God

For God, a total of 23 epidemic events are known so far. It is a social response.

Table

Table

Page	DateStart date of the disease.	SummarySummary of the disease event	OriginalOriginal text	TranslationEnglish translation of the text	ReferenceReference(s) to literature	Reference translationReference(s) to the translation
1186-00-00-Strasbourg	1186 JL	This passage tells of a false prophecy. It was wrongly predicted that a great destructive wind and mortality and price increase would come in autumn. People were very afraid, but nothing happened.	Eine falsche prophecie. Bi disen ziten verschreip ein meister von dem gestirne in alle lant, das in dem herbeste in dem jore noch gotz gebürte 1186 solte kumen ein wint, der alle bürge, hüser und boume dernyder würfe, und donoch ein gros sterbot und dürunge und vil andere wunderliche ding. und sprach och, das alle sternenseher in der cristenheit und in der heidenschaft und alle wise meistere wol erkantent, das diese ding also geschehen muestent. hievon erschrag das volg und mahtent etliche lüte hütten uf dem velde und hüselin under der erden do sü inne wonetent, und men mahte vil crüzegenge und gebet. do nu der herbest kam, do was es guet wetter und geschach der dinge keines die men gewissaget hette. hiebi mag men merken, das der welte wisheit ist eine torheit vor gotte.	A False Prophecy During this time, a master of the stars wrote to all the lands that in the autumn of the year 1186 after Christ's birth, a wind would come that would topple all castles, houses, and trees. This would be followed by a great death, price increase, and many other strange occurrences. He also claimed that all astrologers in Christendom and in pagan lands, as well as all wise masters, had recognized that these things must happen. This caused fear among the people, leading some to build huts in the fields and little houses underground where they could live. Many people made pilgrimages and prayed fervently. But when autumn came, the weather was good, and none of the predicted events occurred. From this, one can observe that the wisdom of the world is foolishness before God.	Jacobus Twinger von Könishofen: Chronik 1870-71, p. 648.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Europe	1346 JL	This passage describes the spread of the plague beginning in Jerusalem and than moving forward across Europe. The jews were blamed for causing the plague by poisoning the people.	653. Des sulven jares unstund de grote plaghe der mynsheit des (p. 505) ghaen dodes, erst in den Jhersualemeschen landen over mer unde in der heidenscap, de by veftich, sestich, hundert, dusent unde ane tal nedervellen unde waren dot. dat stund nicht sere to claghen, wente se Godes viande sint; mer de sulve grote plaghe quam seder in cristene land. erst wart se vornomen in Pulle, dar na in Ungharen, dar na in Cecilien, in Avignon, dar neghest to Marsilien, dar na in Brancriken, dar na Engheland, dar vele lude storven; dar na in Blanderen, van Blanderen in Norweghen, dar na in Sweden, van Sweden in Denemarken, in Nortjutlande unde uppe Selande, dar na in Prutzen. to Koninghesberch, to Melbinghen was grot sterven. des tech men den ghedosten joden, de sik vor cristene lude helden unde beden dor Got ghuder lude almusen, dat de mit vorghifnisse, de se den luden gheven, dat volk to deme dode brochten. Dat wart van en gheseen unde worden anghetastet unde worden ghebrand; do bekanden se in erme dode, dat it war were, dat se it hadden ghedan, unde dat ir vele were, de in der selven sake in der cristenheit ghinghen, unde segheden, dat de riken joden in den groten steden dat bedacht hedden der cristenheit to vorderfnisse, wente se sint der martere unses heren ghevanghen lude hebben wesen, unde wolden nu koninghe unde heren worden sin over al den cristendom.	653. In the same year (1346), the great plague of humanity, the walking death, began, first in the lands of Jerusalem, across the sea and among the pagans, where fifty, sixty, a hundred, a thousand, and countless people fell and died. This was not much mourned, as they were considered enemies of God. However, this same great plague later came into Christian lands. First, it was observed in Apulia, then in Hungary, then in Sicily, in Avignon, then near Marseille, then in (...?), and then in England, where many people died; next, in Flanders, from Flanders to Norway, then to Sweden, from Sweden to Denmark, in North Jutland and on Zealand, then to Prussia. In Königsberg and Melbingen, there was great mortality. The Jewish converts, who presented themselves as Christian and begged for alms in the name of God, were blamed for bringing the death to the people with giving them poison. They were discovered and persecuted, and many were burned. Under torture, they confessed that it was true—that they had done it, and that many of them across Christendom were involved in this crime. They claimed that the wealthy Jews in large cities had devised this plot to destroy Christianity, as they had long been captives since the martyrdom of our Lord and now wanted to become kings and rulers over all Christendom.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 504-505.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Europe 001	1346 JL	The passage speaks about the origins of the plague, how it arrived to europe with the galleys, how it killed thousands of people and wiped out complete cities. It describes the wonders which happened simultaneosly and notes that the king of Bellemare oscillates between the religions.	Dese ding de scheghen ok in deme 46. jare over mer, dar de peper unde inghever west. to Dathagio an der stat vlot en water; dat wart vormeghet met utermaten vele wormen unde slanghen; de vreten alle de vrucht up, de in deme lande was. en grot deel, we dat water anrurbe, de vil neder unde was dot. vortmer to Imperio, meddes tusschen Kathagium unde Persiam, reghendet vur also snevlocken; dat vur vorbrande stede, borghe unde land, berghe unde dale, manne unde vrowen, unde stene, ast se drughe holt hedden ghewesen. dat vur ghas groten rok van sik; we den rok sach, de ne levede nicht enen halven dach; we ok den mynschen sach, de den rok gheseen hadde, de ne levede nicht langhe. hir van schaghet, dat van twelf galeyden, de in deme lande weren, de den rok gheseen hedden, twe galeyden quemen in Sreken to Ianueum, unde beghunden altohant to stervende, beide de in den galeyden weren unde de lude uter stat, also dat sy kume de galeyden mit kummer brachten van der stat in dat grote mer, unde dreven do to Constantinopolim unde to Peram. do de lude van Constantinopol unde van Pera ghespreken mit den galeyden, do ghinghen se to hus unde storven, unde we de sulven lude sach, de starf ok an der stunde, unde storven binnen den twen steden in korter stunde wol sesteyn dusent volkes. Dar na seghelden de galeyden van Sreken, unde wor se hen kerden, in allen steden leten se jo de suke des stervendes. to left quemen se to Cecilien unde Messinam; dar brechten se ok dat stervend, also dat dar ummelang storven wol der dusent lude, unde en