Tuscany

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In Tuscany, a total of 19 epidemic events are known so far. It is a region in Italy.

Events

  Date Summary  
Source
Translation
  T
1276 Price increase in Genoa, Lombardy, Tuscany, France and in complete Italy, poverty migration and disease   In iam dicto anno [1276] victualium magna fuit penuries nedum in Ianua et districtu, set etiam in Lonbardia, Tuscia, Provintia et Francia, et quasi in Ytalia tota. In Ianua enim et districtu usque in solidos 40 frumenti mine singule vendebantur; quod autem durius est audire, nedum frumentum set nec etiam granum poterat reperiri. Qui enim granum habebant, illud ad libitum vendere potuissent, quantumcunque voluissent inde habere pretium; nisi iussio emanasset qua fuit cunctis inhibitum, ne ultra certam summam frumentum vel granum aliquatenus venderetur. Tanta autem victualium inedia nedum per totum illum annum set etiam quasi per totum sequentem regnavit, quod homines fame peribant. Qua ex causa urgente fame et fructuum paupertate, magna mulierum et hominum multitudo cum eorum familias etiam parvulis quos in cunabulis deferebant, fines Lonbardie, Tuscie, Provintie et totius Ytalie famem fugientes est egressa. Ex diversis quidem civitatibus locis et villis et quasi ex totius Lonbardie et Ytalie finibus homines mulieres magni et parvuli undique concurrebant, qui quasi fame consumpti velud mortui apparebant. Qui omnes habuerunt ad civitatem Ianuensem recursum, et quamquam Ianuensis civitas magna victualium laboraret inopia, tamen ad se fugientes non repulit; set ipsis miseris et oppressis fame [p. 283] compatiens manum aperuit et panem suum et omnia neccessaria eisdem esurientibus ministravit. Illo quippe anno et quasi toto sequenti aer infectus et pestilens celum fuit, et ad hec in omnibus iam dictis partibus morbus invaluit, quod infinitos homines et mulieres magnos et parvos fere in omnibus Ytalie partibus mors invasit. [1] (Translation needed)
1340
VN: 3000 		Mortality in Tuscany, particularly in Florence with more than 3.000 deaths a day. Also disease of the sheeps.   Tunc dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas pecudum et eciam hominum et in partibus Tusciae et Florentiae passi sunt diem extremum ultra tria milia personarum. [2] Then, in that year, there was a great mortality of livestock and also of humans, and in the regions of Tuscany and Florence, more than three thousand people passed away. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)
1347, November – 1348 Arrival of the Black Death in Genoa and spread across Italy; but Parma and Milan remain almost untouched   Nelle parti oltra mora per più sei mesi fu grandissima pestilenza, la quale dalle galee de' Genovesi fu portata in Italia; e furono a Genova ricevute del mese di Novembre le prefate galee, sulle quali, prima che arivassero a Genova, era morta di questa mala influenza la maggior parte di coloro, che vi erano sopra: il rimanente morì quasi subito che furono in Porto e patria loro, questa infermità si allargò nella Citta, & infiniti ne morivano il giorno, & in breve per ogni Città di Lombardia, di Toscana, della Marca, della Puglia, e per ogni terra d'Italia si estese. E fu grandissima due anni continui, per la quale molte Città d'Italia furono distrutte; e sole Parma, e Milano pochissimo ne senterono; ma si sparse oltra monti, in Provenza, in Francia, in Aragona, in Spagna, in Anglia, in Alemagna, in Boemia, in Ungheria. [3] In the parts beyond the sea, for more than six months, there was a great pestilence, which was brought to Italy by the Genoese galleys; and in November, the aforementioned galleys were received in Genoa, on which, before they arrived in Genoa, the majority of those on board had died from this bad influence: the rest died almost immediately upon reaching their port and homeland. This disease spread in the city, and countless people died each day, and soon it extended to every city in Lombardy, Tuscany, the Marches, Apulia, and throughout all of Italy. It was exceedingly severe for two continuous years, during which many cities in Italy were destroyed; only Parma and Milan felt it very little; but it