Women
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In Women, a total of 35 epidemic events are known so far.
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Events
Date | Summary | T |
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1259 | Flagellants appear in Bohemia, go through the whole country and come into conflict with the established clergy. Many Bohemians (men and women) go with them. They are persecuted by the Roman Church. | Von gotes geburt her abe / czwelfhundirt gar / vnd dar nach nun vnd funfzcig iar; / Von den, di in der buz / gingin mit dez tufils gruz. / vnd der sel ein swer val / vndir einer neuwen tat / waz czu licht komen drat, / in dem vorgnantin iar / czu Behem quam fur war. / Do gingin blose leut / durch daz gancze lant wit, / di indecktin dy ruk / vf er cleins gluk / vnd slugin sich mit geisziln / den ruk voln kreiszil. / Si stracktin sich in daz kot, / vnd daz waz der sel tot. / Gotis dinst si smechtin, / di pristirschaf si echtin; / si sprachin: "Vnsir buzze ist der sel suzse / vnd beszir, wen vwir schrein." / Si hiszin laszin sin / gotis ampt vor nit, / und daz tetin dy lut. / Di bemisch herrin / sohin si von verrin / also durch daz lant gen. / Si sprachin zcu den: / "Wi turt er daz getun / an vnsir viszin iczun?" / Mit in gingin si bi nom / vnd slugin sich alsom. / Di frouwen in irn scharin / sach man alsam gebarin; / si tetin als di gouch / vnd geisiltin sich ouch. / Hettin si gewolt, / daz ez der sel frumen solt, / so soltin si ez bi tagin / czu buz intphangin habin / von den pristirn gelesin; / so wer ez der sel nucz gewesin. / Abir dy erstin nacktin / bosen vorsacz trachtin, / wan si slugin sich ser / vm den tufil Lucifer, / daz der gar vngenem / uf sinen stul widir quem. / Vnd do von in dysze mer / virnomen dy Romer, / si in aln czu stur / gabin ein buz mit dem fur / als andern keczern, / di si woltin mern. / Di keczir sint mit ganczir ger / des tufils diner, / vnd daz warn dy. / Dar vm offintin si / ir heilkeit misstetlich, / daz schied si von dem himilrich. [1] | After the birth of God in the twelfhundred and fifty ninth year; of those who went in penitence with the salute of the devil. Doing their souls no good choice by this new deed that came to light in the named year in Bohemia. Naked people went through the whole land. They covered their backs with beatings by whips. They layed down in excrement and that was the death for their souls. They reviled the devine service and the clergy and they said: "Our penitence is the food of the soul and it is better than your shouting." They demanded the devine service to stop and the people did so. The Bohemian lords saw them go through the land from far and said: "How come they do this without our knowledge?" But they went with them and beated themselves. The flock of the women behaved likewise: they did the same and joined them. If they had wanted to help their souls they should have received the order of penitence by day and from the priests. But those nakeds had a bad scheme from the beginning: They beated themselves hard in order to bring the devil Lucifer back on his throne. When the Romans came to know of them, they let them atone by fire as they did with other heretics. The heretics are with their whole desire servants of the devil and so they were. Therein they advertised their failed holiness and this seperated them from the kingdom of heaven. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
1323, August – 1323, October | A fever disease in Florence and all of Italy that causes few mortality, mainly among the elderly, and loss of appetite. It ends in mid-October 1323 | Nel detto anno [1323] e del mese d’agosto e di settembre fu una infermità quasi generale di [p. 134] freddo, ed alquanti pigliava loro la febbre, e perdeano l’appetito, ed alquanti ne morieno, cioè vecchi e vecchie, e fu la detta malattia quasi in tutta Italia, e come venne mezzo ottobre restò. [2] | In the aforementioned year [1323] in the month of August and September there was a general disease of cold, and many were hit with fever and lost their appetite. And some died, old men and women. And this disease was all over Italy, and it stopped mid of October. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1347, May – 1347, November VN: 4.000 |
Epidemic follows famine in Florence, 4000 dead (mainly women and children); particularly bad in Romagna, Provence, Bologna, Vignone, Pistoia and Prato. The mortality was foretold by astrologers. | Di grande mortalità che ffu in Firenze, ma più grande altrove, come diremo apresso Nel detto anno e tempo, come sempre pare che segua dopo la carestia e fame, si cominciò in Firenze e nel contado infermeria, e apresso mortalità di genti, e spezialmente in femine e fanciulli, il più in poveri genti, e durò fino al novembre vegnente MCCCXLVII ma però non fu così grande, come fu la mortalità dell'anno MCCCXL come adietro facemmo menzione; ma albitrando al grosso, ch'altrimenti non si può sapere a punto in tanta città come Firenze, ma in di grosso si stimò che morissono in questo tempo più di IIIIm persone, tra uomini e più femmine e fanciulli; morirono bene de' XX l'uno; e fecesi comandamento per lo Comune che niuno morto si dovesse bandire, né sonare campane alle chiese, ove i morti si sotterravano, perchè lla gente non isbigotisse d'udire di tanti morti. E lla detta mortalità fu predetta dinanzi per maestri di strologia, dicendo che quando fu il sostizio vernale, cioè quando il sole entrò nel principio dell'Ariete del mese di marzo passato, l'ascendente che ffu nel detto sostizio fu il segno della Vergine, e 'l suo signore, cioè il pianeto