Template:Black Death
Jump to navigation
Jump to search
| 1319 | Epidemic | Al tempo della mortalità morì Folco Lombardi da Lucca e sepolto in S. [1] | At the time of his mortality, Folco Lombardi of Lucca died and was buried in S. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1345 – 1348 | Origin of the Black Death and ravages in Venice | Anno Domini 1345, jnguiaria pestis, incipiens in partibus Tartarorum, et se, peccatis exigentibus, ad universum orbem contagiose extendens, adeo terribiliter desaevivit, quod penitus nulli loco perpercit; et si quando alicubi cessare videretur, transactis duobus, vel tribus annis, ad locum reverberatur eundem. [2] | In the year of our Lord 1345, the pestilence, beginning in the regions of the Tartars, and spreading contagiously throughout the whole world, raged so terribly, driven by the demands of sin, that it spared no place entirely; and if it seemed to subside anywhere, after two or three years, it returned to the same place. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
| 1346 VN: 4.000 |
Epidemic in Bologna | Fu gran peste in Bologna, e morirno più di 4000 persone, fra quali morì Ms. Jacomo Bottivigari, Dottore di legge, Ms. Mraion da S. Marino Cavaliere, Salvadio Delfino, Bibozo Sava Medico. [3] | There was a great plague in Bologna, and more than 4,000 people died, including Ms. Jacomo Bottivigari, Doctor of Law, Ms. Mraion da S. Marino Cavaliere, Salvadio Delfino, Bibozo Sava Medico. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1346, April – 1347, April VN: 1.000 |
In 747 H (April 24, 1346 to April 12, 1347), the Black Death spread in the Horde (bilād Uzbak), where many people died in villages as well as towns. Plague then arrived in Crimea where the maximum daily death toll amounted to ca. 1,000, as the author, Ibn al-Wardī, was told by a trustworthy merchant. Afterwards, plague spread to Asia Minor (Rūm) where it killed many people. An Aleppine merchant who had returned from Crimea reported to Ibn al-Wardī that the judge (qāḍī) of Crimea had said that they had counted the deceased and that the number had amounted to 85,000 known plague deaths. The plague reached Cyprus, too, and the death toll was enormously high there as well. | ' [4] | (Translation needed) |
| 1347 – 1348 | Fire comes out of the earth or falls from heaven in Central Asia as a reason for the outbreak of the Black Death. | Avemmo da mercatanti genovesi, uomini degni di fede, che avieno avute novelle di que' paesi, che alquanto tempo inanzi a questa pistilenzia, nelle parti dell' Asia superiore, uscì della terra, overo cadde da cielo un fuoco grandissimo, il quale stendendosi verso il ponente arse e consumò grandissimo paese sanza alcun riparo. E alquanti dissono che del puzzo di questo fuoco si generò la materia corruttibile della generale pistolenzia: ma questo non possiamo acertare. Apresso sapemmo da uno venerabile frate minore di Firenze vescovo di ..... de Regno, uomo degno di fede, che s'era trovato in quelle parti dov'è la città del Lamech ne' tempi della mortalità, che tre dì e tre notti piovvono in quelle paese biscie con sangue ch' apuzzarono e coruppono tutte le contrade:sc e in [p. 15] quella tempesta fu abattuto parte tel tempio di Maometto, e alquanto della sua sepoltura. [5] | We have had from Genoese merchants, men worthy of faith, who have had news of those countries, that some time before this pistilenzia, in the parts of Upper Asia, a great fire came out of the earth, or fell from the sky, which, spreading towards the west, burned and consumed a great country without any shelter. And some say that from the stench of this fire was generated the corruptible matter of the general conflagration: but this we cannot ascertain. Later we learned from a venerable friar minor of Florence, bishop of ..... of the Kingdom, a man worthy of faith, who had been in those parts where the city of Lamech is in the times of mortality, that three days and three nights it rained in that country snakes with blood that apuzzarono and covered all the countries; and in [p. 15] that storm was torn down part of the temple of Muhammad, and some of his burial place. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1347 – 1349 | The Black Death with presumed origins in China or Ethiopia, spreading to Syria and Egypt. Discussion of its spread via Caffa and Constantinopel, Genoa and reaching the Iberian Peninsula. | Die Meinungen über die Herkunft dieses Ereignisses gehen auseinander. Der Gewährsmann erwähnte nach dem Zeugnis mancher christlichen Kaufleute, die nach Almeriah kamen, daß die Krankheit in dem Lande Hata entstanden sei; Hata heißt in der persischen Sprache China, wie ich es von einem Gewährsmann aus Samarkand gelernt habe. China ist die Grenze der bewohnten Erde nach Osten zu. Die Seuche ist in China verbreitet und von da aus ist sie nach dem persischen Irak, den türkischen Ländern gewandert. Andere erwähnten nach dem Bericht christlicher Reisenden, daß sie in Abessinien entstanden sei und von dort aus in die Nachbarländer bis nach Ägypten und Syrien vorgedrungen sei. Diese verschiedenen Berichte beweisen, daß die Katastrophe allgemein alle Länder und Zonen heimgesucht hat. Der Grund der Verschiedenheit der Berichte ist, daß, wenn sie in einem an der (p. 42) Grenze der Erde liegenden Lande erscheint, dessen Einwohner denken, daß die Krankheit dort entstanden sei; und von dort aus verbreitet sich diese Ansicht. Es ist uns auch von vielen Seiten berichtet worden, daß sie in der genuesischen Festung Kaffa gewesen sei, die unlängst durch ein Heer von mohammedanischen Türken und Romäern belagert wurde, dann in Pera, dann in dem großen Konstantinopel, auf den Inseln von Armania an der Küste des Mittelmeeres, in Genua, in Frankreich. Sie griff weiter über nach dem fruchtbaren Andalusien, überschwemmte die Gegenden von Aragon, Barcelona, Valencia u. a., verbreitete sich in dem größten Teil des Königreichs Kastilien bis Sevilla im äußersten Westen, erreichte auch die Inseln des Mittelmeeres Sizilien, Sardinien, Mallorca, Ibiza, sprang über nach der gegenüberliegenden Küste von Afrika und ging von da aus weiter nach Westen. [6] | Opinions differ as to the origin of this event. According to the testimony of some Christian merchants who came to Almeriah, the author mentioned that the disease originated in the land of Hata; Hata means China in the Persian language, as I learnt from an author from Samarkand. China is the border of the inhabited earth to the east. The disease spread in China and from there it travelled to Persian Iraq and the Turkish countries. Others mentioned, according to the report of Christian travellers, that it originated in Abyssinia and from there spread to neighbouring countries as far as Egypt and Syria. These different reports prove that the catastrophe affected all countries and zones in general. The reason for the diversity of reports is that when it appears in a country lying on the (p. 42) frontier of the earth, its inhabitants think that the disease originated there; and from there this opinion spreads.