spread beyond the mountains, into Provence, France, Aragon, Spain, England, Germany, Bohemia, and Hungary (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1347, November – 1348 Societal consequences of the Black Death across Italy   anzi tutto il Mondo sì Cristiani, com Infedeli ne furono infetti, e furono da servi, da' Medici, da' Notari, da' Preti, e Frati, abbandonati gl' Infermi, tal che non erano serviti nè curati, nè potevano testare, nè confessi o contriti assoluti morire i miseri Apestati. La cagione di ciò era, che subito che s'apressavano a gl'Infermi, cadevano in cotale disavventurata peste, e morivano per lo più di subito, tanto che molti insepolti restavano, e l'uno, e l'altro abbandonato laiciava, nè conoscevasi che Padre avesse Figluoli, nè Moglie Marito, nè Amico compagno, e quantunque molti ricchi morissero, non erano allora pronti gli heredi a cercare i posessi dell facultadi; anzi senza prezzo era tutta la richezza tenuta; nè più si conosceva gli avari avere l'oro più che la vita caro. Cosa horribile a vedere, che gli huomini abbandonando gli huomini, gli odi, le invidie, le lascive, le facoltà, l'amore terreno, tutti volti in timore d'horrida e spaventevole morte. [4] The whole world, both Christians and infidels, were infected, and the sick were abandoned by servants, doctors, notaries, priests, and friars, so that they were neither served nor cared for, nor could they make a will, nor die confessed or absolved, the miserable plague victims. The reason for this was that as soon as they approached the sick, they fell into such unfortunate pestilence and died almost immediately, so that many remained unburied, and one and the other abandoned each other, and it was not known that a father had children, nor a wife a husband, nor a friend a companion. And although many rich people died, the heirs were not then ready to seek their possessions; rather, all wealth was held without value, and it was no longer known that the avaricious held gold dearer than life. It was horrible to see that humans, abandoning humans, hatreds, envies, lusts, possessions, and earthly love, all turned to fear of a horrible and frightening death (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1348 Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Describes how the plague came from the city of Feodosia (Caffa) through sailors to Genoa and how it spreads rapidly about complete Italy, killing thousands and leading to mass deaths and panic. The society was overwhelmed by death and grief. The suffering is seen as a punishment from God.   Sane, quia ab oriente in occidentem transiuimus, licet omnia discutere que vidimus et cognouimus probabilimus argumentis, et que possumus deij terribilia Judicia declarare. audiant vniuersi et lacrimis habundare cogantur. Inquit enim conctipotens, delebo hominem quem creaui a facie terre. quia caro et sanguis est , in cinerem et puluerem conuertetur. Spiritus meus non permanebit in homine. Quid putas bone deus, sie tuam creaturam delere, et humanum genus, sic jubes, sic mandas subito depperire . vbi misericordia tua, vbi fedus patrum nostrorum.vbi est uirgo beata, que suo gremio continet peccatores. vbi martirum preciosus sanguis vbi confessorum et uirginum Agmina decorata, et tocius exercitus paradixi. qui pro peccatoribus rogare non desinunt . vbi mors Christi preciosa crucis, et nostra redemptio admirabilis. Cesset obsecro ira tua bone deus, nec sic conteras peccatores, ut fructu multiplicato penitencie. Aufferas omne malum nec cum iniustis iusti clampnentur quia misericordiam vis et non sacrificium. Te audio peccatorem, uerba mein auribus instillantem. Stille jubeo . Misericordie tempora deffecerunt. Deus uocor ulcionum. libet peccata et scelera vindicare. dabo signa mea inorientibus preuenti studeant animarum prouidere saluti. Sic euenit a preffata Caffensi terra,nauigio discedente, quedam paucis gubernata nautis, eciam uenenato morbo infectis Januam Applicarunt quedam venecijs quedam (p. 50) alijs partibus christianorum. Mirabile dictu. Nauigantes, cum ad terras aliquas accedebant, ac si rnaligni spiritus comitantes, mixtis hominibus Intererint. omnis ciuitas, omnis locus, omnis