di Mercurio, si trovò nel segno dell'Ariete nella ottava casa, ch'è casa che significa morte; e se non che il pianeto di Giove, ch'è fortunato e di vita, si ritrovò col detto Mercurio nella detta casa e segno, la mortalità sarebbe stata infinita, se fosse piaciuto a dDio. Ma nnoi dovemo credere e avere per certo che Idio promette le dette pestilenze e ll'altre a' popoli, cittadi e paesi [p. 486] per pulizione de'peccati e non solamente per corsi di stelle, ma tolera, siccome signore dell'universo e del corso del celesto, come gli piace; e quando vuole, fa accordare il corso delle stelle al suo giudicio; e questo basti in questa parte e d'intorno a Firenze del detto delli astrolagi. La detta mortalità fu maggiore in Pistoia e Prato e nelle nostre circustanze all'avenante della gente di Firenze, e maggiore in Bologna e in Romagna, e maggiore in Vignone e in Proenza ov'era la corte del papa, e per tutto il reame di Francia. [3] |
Of a great mortality which occurred in Florence, although it was greater elsewhere, as we will recount. In this year and season, as seemingly always after food shortages and famines, a sickness began in the city and countryside of Florence. Soon people began to die, especially women and children, and the most among the poor. It lasted until November 1347, but it was not as great as the mortality of 1340 that we described earlier. If we make a rough guess—it is impossible to do otherwise in a city as great as Florence—it seems that this time more than four thousand people died, men and more women and children. More than one in twenty died. It was ordered by the commune that no death be announced and no church bell be sounded during burials, lest people be terrified to hear of so many deaths. This mortality was foretold by master astrologers who stated that during the vernal solstice—that is when the sun entered the sign of Aries last March—the sign of Virgo was rising and Virgo’s ruler Mercury was in the eighth house of Aries, a house signifying death. And were it not for the fact that Jupiter, which brings fortune and life, accompanied Mercury in this house and sign, the mortality would have been endless—if this had pleased God. But we should believe and be certain that the Lord God promises the said pestilences and others to peoples, cities, and lands to cleanse their sins, and [that he does so] not only through the movement of the stars but sometimes—as Lord of the universe and celestial motion—according to his will. And when he wishes, he matches the movement of the stars to his judgment. Let this suffice regarding Florence, its surroundings, and the sayings of astrologers. This mortality was greater in Pistoia and Prato and in the surrounding territories nearer to Florence; it was greater in Bologna and in Romagna; it was greater at Avignon and in Provence, where the papal court was, and throughout the kingdom of France. [4] |
1348, April – 1349, March 22 VN: 20.000 + 1000 + 500 |
From April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented plague hit the Middle East, and lasted about a year, and one third of Greater Syria’s and Egypt’s population died. | ' [5] | The Black Death in the Middle East: In the year 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented wave of plague hit the Middle East. It was the sixth plague which affected the Middle East in the Islamic period. It was called the Kinship Plague (Ṭāʿūn al-Ansāb) since the decease of a person was often followed by the death of some of his or her relatives. People developed pustules, spat yellow blood and died within 50 hours. When people started spitting blood they would bid farewell to their friends, close their shops, their burial would be prepared, and they would die in their homes. The daily death toll reached a maximum of ca. 500 in Aleppo, more than 1,000 in Damascus, and ca. 20,000 in Egypt. Mostly women, youths, poor people, and riffraff died. The plague wave lasted about a year, and ca. one third of Greater Syria’s (Shām) and Egypt’s population died. (Translation: Undine Ott) |
1348, May 31 – 1348, June 28 VN: 100 per day |
Black Death in Damascus from May 31 to June 28, 1348) with every day more than 100 people died; especially women. | ![]() |
The Black Death in Damascus: In the month of Rabīʿ I 749 H (May 31 to June 28, 1348), every day more than 100 people died of plague (amrāḍ al-ṭawāʿīn) in Damascus; especially women died. (Translation: Undine Ott) |
1348, June 8 | The Danish nobleman Albert v. Osten donates a homestead and land to Sorø Abbey on Zealand in the memory of his deceased brothers | Den velbyrdige mand Albert v. Osten skænkede med from tanke på sine afdøde brødre Godfred og Wedekin, kaldet v. Osten, og med sin hustru Gretes samtykke en toft i Sønder Mern med en øre skyldjord i tilliggende til klostret med al kongelig ret, skat og tjenesteydelser, som skyldes deraf, at forblive i klostrets evige besiddelse for hans, hans hustrus og nævnte brødres synders skyld. Han gav også den, der boede på denne toft, fri ret til sammen med hans andre undergivne at fælde træ i hans skov sammesteds til bygninger og til arnested. I det Herrens år 1348 pinsedag. [7] | The benevolent man Albert von Osten, with pious thought of his deceased brothers Godfred and Wedekin, called von Osten, and with his wife Grete's consent, donated a homestead in Sønder Mern with a penny of debtland belonging to the monastery with all royal rights, taxes and services due thereto, to remain in the monastery's eternal possession for his, his wife's and said brothers' sins. He also gave the one who lived on this homestead the free right, together with his other subjects, to cut wood in his forest there for buildings and for hearths. In the year of our Lord 1348 Pentecost. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