stat binnen Cecilien, de ghenomet was Cratappaim, starf al wuste. dar na quemen de galeyden van Cecilien to Sardineam, unde brechten dat stervend an den galeyden des heren Archassari, de in de hervart scholden, unde storven also degher uth, dat de teynde mynsche nicht levende bles, also dat dar storven der unde vertich dusent volkes, de men in dat mer warp. Dar (p. 508) na quam ene van den twen galeyden to Marsilien, unde brochte dat stervend dar, also dat de stat wuste starf. vortmer des donnerdaghes vor winachten wart to Avinion, des morghens er de sunne upghing, gheseen en vur van deme ostene in dat westene, unde hing boven de stat to Avinion an der lucht. vortmer an deme weghe, als men ghet van Kathelonia to Arrogonia, vellen der grote stene van deme hemmele, jewelik also grot als en tover. des nehmen de lude ute deme lande enen van den stenen unde brachtene deme koninghe des landes up eneme mule to groteme wundere. Vortmer de koning val Bellemare, Albessessu ghenant, en here over ghantz Barbarien, let enen wech maken dor de wustenye, also men reysen mochte to Ianuam. do he ret mit groteme volke unde wolde den wech beseen, do quam en bode eme na unde seghede: 'here, sint dat du uthtoghest, sint ghestorven binnen twen daghen achtentich diner husvrowen; unde alle de in der stat sin, de sterven'. do de koning dat horde, he vruchte sic sere unde sprak: 'dat is Godes wrake; de will, dat wy to cristenen loven komen'. unde sende na sinen hoghesten unde na sinem raatgheveren, unde seghede en, dat he cristen werden wolde. under des quam en schip unde seghede, dat de cristenen ok storven. do dat de koning horde, do wolde he nicht cristen werden.	Similar things also occurred in the year 1346 overseas, where pepper and ginger are grown. Near Cathay, water flooded the land; it was filled with countless worms and snakes, which devoured all the crops. Many people who touched the water fell down dead. Furthermore, in a place called Imperium, between Cathay and Persia, fire rained down like snowflakes; this fire burned cities, castles, lands, mountains, valleys, men, women, and even stones as if they were dry wood. The fire produced a great smoke; anyone who saw the smoke did not live even half a day, and anyone who saw those people who had seen the smoke did not live long either. It is said that of twelve galleys in the area that encountered the smoke, only two arrived in Genoa, where both the crew on the ships and the people in the city immediately began to die, so much so that they barely managed to drag the ships out to the open sea. The ships drifted towards Constantinople and Pera. When the people of Constantinople and Pera spoke with those on the galleys, they went home and died, and anyone who saw them also died, with sixteen thousand people dying in the two cities within a short time. Later, the galleys left and spread the plague in every city they visited. Eventually, they arrived in Sicily and Messina, bringing death, so that about a thousand people soon died in the area. An entire town in Sicily, called Catania, was wiped out. The galleys then reached Sardinia, where they brought the plague to the fleet of Lord Archassari, and they all died so that barely one in ten survived, with around forty thousand people dead and thrown into the sea. One of the galleys then arrived in Marseille and spread death there, causing the entire town to perish. Moreover, on the Thursday before Christmas in Avignon, before the sun rose, a fire was seen in the sky from east to west, hovering over the city. Furthermore, along the road from Catalonia to Aragon, large stones fell from the sky, each as big as a tower. The people took one of these stones from the land and brought it to the king as a great wonder. In addition, the King of Bellemare, also known as Albessessu, a lord over all Barbaria, ordered a road to be built through the wilderness so that people could travel to Genoa. As he traveled with a large following to inspect the road, a messenger came to him and said: ‘My lord, since you set out, within two days, eighty of your noble ladies have died, and everyone in the city is also dying.’ When the king heard this, he was greatly afraid and said, ‘This is God's wrath; He wants us to praise the Christian faith.’ He summoned his highest advisors and declared that he wanted to become a Christian. However, soon a ship arrived, reporting that Christians were also dying. When the king heard this, he no longer wanted to become a Christian.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 506-508.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1346-00-00-Florence	1346 JL	The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested.	Della inaudita mortalità. Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8) Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo. Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio. Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13) Di detta matera. Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro.	Of the outrageous mortality It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...] How long the plague lasted in each country As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God. In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others. About this subject The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died.	Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 5-14.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1347-00-00-Florence	May 1347 JL	Epidemic follows famine in Florence, 4000 dead (mainly women and children); particularly bad in Romagna, Provence, Bologna, Vignone, Pistoia and Prato. The mortality was foretold by astrologers.	Di grande mortalità che ffu in Firenze, ma più grande altrove, come diremo apresso Nel detto anno e tempo, come sempre pare che segua dopo la carestia e fame, si cominciò in Firenze e nel contado infermeria, e apresso mortalità di genti, e spezialmente in femine e fanciulli, il più in poveri genti, e durò fino al novembre vegnente MCCCXLVII ma però non fu così grande, come fu la mortalità dell'anno MCCCXL come adietro facemmo menzione; ma albitrando al grosso, ch'altrimenti non si può sapere a punto in tanta città come Firenze, ma in di grosso si stimò che morissono in questo tempo più di IIIIm persone, tra uomini e più femmine e fanciulli; morirono bene de' XX l'uno; e fecesi comandamento per lo Comune che niuno morto si dovesse bandire, né sonare campane alle chiese, ove i morti si sotterravano, perchè lla gente non isbigotisse d'udire di tanti morti. E lla detta mortalità fu predetta dinanzi per maestri di strologia, dicendo che quando fu il sostizio vernale, cioè quando il sole entrò nel principio dell'Ariete del mese di marzo passato, l'ascendente che ffu nel detto sostizio fu il segno della Vergine, e 'l suo signore, cioè il pianeto di Mercurio, si trovò nel segno dell'Ariete nella ottava casa, ch'è casa che significa morte; e se non che il pianeto di Giove, ch'è fortunato e di vita, si ritrovò col detto Mercurio nella detta casa e segno, la mortalità sarebbe stata infinita, se fosse piaciuto a dDio. Ma nnoi dovemo credere e avere per certo che Idio promette le dette pestilenze e ll'altre a' popoli, cittadi e paesi [p. 486] per pulizione de'peccati e non solamente per corsi di stelle, ma tolera, siccome signore dell'universo e del corso del celesto, come gli piace; e quando vuole, fa accordare il corso delle stelle al suo giudicio; e questo basti in questa parte e d'intorno a Firenze del detto delli astrolagi. La detta mortalità fu maggiore in Pistoia e Prato e nelle nostre circustanze all'avenante della gente di Firenze, e maggiore in Bologna e in Romagna, e maggiore in Vignone e in Proenza ov'era la corte del papa, e per tutto il reame di Francia.	