terra et habitatores eorum vtriusque sexus, morbi contagio pestifero uenenati, morte subita corruebant. Et cum unus ceperat Egrotari, mox cadens et moriens vniuersam familiam uenenabat. Iniciantes, ut cadauera sepelirent, mortis eodem genere corruebant. Sic sic mors per fenestras Intrabat. et depopullatis vrbibus et Castellis, loca, suos deffunctos acolas deplorabant. Dic dic Janua, quid fecisti. Narra Sijcilia, et Insule pellagi copiose, Judicia deij. Explica venecia, Tuscia, et tota ytalia, quid agebas. Nos Januensis et venetus dei Judicia reuellare compellimus. Proh dolor Nostris ad vrbes, classibus applicatis, Intrauimus domos nostras. Et quia nos grauis Infirmitas detinebat . et nobis de Mille Navigantibus vix decem supererant, propinqui, Affines, et conuicini ad nos vndique confluebant. heu nobis, qui mortis Jacula portabamus, dum amplexibus et osculis nos tenerent, ex ore, dum uerba uerba loquebamur, venenuni fundere cogebamur. Sic illi ad propria reuertentes, mox totam familiam venenabant . et Infra triduum, percussa familia, mortis Jaculo subiacebat, exequias funeris pro pluribus ministrantes, crescente numero deffunctorum pro sepulturis terra sufficere non ualebant. presbiteri et medici , quibus Infirmorum cura rnaior necessitatis Articulis Iminebat, dum Infirmos uisitare satagunt, proh dolor, recedentes Infirmi, deffunctos statim subsequuntur. O, patres. O, matres, O, filij, et vxores, gros diu prosperitas, Incollumes conseruauit, nec Infelices et Infeliciores, pre ceteris, vos simul, eadem sepultura concludit qui pari numdo fruebamini leticia et omnis prosperitas aridebat . qui gaudia uanitatibus miscebatis, idem tumulus vos suscepit, vermibus esca datos. O mors dura, mors Impia, mors aspera, mors crudelis, que sic parentes diuidis, dissocias coniugatos, filios Interficis, fratres separas , et sonores . plangimus, miseri calamitates nostras. [5] Since we have traveled from the east to the west, we are permitted to discuss all that we have seen and known with probable arguments and to declare the terrible judgments of God that we can. Let everyone hear and be compelled to overflow with tears. For the Almighty says, "I will destroy the man whom I have created from the face of the earth, because he is flesh and blood, and he will be turned into ashes and dust. My spirit will not remain in man." What do you think, good God, about thus destroying your creation and commanding the human race to suddenly perish in this way? Where is your mercy, where is the covenant with our fathers? Where is the blessed Virgin who holds sinners in her lap? Where is the precious blood of the martyrs, where are the decorated bands of confessors and virgins, and the entire army of paradise? They do not cease to pray for sinners. Where is the precious death of Christ on the cross and our admirable redemption? Cease, I beseech you, your anger, good God, and do not crush sinners so that the fruit of penance may multiply. Remove all evil, and do not let the just be condemned with the unjust, for you desire mercy, not sacrifice. I hear you, sinner, instilling my words in your ears. I command you to stop. The times of mercy have ended. I am called the God of vengeance. I am pleased to avenge sins and crimes. I will give my signs to those in the east, let them strive to ensure the salvation of their souls. Thus it happened that from the aforementioned land of Caffa, a certain ship, governed by a few sailors, even infected with the venomous plague, set sail and arrived at Genoa. Some went to Venice, others to other parts of Christendom. It is incredible to say. When the sailors approached any lands, as if accompanied by malignant spirits, mixing with the people, every city, every place, every land and its inhabitants of both sexes, infected by the contagious pestilence, suddenly collapsed in death. And when one began to fall sick, soon falling and dying, he poisoned the entire household. Those who came to bury the corpses fell by the same kind of death. Thus, death entered through the windows, and with the cities and castles depopulated, the places mourned their dead inhabitants. Tell, Genoa, what have you done? Tell, Sicily, and