1348, July VN: 24.000 + 2000 |
In the days of the Black Death, in late July 1348, the governor of Syria Arghūn-Shāh ordered the inhabitants of Damascus to fast for three days and to close the food stalls in the market. People fasted from July 22 to 24. Afterwards, the elites and the other social strata flocked to the Umayyad Mosque to recite ritual prayers, supplications and invocations of God. They spent the night there, and at dawn the morning prayer was said. Then all the inhabitants of the city – men, women and children – went out to the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām), the amirs on bare feet. Muslims, Jews, and Christians all took part, carrying their respective Books and imploring God. At the mosque, people abased themselves before God and supplicated him. At noon they returned to the city and the Friday prayer was said. God, then, reduced their suffering. The daily death toll in Damascus did not reach 2,000 whereas in Cairo it amounted to 24,000. | [8] | Anecdote: I witnessed at the time of the Great Plague at Damascus in the latter part of the month of Second Rabīʿ of the year 49, a remarkable instance of the veneration of the people of Damascus for this mosque. Arghun-Shah, king of the amirs and the Sultan's viceroy, ordered a crier to proclaim through Damascus that the people should fast for three days and that no one should cook in the bazaar during the daytime anything to be eaten (for most of the people there eat no food but what has been prepared in the bazaar). So the people fasted for three successive days, the last of which was a Thursday. At the end of this period the amirs, sharifs, qadis, doctors of the Law, and all other classes of the people in their several degrees, assembled in the Great Mosque, until it was filled to overflowing with them, and spent the Thursday night there in prayers and liturgies and supplications. Then, after performing the dawn prayer [on the Friday morning], they all went out together on foot carrying Qur'ans in their hands — the amirs too barefooted. The entire population of the city joined in the exodus, male and female, small and large; the Jews went out with their book of the Law and the Christians with their Gospel, their women and children with them; the whole concourse of them in tears and humble supplications, imploring the favour of God through His Books and His Prophets. They made their way to the Mosque of the Footprints and remained there in supplication and invocation until near midday, then returned to the city and held the Friday service. God Most High lightened their affliction; the number of deaths in a single day reached a maximum of two thousand, whereas the number rose in Cairo and Old Cairo to twenty-four thousand in a day. [9] |
1350, May 16 – 1350, September 29 | The Black Death strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arisies for almost four months; numbers are given for the Franciscan order. There is a plague pit in Rottersdorf, outside the city. | In dissem sulven jare [1350] erhof sik ein grot sterven in disser stad to hant pingsten und stunt wente na sunte Michels dage und starf untellich volk, dat men se up den kerkhof nicht al graven konde: men moste alle dage utvoren mit twen karen und mit einem wagen und grof grote kulen to Rotterstorp, dar warp men se in. […] Mi jammert to schrivende vand drosnisse und schaden, den Magdeborch nam van den sterven. De wisesten and bedervesten dusser stadt alsmeistich vorgingen, wente ed storven leien und papen, olden und junge, rike und arme. Dat stervent was hir nicht alleine to Magdeborch, ed was ok over al disse land. De barvoten spreken na der tid dat ut orem orden weren storven allein hundert dusent verundtwintech dusten veirhundert und drittech brodere. Hi bi mach men merken wat leien storvent sint in dem jare, nu in einen orden so vele brodere storven. Hir in dem barvoten clostere bleven nicht mehr wenn dre broder levendich. Ik was ok in einen hus sulftegede, dar blef ik sulfandere levendich und achte storven. Ik horde ok sedder seggen dat den Augustineren weren des jares worden twelf schock vruwencleidere to selegered und manscleidere. [10] | In that same year [1350] there was a great mortality in this town from Pentecost to St Michael's Day and countless people died so that they could no longer be buried in the churchyards. Every day they had to go out with carts and a wagon and make large ditches in Rottersdorf; the dead were thrown into them. [...] It is difficult for me to write about all the sadness and the damage that Magdeburg suffered from this mortality. The brightest and the most needy of this city perished to a large extent. Laymen and priests, old and young, rich and poor died. The dying was not unique to Magdeburg, it was everywhere in the country. The Franciscans said afterwards that 124,430 friars from their order alone died. This may give you an idea of how many lay people died that year if so many friars died in one order alone. Here in the Franciscan monastery, no more than three friars remain alive. I myself was present in a house where I and one other remained alive and eight died. I also heard myself say that the Augustinian monks received 1200 pieces of clothing from men and women that year as a testamentary donation for the salvation of souls. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1358, May – 1358, August VN: 5.000 |