It has also been reported to us from many quarters that it was in the Genoese fortress of Kaffa, which was recently besieged by an army of Mohammedan Turks and Romæans, then in Pera, then in the great Constantinople, on the islands of Armania on the coast of the Mediterranean, in Genoa, in France. It spread further to fertile Andalusia, flooded the regions of Aragon, Barcelona, Valencia and others, spread through most of the kingdom of Castile as far as Seville in the far west, reached the Mediterranean islands of Sicily, Sardinia, Mallorca, Ibiza, jumped over to the opposite coast of Africa and from there continued westwards.. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1347 – 1348 | Fire comes out of the earth or falls from heaven in Middle East and beginning of the Black Death at the mouth of the Don and in Trabizond. | Ma infinita mortalità, e che più durò, fu in Turchia, e in quelli paesi d'oltremare, e tra' Tarteri. E avenne tra' detti Tarteri grande giudicio di Dio e maraviglia quasi incredibile, e ffu pure vera e chiara e certa, che tra 'l Turigi e 'l Cattai nel paese di Parca, e oggi di Casano signore di Tartari in India, si cominciò uno fuoco uscito di sotterra, overo che scendesse da cielo, che consumò uomini, e bestie, case, alberi, e lle pietre e lla terra, e vennesi stendendo più di XV giornate atorno con tanto molesto, che chi non si fuggì fu consumato, ogni criatura a abituro, istendendosi al continuo. E gli uomini e femine che scamparono del fuoco, di pistolenza morivano. E alla Tana, e Tribisonda, e per tutti que' paesi non rimase per la detta pestilenza de' cinque l'uno, e molte terre vi s'abbandarono tra per la pestilenzia, e tremuoti grandissimi, e folgori. E per le lettere di nostri cittadini degni di fede ch'erano in que' paesi, ci ebbe come a Sibastia piovvono grandissima quantità di vermini [p. 487] grandi uno sommesso con VIII gambe, tutti neri e conduti, e vivi e morti, che apuzzarono tutta la contrada, e spaventevoli a vedere, e cui pugnevano, atosicavano come veleno. E in Soldania, in una terra chiamata Alidia, non rimasono se non femmine, e quelle per rabbia manicaro l'una l'altra. E più maravigliosa cosa e quasi incredibile contaro avenne in Arcaccia, uomini e femmine e ogni animale vivo diventarono a modo di statue morte a modo di marmorito, e i signori d'intorno al paese pe' detti segni si propuosono di convertire alla fede cristiana; ma sentendo il ponente e paesi di Cristiani tribolati simile di pistolenze, si rimasono nella loro perfidia. E a porto Tarlucco, inn-una terra ch'ha nome Lucco inverminò il mare bene x miglia fra mare, uscendone e andando fra terra fino alla detta terra, per la quale amirazione assai se ne convertirono alla fede di Cristo. [7] | But the mortality was much greater and much more severe in Turkey and in Outremer, and among the Tartars. And a great judgment of God occurred among these Tartars, a marvel almost unbelievable but which was true, clear, and certain. Between the Turigi and the Cattai in the land of Parca, presently ruled by Casano, lord of the Tartars in India, a fire began to burn forth from the ground, or indeed to fall from the sky. It consumed men, animals, houses, trees, and (p. 138) the stones, and the earth, spreading a distance of more than fifteen days’ travel all around, with such great harm that those who did not flee were consumed—every creature and every inhabitant—as it ceaselessly spread. The men and women who escaped this fire died of pestilence. At Tana and Trebizond, and in all those lands, not one person out of five survived and many cities were abandoned because of the pestilence and terrible earthquakes and lightning. We learn from letters sent by trustworthy citizens of our city who were in those lands that a very great quantity of little worms rained down on Sibastia. Each was one span in length, colored black with eight legs and a tail. They fell both alive and dead and were terrifying to behold, filling the city with their stench, and those whom they stung were poisoned as with venom. In Soldania, in a city called Alidia, only the females remained and these [worms], driven by rage, ate one another. [The letters] tell of an even more marvelous and almost unbelievable thing that occurred in Arcaccia: men and women and every living animal became like dead statues of marble. Nearby lords saw these signs and considered converting to the Christian faith, but when they heard that the West and the Christian lands were suffering from these same pestilences, they persisted in their wickedness. At Porto Talucco, in a city called Lucco, the sea was filled for ten miles with worms that crawled out of the water and across the land all the way up to the city. Many people were so astonished by this that they converted to the faith of Christ. [8] |
| 1347, January | Black Death in Piombino, but only a few deaths in Milan. | Il detto morbo s'atachò a Pionbino, inperochè vi venne cierti Genovesi di quelle maledette galee, e morivi e' 3 quarti de le persone in Pionbino; per tanto si fu per abandonare. Queste maledette galee de' Genovesi venivano e aveano aiutato a' Saraceni e al Turco a pigliare la città di Romania che era de' Cristiani che non féro i Turchi, e per questo si tenea che Dio avea mandato tanta mortalità a i detti Genovesi e a' Cristiani e in Turchia, e morì in Saracina e' tre quarti e così de' Cristiani. A Milano morì poca gente, inperochè morì 3 fameglie, le quali le case loro furo murate l'uscia e le finestre, chè nissuno v'entrasse. [9] | The disease came to Piombino, because some Genoese from those cursed galleys came there, and three quarters of the people died in Piombino; therefore it was abandoned. These accursed galleys of the Genoese came and had helped the Saracens and the Turks to take the city of Romania, which belonged to the Christians, rather than the Turks, and for this reason it was believed that God had sent so much mortality to the said Genoese and the Christians and in Turkey, and three quarters died in Saracina and so of the Christians. In Milan few people died, for three families died, and their houses were walled up with doors and windows, so that no one could enter. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1347, November – 1347, December | Genoese galleys spread the Black Death in Genoa and Sicily. | Le galee de' Genovesi tornaro d'oltremare e da la città di Romania a dì ... di november e tornaro con molta infermità e corutione d'aria la quale era oltremare, in perrochè in quel paese d'oltremare morì in questo tenpo grande moltitudine di gente di morbo e pestilentia. Essendo gionte a Gienova le dette galee tenero per la Cicilia e lassorovi grande infermità e mortalità, che l'uno non potea socorare l'altro; e così gionti a Gienova di fatto v'attacoro il detto morbo e per questo tutti quelle navili furono tutti cacciati di Genova. [10] | The galleys of the Genoese returned from overseas and from the city of Romania on dì ... of November, and returned with much infirmity and corruption of the air which was overseas, for in that overseas country a great multitude of people died of disease and pestilence at that time. When they reached Gienova, the said galleys sailed to Cicilia, and there they left great infirmity and mortality, so that the one could not support the other; and so when they reached Gienova, they attacked the said disease there, and for this reason all those galleys were expelled from Genoa. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1348 | The Black Death hits Apulia and other parts of Southern Italy like Calabria. King Louis the Great of Hungary flees back home from the epidemic outbreak | sequitur annus qui nostre salutis MCCCXLVIII numeratur, in quo pestis iam pridem cepta insigni strage per universam pene Italiam desevire cepit. Que, cum iam Brutios et Calabros ac universum Apulie Regnum inficere cepisset, et in dies magis obrepert, tantaque augmenteratur sevitia, ut solo contactu passim vulgaret morbos, et tabe ac pestifero odore inficeret validos, et egros biduo aut minori temporis spatio (p. 12) conficeret, ingens mortis formido Ludovicum, Ungarie regem, invasit, qua deterritus in Pannoniam aufugere quam celerrime constituit. [11] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348, January 17 – 1362 | Following astrological phenomena a formerly unheard of epidemic raged in Bohemia as well as in other parts of the world (Christian and pagan) for 14 years. And there was no hideout from it neither in the lowlands nor on the mountains and many people died. | Eodem anno die XVII Ianuarii fuit eclipsis lune, et coniunccio quorundam malivolorum planetarum, ex quibus coniunccionibus et malis constellacionibus orta est inaudita epidimia seu pestilencia hominum in universo mundo et duravit tam in Boemia quam in aliis mundi partibus per XIIII annos proxime sequentes, et iam ibi, iam illic in terris christianorum et paganorum ubique. Nec erat alicubi refugium, quia sicut in planis sic in montibus et silvis homines moriebantur. In omnibus locis fiebant foveae grandes et plures singulis annis predictis, in quibus moriencium corpora sepeliebantur. Talis pestilencia et ita longa nunquam fuit a seculo. [12] | In the same year on January 17 there was a eclipse of the moon and a malevolent conjunction of the planets and resulting from these conjunctions and bad constellations there was an unheard of epidemic or human plague in the whole world which lasted as well in Bohemia as in other parts of the world for 12 successive years at one time here at another there everywhere in the Christian and pagan lands. There was nowhere a hidout to be found, but as well on the flat land as in the mountains and forests the people died. In all places numerous and large grave pits where made in every single of the above mentioned years, in which the dead bodies where buried. Such a plague that lasted to long had never happend in this age. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1348, May – 1348, December | Black Death in Bologna | Maxima et inaudita mortalitas fuit Bononiae, quae vocata fuit et semper vocabitur la mortalega grande, quia numquam fuit aliqua similis. Et incoepit de mense maji et duravit per totum annum et fere fuit per totum mundum et tam magna, quod duae partes ex tribus partibus personarum firmiter decesserunt; inter quos decesserunt duo doctores bononienses per totum mundum famosissimi, videlicet dominus Johannes Andreae, decretorum, et dominus Jacobus de Butrigariis, legum doctores [13] | The greatest and unprecedented mortality was in Bologna, which was called and will always be called "the great mortality," because there was never anything like it. It began in the month of May and lasted for the whole year, and it was nearly worldwide and so severe that two out of every three people certainly died. Among those who died were two of the most famous doctors in the world from Bologna, namely, Master Johannes Andreae, a doctor of decrees, and Master Jacobus de Butrigariis, a doctor of law (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 | Black Death in Bologna. | Fu il maggior terramtto che mai fosse stato al mondo il giorno della Conversione di San Paolo, e poi tutta la stade fu gran mortalitade per tutto il mondo, e morevano gl'huomini d'un enfiasone, che li veniva sotto la lasina overo nel' angonara, e puoco stavano amalati. [14] | It was the greatest landfall that had ever been in the world on the day of the Conversion of St Paul, and then the whole stade was great mortality throughout the world, and men were dying of emphasisation, which came to them under the leaves or in the 'angonara', and they were sick. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1348 | After descrbing the effects of the Black Death in many parts of Europe, Francis states on Bohemia: Students travelling from Bologna to Bohemia saw a lot of dead and severely ill people. Most of the students died as well already on the way. | Eodem tempore quidam studentes de Bononia versus Boemian transeuntes viderunt, quod in civitatibus et in castellis pauci homines vivi remanserunt et in aliquibus omnes defuncti fuerunt, in multis quoque domibus, qui vivi remanserant et egritudine oppressi, unus alteri non potuit porrigere haustum aque, nec in aliquo ministrare, et sic in magna affliccione et anxietate decedebant. Sacerdotes quoque ministrantes sacramenta et medici egris medicamenta ab ipsis inficiebantur et moriebantur et plurimi sacerdotibus mortuis sine confessione et sacramentis ecclesie de hac vita migraverunt. Facte sunt autem fosse magne, late et profunde, in quibus corpora defunctorum sepeliebantur. In locis quoque pluribus infectus aer plus inficiebatur — qui plus nocet quam cibus corruptus — ex putredine cadaverum, quia non remansit superstes, qui sepeliret. Verumtamen de prefatis studentibus nisi unus fuit Boemian reversus sodalesque sui in via decesserunt. [15] | At that time, certain students who were travelling from Bologna towards (versus) Bohemia saw that few humans remained alive in the cities and castles and in some, all were dead. In many houses, those who survived were so overcome by the disease that one could not carry a drink of water to another nor care for another in any way. Thus they withdrew in great torment and anguish. Priests ministering the sacraments and medics supplying medicaments got infected and died and many priests died without confession and the sacraments of the church and they moved away from this life. And in many places, the air became further infected from the rotting of corpses, becoming a greater threat than spoiled food, as no one survived to bury them. Of these students, only one returned to Bohemia. His companions died along the way. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1348 | Outbreak of the Black Death caused by severe earthquake in Villach and meteorite impacts in Catalonia. | In Italia e per tuto el mondo circha l'ora del vespero fuoron grandissimi tremoti, adì xxv de zenaro; el quale tremoto fuo sentito per tuto el mondo e maximamente in le parte da Charentana, dove è una citade nome Villach, la quale tuta somerse per lo dicto tremoto. Et fuo contato e scripto per merchadanti che nelle parte del Chatai piovete grandissima quantitade de vermi e de serpenti li quali devoravano grandissima quantitade de gente. Ancora in quelle contrade, tra el Chatai e Persia, piovete fuogo de celo a modo de neve, el quale brusoe li monti e lla terra e gli uomini, el quale fuogo faceva fumo tanto pestelenciale, che chi sentiva quello fumo, moriva infra spacio de xii [p. 585] hore; a(n)cora chi guardava quelli ch'erano venenati da quello fumo pestelenciale eciamdio morivano. Et advenne che doe galee de' Gienonesi passando per la dicta contrata fuorono inficiati de quella pestilencia e commenciarono a morire, et pervenuti in Costantinopoli e in Pera comenciano quelle galleoti a parlare con quelli de Constantinopoli e de Pera. Et incontente comenciò la mortalitade in quelle citade, per tale modo che ne morirono li dui terzi de le persone; e andate quelle doe galee in Sicilia e in Missina, apicione la mortalicha in quelle contrade, dove morìo circha vcxxx milia persone; e una cità de quelle reame, nome Trapani, remase desabitata per quella pestilencia, e nella citade de Gienoa morirono circha xl millia persone; ancora la cità de Marsilia remase quasi dexabitata per la dicta pestilencia, la quale pestilencia fuo per tuto el mundo. Et in quello anno, in lo dì de la nativitade de Yhesu Christo, apparve uno fuogho in celo, overo in l'aere, el quale teneva da [p. 586] levante a ponente. E ne le parte de Chatelogna' cadde da celo iii petre grandissime, e quelli de quella contrada mandarono una de quelle petre suso uno mullo al re de Chatelogna. [...] [p. 587] E per quelle ch'io trovo, quella pestilencia fuo generale per tuto el mundo, unde fuo scripto per merchadanti che in uno dì in la cità de Parise ne fuoron sepeliti mille trecento vinte octo, e molte cità de Franza