For Medicine, a total of 6 epidemic events are known so far. It is a social response.
Table
Table
| Page | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1217-03-00-Cairo | March 1217 JL | The fragment of a letter mentions a great epidemic (al-wabāʾ al-ʿaẓīm) which has struck the different parts of Cairo and has affected the physician and head of the Jews in Egypt (nagid), Avraham Maimonides (d. 1237), and his daughter. The fragment bears no date, but see here. | recto: ואמא חאלנא פאן אלמולי אלרייס הנגיד יג יק[ |
As to us, our lord, the Rayyis, the Nagid [may his] gl[ory be] in[creased], the chief [Rav] is seriously ill, may God heal him, and so is his daughter; he is unable to treat her, and confined to his bed; throughout the week he could not get up, neither at night, nor at daytime, which caused him great grief; may God grant him health. Yesterday, I received a note from his father-in-law, our master, Hananel, the chief justice, may his high position endure, saying: "These days are like the Last Judgment; everyone is occupied only with himself." We strive to save ourselves from the great plague. In Miṣr [Fustat] and Cairo, there is no house belonging to important persons and, in fact, to anyone else, where not one or several persons are ill. People are in great trouble, occupied with themselves and unable to care for others, let alone for strangers. | Princeton Geniza Project (PGP), T-S NS 321.93, lines 8-14 recto, 3-6 verso, ed. by Shelomo D. Goitein, Chief Judge R. Ḥanan'el b. Samuel, In-law of R. Moses Maimonides (in Hebrew), in: Tarbiẕ 50, no. 10 (1980), pp. 371-395 PGP | None; None; |
| 1346-00-00-Florence | 1346 JL | The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested. | Della inaudita mortalità. Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8) Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo. Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio. Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13) Di detta matera. Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro. |
Of the outrageous mortality It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...] How long the plague lasted in each country As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God. In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others. About this subject The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died. |
Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 5-14. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1348-00-00-Aquila1 | 1348 JL | About the fear the Black Death in Aquila spread amongst doctors and how expensive medicine and medical products became. | E corsece uno dubio, ca mai lo odì contare, / che no volia li medeci l’infirmi visitare; / anche vetaro li omini che no lli deia toccare, / però che la petigine se lli potea iectare. Punamo che lli medici all’infirmi no giero, / ma pur de loro, dico, le duj parti morero; / li speziali medemmo che llo soperchio vennero, / de questa granne piaga più che li altri sentero. Mai no foro sì care cose de infermaria: / picciolu pollastregliu quatro solli valia, / e l’obu a duj denari e atri se vennia, / della poma medemmo era gra‘ carestia. Cose medicinali ongi cosa à passato, / ché l’oncia dello zuccaro a secte solli è stato; / l’oncia delli tradanti se‘ solli è conperato, / e dello melecristo altro tanto n’è dato. La libra dell’uva passa tri solli se vennia, / li nocci delle manole duj solli se dagia / dece vaca de mori un denaro valia, / quanno n’aviano dudici bo‘ derrata paria. |
As I said even the doctors refuse to see the ill / and yet, I tell you, two third of them died, too / and also the pharmacists selling medicine / felt this great plague more than others. As I said even the doctors refuse to see the ill / and yet, I tell you, two third of them died, too / and also the pharmacists selling medicine / felt this great plague more than others. Never before had medicine been so expensive: / Small, young chicken costed four soldi each / an eggs were sold for two to three soldi / and there was general dearth of apples. Medical products became expensive beyond any limit / one ounce of sugar costed seven soldi / one ounce of dragante (medical resin) rose to six soldi / and medical sugery syrup was even more expensive. One pound of grapes rose to three soldi / almonds were sold for two soldi / Ten blackberries costed one penny / and if you could have twelve it seemed like a good price. |