Outbreak of the Pestis secunda in Orvieto, more than 5000 deaths. | De l'anno mille et trecento cinquanta otto del mese di magio si cominciò in Orvieto grandissima mortalità di gente, et del mese di giugno et di luglio sequente sempre venne rinforzanno la mortalità finente il mese di agosto, sì che in Orvieto morì in questo anno molta gente, spetialmente cituli et giovani et giovane, che pochi giacavano amalati. Sí che si trovò in Orvieto, dentro alla città, morirno in questi quattro mesi, infra maschi et femine et grandi et piccholi, più di cinque milia persone, infra li quali morirno assai buoni cittadini notevoli et boni homini. Onde che la città di Orvieto ricevette grandissimo danno di boni cittadini. [11] | In May of 1358 a great mortality of people began in Orvieto, and from the following months of June and July, the mortality rate always increased until the end of the month of August, so that in this year many people died in Orvieto, especially young men and women and young men and women, who were only a few sick. So that in Orvieto, inside the city, more than five thousand people died in these four months, including males and females, young and old, among whom many notable good citizens and good men died, so that the city of Orvieto received great damage from good citizens. (Translation: DeepL) |
1359, June 18 | The Bishop of Constance incorporates villages to the monastery of Sankt Gallen as the ongoing plague has killed so many peasants. | Item quod ex epidimia seu hominum mortalitate, que domino permittente in partibus istis hactenus viguit, multitudo colonorum et aliorum hominum ipsius monasterii utriusque sexus ipsis et dicto monasterio iure servitutis pertinencium de hac luce ad dominum migravit. [12] | Likewise, due to the epidemic or mortality among humans, which, with the Lord's permission, has prevailed in these parts until now, a multitude of peasants and other people, both men and women belonging by right of servitude to the monastery itself, have departed from this life to the Lord (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1363, May 28 – 1363, October | A mortality breaks out in Paris from June to October. It affects especially children and young people, and among adults, rather men than women. | Anno Domini M° CCC° LXIII°, multis diebus ante et post festum Sancte Trinitatis, hora diei tertia, ubi sol in meridie radios extendit, quedam stella modice apparentie visa fuit que, secundum astrologos et qui ex naturalibus causis eventus futuros prenuntiebant, periclitationem communem mulierum in partu denotabat. Hec tamen et plus stupenda hujus stelle apparitionem sunt secuta ; nam a junii mensis initio usque ad festum Sancti Luce tam dira viguit mortalitas et specialiter puerorum utriusque sexus et juvenum et plus virorum quam mulierum, quod erat stupendum visu et auditu. Senes etiam, pauci aspectu juvenum, obierunt unde quando pestis illa apostematum hospitium aliquod subintrabat, primo moriebantur infantes tenelli, deinde familia et parentes vel alter eorum et quod mirum erat, hodie erant sani et jocundi et infra triduum vel biduum decedebant. [13] | In year 1363, a star appeared several days around the Trinity day (28 May), at the 3rd hour of the day, when the sun is in the South. According to astrologers and other experts of predictions with natural events, this star signified hardships to come especially for pregnant women. Several remarkable events followed this apparition. Actually, from the beginning of June to St Luke day (18 October), a cruel mortality broke out, especially among children and young adult of both gender, and among men rather than women. It was marvelous to see and to ear of such an event. Old persons actually died without the young paying much attention to it, but when the plague was effectively entered in a house, the children died first, and then the parents and all relatives. Astonishingly, people were fit on one day, and dead only two or three days after. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)[14] |
1364, Autumn – 1365, Spring VN: 20-100 per day |
A great plague (Black Death) in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia. | B лѣтo 6872. Быcть моръ великъ в Hoвѣгopoдѣ Hижнемъ, xpaкaxy людие кpoвью, a инии железою боляxy, и не долго боляxy, но два дни или три, a инии единъ день поболѣвше умирaxy. И толко множество бѣ мертвыx, яко не ycпевaxy живии погребати иxъ. Toe же oceни мѣсяца октября 23 прествися князь Иванъ Иванoвичъ, братъ великого князя Дмитрея, и положенъ быcть въ Apxaггелѣ на Mocквѣ. Toe же oceни и тоѣ же зимы быcть нa люди мopъ великъ в Пepecлавли, на день умираша человѣкъ 20 или 30, иногда же 60 или 70, a иногда и до ста и боле. Болеcтъ же бѣ сица: преже яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или под груди или меж крилъ, и тако paзболѣвъся человѣкъ начнет кровью xpaxaти и огнь зазжьжетъ и потомъ потъ, та же дрожь, и полежавъ eдинъ день или два, a pѣтко того кои 3 дни, и тако умиpaxy, a инии желѣзою умиpaxy. Желѣзa же не y всякого бываше въ единомъ мѣстѣ, но оному на шиe, a иному под скулою, a иному под пазухою, дрyгому за лопадкою, прочимъ же на стегнехъ. Быcть же cие не токмо въ единомъ гpaдѣ Пepecлавли, но и въ всѣхъ прeдѣлex eгo. Приидe же сия казнь, послана отъ бога на люди, снизy от Бездѣжа к Hoвyгopoдy Hижнемy и оттолѣ къ Koломнѣ, та же к Пepecлавлю, по томъ же на дpyгoe лѣто к Мocквѣ, та же и по всѣмъ градомъ и странaмъ быcть мopъ великъ и страшенъ, не ycпевaxy бо живии мepтвыx oпрятывати, вездѣ бo бѣ мepтвии въ градѣхъ и в сѣлex, въ домaxъ и церквеи. И бѣ туга и скорбь и плач неутѣшим, мало бo бѣ живых, но вce мepтвии. Погрѣбaxy же въ едину яму 5 и 6 мepтвыxъ, a индѣ 10 и боле, a дворы мнози пусты бышa, a въ иныхъ единъ ocтacя или двa, ли женескъ пол, ли мужескъ, или отpoчa мaлo. [15] | There was a great plague in Nizhny Novgorod, people were coughing/spitting blood, and others suffered from ulceration/swelling of the glands, and soon they fell ill, barely two or three days, and others, after being sick for one day, died. And there were so many dead that the living couldn't bury them. That autumn, in the month of October, on the 23rd [day], Prince Ivan Ivanovich, brother of Grand Duke Dmitry, died and was laid to rest with the Archangel in Moscow. That fall and winter there was a great plague among people in Pereyaslavl (Zaleski), 20 or 30 people died a day, sometimes 60 or 70, and up to a hundred or more. The disease was as follows: first, it was like being hit by bear spear behind the shoulder blade, under the breast, or between the collarbones. And when he gets sick, he starts spitting blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he gets chills. And after lying for one or two days, rarely for three days, they still die, while others die because of swelling/blisters. The swelling/blisters [occurred] differently, for some it was on the neck, for another it was under the cheekbone, for another it was under the armpit, for another it was behind the shoulder blade, for another it was on the tendons. This was not only in the single town of Pereyaslavl, but also in all its estates. This punishment sent by God to men came from the lower side [from the south] from Bezdiezh[16] to Nizhnyi Novgorod, and from there to Kolomna and also to Pereyaslavl. Then in the second year there was a great and terrible plague in Moscow and in all the towns and regions. The living were unable to prepare the dead for burial, because there were dead everywhere, in towns and villages, in houses and in churches. And there was misery and pain and inconsolable weeping, for there were few living, because they were all dead. In one pit they buried 5 and 6 dead, and in another 10 or more, and many manors were empty, while in others one or two remained, either women or men, or few children. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski) |
1365, October | A Muslim woman who had been taken prisoner by the Franks who had seized Alexandria in October 1365 reportedly related that after the Franks had withdrawn from the city [around October 12], an epidemic (wabāʾ) broke out among its inhabitants. The disease was caused by an odor that altered the air and by the smell emanating from the bodies of those who had been killed during the conquest and whose corpses had been lying around for too long. The maximum daily death toll exceeded 100. The woman, then, began to work as a washer of female corpses in order to earn a living. | [17] | (Translation needed) |
1371, September – 1372, September VN: many thousand |
Starting in September 1371 a plague raged in Poland for one year and killed many thousand people. | De pestilentia valde magna in Polonia. Tam eisdem duobus annis, prout et in morte regis, in Polonia magna erat pestilentia; sed immediate anno sequenti de mense Septembri coepit esse major pestilentia in Polonia hominum et praecipue juvenum et mulierum, virorum ac virginum et duravit per annum usque ad mensem Septembrim, infra quod tempus multa millia, proh dolor! hominum decesserunt. [18] | A very great pestilence in Poland. In the same two years, and in the same way as in the death of the king, there was a great pestilence in Poland; but immediately in the following year, in the month of September, there began to be a greater pestilence in Poland among humans and especially among young people and women, men and virgins, and it lasted for a year until the month of September, during which time, alas! many thousands of people died. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
1373, July – 1375, September VN: 80 % |
Outbreak of the plague and great mortality in Pisa, especially adolescents affected, price increase and shortage of grain | Negli anni domini di 1373 a dì ** di luglio, si chominciò in Pisa la mortalità et bastò due anni et due mesi. Et sappiate che morirono fanciulli di 12 anni in giuso più di octanta per ciento, et morirono huomeni et donne grandi quantità assai. Et dappoi si fu grande charo, valze più di 3 fiorini lo staio di grano et si fu grande charo d'ongni biada [19] | In the year 1373 of July, mortality began in Pisa and it took two years and two months. And you know that more than eighty per hundred children from 12 years old died, and men and women died in great quantities. And then there was a great shortage, more than three florins a bushel of grain and there was a great shortage of every kind of grain (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1414, March VN: 100.000 |
An epidemic of influenza (?) breaks out for three weeks in Paris, affecting 100 000 persons. People loose appetite, have heavy fever and cannot stop coughing and shaking. Constant cough injures testicules by men, and makes women prematurely abort. However nobody dies. When people get better, they loose a lot of blood. Sick people need six weeks to recover | Si advint par le plaisir de Dieu qu'un mauvais air corrompu chut sur le monde, qui plus de cent mille personnes à Paris mit en tel état qi'is perdirent le boire et le manger, le repousser, et avoient très fortes fièvre deux ou trois fois le jour, et espécialement toutes fois qu'ils mangeaient, et leur semblaient toutes choses quelconques amères et très mauvaises et puantes; toujours tremblaient où qu'ils fussent. Et avec ce, qui pis était, on perdait tout le pouvoir de son corps, qu'on osait toucher à quoi de nulle