Of a great mortality which occurred in Florence, although it was greater elsewhere, as we will recount. In this year and season, as seemingly always after food shortages and famines, a sickness began in the city and countryside of Florence. Soon people began to die, especially women and children, and the most among the poor. It lasted until November 1347, but it was not as great as the mortality of 1340 that we described earlier. If we make a rough guess—it is impossible to do otherwise in a city as great as Florence—it seems that this time more than four thousand people died, men and more women and children. More than one in twenty died. It was ordered by the commune that no death be announced and no church bell be sounded during burials, lest people be terrified to hear of so many deaths. This mortality was foretold by master astrologers who stated that during the vernal solstice—that is when the sun entered the sign of Aries last March—the sign of Virgo was rising and Virgo’s ruler Mercury was in the eighth house of Aries, a house signifying death. And were it not for the fact that Jupiter, which brings fortune and life, accompanied Mercury in this house and sign, the mortality would have been endless—if this had pleased God. But we should believe and be certain that the Lord God promises the said pestilences and others to peoples, cities, and lands to cleanse their sins, and [that he does so] not only through the movement of the stars but sometimes—as Lord of the universe and celestial motion—according to his will. And when he wishes, he matches the movement of the stars to his judgment. Let this suffice regarding Florence, its surroundings, and the sayings of astrologers. This mortality was greater in Pistoia and Prato and in the surrounding territories nearer to Florence; it was greater in Bologna and in Romagna; it was greater at Avignon and in Provence, where the papal court was, and throughout the kingdom of France.	Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 485–486.	None
1348-00-00-Avignon 004	1348 JL	The Pope Clement VI. made a great indulgence for all the repentant christians in times of the Black Death.	Della 'ndulgenzia diede il papa per la detta pistolenza. In questi tempi della mortale pestilenzia papa Clemento sesto fece grande indulgenza generale della pena di tutti i peccati a coloro che pentuti e confessi la domandavano al loro confessoro, e morivano: e in quella certa mortalità catuno Cristiano credendosi morire si disponea bene, e con molta contrizione e pazienzia rendevano l’anima a Dio.	Of the indulgence given by the pope for the said pestilence. In these times of the deadly plague, Pope Clement the Sixth made a great general indulgence of the punishment of all sins to those who repented and confessed and asked their confessor, and died: and in that certain mortality, each Christian believing himself to be dying, disposed himself well, and with much contrition and patience rendered his soul to God.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, p. 15.	Translation by DeepL
1348-00-00-Florence 003	1348 JL	The woman Monna Bice survived by God's grace the Black Death which only one in a hundred managed to do.	Della detta monna Bice ebbi più figliuoli, maschi e femmine, che vennono a bene, e di que' che nel partorire non vennono a bene, (p. 292) sconciandosi anche in alcuno; ebbe grandissima infermità per la mortalità del 1348, e campò di quello che non ne campò una nel centinaio. Fu grazia di Dio e in iscampo di me, chè di certo ò per opinione, che s' ella fosse morta, io non sarei scampato, per gli accidenti m' avvennono, che che di quella infermità io non sentissi.	I had several children of the aforementioned Monna Bice, both male and female, who came out well, and of those who were not well at birth, some were mutilated. She had a very serious illness during the plague in 1348 and survived, which only one in a hundred managed to do. It was God's grace and my luck, because I'm sure I wouldn't have survived if she had died, because of the things that happened to me, even though I didn't feel anything from that illness.	Donato Velluti: Cronica domestica 1914, pp. 291-292	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1348-00-00-Lübeck	1348 JL	The Master Johan Dannekowe explains the great plague in Magdeburg and Lübeck by a conjunction and a solar eclipse. In addition, the Jews were accused of poisoning people during this time.	666. In deme sulven jare schref mester Johan Dannekowe, de wiseste mester in der kunst astronomia, de to den tyden in Dudeschen landen was, von deme stervende van Meydeborch to Lubeke sinen sunderliken vrunden. he schref: 'wetet van der suke des stervendes, als my dunket, dat de sake desser suke was unde is en eclipsis des manen, de dar was vor der samelunghe der planeten Jovis unde Saturni in deme jare Godes 1345 an unser vrowen nacht in der vastene der bodescap, unde was an deme negheteynden daghe des Merten, an der nacht dar na des sulven jares, unde was desse eclipsis an dem mynsliken (p. 514) tekene, als an deme tekene, dat de libra eder de waghe heited, unde de ascendens des halven eclipsis was des scorpionis tzaghel. dor der stede willen betekende de eclipsis over mynslike slechte unde dor des ascendens willen, dar de planete Mars here over is, betekent he mordent unde sukent, unde na wane dor des schorpionis tzaghels willen betekent he vorghift; unde wente desse vorsproken eclipsis was an der tiid der sammelunghe der grotesten planeten Saturni unde Jovis, als hir vor sproken is, wente se beide warn in deme sulven enen grade, dar umme betekent he langhe warenden anval, als de hoghe mester Ptolomeus sprekt in deme boke quadriperto. mer ik hope, dat Almania van desser betekenunghe nicht vele liden schal, wente aries dat teken is over Almanien, unde Mars de planeta, de dar here is over dat teken aries, was here des ascendentis desses eclipsis. 