e de oltra monti erano remase quase dexabitade per quella pestilencia; e de Venesia e de Chioza fuo contato che ogne dì morivano viC huomeni, e similmente fuo dicto de Pisa. [16] | In Italy and throughout the world, around the hour of vespers on the 25th of January, there were very great earthquakes; this earthquake was felt throughout the world and especially in the region of Carinthia, where there is a city named Villach, which was entirely submerged by said earthquake. It was reported and written by merchants that in the region of Cathay there fell a great quantity of worms and serpents which devoured a vast number of people. Furthermore, in those regions, between Cathay and Persia, fire fell from the sky like snow, which burned the mountains, the land, and the men; this fire produced such a pestilential smoke that anyone who inhaled it died within twelve hours. Moreover, those who looked at those poisoned by that pestilential smoke also died. It happened that two Genoese galleys passing through the said region were infected by that pestilence and began to die, and upon arriving in Constantinople and Pera, those sailors began to speak with the people of Constantinople and Pera. Immediately, the mortality began in those cities, in such a manner that two-thirds of the people died; and when those two galleys arrived in Sicily and Messina, they spread the plague in those regions, where about 530,000 people died; and a city in that kingdom, named Trapani, was left uninhabited due to that pestilence, and in the city of Genoa about 40,000 people died; also the city of Marseille was almost depopulated due to the said pestilence, which was present throughout the world. And in that year, on the day of the Nativity of Jesus Christ, a fire appeared in the sky, or rather in the air, stretching from east to west. In the region of Catalonia, three very large stones fell from the sky, and the people of that region sent one of those stones on a mule to the king of Catalonia. [...] And from what I found, that pestilence was general throughout the world, for it was written by merchants that in one day in the city of Paris, 1,328 people were buried, and many cities in France and beyond the mountains were almost depopulated due to that pestilence; and it was reported from Venice and Chioggia that every day 600 men died, and similarly it was said of Pisa. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 | In parts of Cathai it rained worms and snakes | Eodem millesimo (1348), in partibus Captay pluit in maxima copia vermium et serpentium qui devoraverunt maximam quantitatem gentium et quoscumque homines, homines vel feminas, tangebat aqua, subito moriebantur [17] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 VN: 12.000 |
The Black Death in Erfurt kills 12.000 people, who are buried in mass graves in Neuses. | Dez selbin jares was groez sterbin; alleiniz zue Erforte storbin zwolf tusent menschin, die da gevuert worden uf den karren zue Nueseße ane die in der stat heimelichen begrabin worden und in den dorferen die umme die stat lagen. Dese lute storibin dazu meiste teil an den drueßen. [18] | In the same year, there was a great mortality; alone in Erfurt, twelve thousand people died, who were brought to Neuses on carts and wagons. Not included are those who were secretly buried in the city or in the villages surrounding it. These people mostly died due to glandular swellings. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, June 20 | Outbreak of the Black Death in Faenza and all over the world | 1348. Mortalitas maxima per totum mundum fuit. [19] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 – 1348, Nov 1 | Black Death is associated with blood spitting | Isto anno usque ad Festum omnium Sanctorum, tam ultra mare, quam citra per totum mundum fuit morbus horribilis et tremendus. Qui conversabatur cum infirmo, moriebatur; spuebant sanguinem. Multae Civitates, & Oppida hac causa per Mundum desertae incolis factae sunt. [20] | This year, until the Feast of All Saints, both across the sea and on this side throughout the entire world, there was a horrible and tremendous disease. Whoever interacted with the sick would die; they would spit blood. Many cities and towns around the world were deserted by their inhabitants because of this. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 | Arrival of the Black Death from the Orient in Italy | In partibus Persie maxima quantitas ignis ab ethere descendit, qui combuxit arbores et homines, ac fumum tante putredinis faciebat quod, qui odorabant, in prossimis duodecim horis deficiebant. Tunc Januensium quedam naves circa partes illas pervenerunt, et statim quidam navigantium infecti sunt; et ubicumque dicte naves peragrabant, ibidem maxima mortalits insurgebat. Dum verso Constantinopolis, Peram Siciliamque sulcarent, inficiebant omnes et moriebantur. Postquam etenim Janue adherant, statim mors rapida fuit; et multa hominum milia occubuerunt. Civitas vero Dreppani tali morbo inhabitas remansit. [21] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 | Earthquake at 25. January and arrival of the Black Death in Italy and its spread and symptoms | Deus omnipotens, qui non vult mortem peccatoris, sed ut convertatur et vivat, primo minatur, secundo vero percuit ad correctionem humani generis, non interitum. Volens affligere humanum genus plagis maximis, inauditis, primo in extremis partibus mundi, in orientis plaga cepit suum iudicium horrendum. Cum vero jam percussiset Tartaros, Turcos (p. 121) et genus infidelium universum in MCCCXLVIII, die XXV Januarii, hora XXIII, fuit maximus terremotus per horam mediam ad terrorem Christianorum. Post quem pestis inaudita transivit mare, scilicet in partes Venetiarum, Lombardie, Marchie, Tuscie, Alemanie, Francie et per fere mundum universum. Hanc, quidem infecti, venientes de partibus orientis, detulerunt. Hi solo visu, vel tactu, vel flatu omnes occidebant. Erat hec infectio incurabilis, non poterat evitari. Uxor fugiebat amplexum cari viri, pater filii, frater fratris: et gentes subito multotiens expirabant. Sic ovis infecta inficit totum gregem. Sic unius domus descendentes unum semper moriendo ceteri sequebantur usque ad canes. Corpora etiam nobilium manebant insepulta. Multi pretio a vilibus sepeliebantur sine presbyteris et candelis. Veneti vero, ubi centum milia perierunt, navibus redemptis magno pretio corpora ad insulas portabant. Civitas erat quasi desolata. Unus solus incognitus venit Paduam, qui civitatem infecit in tantum, quod forsan in toto comitatu tertia pars defecit. Civitates, cupientes evitare talem pestem, omnibus extraneis prohibebant ingressum. Sic mercatores de civitate ad civitatem non poterant ambulare. Hac clade fuerunt destitute civitates et castra. Non audiebantur voces, nisi heu, dolores et planctus. Tunc cessavit vox sponsi et sponse, sonus cythare, cantus juvenum et letitia. Pestes vero imminentes tempore Pharaonis, David, Esechie, Gregorii Pape respective possunt nunc pro nihilo reputari. Henc enim pestis circuit totum orbem. Deus enim tempore Noe tantas animas vix consumpsit, cui possibile est humanum genus etiam de lapidibus restaurare. Hujus pestis erant pessime alii infecti, ut supra; quidam evomendo sanguinem expirabant subito, ali morbo cancri, vel vermis. In signum vero mortis, quasi omnibus nascebantur glandule incurabiles, circa genitalia, vel sub brachiis, vel aliis partibus, venenosis febribus sociate. Hi prima, vel secunda die expirabant; post tertiam, licet raro esset, aliqua spes salutis, aliqui somno capti, nunquam excitati, transibant. Contra hoc medici palam profitebantur se nescire remedium, quorum hac peste potissima pars defecit. [22] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 | Price increase of groceries parallel to the occurrence of the Black Death. | Mai no foro sà care cose de infermeria: / picciolu pollastregliu quatro solli valia, / e l'obu a duj denair e a tri se vennia, / delle poma medemmo era gra' carestia. / Cose medecinali ongi cosa à passato, / ché l'oncia dello zuccaro a secte solli è stato; / l'oncia delli tradanti se' solli è conperato, / e dello melescristo altro tanto n'è dato. / La libra dell' uva passa tri solli se vennia, / li nocci delle manole duj solli se dagia, / [p. 242] dece vaca de mori un denaro valia, / quanno n'aviano dudici bo' derrata paria. [23] | Never a hole knows the dear things of the infirmary: / the small chicken is worth four coins, / and the bird is worth two and three coins, / and the medemma apple was a great famine. / Medecinal things every thing has passed, / because the ounce of the pumpkin was a hundred coins; / the ounce of the trader is a hundred coins, / and the meleschrist is another thousand coins. / La libra dell' uva passa tri solli se vennia, / li nocci delle manole duj solli se dagia, / [p. 242] dece vaca de mori un denaro valia, / quanno n'aviano dudici bo' derrata paria. (Translation: DeepL) (Translation needed) |