Buccio di Ranallo, pp. 240, 242. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-04-08-Perugia | 8 April 1348 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Perugia; description of contempory medical responses and cultural coping mechanisms | Adi 8 d'aprile cominciò in Perugia la moria grande, che a chi veniva male non vivea più che due giorni. Cominciò questa mortalità in Toscana , et spezialmente a Pisa. Fo questa mortalità generale quasi che per tutto il mondo. Si facevano grandissime processioni , discipline et orazioni. Fecero qui da noi alcuni medici notomia : trovarono che vicino al cuore nasceva una biscica piena di veneno: facevano sanguenare per la vena del cuore, et si facevano fuochi grandi, et si cibava chi potesse di cose buone et delicate : non bastavano i cimiteri et le sepolture per li corpi morti. Ognuno usava triaca, et chi non poteva usasse la scabbiosa o marobio o erbella , et embuono et asenso o ruta , santonico, et sopratulto si costuma sempre di portare erbe odorifere , et ordinarono un succo con molte cose aromatiche da portar sempre al naso. | On the 8th of April, the great plague began in Perugia, where anyone who fell ill would not live more than two days. This mortality began in Tuscany, and especially in Pisa. This mortality was almost universal throughout the world. Large processions, flagellations, and prayers were conducted. Some doctors here performed autopsies: they found that near the heart a bladder filled with poison was forming. They would bleed the patients through the vein of the heart, and large fires were made, and those who could would eat good and delicate foods. The cemeteries and burial grounds were not sufficient for the dead bodies. Everyone used theriac, and those who could not would use scabiosa or horehound or erba bella, and embuono and asenso or rue, santonica, and above all, it became customary to always carry fragrant herbs, and they ordered a juice with many aromatic things to always be carried to the nose | Fabretti 1850, p. 68. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1348-04-08-Perugia1 | 8 April 1348 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Perugia; remarkable information from Paris and all across the known world via the papal court in Avignon | Adì 8 de aprile nel dicto millesimo comenzó in Peroscia una grande mortalità de peslilenzia, de modo chi se abatteva non viveva olirà doi dì ; et era infirmila si venenosa che non se trovava frate ne prcite che glie volesse confessare ne comunicare gli infirmi , ne chi glie volesse sepellirc ; et de ciò morirono grande quantità de cinerei. Comenzó la dieta mortalità in Toscana , et maxime in Pisa , la quale remase quasi inabitata ; et la dieta mortalità fu quasi per tutto ci mondo generalmente , maxime nelle terre de la marina , et anco in Francia ; però che vennero lettere al nostro comuno de Peroscia che in Parigi, adi 13 de marzo 1348, dentro nella cita erano stati sepulti 1573 homini boni citadini, sensa numerare le donne , mammoli e povere persone , delle quale non se ne teneva conto. Per questa cagione lo re de Francia e la regina se ne fuggirò ad uno castello lontano da Parigi cinque miglia chiamato Leonis , et lì morì la dicta regina con uno suo figlio, et certe nepote et molti altri baroni. Anco in un'altra cita pure de Francia, chiamata Noydes , la quale faceva vinte milia homini, et non ce ne remascro vivi 200. Anco in Avignone erano morte cinquantaquattro milia persone. Più oltra scrissero molti grandi principi e signori al Papa , fra li quali fu ci principe de Cypri, da Maiorica, da Alexandria, da Normandya,da Schiavonya, da Capadócia e da molte altre parte , come da Armenya maiure et in Cicilia , qualmente in questi tali paesi non ce era rimasta viva quasi alcuna persona , et che le bestie silvatiche andavano per le cita ; et dice che anco era grandissima mortalità in Turchya , in Costantinopoli e per tutto lo Oriente; et per tutta la Sicilia erano quasi tutti gli pesce de l'acque venenate , et chi ne mangiava moriva. . | On the 8th of April in the said year, a great mortality due to pestilence began in Perugia, so much so that those who fell ill did not live beyond two days; and the illness was so poisonous that no friar or priest could be found who would confess or administer communion to the sick, nor anyone who would bury them; and because of this, a great number of people died without sacraments. This mortality began in Tuscany, and especially in Pisa, which was left almost uninhabited; and this mortality was generally all over the world, especially in coastal lands, and also in France; for letters came to our commune of Perugia that in Paris, on the 13th of March 1348, 1573 good citizens were buried within the city, not counting the women, children, and poor people, of whom no account was kept. For this reason, the King of France and the Queen fled to a castle five miles away from Paris called Leones, and there the said queen died with one of her sons, some nephews, and many other barons. Also, in another city in France called Noyon, which had twenty thousand inhabitants, not even two hundred remained alive. In Avignon, fifty-four thousand people died. Moreover, many great princes and lords wrote to the Pope, among whom were the prince of Cyprus, from Majorca, from Alexandria, from Normandy, from Slavonia, from Cappadocia, and from many other places, such as Greater Armenia and Sicily, stating that in these countries almost no one was left