667. Nu hadden ok de joden grote mestere in der sulven kunst astronomia, de langhe vorgheseen hadden de tiid des stervendes. Do ghewunnen de joden arghe danken, unde wurden des to rade, dat se mit vorghifnisse hemeliker sake unde mit arghen dinghen tolegheden unde hulpen desseme vorbenomenden tokomenden stervende, uppe dat se dar nicht ane vordacht worden unde wolden sik vryen van der eghenscap, dar se inne syn. nu wolde Ghod, dat dit to wetene wart den mechtighen heren in den landen unde den guden steden; de worden des to rade, dat se de undat wreken wolden an den joden, unde sloghen se in manighen landen unde in menigher stat to dode.	666. In the same year (1348), Master Johan Dannekowe, the wisest master in the art of astronomy in the German lands at the time, wrote to his special friends about the plague that affected Magdeburg and Lübeck. He wrote: “Be aware of the cause of this plague, as I see it, which was an eclipse of the moon that occurred before the conjunction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn in the year of our Lord 1345, on the night of the Annunciation of Our Lady, during Lent, on the 29th day of March, and the following night of the same year. This eclipse happened in a human sign, namely in the sign of Libra (the Scales), and the ascendant of the partial eclipse was in the sting of Scorpio. Due to its position, the eclipse signified harm to humanity, and due to the ascendant, which is ruled by the planet Mars, it signifies death and disease, and furthermore, due to the influence of Scorpio's sting, it signifies poison. Because this mentioned eclipse occurred at the time of the conjunction of the great planets Saturn and Jupiter, as was spoken of before, since they both were in the same degree, it therefore indicates a prolonged assault, as the great master Ptolemy speaks of in the book Quadripartite. However, I hope that Germany will not suffer greatly from this omen, since Aries is the ruling sign over Germany, and Mars, the planet that governs Aries, was in the position of the ascendant for this eclipse. 667. Now, the Jews also had great masters in the same art of astronomy, who had foreseen the time of the plague long before. Then, the Jews developed evil intentions and decided to add to the impending plague by means of poison and wicked deeds, to avoid being blamed for it themselves and to free themselves from the distress they were in. But God willed that this knowledge came to the attention of the powerful lords in the lands and the good cities, who resolved to take revenge for this evil on the Jews, and they put many to death in numerous lands and various cities.”	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 513-514.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1350-05-24-Lübeck	24 May 1350 JL	Great plague with high victim numbers all over the german lands. The plague happened due to Gods will and he used the planets and stars as instruments to fulfill it. The plague is the punishment for the sins of the people.	681. In deme sulven jare des somers van pinrsten bet to sunte Mychaelis daghe do was so grot stervent der lude in allen Dudeschen landen, dat des ghelikes ne was ervaren, unde het noch de grote dot, hir umme dat he mene was over vele lant, ok dat he krestich was over vele lude, also dat an vele steden de teynde mynsche kume bles levendich. in der stad to Lubeke storven by eneme naturliken daghe sancti Laurentii (p. 522), van der ener vesper tho der anderen 25 hundert volkes betalt. de lude ghinghen alse doden, unde er sturven vele van angheste unde vruchteden, wente se weren des umbewonet. Wat de sake weren des stervendes unde der anderen, de dar na quemen, dat is Gode bekannt unde is vorbedecket an den vorborghenen schatten siner grundelosen wisheyt; allenen, dat vor is hir beschreven, dat de planeten unde sternen scholden anvlote gheven to deme stervende, dat is war, dat se nicht en synt de erste unde hogeste sake, mer God allenen; de planeten sint men instrumenta unde tekene; vormiddels den werket God unde vullenbringhet sinen willen. Ik love, dat de bosheit der lude, de sik vormeret an der lesten tiit der werlde unde wert jo groter unde groter, si en sake, dar sik umme vormeren ok de wrake der pyne, also de lerer willen der hilgen schrift. unde is dat also, so sint desse stervende, orloghe, vorretnisse unde al de plaghe, de nu scheen, mer de tekene, de Cristus hest ghesproken in den hilgen ewangelien, dat se scholen scheen vor der lesten tiid; wo langhe vore, dat is nicht beschreven, wente Gode is dat alleneghen bekant.	681. In the same year (1350), from Pentecost until St. Michael's Day in the summer, there was such a great death among people in all German lands that nothing like it had ever been experienced. It was considered the Great Death because it spread across many lands and claimed the lives of many people. In many places, barely one in ten people remained alive. In the city of Lübeck died only at one day 2,500 people, from one evening prayer on the feast day of St. Lawrence to the next. People left as dead people, and many also died from fear and dread. The reasons for this mortality and other calamities that followed are known only to God, concealed in the hidden depths of His boundless wisdom. However, it is written here that the planets and stars were thought to have some influence on the spread of the plague, though they were not the primary or highest cause—only God Himself is. The planets are merely instruments and signs through which God works and fulfills His will. I believe that the increasing wickedness of people, which has grown in these latter days of the world and continues to grow, may also be a cause, as the teachings of Holy Scripture suggest, for which God's punishment and wrath increase as well. If this is so, then the deaths, wars, betrayals, and all the plagues we now see are merely signs that Christ spoke of in the Holy Gospels, which are to appear before the end times. How long before, however, is not recorded, as only God alone knows.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 521-522.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5
1358-00-00-Netherlands	1358 JL	The plague raged in Brussels, Antwerp, Leuven and other cities in Brabant. Flanders was spared, because it was earlier hard affected.	Di mortalità d'Allamagna e Brabante Essendo ancora il braccio di Dio disteso sopra i peccatori no corretti né amendati per li suoi terribili giudici a tutto il mondo palesi, e per gastigalli e riducelli a migliore vita, nel detto anno nel tempo dell'autunno ricominciò coll'usata pistolenzia dell'anguinaia a fragellare il ponente, e molto gravò in Borsella, che del mese d'ottobre e di novembre vi morirono più di millecinquecento borgesi, sanza le femine e' fanciulli, che furono assai. Ad Anguersa, e a lLovana, e nell'altre ville di Brabante il simile fé. Non toccò la Fiandra, perché altra volta n'era molto stata gravata, e però Brabante più ne sentì; e per simile modo avenne nella Magna a Basola, e in altre città e castella infino a Buemia e Praga, le quali dalla prima mortalità non erano state gravate.	On mortality in Germany and Brabant Since the arm of God was still outstretched over the unrepentant and uncorrected sinners, and in order to chastise them by his terrible judgments revealed to the whole world and to lead them back to a better life, the usual plague of the groin began to plague the West again in the autumn of the year mentioned. Brussels was particularly hard hit, where more than 1500 citizens died in October and November, not counting the women and children, who were also numerous. The same thing happened in Antwerp, Leuven and other cities in Brabant. Flanders was not affected, as it had been severely affected earlier, which is why Brabant suffered all the more; it happened in a similar way in Germany in Basel and in other towns and castles as far as Bohemia and Prague, which had not been affected by the first plague.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, p. 273.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1360-00-00-Damascus	1360 JL	Devasting plague in Damascus and Cairo. The reason is only known to god and gods will is more powerful than natural influence.	Della grande pistolenzia che percosse li Saracini. In questo anno pestilenzia di febri fu in Damasco e al Caro tanto fuori di modo, che sanza niuno riparo quasi generalmente ogni gente uccidea; il perché si credette che lle province di là rimanessono disolate e sanza abitatore, e sse guari tempo fosse durata avenia. Li morti furono tanti, che stimare numero certo o vicino non si poté. La cagione onde mossa a dDio solo, o ccui lo rivela, è manifesta. La naturale nicissità, la quale surge dalla influenza de' cieli e delle stelle, dà luogo alla nicisità soluta che procede dalla sua volontà.	Of the great plague that struck the Saracens In that year, a fever plague raged so violently in Damascus and Cairo that it carried off almost the entire population without any defence. It was believed that the provinces there would remain devastated and uninhabited if the plague continued for much longer. The number of deaths was so great that it was impossible to make an exact or even approximate estimate. The cause of this plague was known only to God or to those to whom he revealed it. The natural necessity arising from the influence of the heavens and the stars gave way to the divine necessity arising from his will.	Matteo Villani 1995,Vol. 2, p. 506	None
1360-00-00-Europe	April 1360 JL	The passage describes the way in which the plague spread, beginning in England in April and May and then spread to France, Lombardy, Romagne, Marche and Majorca. Matteo Villani criticised the persistence of people in their sins and the forgetting of the Judgement Day.	Della pistolenzia dell'anguinaia ricominciata in diversi paesi del mondo, e di sua operazione. In Inghilterra d'aprile e di maggio si cominciò, e seguitò di giugno e più inanzi, la pistolenzia dell'anguinaia usata, e ffuvi tale e tanta, che nella città di Londra il dì di san Giovanni e 'l seguente morirono più di MCC Cristiani, e in prima e poi per tutta l'isola. Gran fracasso fece per simile ne reame di Francia: nella Proenza trafisse ogni maniera di gente. Vignone corruppe in forma che no vi campava persona: morironvi nove cardinali, e più di VIIC plelati e gran cherici, e popolo inumerabile. E di maggio e giugno si stese e percosse la Lombardia, e prima Commo e Pavia, co tanta roina, che quais le recò in desolazione. In Milano misse il capo, dove altra volta nonn-era stata, e tirò a terra il popolo quasi affatto, con grande orrore e spavento di chi rimanea. Vinegia toccò in più riprese, e tolsele oltre a XXM viventi. La Romagna opressò forte e assai quasi per tutte sue terre, ma ppiù l'una che l'altra, e nell'entrata del verno cominciò a restare i Lombardia, e a gravare la Marca, e lla città d'Agobbio forte premette. L'isola della Maiolica perdé oltre alle tre parti de li abitanti. Né lasciò l'alpi delli Ubaldini sanza macolo per molti de' (p. 514) luoghi suoi. E molti paesi del mondo inn-uno tempo erano di questo pistolenzia corrotti, né già quelli a ccui parea che Dio perdonasse no ritornavano a llui per contrizione, partendosi dalle iniquitadi e dalle prave operazioni ostinate, e come le bestie del macello, veggendo l'altre nelle mani del beccaio col coltello svenare, saltavano liete nella pastura, quasi come a lloro non dovesse toccare, ma più dimenticando li uomini il giudicio divino si davano sfacciatamente alle rapine, alle guerre, e al mantenere compagne contra ogni uomo, alle ingiurie de' prossimi, e alle disoluta vita, e a' mali guadagni assai più che nelli altri tempi, corompendo la speranza della misericordia di Dio per lo male ingegno delle perverse menti; e cciò per manifesta sperienza si vide in tutte le parti del mondo dove la detta pistolenzia mostrò il giudicio di Dio.	On the resurgence of the plague of the groin in various countries of the world and its effects In England, the familiar plague of the abdomen began in April and May and continued through June and beyond. It was so devastating that on St John's Day and the following day, more than 1200 Christians died in the city of London, as well as before and after throughout the island. The plague caused similar chaos in the Kingdom of France; in Provence it affected people of all kinds. In Avignon, it raged so strongly that no one there was spared: nine cardinals died, over 700 prelates and great clerics as well as countless people from the populace. In May and June, it spread to Lombardy, first to Como and Pavia, causing such destruction that these cities were almost depopulated. In Milan, where it had not been before, it caused great damage and decimated almost the entire population, causing great fear and terror among the survivors. Venice was hit in several waves and lost over 20,000 people. Romagna was hit hard, almost all towns were affected, some more than others. At the end of the winter, the plague began to subside in Lombardy, while it hit the Marche hard and put the city of Gubbio under severe pressure. On the island of Majorca, over three quarters of the population died. Even the Alps of the Ubaldini were not spared, and many of their towns were badly hit. At the same time, many countries of the world were afflicted by this plague, and those who believed that God had mercy on them did not return to him through repentance, but persisted in their sins and evil deeds. Like cattle for the slaughter, seeing their fellow animals in the hands of the butcher with a knife, they jumped happily to the pasture as if they would not be hit. But people, forgetting divine judgement, shamelessly indulged in robbery, wars and maintaining gangs against everyone, committing injustice against their neighbours, living a dissolute life and seeking ill-gotten gains, far more than at other times. This corrupted the hope of God's mercy by the evil nature of their perverse minds; and this could be observed in all parts of the world, where the aforementioned plague showed the judgement of God.	Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, pp. 514-515.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1360-05-00-Flandern	May 1360 JL	The plague reappeared in Flanders and one third died of it, especially the common people. In the diocese of Liège more than the half of the people died. It raged especially in these countries, which were spared previously. The passages talks about the symptoms and that in Poland the jews were persecuted and killed, because they were accused of being the reason for the plague.	