in Gaza at the beginning of …	Ibn Kathīr - Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya 1997-1999, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.	ChatGPT 5.2
1348-04-00-Egypt	April 1348 JL	The Black Death in Egypt and other countries in 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349): People were taken by surprise by the epidemic (wabāʾ) whose death toll was high. The odors of death met them. People died quickly of the disease after buboes had appeared at their earlobes (marrāq).