part que ce fût, tant étaient grevés ceux qui de ce mal étaient atteints; et dura bien sans cesser trois semaines ou plus, et commença à bon escient à l'entrée du mois de mars dudit an, et le nommait-on le tac ou le horion. Et ceux qui point n'en avaient ou qui en étaient guéris, disaient par ébatement: "En as-tu? Par moi foi, tu as chanté: ' Votre c.n. a la toux, commère'". Car avec tout le mal devant dit, on avait la toux si fort et le rhume à l'enrouure, qu'on ne chantait qui rien fût de hautes messes à Paris. Mais sur tous les maux la toux était si cruelle à tous, jour et nuit, qu'aucuns hommes par force de tousser furent rompus par les génitoires toute leur vie, et aucune femmes qui étaient grosses, qui n'étaient pas à terme, eurent leurs enfants sans compagnie de personne, par force de tousser, qu'il convenait mourir à grand martyre et mère et enfant. Et quand se venait sur la guérison, ils jetaient grande foison de sang bête par la bouche et par le nez et par dessous, qui moult les ébahissait, et néanmoins personne n'en mourait; mais à peine en pouvait personne être guéri, car depuis que l'appétit de manger fut aux personnes revenu, si fut-il plus de six semaines après, avant qu'on fût nettement guéri; ni physicien nul ne savait dire quel mal c'était [20] | If by the pleasure of God an evil and corrupt air fell upon the world, which more than a hundred thousand people in Paris put in such a state that they lost their drink and their food, pushed it back, and had very high fever two or three times a day, and especially all the time they ate, and seemed to them all things bitter and very bad and stinking; always trembled wherever they were. And with that which was worse, they lost all the power of their bodies, that they dared to touch anything from anywhere, so much was the burden on those who were afflicted with this evil; and it lasted well without ceasing for three weeks or more, and began in good time at the beginning of March of the said year, and was called the tac or horion. And those who did not have it or who were healed of it, said in amazement, "Have you any? By my faith, you have sung: 'Your n.c. has a cough, you gossip'". For, with all the evil before them, they coughed so loudly and had a cold so badly that they sang nothing of the high masses in Paris. But of all evils the cough was so cruel to all, day and night, that no man by force of coughing was broken by the genitories all his life, and no woman who was fat, who was not at term, had her children without company of anyone, by force of coughing, that it was convenient to die a great martyrdom and mother and child. And when it came to healing, they threw out a great abundance of silly blood through their mouth and nose and underneath, which moved them, and yet no one died from it; but scarcely could anyone be healed, for since the appetite for food had returned to the people, if it was more than six weeks later, before they were clearly healed; neither physicist nor any one knew how to tell what evil it was. (Translation: DeepL) |
1421, August | A mortality breaks out in Paris in August. Poeple get headaches and heavy fever. Children and women were most at risk | Item, en ce temps, était très grande mortalité, et tous mouraient de chaleur qui au chef les prenait et puis la fièvre et mouraient sans rien ou peu empirer de leur chair, et toutes femmes et les plus jeunes gens. [21] | In this time was a great mortality. People, mostly women and young ones, died because of headache and of fever, but their bodies were not injured. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1438 VN: 45.000 |
Mortality by plague (boce) in Paris during summer and autumn. 45 000 persons died in the city | Item, la mortalité fut si grande, espécialement à Paris, car il mourut bien à l'Hôtel-Dieu en cette année cinq mille personnes, et parmi la cité plus de quarante-cinq mille, tant homme, que femme et enfants; car quand la mort se boutait en une maison, elle en emportait la plus grande partie des gens, et espécialement des plus forts et des plus jeunes [22] | The mortality was so great in Paris, that at least 5000 persons died at the Hôtel-Dieu. In the city, 45 000 persons died, either men, women and children. When the disease spread in a house, almost every inhabitants died, especially the strongest and the youngest. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1451, Summer – 1453 | A plague breaks out in Basel and lasts two years. | Anno domini 51 was pestilency zu Basel, aber nit zu grosz. Aber dem der sine abegieng und schaden beschach, hatte sich zu clagen. Doch starb me mannesnamen denne frowennamen. [23] | In year 1451 was a pestilence in Basel, but not severe. In the beginning it injured people. Some of them died, both men and women. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1460 | A plague in Lower Saxony kills mainly middle-aged men | Kein Wunder, daß Gott, über solchen Götzendienst aufs heftigste erzürnt, das Land bald darauf durch schweres Unheil heimsuchte. Kaum waren seit diesem abergläubischen Akt zwei Jahre verflossen als eine schreckliche und jeglicher Erinnerung unbewußte Pest Sachsen überfiel. Sie räumte nicht so sehr Frauen und Kinder aus der Welt als vielmehr Männer im besten Alter, die von der verheerenden Seuche ergriffen und fast alle hinweggerafft wurden. [24] | No wonder that God, furious at such idolatry, soon struck the land with a severe calamity. No more than two years had passed since this superstitious act when a terrible plague, unconscious of any memory, struck Saxony. It did not so much eliminate women and children as men in their prime, who were seized by the devastating plague and almost all of whom were swept away. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1464 | Great mortality in Augsburg, mainly young people | und was im [dem Sterben] niemant weder zu alt noch zu jung: es sturben man und frawen, die bei 60 jarn alt waren, aber es sturben dennocht mer jung dann alter. [25] | and nobody who died was neither to old nor to young, Men and women died, in the age of 60 year (or more), but mainly young people died. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1464 | Plague in which mostly men died and many children | incepit pestilentia satis rara et insolita, quia viri fortes in ea moriebantur et pauce mulieres; de pueris vero valde raro aliqui obierunt. [26] | This plague began in a rather rare and unusual way, because strong men and few women died from it; but very few children. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1464 – 1464, October 10 | Plague in Thuringia and surroundings with many deaths in all age groups | Anno dni 1464 stund auff in dem lande zu Duringen und in allen umbliegenden landen pestilentie uberschwenglich gros zeitlichen im jhare, also das aus des massen viel volcks starb auff den schlossern, in den stedten, in clostern, in dorffern und in allem geistlichen und weldlichen wessen, alte leuthe, mittelmessige und manich junk volck, an mannen, frawen und jungfrawen udn gar viel kinder. Und gott der almechtige that seine gnade, also das die pestilentie zeytlich als umb Galli [16.10.] in Duringen lande auffhorte, aber in Sachssen, an der sehe und anders wohe, da es auff die zeyt nicht gestorben hette, hup es do an und uberging gemeiniglich alle deutzsche und welsche landt. [27] | In the year 1464 there was a great pestilence in the whole land of Thuringia and in all the surrounding countries, so that many of the people died in the castles, in the towns, in monasteries, in villages and in all spiritual and secular beings, old people, mediocre people and many young people, men, women and virgins and many children. And God Almighty showed his mercy when the plague ceased around St Gall's Day [16 October], but in Saxony it only began there and spread to all German and French lands. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1465, July 13 | Outbreak of a plague in Kłodzko (Glatz) as a consequence some canons regular from St. Augstine's order died | Postea vero, circa festum sancte Margarethe [13.7.1465], notabilis desevit pestilencia, in qua quinque fratres fuerunt infecti, quorum quatuor iacebant supra magna stuba prefata in comodis. Et ad eorum curam gerendam admisse sunt mulieres honeste et virgins devote, ne fratres omnes inficerentur. Et mortui sunt tres ex eis, scilicet Johannes Hofmann presbiter et frater Erasmus Meysner dyaconus et Paulus de Cracovia, plus quam octogenarius, qui eciam obit in peste, tamen in infirmaria antique retro refectorium superior. [28] | (Translation needed) |
1473, July – 1473, August | Procession because of mortality, drought and peace in Frankfurt. | Anno 1473 9 augusti was eine procession vor den schnellen todt, auch vor ein regen wegen durrer hitzigen zit. niemands lebendiges in diesen landen gedacht eine solche ubermesige heise zit, und regnet nicht, also daß die truben an den stöcken fast alle verwelket und verdorben; auch vor einem gemeinen frieden, wann der herzog von Burgund Niemägen und andere stätte gewann. und (p. 219) weret das sterben per menses julium und augustum, und starb viel volks, doch mer männer den frawen. [29] | In the year 1473, on August 9th, there was a procession against sudden death, as well as for rain during a dry and hot period. No one living in these lands remembered such an excessively hot time, with no rain, causing the grapes on the stalks to wither and spoil almost entirely. Also, for a common peace, when the Duke of Burgundy conquered Nijmegen and other places. And there was dying for months, July and August, and many people died, mostly men than women. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1484, July 25 – 1484, September 29 | A mortality strikes Magdeburg and the surroundings, higher social strata and young women particularly affected. | Im selben jar (1484) war auch hir gros sterben, war ein landtsterben, und fing an umb Jacobi und werhete bis auf Michaelis. In diesem sterben storben viel vornehmer leut und sonderlich viel jungfrawen. Andere schreiben, dis sterben hab angefangen umb pfingsten und gewerhet bis Martini. [30] | In the same year (1484) there was a great dying here, and throughout the country. It began around St James' Day and ended on St Michael's Day. Many noble people and especially many young women died as a result of this plague. Others wrote that the deaths began around Pentecost and lasted until St Martin's Day. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1493, Summer | While the summer weather has been outstandingly dry and hot, a lot of people suffer from a disability called glene, that kills men, women and children. | Viguit infirmitas, quam glene vocamus, mirabiliter, ita quod multi homines, mulieres et pueri ex infirmitate illa, tam in villa Lugduni quam per patriam obierunt. [31] | A disability spread wonderfully, that is called 'glene'. So that a lot of men, women and children died from this disease in Lyon and elsewhere in the region. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
References
- ↑ Di tutsch kronik von Behem lant, ed. Vlastimil Brom, Brno 2009, pp. 504-508
- ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , pp. 133-134
- ↑ • Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 3, pp. 485–486.