| 1348 | The Black Death in Mantua. | Cap. CLIIII - De mortalitate que fuit MCCCXLVIII In quel anno di gran mortalità venìa / ben che in del passato zià era stato, / di gaudusse a l' inguinaie morìa. / L'uno anno e l' altro si fu terminato / li due parti di li zente morire, / cinquantamila co conta extimato. / Li biade per li campi no choiere, / li uve in su li vigni si romanìa / non era chi curasse de quelli avire. / Li chase vode abandonate stasìa, / non era alchuno chi di roba curasse, / zaschuno per ascampar pensier facìa. [24] |
Chapter CLIIII - On the Mortality of 1348 In that year of great mortality, it came / even though in the past it had already been, / people died of swelling in the groin. / One year and the next it was finished / two-thirds of the people died, / estimated at fifty thousand in total. / The grain in the fields did not grow, / the grapes on the vines remained, / there was no one who cared for those possessions. / The houses stood empty and abandoned, / there was no one who cared for goods, / everyone thought only of escaping.. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, February – 1348, June | The beginning and the origins of the Black Death in the Middle East; High mortality in Lucca, Pisa, Venice from February to June. | In lo dicto millesimo si fu una grandissima mortalità in più parte del mondo, specialmente a Zenoa, a Pisa, a Lucha, a Vinexia, in Avignone, in la Cicilia, e più città si facea guardia, de che queste città prescripte le persone de quelle non gli potesseno entrare. Et questo si cominzò in 1347, e pare che el commenzamento fusse al Chataio et in Persia, che gli piové aqua cum vermi et appuzolava tucte le persone et contrade, et possa parve che gli chadesse balotte facte como uno homo a grossa la testa et parea neve et como elle erano in terra che ardeano la terra et le prede, come fusseno legne; sì che disesse ch'ele fevano fumo grandissimo et quanti [p. 583] vedeva questo subbito chadevano morti. De che pare che da x galee de Christiani, zoè de Zenovisi, Ceciliani et d' altre parte, arivaseno là, et sentino de questo, et comminzono a morire; de che se partino et zaschuno s'apressò d'arivare alle soe contrade, et in ogni parte, là dove elli arivavano, si diseano' questa pistolenza, che zaschuno che gli odiva o vedeva, incontenti si era morto, o vero infermo; de che la mortaligha in le città sopradicte è 't sì forte et sì fiera che christiano non lo poteva contare. Et si vidi la lettera lá ove queste cose erano scripte, che da cielo era chazù tre prede grosse quanto è uno barile da mele zaschuna, et havela innanzi che questa mortaligha fusse in Ytalia; et fu dà la lettera a Pisa et de llì io l'avi. Questa mortalità da Lucha, da Pisa, da Vinexia fu in lo mille 3e 48, de febraro, de marzo, d'aprile, de mazo et de zugno. [25] | In the said thousandth year, there was a great mortality in many parts of the world, especially in Zenoa, Pisa, Lucha, Vinexia, Avignon, and Cicilia, and more cities were guarded, so that these cities prescribed that the people of those cities could not enter them. And this began in M3cxl7, and it seems that the beginning was at Chataio and in Persia, that it rained water with worms and it appuzzolava all the people and lands, and it seemed to him that there fell boulders made like a man with a large head and it seemed like snow and how they were on the ground that burned the earth and the prey, as if they were wood; so that he said that they made very great smoke and those who [p. 583] saw this sub-burden. 583] saw this immediately fell dead. So it seems that from x galleys of Christians, namely from Zenovisi, Ceciliani and others, they arrived there, and heard of this, and began to die; So they departed and each one opened up to reach his own quarters, and in every place, where they arrived, they said to each other, that each one who hated them, or saw them, met with death, or was truly ill; so that the mortality in the cities above is so strong and so fierce that the Christians could not count it. Et si vidi la lettera lá ove queste cose erano scripte, che da cielo era chazù tre prede grosse quanto è uno barile da mele zaschuna, et havela innteriormente che questa mortaligha fusse in Ytalia; et fu dà la lettera a Pisa et de llì l'avvi. This mortality from Lucha, from Pisa, from Venice was in 1348, in February, de March, April, May and June. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1348 VN: 530.000 |
The beginning and the origins of the Black Death in the Middle East and about the severe earthquake especially in Villach. | In 1348 in Italia e per tuto lo mondo, circha l'ora de vespero, fonno grandissimi teramoti adì 25 de zenaro. El quale teramoto fo sentito per tuto el mondo e masimamente in le parti de Charantana, donde è una citade nome Vilach, la quale fo tuta somerssa per lo ditto teramoto; e fo contado e scrito per merchatanti che ne le parte del Chatay piovè grandisima quantitade de vermi e de serpenti li quali devoravano de le persone. Anchora in quele contrade del Chatay e de Persia piové fuogo da zielo a modo neve, el quale fuogo bruxò li monti e la terra e gli omeni, el quale fuogo faceva fumo tanto pesetelenziale chi chi lo sentìa morìa [p. 590] in fra spacio de 12 ore. Anchora chi guardava quili, ch'erano avenenati da quelo fumo, moriano. E avene che doe Zenoixi, passando per dita contrada fono infiziati de questa pistilenzia e cominzarno a morire. E prevenuti a Costantinopoli e in Pera incontenenti queli comenzono a morire in quele citade in tal modo che ne morì li dui terzi de le persone; e, andate quelle doe galee in Sizilia e in Misina, apichono la mortalitade in quele contrade dove morì 530 milia persone. E una citade de quelo reame che à nome Prapani remaxe dexabitada per quella pistilenzia. E in la cità de Zenora morì circa 40 milia persone. Anchora a la zitade de Marsilia remaxe quaxi desabitada. La quale pistilenzia fo per tuto lo mondo. E in quelo anno, per la nativitade de Ihesu Christo, aparve uno fuogo ne l'aiera, el quale tenìa da livante a ponente. [p. 591] E ne le parte de Catalogna cade tre prede grandissime e quili de quele contrade mandono una de quele prede su uno mulo al re de Catalogna. [...] [p. 592] E per quelo ch'io trovo, quella pistilenzia fo per tuto lo mondo: Unde fo scrito per merchadanti che in la cità de Parixi, in uno dì forno sepelidi 1328 persone, e molte citdae de Franza e d'oltra monti romaxeno quasi desabitade. E in Venexia e de Chioza se disse che ogni dì circha 600 persone, e similmente de Pixa. [26] | In 1348 in Italy and all over the world, around the hour of evening, there was a great earthquake on the 25th of January. This earthquake was heard all over the world, and especially in the Charantana area, where there is a town called Vilach, which was completely submerged by this earthquake; and it was reported and written by merchants that in the Chatay area it rained a great quantity of worms and snakes which devoured people. Also in those parts of Chatay and Persia it rained snow-like gale-force