Come mortalità dell'anguinaia ricominciò in diverse parti del mondo Nonn-è da llasciare in oblazione la moria mirabile dell'anguinaia in questo anno ricominciata, simile a quella che prencipio ebbe nel MCCCXLVIII insino nel MCCCL, come narrammo nel cominciamento del primo libro di questo nostro trattato. Questa pistilenzia ricominciò del mese di maggio in Fiandra, che di largo il terzo de' cittadini e oltra morirono, offendendo più il minuto popolo e povera gente che a' mezzani, maggiori e forestieri, che pochi ne perirono, e duròvi insino all'uscita d'ottobre del detto anno, e così seguitò per l'altra Fiandra. In Brabante toccò poco, e così in Piccardia, ma nel vescovado di Legge fé spaventevole dammaggio, però che lla metà di viventi periro. Dipoi si venne stendendo nella bassa Allamagna toccando non generalmente ogni terra, ma quasi quelle dove prima non avea gravate, e valicò nel Frioli e nella Schiavonia; e ffu di quella medesima infertà d'enfiatura d'anguinaia e sotto il ditello come la prima generale, e ssì era passato dal tempo di quella e suo cominciamento a cquello di questa per ispazio di XIIII anni, e anni X della fine di quella a cquesta, essendo alcuna volta tra questo tempo ritocca ora in uno ora in altro luogo, man non grande come questo anno, certificando li uomini correnti nel male che lla mano di Dio nonn-è stanca né limitata da costellazioni nè dda fisiche ragioni. Adivenne nel Frioli e in (p. 449) Ungheria che lla moria cominciata inn-enfiatura tornò in uscimento di sangue, e poi si convertì in febre, e molti febricosi farnetici, ballando e cantando morivano. E in questi tempi occorse cosa assai degna di nota, che in Pollonia, nelle parti confinanti colle terre dello 'mperio, essendo in esse grandissima quantità di Giudei, li paesani cominciarono a mormorare, dicendo che questa pistolenzia loro venia per li Giudei; onde li Giudei temendo a rre loro mandarono de' loro anziani a cchiederli misercordia, e ffecioli gran doni di muneta, e d'una corona di smisurata valuta; lo re conservare li volea, ma lli popoli furiosi no ssi poterono quietare, ma correndo straboccatamente tra' Giudei, e quasi a ultima consumazione, con ferro e ffuoco oltre a XM Giudei spensono, e alla camera del loro re tutti li loro beni furono incorporati.	How the inguinal plague resurged in different parts of the world It should not go unmentioned that the remarkable death of the plague of the groin reappeared this year, similar to the one that began in 1348 and lasted until 1350, as we reported in the first book of this treatise. This plague began in Flanders in May, where more than a third of the citizens died, and it particularly affected the common people and the poor, while the middle class, the wealthy and foreigners suffered few losses. It lasted there until the end of October of the same year and continued throughout Flanders. In Brabant, few were affected, as in Picardy, but it caused devastating damage in the diocese of Liège, where half the population died. It then spread to Lower Germany, not touching every country but mainly those that had previously been spared, and reached Friuli and Schiavonia. It was the same disease with swellings in the groin and under the arm as the first great plague, and fourteen years had passed from the beginning of the first to this, and ten years from the end of the first to this, during which time the plague sometimes reappeared in one place or another, but never so strongly as this year. This confirmed to men that the hand of God is neither tired nor limited by constellations or physical causes. In Friuli and Hungary the plague began with swellings, then turned into haemorrhages, and finally into fever, and many of those suffering from fever died in delusions, dancing and singing. During these times, a remarkable thing happened in Poland, in the border areas of the empire, where there were large numbers of Jews. The natives began to murmur, saying that this plague was coming through the Jews; so the Jews, in their fear, sent some of their elders to the king to beg for mercy, and they made him great gifts of money and a crown of immeasurable value. The king wanted to protect them, but the enraged people could not be pacified and charged against the Jews, killing more than ten thousand Jews with iron and fire and incorporating all their possessions into the royal chamber.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2 pp. 448-449.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1362-00-00-Pisa	1362 JL	A plague hit the peasants who fled to Pisa. It was a punishment of God.	[…] e per giunta a' detti mali, li villani de' piani ch'erano rifuggiti in Pisa, e stavansi sotto loro carra lungo le mura, furono assaliti dalla pistilenzia (p. 611) dell'anguinaia, assai ne perirono. E cciò somigliava all'intendenti giudicio di Dio, che dentro e di fuori così gastgasse i corompitori della pace e della fede data per soperchio d'astuta malizia.	[...] and in addition to the evils mentioned, the peasants from the plains who had fled to Pisa and were staying under their carts along the walls were attacked by the inguinal plague (p. 610). Many of them died. This appeared to prudent observers as the judgement of God, who punished both within and without the corrupters of peace and given fidelity for their excessive, cunning wickedness.	Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 2, pp. 610-611	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1363-00-00-Florence 001	1363 JL	The brothers of Pagolo died in the mortality and left him alone with the business. He had many debts which made his life full of wories.	Fu di nicistà che ’l detto Pagholo, giovane gharzone, e, sechondo l’età d’allora, fanciullo, provedesse al tutto; e se fu fatichoso e di sollecitudine e di rischio, i’ penso choll’aiuto di Dio dirtene tanto innanzi che ttu arai chagione d’inmaginare il tutto. Questi suoi fratelli morirono di (p. 193) pistolenza nella mortalità fonda del sesantatré, che ffu grande, e andaronsene a piè di Dio inn ispazio di venti dì; e, chome ài inteso, i due erano avillupati nel trafficho del guado e nella tinta, dove egli aveano inviluppati circha di quindicimila fiorini. Il terzo, e primo a morire, avea donna, e viva rimase dopo lui e giovane. Era invillupato questo nell’usure, ché pocho fecie altro; e none si distendea questo suo viluppo pure in Firenze ma per tutto il chontado, e pure chon lavoratori e poveri il forte, e chon grandi / (c. 42v) uomini e potenti, e in Firenze e di fuori. Il detto Pagholo, giovane, soro, solo, sanza alchuno aiuto o chonsiglio se non di suoi amici, a tenpo di mortalità, isbighottito della morte de’ suoi e della paura di sé, trovatosi in gran viluppi di molti crediti a rischuotere e di migliaia di fiorini, sendone morti assai d<e’> creditori e de’ fattori che aveano nel chapo i fatti loro, avendo etiandio a cierchare d’essi non pure in Firenze o nel chontado, ma di fuori, ‘Arezo, al Borgho, a Siena, a Pisa e per altre istrane parti, a ritrarre merchatantia, a venderla, e a svilupare tutto, non fu sanza grande sollecitudine e faticha.	