the numerous islands of the sea, declare the judgments of God. Explain, Venice, Tuscany, and all of Italy, what were you doing. We Genoese and Venetians are compelled to reveal the judgments of God. Oh, sorrow, when we arrived at our cities with our fleets, we entered our homes. And since we were held by a severe illness, with scarcely ten of us out of a thousand sailors surviving, relatives, friends, and neighbors flocked to us from everywhere. Alas for us, who bore the arrows of death, as they held us in their embraces and kisses, while we spoke words, we were compelled to pour out poison from our mouths. Thus, they returning to their homes, soon poisoned their entire household. And within three days, the family struck by the arrow of death lay dead, and those attending the funerals of many could not find enough earth for burials, as the number of the dead increased. Priests and doctors, whose care for the sick was most needed, while striving to visit the sick, oh sorrow, leaving the sick, immediately followed the dead. Oh, fathers, oh mothers, oh sons, and wives, whom prosperity long preserved unharmed, neither the unfortunate nor the most unfortunate were buried together in the same grave. Those who enjoyed equal prosperity and happiness, the same tomb received, given as food for worms. Oh harsh death, impious death, bitter death, cruel death, that thus divides parents, separates spouses, kills sons, and separates brothers and sisters. We, the miserable, lament our calamities. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)
1348, February – 1349, Februar The Black Death comes to Lucca via Pisa   Avendo Iddio, per i nostri peccati, mandato il segno della carestia, come è stato raccontato, e nonostante questo non essendosi gli uomini pentiti né avendo perdonato le offese, ma organizzatisi addirittura per mali ancora maggiori, la somma potenza di Dio decise di mandare una epidemia per punire quelli senza timore di Lui e pertinaci nel fare del male, nonostante che per essa dovessero perire molti innocenti. Essendo giunte a Pisa dala Romania due galee di Genovesi, con a bordo uomini ammalati di peste, giunti che furono nella Piazza dei Pesci, tutti quelle che parlarono con quei marinai, in breve si ammalarono e [p. 111] morirono; e ciò avvenne del gennaio del 1348. E così l'epidemia iniziò grandemente in Pisa e poi si sparse per tutta la Toscana e sopratutto in Lucca. E in quel tempo, il 18 di febbraio dell'anno suddetto, nacqui io, Giovanni Sercambi, nella contrada di San Cristoforo, nelle case di messer Santo Falabrina; nella quale epidemia morirono più di 80 persone su cento. E l'aria era così impestata, che in qualunque luogo uno andasse la morte lo raggiungeva; e vedendo che tutti morivano, poco si aveva paura della morte. E da molti si credette che fosse la fine del mondo. E quell' epidemia durò in Toscana per più di un anno. E tutti quelli che sopravissero divennero ricchi, perchè il tesoro di molti rimase in proprietà di uno solo. E nonostante tutti questi segni i Pisani non abbondarono Lucca, ma per lungo tempo, con maggiore asprezza, la signoreggiarono. [6] Since God, due to our sins, had sent the sign of famine, as has been recounted, and despite this, men did not repent nor did they forgive offenses, but rather organized themselves for even greater evils, the supreme power of God decided to send an epidemic to punish those without fear of Him and persistent in doing harm, even though many innocents had to perish because of it. Two galleys from Genoa, carrying men sick with the plague, arrived in Pisa from the Black Sea and Aegean. When they reached the Piazza dei Pesci, all those who spoke with the sailors shortly fell ill and died; and this happened in January of 1348. Thus the epidemic began greatly in Pisa and then spread throughout Tuscany and especially in Lucca. And at that time, on February 18th of the aforementioned year, I, Giovanni Sercambi, was born in the district of San Cristoforo, in the houses of Messer Santo Falabrina; during this epidemic, more than 80 out of every 100 people died. The air was so contaminated that wherever one went, death would reach them; and seeing that everyone was dying, there was little fear of death. Many believed it was the end of the world. This epidemic lasted in Tuscany for more than a year. All those who survived became wealthy because the treasures of many remained in the possession of a single person. Despite all these signs, the Pisans did not abandon Lucca, but for a long time, ruled it with even greater harshness.. (Translation: DeepL)