winds, which burned the mountains and the earth and people, and which made such heavy smoke that those who felt it died within 12 hours. Even those who looked at those who were poisoned by that smoke died. And it came to pass that two Zenoixi, passing through the district, were infected with this pistilenzia and began to die. And when they came to Constantinople and Pera they began to die in those cities in such a way that two thirds of the people died; and when those two galleys went to Syzilia and Misina, they opened the mortality in those lands where 530 thousand people died. And a city of that realm, which is called Prapani, became inhabited by that people. And in the city of Zenora about 40 thousand people died. Anchora a la zitade de Marsilia remaxe quaxi desabitada. La quale pistilenzia fo per tutto lo mondo. E in quelo anno, per la nativitade de Ihesu Christo, a fuogo ne l'aiera aparve, el el el tenìa da livante a ponente. [p. 591] And in the part of Catalonia three very great preys fell, and those from those lands sent one of them on a mule to the King of Catalonia. [...] [p. 592] And from what I find, that pistilenzia was for all the world: so it was written by merchants that in the city of Parixi, in one day 1328 people were buried, and many cities of France and other mountains were almost deserted. And in Venice and Chioza it was said that every day about 600 people were buried, and similarly in Pisa. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1348 VN: 64.000 |
Black Death leads to the withdrawal of King Louis the Great of Hungary | Eodem millesimo et temporibus maxima pestis mortalitatis fuit in civitate Neapolim, in qua mortui sunt in duobus mensibus LXIIIIm; quapropter rex Ungarie recessit inde [27] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 | Black Death in Norway in 1348. Pope Clement VI orders a mass called “Recordare Domine” to counter the Black Death in Avignon | Sniovar sva miklir ok islaug at engir mvndu slikan. Drepsótt ok mannfall sva mikit j Noregi ok i vt londum at enginn vissi dæmi til sliks fyrr siþan Noa floð var. ok eydduz bæði borgir ok bæir kastalar ok kauptvn sva skiott at nær engir fengu gert reikning sinn þar til. er Clemens pavi het fyrir at syngia skylldi messo þa er hann hafði componat þrim sinnum ok stanða á kniam með liosi. grasleysu sumar. [28] | Such a harsh spring of snow and frozen hot springs that no one remembered anything alike. There was such a deadly disease and great loss of life in Norway and abroad that no one had known such an example since Noah's flood. And it laid waste both cities and villages, castles and market towns so swiftly that almost no one was able to give account (before God] until Pope Clement called to sing a mass for the remission of sins, of which he had composed three, where [all] should stand on their knees with candles. Grassless summer. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1348 VN: 1.800 |
Black Death in Paris | Eodem millesimo (1348). Relata fuerunt nova in partibus Lombardie, quod die XIIIo martii sepulti fuerunt in civitate Parixius propter maximam pestem mortalitatis MCCCXXVIII homines sine aliis, de quibus non fiebat mentio; propter quod rex fugerat inde, et iverat castrum quoddam extra districtum, Parixius. Regina ipsius uxor cum unico filio et duobus nepotibus defuncti erant, et ali multi nobiles, et similiter in partibus circumstantibus, et in quadam civitate, que dicebatur Nobellexe, in qua habitabant circa MM homines armorum, non remanserat nisi CC. Alia civitas Avarexe inhabitabilis effeta erat, alie cuiusdam civitates pro maiori parte subverse et submerse erant et in partibus illis apparuerunt locuste que devoraverunt bladas, et arbores et alia mira satis. [29] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 | The Black Death appears in Poland and other kingdoms (Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany) caused by a polution of the air by the Jews. | Pestis horrenda in Polonia et aliis Regnis ex corruptione aeris per Iudaeos infecti: quam etiam terrae motus subsecutus est. Gravis epidemiae pestis apud Poloniae Regnum saeva mortalitate in universos irruens, non Poloniam tantummodo, sed et Hungariam, Bohemiam, Daciam, Franciam, Almanniam et fere universa Christianitatis et barbarica Regna horrenda lue quassavit. [30] | There was a horrible plague in Poland and other kingdoms which resulted from the infection of the air by the Jews. And directly afterwards the earth shook. There was a grave epidemic of plague in the kingdom of Poland and a terrible mortality burst over them, not only in Poland, but also in Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany and pretty much the whole of Christianity and of the barbaric kingdoms where terribly shaken by the plague. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1348 | Black Death in Sicily | Eo namque tempore, anno videlicet domini MCCCXLVIII, in toto regno Siciliae, et generaliter per totum mundum, pestifera mortalitas perduravit et morbus talis, quod subito apparebat glandula in inguine hominis et infra duos aut tres dies ad tardius hominem occidebat. Sicque in terra ipsa tanta invaluit ipsa mortalitas, quod quasi modicus superfuit populus in eadem; et sic generaliter contigit in singulis civitatibus et casalibus regni hujus et mundi. [31] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 | Apocalyptic origins of plague in Persia. Transported by the Genovese via Constantinople to Sicily and annihilation of Trapani | In partibus Persie maxima quantitas ignis ab ethere descendit, qui combuxit arbores et homines, ac fumum tante putredinis faciebat quod, qui odorabant, in prossimis duodecim horis deficiebant. Tunc Januensium quedam naves circa partes illas pervenerunt, et statim quidam navigantium infecti sunt; et ubicumque dicte naves peragrabant, ibidem maxima mortalits insurgebat. Dum verso Constantinopolis, Peram Siciliamque sulcarent, inficiebant omnes et moriebantur. Postquam etenim Janue adherant, statim mors rapida fuit; et multa hominum milia occubuerunt. Civitas vero Dreppani tali morbo inhabitas remansit. [32] | In parts of Persia, a great quantity of fire descended from the sky, which burned trees and people, and the smoke produced such a stench that those who inhaled it perished within the next twelve hours. Then, certain Genoese ships arrived in those parts, and immediately some of the sailors were infected; and wherever these ships traveled, a great mortality arose. When they sailed towards Constantinople, Pera, and Sicily, they infected everyone and people died. After arriving in Genoa, death struck rapidly, and many thousands of people perished. The city of Trapani remained uninhabited due to this plague (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 | The Black Death in Venice, Chioggia and Pisa | Eodem millesimo et tempore maxim pestis mortalitatis fuit in Venetiis et Clugia, in quibus locis quolibet die sepelliebantur circa VIc corpora; et similiter pestis maxima fuit in civitate Pixarum. [33] | In the same year and time, there was a great pestilence in Venice and Chioggia, where approximately 600 bodies were buried each day. Similarly, there was a great pestilence in the city of Pisa (Translation needed) |