It was necessary for the said Pagholo, a young lad and still a child by the standards of the time, to take care of everything; and although it was laborious, worrying and risky, I think that with God's help I can tell you so much about it that you will understand the whole thing. His brothers died of the plague in the great mortality of 1363, and they went to God within twenty days. As you have learnt, two were involved in the woad trade and dyeing business, where they had invested about 15,000 florins. The third, who was the first to die, had a wife who was left a young widow after him. He was in the usury business and little else; his business extended not only in Florence but throughout the surrounding area, especially with labourers and the poor, but also with rich and powerful people, both in Florence and beyond. The aforementioned Pagholo, young and alone, without any help or advice except from his friends, in a time of mortality, terrified by the death of his loved ones and in fear for his own life, found himself in great entanglements with many debts, which is why he had to risk many loans and thousands of florins. Many of the debtors and administrators who ran their businesses had also died. He not only had to retrieve and sell goods in Florence or the surrounding area, but also outside, in Arezzo, the Borgo, Siena, Pisa and other foreign places, and unravel everything. This was not done without great care and effort.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, pp. 192-193.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1383-05-00-Florence	May 1383 JL	In Florence, a large procession was organized on 24 and 25 January to ask God's mercy for the plague and mortality. In May a plague began with 40 or more deaths per day.	A' di 24. in Domenica, che fu S. Zanobi in lunedì a' di 25. si fece grandissima processione, e venne in Firenze la Tavola di S. Maria Impruneta, e dinanzi a lei andarono tutte le Reliquie de'Santi di Firenze, e del contado, che furono più di dodicimila Cristiani. Le detta (p. 65) tavola si pose in su l'altare, che si fece in su la ringhiera del palazzo de' Signori, molto orevole; furonvi tutti li Cavalieri, ed altri notabili cittadini. Il popolo, che vi si trovò fu innumerabile, pregando lei con gran divozione, che accatti grazia dal suo diletto figliuolo, cioè Giesù Cristo, che guardi questa città, e l'altre di male, e guardici da mortalità, e da ogni altro reo giudicio, del quale in Firenze forte si dubitava, e di mortalità. […] Del detto mese di Maggio cominciò in Firenze mortalità di quaranta persone il dì, e più, e così fece nell'entrata di Giugno.	On the 24th of the month January, on a Sunday that was also the feast day of St. Zanobi, and on the following Monday, the 25th, a very large procession was held and the image of St. Mary of Impruneta was brought to Florence. Before her went all the relics of the saints of Florence and the surrounding area, there more than twelve thousand Christians. The said image was placed on the altar erected on the platform of the palace of the Signori, very honorably; present were all the knights and other important citizens. The people assembled were innumerable, and adored her with great devotion, to obtain mercy from her beloved Son, Jesus Christ, that he might preserve this city and others from calamity, and save us from pestilence and every other evil judgment, of which there was great fear in Florence, especially mortality. [...] In the said month of May a plague began in Florence, in which forty or more persons died every day, and this continued in June.	Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, pp. 64-65.	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1388-06-29-Lübeck	29 June 1388 JL	Great plague in Lübeck until the intervention of God	896. In deme sulven jare was pestilentia so grot to Lubeke, dat van sunte Peters und Pauls dage bet der weken vor sunte Mertens dage storven dar wol 16 000 volkes; unde do vorbarmede sik God dar over dat dat stervent uphelt.	896. In the same year (1388) was the plague so strong in Lübeck, that from the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul to the before Saint Martin's Day died around 16 000 people; and then God had mercy on them, so that the dying stopped.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 2, p. 24.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1389-00-00-Lübeck	1389 JL	Great plague in Lübeck and north of the Elbe.	910. In deme sulven jare was grot pestilencia in allen landen unde steden, belegen in dat norden van der elve ane alleyne in der stad to Lubeke; de vorzach God mit sinen gnaden.	910. In the same year (1389) was a great plague in all lands and cities, in the north of the Elbe River and particularly in the city of Lübeck; than God forgave with His mercy.	Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 2, p. 30.	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1400-07-03-Florence	3 July 1400 JL	Great mortality in Florence, thus Salviati remained in Arezzo with his men. Many people fled from Florence. Salviati himself was ill and some members of his family died.	Partimi [Salviati] della detta Terra di Montepulciano adì 3. di Luglio 1400. Et perchè in Firenze era grandissima mortalità, et dicevasi, che ad Arezzo l'aria v'era sana, et eravi fugiti assai Fiorentini, per questa cagione non tornai a Firenze, ma rimasi in Arezzo con tutta la brigata mia, che io haveva condotta meco, et tutti ne gli condussi sani, et di buona voglia; ma giunto che io fui, parve, che io fussi maladetto con ogni avversità, et d'infermità, et di morte, che mentre che io vi fui, mai non si ristette, et più, che non che quegli, che io menai, ma essendo venuta di Firenze ad Arezzo quella mia venerabile madre Mona Contessa per aiutarmi, sentendo la mia famiglia inferma, piacque al nostro Signore Dio, che ella morisse, et chiamolla a se, a la cui anima Cristo benedetto habbia fatto ver perdono. […] et ancora vi morì un mio fanciullo, che hebbe nome Andrea, d'età di 9. anni, che Dio l'habbi benedetto, e fu seppellito in S. Francesco; et di tutta l'altra mia famiglia non vi fu niuno, che havesse (p. 184) difetto, salvo che io, lodato Dio. Spesivi tra spese della casa, et per l'infirmità, et per i mortorii grandissimo denaio. Stettivi da' dì 4. di Luglio infino a' dì 28. d'Agosto, et quel dì mi partì di là come abbandonato, e disperato, et tornai in Firenze col resto della mia famiglia, tra' quali ne menai dua mia figliuoli maschi, cioè Alamanno, et Bernardo infermi per modo, che mai non credetti si conducessero vivi; pure per grazia di Dio vi si condussero, e guarirono, et in questo tempo, che io stetti ad Arezzo, mi morirono quì in Firenze 2. mie fanciulle, che una have nome Lisa, che era d'età d'anni 7 1/2, e l'altra Margherita, d'età d'anni 5. in circa, et furono seppellite nella Badia di Firenze; che Dio l'habbia benedette, et ricevute.	