alive, and that wild animals roamed the cities; and they said that there was also a great mortality in Turkey, in Constantinople, and throughout the East; and throughout Sicily, almost all the fish in the waters were poisoned, and whoever ate them died | Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 148 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-04-08-Perugia2 | 8 April 1348 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Perugia; remarkable information from Paris and all across the known world via the papal court in Avignon | in questa nostra cita de Peroscia, alli 8 de aprile, comenzó la peste in Peroscia talmente, che per fina al mese de agosto proximo fuoro numerati esser morti in dieta cita cento migliaia de persone, cioè fra la cita et ci contado; et tutti quelli che morivano confessi e contriti , li era concessa dal papa indulgenzia plenaria insino alla festa de santo Agnolo de setembro; et non se trovava chi sepellissc gli morti. Stavano tutte le gente de le cita e de castella ode ville in processione et in discipline e letanie (p. 149) e li medici fecero la nottomya de alcuni corpi che de cio morivano , et trovaro che atorno al cuore nasceva una bessica picola piena de veneno, del quale moriva et atossicava le persone : anco trovaro clic dicto umore generava molte vermi pessimi e mortali ; onde che gli medici predicti trovarono questo remedio quale preserva e mantiene la vita dell' homo sana da tale infirmità; cioè prima che se purgasse et mangiasse de buoni cibi et bevesseno buono vino e sutile, usassero fuochi con fiamma de legnia seche, con manco fumo che sia possibile , maxime de legni odoriferi , como genepri o altri simili ; sanguinarse de la vena del cuore; davano li dicti medici per cessare questo veneno a quelli che erano infetti de tale infirmità, che l'homo usasse de prendere tyriaca, et chi non aveva tyriaca usasse la scabiosa, o marobio, o erbella, o ysopo, volesse o cotto o crudo ; et per confondere et occidere gli verme che nascano de ciò, pigliassero asenzo o ruta o erba vermenaria o santonico : et generalmente dissero che ciascuno devesse portare sempre erbe odorifere per odorare, et ogni altra cosa che desse odore : et ordenaro una palla odorifera fatta coninvolte cose aromatice , quale se devesse portare sempre al naso, puoi alle anguenaglie: et quasi per tutte le parte del corpo nascevano molte nascenze, le quale tutte erano piene de veneno. Et fu la magiore mortalità che se recordasse già mai; et fu sì terribile che non bastavano li cimiterii nè sepolture de le chiese per sepelire gli morti, et per gli cimiterii furono fatti pozze molto cupe, et tutte se rempivano de corpi morti, et ad ogni modo non bastavano. | In this our city of Perugia, on the 8th of April, the plague began in Perugia such that by the end of the following August, a hundred thousand people had been counted dead in the said city and its countryside. And to all those who died confessed and contrite, the Pope granted plenary indulgence until the feast of Saint Michael in September; and there was no one to be found to bury the dead. All the people of the cities, castles, and villages were in processions, doing penance and prayers. The doctors performed autopsies on some bodies that died from this and found that around the heart a small blister full of poison would form, which caused death and poisoned the people. They also found that this fluid generated many very bad and deadly worms; therefore, the aforementioned doctors found this remedy to preserve and maintain a healthy life from such an illness: first, to purge oneself and eat good food and drink good and light wine, use fires with flames from dry wood, with as little smoke as possible, especially from fragrant woods like juniper or others similar; to bleed from the vein of the heart. The said doctors recommended to stop this poison in those infected by this illness, that one should use theriac, and if they did not have theriac, they should use scabiosa, or horehound, or erba bella, or hyssop, either cooked or raw; and to destroy and kill the worms that came from this, they should take wormwood, or rue, or verminaria, or santonica: and generally, they said that everyone should always carry fragrant herbs to smell, and anything else that gives off a scent. They ordered an aromatic ball made with various aromatic things, which should always be carried to the nose, then to the groin: and almost all over the body, many swellings would form, which were all full of poison. And it was the greatest mortality ever remembered; and it was so terrible that neither the cemeteries nor the burial grounds of the churches were sufficient to bury the dead, and in the cemeteries, very deep pits were made, and all were filled with dead bodies, and even then, it was not enough. | Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 148 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
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