| 1348, January – 1348, May | Severe outbreak of Black Death in Pisa. | e così si partiro quelle maledette galee e vennero a Pisa a dì ... di gienaio, e come furono a Pisa nella piazza de' pesci e a qualunque favellavan subitamente amalavano di morbo e subito cadevano morti, e così che favellava a quelli amalati o tochasse alcuna di le loro cose, così di subito amalavano e morivano, e così si sparse per tutta Pisa, per modo che vi fu tal dì che ne moriva 400, e ognuno er inpaurito che l'uno non volea aiutare l'altro, el padre abandonava el figliuolo, el figluolo abandonava el padre e la madre e' fratelli, e la moglie el marito, e così nissuno aiutava l'altro, e ogni persona si fugìa, per tal modo ne morì tanti che [p. 553] Pisa fi fu abandonare e non si trovava medici che volessero curare, e a pena e' pochi preti davano la confessione e sagramenti, e non si trovava chi li sopellisse se no' el padre portava el figluolo, el marito portava la moglie a la fossa senza preti o croce, e molti rimaneano, chè non v'era chi li portasse a la fossa. E Dio promise però, che nissuno rimanesse in sul letto, nè in casa morto, che non fusse portato a la fossa de qualcuno dicendo: "Aiutiamo costoro, chè saremo aiutati noi, e portialli a la fossa, chè saremo portati noi"; e così come per morti molti si metteano e molti ne moriva e molti canpavano e molti facevano per denaro e molti per l'amor di Dio. E quelli che fugiano di Pisa erano divietati e non poteano entrare in terra alcuna, e durò questa morìa. [34] | And so those accursed galleys departed and came to Pisa on the day ... of January, and as they were in Pisa in the square of the fish, and to whomever they spoke they immediately fell sick with the disease and immediately fell dead, and so that they spoke to those sick or touched any of their things, so they immediately fell sick and died, and so it spread throughout Pisa, so that there were some days when 400 died, and everyone was afraid that one did not want to help the other, the father abandoned the son, the son abandoned the father and the mother and the brothers, and the wife and her husband, and so no one helped the other, and each person fled, and so many died that [p. 553] Pisa was abandoned. 553] Pisa was abandoned and no doctors could be found who wanted to cure them, and it was a pity that few priests gave confession and sacraments, and there was no one to console them unless the father carried the child, and the husband carried his wife to the grave without priests or a cross, and many remained, because there was no one to carry them to the grave. And God promised, however, that no one would remain in bed, nor in the house dead, who was not brought to the grave of someone, saying: "Let us help these people, for we will be helped, and bring them to the grave, for we will be brought"; and in the same way many were put to death and many died, and many died for money and many for the love of God. And those who went out of Pisa were banned and could not enter any land, and this death lasted. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1348, January 25 | Earthquake in Erfurt and outbreak of the plague in the Mediterranean region. Well poisoning is seen as the cause. | Eodem anno (1348) conversione sancti Pauli fuit terre motus magnus Erfordie. [...] Eodem anno fuit magna pestilencia in partibus transmarinis, videlicet in Gallia, Grecia, Francia et in provinciis paganorum ac circa Veneciam adeo quod tota Cristianitas ac alie naciones interierunt ratione foncium et aquarum infectarum veneno, ut dicitur. [35] | In the same year (1348), on the feast day of the conversion of Saint Paul, there was a great earthquake in Erfurt. [...] In the same year, there was a great pestilence in overseas regions, namely in Gaul, Greece, France, and in the regions of the pagans, and around Venice to the extent that the entire Christendom and other nations perished due to the poison of contaminated fountains and waters, as it is said. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, January 25 | Earthquake and Black Death in Friuli | Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII, die XXV januarii, circa horam vespertinam, fuit terremotus magnus, qualis non fertur in aliquibus scripturis. Eodem quoque anno jam incepta pestilentia [36] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348, January 25 – 1348, August | Outbreak of the Black Death in Venice in 1347; after the Earthquake at 25. January 1348 even stronger and lasted until August | Qua quidem epidimia Venecijs incoacta 1347; die 25 januarii, hora vespertina, die conversionis sancti Pauli fuit Venetijs maximus et terribilis terremotus, et ex tunc ipsa pestis amplius invaluit, perseverans usque 1348, per totum mensem augusti; ob quam tercia pars Venetorum, vel circa, (dicitur decessisse). [37] | During this epidemic in Venice, which began in 1348, on January 25th, at the hour of vespers, on the feast day of the Conversion of Saint Paul, there was a great and terrible earthquake in Venice. From that point on, the plague grew stronger, persisting until 1348, throughout the entire month of August. Due to this, it is said that about one-third of the Venetians, or thereabouts, died (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, March | Outbreak of the Black Death in Bologna. | Del mexe de marzo comenzò una morìa in Bologna e per tuto lo mondo, che fo in 1348, e mai non era stada una maore; e moriane d'uno male de pestilenzia, o sotto la laxina o in [p. 576] l'anguinaglie, e a questo non se trovava reparo nesuno so no la grazia de Dio, e si moriano in dui dì o tri al più. [38] | In the month of March, a death began in Bologna and all over the world, which took place in 1348, and never before had there been a death; and they died of a plague, either under laxine or in [p. 576] anguinaglia, and no one could find reparation for this except the grace of God, and they died in two or three days at most. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1348, March 4 VN: 90 % |
A mortality, the Black Death breaks out in Arles and all over the world. 90 percent of the people die. | E en l'an mil CCCXLVIII, la primieyra semmana de carema (4 March), comenset a Bezes la gran mortalitat, et comenset costa le porge d'en Sicart Taborieg, mercadier, costa en P. Perus, qu'es de peyra al cap de la carieyra franceza, et moriron totz los senhors cossols, els clavaris, els escudiers, et apres tanta de gent, que de mil non y remanian cent. [39] | In the year 1348, the first week of Lent (March 4), the great mortality began in Bezes, and the death of Sicart Taborieg, merchant, cost P. Perus, who is from Peyra in head of the French career, all the noble men, the claviers, the squires died, you learned so many people, that out of a thousand there were not a hundred left. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1348, March – 1348, September | Arrival of the Black Death in Florence: a most detailed description of all its impacts and consequences | Negli anni del Signore MCCXLVIII fu nella città di Firenze e nel contado grandissima pistilenzia, e fu di tale furore e di tanta tempesta, che nella casa dove s'appigliava chiunque servìa niuno malato, tutti quelli che lo' serviano, moriano di quel medesimo male, e quasi niuno passava lo quarto giorno, e non valeva nè medico, nè medicina, o che non fossero ancora conosciute quelle malattie, o che li medici non avessero sopra quelle mai studiato, non parea che rimedio vi fosse. Fu di tanta paura che niuno non sapea che si fare; quando s'appigliava in alcuna casa, spesso avvenia che non vi rimanea persona che non morisse. E non bastava solo gli uomini e le femmine, ma ancora gli animali sensitivi, cani e gatte, polli, buoi, asini e pecore moriano di quella malattia e con quel segno, e quasi niuno, a cui venà lo segno, o pochi, veniano a guarigione. Lo segno era questo, che, o tra la coscia e'l corpo al modo (nodo?) d'anguinaia, o sotto lo ditello apparia un grossetto, e la febbre a un tratto, e quando sputava, sputava sangue mescolato colla saliva, e quegli che sputava sangue niuno campava. Fu questa cosa di tanto spavento, che veggendo appiccarla in una casa, ove cominciava, come detto è, non vi rimanea niuno; le genti spaventate abbondanavano la casa, e fuggivano in un' altra; e chi nella città, e chi si fuggia in villa. Medici non si trovavano, perocchè moriano come gli altri; quelli che si trovavano, voleano smisurato prezzo in mano innanzi che intrassero nella casa, ed entratovi, tocavono il polso col viso volo adrieto, e' da lungi volevono vedere l'urina con cose odorifere al naso. Lo figluolo abbandonava il padre, lo marito la moglie, la moglie il marito, l'uno fratello l'altro, l'una sirocchia l'altra. Tutta la città non