I [Salviati] left the aforementioned town of Montepulciano on July 3, 1400. Since there was a great mortality in Florence and it was said that the air in Arezzo was healthy and many Florentines had fled there, I did not return to Florence, but stayed in Arezzo with all the followers I had with me. I brought them all there in good health and good spirits. But as soon as I arrived, it seemed as if I was cursed by every misfortune, illness and death, because they did not stop while I was there. And not only for those I had brought with me, but also for my venerable mother, Mona Contessa, who had come to Arezzo from Florence to help me, as my family was ill. It pleased our Lord God that she died and called her to Himself; may Christ have mercy on her soul. [...] Moreover, my child, named Andrea, died there at the age of 9, may God bless him. He was buried in St. Francesco. The rest of my family remained unharmed, apart from me, praise be to God. I spent a great deal of money, both on household expenses and on the illness and burial. I stayed there from July 4 to August 28, and on that day I left Arezzo in despair and hopelessness and returned to Florence with the rest of my family. Among them were two of my sons, Alamanno and Bernardo, who were so ill that I didn't think I could bring them home alive. But by the grace of God, they survived and recovered. During my time in Arezzo, two of my daughters died in Florence, Lisa, aged 7 1/2, and Margherita, about 5 years old. They were buried in the Abbey of Florence; may God bless and receive them.	Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, pp. 183-184.	None
1400-10-00-Florence	October 1400 JL	The depraved Lord of Cortona Guccio da Casale came to Florence because of his vow to nurse the sick. He made this so that God would safe him from the plague. But after few days he died of the plague.	Memoria, che del mese d'Ottobre 1400. essendo venuto allora in Firenze il Signore, che era allora di Cortona, che avea nome Guccio da Casale per cagione di suo boto a governare infermi di sua mano in S. Maria nuova, et dovevaci stare, secondo il boto, a questo servigio dì 30. essendo per addietro stato il più dissoluto huomo del mondo, e questo boto seguiva a ciò che Dio il salvassi della pestilenza, che allora cominciava a Cortona, et in Firenze era già quasi finita, et intervenendo che come piacque a Dio essendoci stato pochi dì a fare il detto servigio, si morì di pestilenza, et rimanendo Signori di Cortona doppo la morte di detto Ghuccio Francesco et Luigi da Casale fuoi Conforti, et a' quali apparteneva più la Signoria che a Ghuccio, et mostrando i detti Francesco, et Luigi dolore della morte di Ghuccio, ordinarono di farlo portare a Cortona, et di fargli molto grande honore;	A reminder that in the month of October 1400, the man who was then Lord of Cortona came to Florence. His name was Guccio da Casale, and he had come because of his vow to nurse the sick himself in Santa Maria Nuova. According to his vow, he was to perform this service for 30 days. He had previously been the most depraved man in the world, and he had made this vow so that God would save him from the plague, which had begun in Cortona at the time, while it was almost over in Florence. It happened, as it pleased God, that after a few days of this service he died of the plague. After the death of the said Guccio, Francesco and Luigi da Casale, his relatives, became lords of Cortona, who were more entitled to rule than Guccio. The aforementioned Francesco and Luigi were saddened by Guccio's death and decided to transfer him to Cortona and pay him great honour.	Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chronica o Memorie 1784, p. 191	Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL;
1406-00-00-Pisa	December 1406 JL	Mortality in Pisa and Lucca.	Partì di qui a dì *** di dicienbre 1406. Rifiutorono assai di quelli ufici per rispetto della mortalità, la quale chominciava già in Pisa e in Lucha inn alchuni: meno di sei si dicieva esere periti. Di ciò ldio presti vita e santà a chi v’è ito e a nnoi che rimagniamo	He left from here on dì *** of december 1406. They refused many of those offices out of respect for the mortality, which had already begun in Pisa and Lucca in some: less than six were said to have perished. Of this God lend life and health to those who have gone and to us who remain there.	Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi 2019, p. 279	Translation by Moritz Uebelhack
1420-06-00-Florence	June 1420 JL	The plague struck the house of the author. They tried to escape the plague by fleeing, but nevertheless many died	La pestilenzia fu in casa nostra, come permisse Idio, che provede bene a tutte le cose, e cominciò dal fante, cioè Paccino, a l'uscita di giugno 1420; e poi da indi a 3 dì la Marta nostra schiava, e poi al primo dì di luglio la Sandra mia figliuola, e a dì 5 di luglio l'Antonia. E uscimmo di casa, e andammo dirimpetto; e infra pochi dì morì la Veronica: e uscimone e andammo in via Chiara, e presevi il male alla Bandecca e alla Pippa, e amendue s'andarono a Paradiso a dì (p. 97), 1 d'agosto, tutti di segno di pestilenzia. E cessò, e tornammo in casa nostra. Idio li benedica. Anche la ragione della Bandecca e di suo testamento appare al mio libro A c. …	God who shows his wisdom in all things permitted the plague to strike our house. The first to succumb was our manservant Paccino at the end of June 1420. Three days later it was the turn of our slave-girl Marta, after her on 1 July my daughter Sandra and on 5 July my daughter Antonia. We left that house after that and went to live opposite, but a few days later Veronica died. Again we moved, this time to Via Chiara where Bandecca and Pippo fell ill and departed this life on 1 August. All of them bore the marks of the plague. It passed off after that and we returned to our own house. May God bless them all. Bandecca's will and her accounts appear on page ... of my ledger A.	Gregorio Dati: Libro segreto 1869, pp. 96-97.	None
1424-00-00-Florence	12 April 1424 JL	Goro (Gregorio) Dati served as Podestà of Montale and Agliana in order to avoid the plague. His work was higly esteemed by the people.	Podestà del Montale e Agliana accettai per fuggire la mortalità, e fui da dì XII d'aprile a dì XII d'ottobre 1424. Stemonvi gran brigata, e tutti sani per la grazia di Dio; e fui il primo che tenni la stanzia al Montale, e fecivi acconciare molto bene, e aquista'vi poco avere, ma molta grazia de'paesani. Grazie n'abi Idio.	I agreed to serve as Podestà of Montale and Agliana in order to avoid the plague. My term of office was from 12 April to 12 October 1424. A great number of people accompanied me there and, by God's grace, none of us got sick. I was the first to stay in the residence at Montale (p. 137) I saw to it that it was properly furnished and arranged. I acquired little wealth there but was highly esteemed by the inhabitants. Thanks be to God.	Gregorio Dati: Libro segreto 1869, p. 106.	None

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