- ↑ • Giovanni Villani: The final book of Giovanni Villani's New chronicle (= Research in Medieval and Early Modern Culture). Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo 2016, ISBN 9781580442268 , pp. 137.
- ↑ • Ibn Ḥabīb, Badr al-Dīn Abū Muḥammad al-Ḥasan b. ʿUmar al-Dimashqī al-Ḥalabī: Tadhkirat al-nabīh fī ayyām al-Manṣūr wa-banīhi. 3 vols.. Cairo , vol. 3 (1986), pp. 110-112
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.
- ↑ C. A. Christensen, K. Friis Johansen: Danmarks Riges Breve. 3rd series, volume 3, 1348-1352. København 1963, p. 15
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 1 (1853), pp. 227-229
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 1 [Cambridge 1958], pp. 143-144
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 218-219.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Discorso historico con molti accidenti occorsi in Orvieto et in altre parti principiando dal 1342 fino al 1368. In: Annales Urbevetani, Cronica potestatum (1194–1332) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1922–24 , p. 84
- ↑ • Clavadetscher, Otto: Chartularium Sangallense. Vol. 7 (1348-1361). Herausgeber- und Verlagsgemeinschaft Chartularium Sangallense, St. Gallen 1993 , p. 446, no. 4606.
- ↑ • Patrizio: Cronica Patricii Ravennatis. In: Forlì e i suoi vescovi. Appunti e documentazione per una storia della chiesa di Forlì (= Studia Ravennatensia). Forlì 1985, pp. 1143–1175 , p. 1172
- ↑ • Richard Lescot: Chronique de Richard Lescot, religieux de Saint-Denis (1328-1344), suivie de la continuation de cette chronique (1344-1364). Renouard, Paris 1896 , p. 156
- ↑ Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 182.
- ↑ Бeздeж - Бельджамен (Beljamen), a trading center in the Volga region of the Golden Horde. See: Вaдим Л. Егоров, Историческая география Золотой Орды в XIII—XIV вв., Mocвкa: Hayкa, 1985.
- ↑ • al-Nuwayrī, Muḥammad b. Qāsim al-Iskandarānī: Kitāb al-Ilmām bi-l-iʿlām fīmā jarat bihī l-aḥkām wa-l-umūr al-maqḍiyyah fī waqʿat al-Iskandariyya. 7 vols.. Hyderabad , vol. 4 (1970), p. 295.
- ↑ Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 2, p. 619-756, 652
- ↑ • Ranieri Sardo: Cronaca di Pisa (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Istituto Storico Italiano, Roma 1963 , p. 209
- ↑ • Anonymus: Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris de 1405 à 1449. Libraire Générale Française, Paris , Sp. 74-75
- ↑ • Anonymus: Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris de 1405 à 1449. Libraire Générale Française, Paris , p. 171
- ↑ • Anonymus: Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris de 1405 à 1449. Libraire Générale Française, Paris , pp. 382-383
- ↑ • Erhard von Appenwiler: Die Chronik Erhards von Appenwiler (1439-1471). In: Basler Chroniken. 4, S. Hirzel, Leipzig 1890, pp. 221–355 , p. 308.
- ↑ • Heinrich Meiboms: Chronicon Riddagshusense. Heinrich Meiboms Chronik des Klosters Riddagshusen 1145-1629 (= Braunschweiger Werkstücke). Braunschweig 1983 , p. 55
- ↑ • Burkhard Zink: Chronik. In: Die Chroniken der schwäbischen Städte. Augsburg (= Die Chroniken der deutschen Städte vom 14. bis in's 16. Jahrhundert. 2). Leipzig 1866, pp. 1–330 , p. 293
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronica S. Aegidii. In: Scriptores Rerum Brunsvicensium Illustrationi Inservientes. 3, Hannover 1711, pp. 558–600 , p. 597.
- ↑ • Hartung Cammermeister: Chronik (= Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen und angrenzender Gebiete). Halle 1896 , p. 208.
- ↑ • Michael Czacheritz: Cronica monasterii canonicorum regularium (s. Augustini) in Glacz. Universitas Wratislaviensis. Inst. Studiorum Silesiacorum et Bohemicorum, Wrocław 2003 , p. 178
- ↑ • Bernhard Rorbach: Liber gestorum (= Quellen zur Frankfurter Geschichte). Carl Jügel, Frankfurt 1884, pp. 181-223 , p. 218-219.
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , p. 417.
- ↑ • Benoît Mailliard: Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, grand prieur de l'abbaye de Savigny en Lyonnois (1460-1506). Louis Perrin, Lyon 1883 , p. 167
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