1348, June – 1348, December Spread of the Black Death in Tuscany and Padua, which lasted 6 months   Tempore huius pestis dominus Guerra comes Sancti Bonifacii, potestas in Senis, obiit quasi cum tota sua familia, ub etiam, Florentie et Pisis et per totam Tusciam fuit mortalitas abhorrenda. Hec pestis durabat sex mensibus communiter a sui principio in qualibet regione. Nobilis vir Andreas Moresinus, potestas Padue, in tertio suo regimine expiravit, mense Junii. Huic in regimine filius substitutus statim obiit. Audi tamen mirabile, quod tempore hujus cladis non obiit rex, princeps, nec dominus civitatis. [7] During this plague (1348), Lord Guerra, Count of San Bonifacio, the Podestà in Siena, died along with almost his entire household. Also, in Florence, Pisa, and throughout all of Tuscany, there was a dreadful mortality. This plague generally lasted six months from its onset in each region. The noble man Andrea Moresini, the Podestà of Padua, died in his third term of office in the month of June. His son, who succeeded him in office, immediately died. However, hear something remarkable: during this calamity, no king, prince, or lord of a city died. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1348, June 17 Effects of the Black Death on governmental acitivies in Pistoia, Tuscany.   In Dei nomine amen. Anno nativitatis dominice MCCCXLVIII° Indictione prima die xvii° iunij Item, cum difficile sit immo quasi impossibile, ex infirmitate et mortalitate hominum existente, posse opportuna collegia communis Pistorij in sufficienti numero congregare [...] videtur et placet dicto Consilio providere, ordinare et reformare quod toto tempore presentium officiorum predictorum, quod esse debet hinc ad diem viii] mensis augusti proximi futuri, sufficiat congregari de numero dictorum vigintiquatuor (deputatorum super provisione expensarum communis Pistorij) duodecim ad minus et de numero dictorum duodec (deputatorum super custodia et munitione castrorum) sex ad minus, ad deliberandum et providendum que dicta officia habent deliberare et providere. Et sic possint dicto numero predicto tempore providere et deliberare, sicut congregata essent in solito et opportuno numero. [8] In the name of God, amen. In the year of our Lord's birth 1348, first indiction, on the 17th day of June. Furthermore, since it is difficult, indeed almost impossible, due to the illness and mortality of people, to be able to gather the appropriate assemblies of the commune of Pistoia in sufficient numbers [...] it is deemed and agreed by the said Council to provide, ordain, and reform that for the entire duration of the present offices, which should last from now until the 8th day of the upcoming month of August, it will be sufficient to convene twelve out of the twenty-four members (appointed for the provision of the commune's expenses of Pistoia) and at least six out of the twelve members (appointed for the custody and fortification of the castles) to deliberate and provide for what these offices are to deliberate and provide. And thus, they may be able to provide and deliberate during the said period with the said number, as if they were gathered in the usual and appropriate number. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1363, July – 1363, August Pestis secunda in Florence and refugees to Bologna, since August Pestis secunda even in Padua, Ferrara and Venice   Et in quisti dì [Juli] era in Fiorenza una grandissima mortalità, per tucta la Toschana; che venne in Bologna assai Thoschani, per ussire della morìa. [...] [p. 167] Ancora in lo dicto millesimo si fu una grandissima mortalità a Ferara, a Padoa, a Vinesia. Et deti sapere che l'anno passado la gli era stata grande; et per quello che se diseva ogni homo, l'era mortalità et guerra et per tucta la christianitade; et fu in molte terre de za che la gli fu doe volte, zoè in la più parte. [9] And in these days [July] there was in Florence a very great mortality, for all of Tuscany; that many Thoskans came to Bologna, to get away from the death ... [p. 167] Still in the said thousand year, there was a very great mortality in Ferara, in Padua, in Venice. And you should know that last year there was great mortality; and for what every man said, there was mortality and war and for the whole of Christianity; and in many lands it was twice, that is, in the most part. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1364 The Pestis tertia affects Lucca and Pisa   Dio, che tutto sa, vedendo che la guerra, aspra e cattiva, tendeva a crescere invece di finire, decretò di mandare un'epidemia che servisse a frenare la furia di guerra. E così mandò l'epidemia in Lucca, in Pisa e in gran parte della Toscana; e cominciò in Pisa ed in Lucca, e molti morirono, sopratutto fanciulli dai quindici anni in giù, e l'epidemia duro quasi un anno.. [10] God, who knows everything, seeing that the war, harsh and wicked, was tending to grow instead of ending, decreed to send an epidemic to curb the fury of war. And so He sent the epidemic to Lucca, Pisa, and much of Tuscany; it began in Pisa and Lucca, and many died, especially children fifteen years old and younger, and the epidemic lasted almost a year.. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1371, September 8 – 1372, October Plague affects Lucca   L' 8 settembre del 1371, il giorno di Santa Maria, iniziò in Lucca l'epidemia con l'ingrossamento dell'inguine, bubboni, bolle e piaghe; e durò per quindici mesi, durante i quali molti furono morti, cittadini notabili e buoni mercanti, e molti fuggirono per evitare il contaggio. E vi fu chi morì e chi campò, anche donne e fanciulli, in quantità così grande che metà della popolazione di Lucca e del suo contado fu distrutta; ed il contagio si estese alle altre città, castelli e ville. [11] On September 8, 1371, the day of Holy Virgin, the epidemic began in Lucca with swelling of the groin, buboes, boils, and sores; it lasted for fifteen months, during which many notable citizens and good merchants died, and many fled to avoid the contagion. There were those who died and those who survived, including women and children, in such great numbers that half of the population of Lucca and its surrounding area was destroyed; and the contagion spread to other cities, castles, and villages. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
[[Template:1383-00-00-Lucca|]] Plague affects Lucca for two years   Dopo un danno ne viene un altro, se non si vive in pace, e dico questo perchè dopo la morte del detto Francesco Guinigi, nel 1383 cominciò in Lucca e nel contado un contagio ed altre pestilenzie per le quali morirono molti venerabili cittadini, uomini, donne, fanciulli in grande quantità, ed il contagio durò sino al 1384, e molti ripararono in paesi stranieri per sfuggire a quella pestilenza. E come piacque a Dio, il contagio cessò, lasciando Lucca ed il suo contado privi di gente per i molti morti, ma non migliori nei confronti di Dio.. [12] After one disaster comes another, if one does not live in peace, and I say this because after the death of the aforementioned Francesco Guinigi, in 1383, a contagion and other plagues began in Lucca and its surrounding area, causing many venerable citizens, men, women, and children to die in great numbers. The contagion lasted until 1384, and many fled to foreign countries to escape the plague. And as it pleased God, the contagion ceased, leaving Lucca and its surroundings devoid of people due to the many deaths, but no better in the eyes of God. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1390, October The plague affects Lucca and Pisa   Dio, che tutto sa, vedendo che la guerra, aspra e cattiva, tendeva a crescere invece di finire, decretò di mandare un'epidemia che servisse a frenare la furia di guerra. E così mandò l'epidemia in Lucca, in Pisa e in gran parte della Toscana; e cominciò in Pisa ed in Lucca, e molti morirono, sopratutto fanciulli dai quindici anni in giù, e l'epidemia duro quasi un anno.. [13] The divine goodness, seeing that the citizens of Lucca and the peasants had reached such discord, did not want to take away the free will of reasonable men to discern good from evil. Seeing that despite this, the discord in Lucca continued to grow and past examples served little, in His wisdom, decided that, in the absence of any other way, they might abandon their bad intentions at least out of fear of divine judgment. And so it was by His will that first in Lucca and then in the countryside, the contagion spread with groin inflammations, buboes, boils, and abscesses; because of this, many citizens from both factions left Lucca in the month of October and went either to Pietrasanta or other places. Many citizens perished due to the contagion, and great damage was caused by it. Among others, Bonagiunta Schezza died, who, as a lot-drawer, had warned Messer Bartolomeo that he had been excluded.. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1400, August 6 Letter of Coluccio Salutati, in which he mentioned a severe plague in Pistoia and the whole Tuscany   Pestis crudelis Pistorium debacchatur, adeo quod michi gratissimum sit, quod ibi receptus non fueris, laudoque quod id quod patria tibi offert amplectaris. Nicolaus tuus vivit Pistorium, presentavit litteras et die sequenti peste correptus occobuit. [,,,] Arrigus et Philippus, graviter infirmati, Dei dono libertai sunt. Pestis hec in hac urbe et per totam Tusciam crudelissime nimis sevit. [14] The cruel plague rages in Pistoia, so much so that I am greatly relieved that you have not been received there, and I commend you for embracing what your homeland offers you. Your Niccoló lives in Pistoia, he delivered the letters, and the following day, stricken by the plague, he died. [...] Arrigo and Filippo, severely ill, have by God's gift been freed. This plague is raging very cruelly in this city and throughout all of Tuscany (Translation: Martin Bauch)

References

  1. ↑ • Obertus Stanconus, Iacubus Aurie et al.: Annales. A. 1270–1279. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hannover 1863, pp. 267–288 , pp. 283–284
  2. ↑ • Giovanni da Bazzano: Chronicon Mutinense [AA. 1188-1363] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Bologna 1917 , p. 119.
  3. ↑ • Giovanni di Cornazano: Chronica extracta et abbreviata (Istoria di Parma) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milano 1728, pp. 729-754 , col. 746
  4. ↑ • Giovanni di Cornazano: Chronica extracta et abbreviata (Istoria di Parma) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milano 1728, pp. 729-754 , col. 746
  5. ↑ • Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp. 49–50
  6. ↑ Template:Giovanni Sercambi 2015), pp. 110-111.
  7. ↑ • Guillelmus de Cortusiis: Chronica de novitatibus Padue et Lombardie (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Bologna , p. 121
  8. ↑ • Chiappelli, Alberto: Gli ordinamenti sanitari del comune di Pistoira contro la pestilenza del 1348. (= Archivio storico italiano). 1887, pp. 3-24 , p. 4
  9. ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca A (1351-1409). In: Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 3). Città di Castello 1938 , pp. 166–167
  10. ↑ • Giovanni Sercambi: Le croniche dal volgare all'italiano. Tomo primo. Lucca 2015 Giovanni Sercambi (2015): Le Croniche dal volgare all'italiano. Tomo primo. Hg. v. Giorgio Tori. Lucca., pp. 128.
  11. ↑ • Giovanni Sercambi: Le croniche dal volgare all'italiano. Tomo primo. Lucca 2015 Giovanni Sercambi (2015): Le Croniche dal volgare all'italiano. Tomo primo. Hg. v. Giorgio Tori. Lucca., p. 201
  12. ↑ • Giovanni Sercambi: Le croniche dal volgare all'italiano. Tomo primo. Lucca 2015 Giovanni Sercambi (2015): Le Croniche dal volgare all'italiano. Tomo primo. Hg. v. Giorgio Tori. Lucca., p. 231
  13. ↑ • Giovanni Sercambi: Le croniche dal volgare all'italiano. Tomo primo. Lucca 2015 Giovanni Sercambi (2015): Le Croniche dal volgare all'italiano. Tomo primo. Hg. v. Giorgio Tori. Lucca., p. 246.
  14. ↑ • Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 3, p. 408
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