avea a fare altro che a portare morti a sepellire; mollti ne morirono, che non ebbono all lor fine nè confessione ed altri sacramenti; e moltissimi morirono che non fu chi li vedesse, e molti ne morirono di fame, imperocchè come uno si ponea in sul letto malato, quelli di casa sbigottiti gli diceano: “Io vo per lo medico” e serravano pianamente l'uscio da via, e non vi tornavano più. Costui abbandonato dalle persone e poi da cibo, ed accompagnato dalla febbre si venia meno. Molti erano, che sollicitavano li loro che non li abbandonassero, quando venia alla sera; e' diceano all'ammalato: “Acciocchè la notte tu non abbi per ogni cosa a destare chi ti serve, e dura fatica lo dì e la notte, totti tu stesso de' confetti e del vino o acqua, eccola qui in sullo soglio della lettiera (p. 231) sopra 'l capo tuo, e po' torre della roba”. E quando s'addormentava l'ammalato, se n'andava via, e non tornava. Se per sua ventura si trovava la notte confortato di questo cibo la mattina vivo e forte da farsi a finestra, stava mezz'ora innanzichè persona vi valicasse, se non era la via molto maestra, e quando pure alcun passava, ed egli avesse un poco di voce che gli fosse udito, chiamando, quando gli era risposto, non era soccorso. Imperocchè niuno, o pochi voleano intrare in casa, dove alcuno fosse malato, ma ancora non voelano ricettare di quelli, che sani uscissero della casa del malato, e diceano: "Egli è affatappiato, non gli parlate" dicendo: "E' l'ha perocchè in casa sua è il Gavocciolo; e chiamavano quelle inflato gavocciolo. Moltissimi morieno senza esser veduti, che stavano in sullo letto tanto che puzzavano. E la vicinanza, se v'era, sentito lo puzzo, mettevono per borsa, e lo mandavano a seppellire. Le case rimaneano aperte, e non er ardito persona di tocare nulla, che parea che le cose rimanessero avvelenate, che chi le usava gli s'appicava il male.Fecesi a ogni chiesa, o alle più, fosse infon all'acqua, larghe e cupe, secondo lo popolo era grande; e quivi chi non era molto ricco, la notte morto, quegli, a cui toccava, se lo metteva sopra la spalla, o gittavalo in questa fossa, o pagava gran prezzo a chi lo facesse. La mattina se ne trovavano assai nella fossa, toglievasi della terra, e gettavasi laggiuso loro addosso; e poi veniano gli altri sopr'essi, e poi la terra addosso a suolo, a suolo, con poca terra, come si ministrasse lasagne a fornire formaggio. Li' beccamorti, che facevano gli servigi, erono prezzolati di sì gran prezzo, che molti n'arrichirono, e molti ne morirono, chi ricco e chi con poco guadagno, ma gran prezzo avieno. Le serviziali, o o serviziali, che servieno li malati volieno da uno in tre fiorini per dì e le spese di cose fiorite. Le cose che mangiavano i malati, confetti e zucchero, smisuratamente valevano. Fu vendeuta di tre in otto fiorini la libbra di zucchero e al simile gli altri confetti. Li pollastri ed alti pollami a meraviglia carissimi, e l'uovo di prezzo di denari 12 in 24 l'uno; e beato chi ne trovava tre il dì con cercare tutta la città. La cera era miracolo; la libbra sarebba montata più di un fiorino, senonchè vi si puose freno alle grande burbanze, che sempre feciono gli Fiorentini, perocchè si diede ordine non si potesse portare più due doppieri. Le chiese non avieno più che una bara, com' è d'uso, non bastava. Li speziali e bechamorti avien prese bare, coltri e guanciali con grandissimo prezzo. Lo vestire di stamigna che si usava nei morti, che soleva costare una donna, gonella guarnacca e mantello e veli, fiorini tre, montò in pregio di fiorini trenta, e sarebbe ito in fiorini cento, se non che si levò di vestire della stamigna, e chi era ricco vestiva di panno, e chi non ricco in lenzoletto lo cucìa. Costava le panche, che si pongono i morti, uno sfolgoro, e ancora non bastava tutte le panche ch'erano il centesimo. Lo sonare delle campane non si potevano li preti contentare; di che si fece ordine tra per lo sbigottimento del sonare delle campane e per lo vender le panche e raffrenare le spese, che a niuno corpo si sonasse, nè si ponesse panche, nè si bandisse, perocchè l'udivano gli ammalati, sbigottivano li sani, nonchè i malati. Li preti e i frati andavano ai ricchi e in tanta moltitudine, ed erano sì pagati di tanto prezzo che tutti arrichieno. E però si fece ordine che non si potesse avere più che d'una regola e la chiesa del popolo, e per la regola sei frati e non più. Tutte le frutta nocive vietarono a entrare nella città, come susine acerbe, mandorle in erba, fave fresche, fichi ed ogni frutta [p. 232] non utile e non sana. Molte processioni ed orlique e la tavola di S. Maria Impruneta vennero andando per la città, gridando: "Misericordià", e facendo orazioni, e poi in sulla ringhiera dei Priori fermate. Vi si rendereno paci di gran questioni e di ferite e di morte d'uomini. Fu questa cosa di tanto sbigottimento e di tanta paura' che le genti si ragunavano in brigata a mangiare per pigliare qualche conforto; e dava l'uno la sera cena a dieci compagni, e l'altra sera davono ordine di mangiare con uno di quelli, e quando credevono cenare con quello, ed egli era senza cena, che quegli era malato, o quando era fatta la cena per dieci, vi se ne trovava meno due o tre. Chi si fuggìa in villa, chi nelle castella per mutare aria; ove non eralo portavono, se v'era lo crescevano. Niuna Arte si lavorava in Firenze: tutte le botteghe serrate, tutte le taverne chiuse, salvo speziali e chiese. Per la Terra andavi, che non trovavi persona; e molti buoni e ricchi uomini erano portati dalla casa a chiesa nella bara con quattro beccamortì et uno chiericuzzo che portava la croce, e poi volieno uno fiorino uno. Di questa mortalità arricchirono speziali, medici, pollaiuoli, beccamorti, trecche di malva, ortiche, marcorelle et altre erbe da impiastri per macerare malori. E fu più quelle che feciono queste trecche d'erbe, fu gran denaro. Lanaiuoli, e ritagliatori che si trovarono panni li vendeano ciò che chiedeono. Ristata la mortalità chi si trovò panni fatti d'ogni ragione n'aricchiì, o chi si trovò da poterne fare; ma molti se ne trovarono intignati' e guasti e perduti a' telai; e stame e lana in quantità perdute per la città e contado. Questa pistolenza cominciò di marzo, come detto è, e finì di settembre 1348. E le genti cominciavono a tornare e rivedersi le case e le masserizie. E fu tante le case pien di tutti li beni, che non avevono signore, ch'era un stupore, poi si cominciarono a vedere gli eredi dei beni. E tale che non aveva nulla si trovò ricco, che non pareva che fusse suo, ed a lui medesimo pareva gli si disdicesse. E cominciornon a sfogiare nei vestimenti e ne' cavagli e le donne e gli uomini [40] | In the year of our lord 1348 there occurred in the city and contado of Florence a great pestilence, and such was its fury and violence that in whatever household it took hold, whosoever took care of the sick, all the carers died of the same illness, and almost nobody survived beyond the fourth day, neither doctors nor medicine proving of any avail, and there appeared to be no remedy, either because those illnesses were not yet recognised, or because doctors had never previously had cause to study them properly. Such was the fear that nobody knew what to do: when it caught hold in a household, it often happened that not a single person escaped death. And it wasn't just men and women: even sentient animals such as dogs and cats, hens, oxen, donkeys and sheep, died from that same disease and with those symptoms, and almost none who displayed those symptoms, or very few indeed, effected a recovery. Those symptoms were as follows: either between the thigh and the body, in the groin region, or under the armpit, there appeared a lump, and a sudden fever, and when the victim spat, he spat blood mixed with saliva, and none of those who spat blood survived. Such was the terror this caused that seeing it take hold in a household, as soon as it started, nobody remained: everybody abandoned the dwelling in fear, and fled to another; some fled into the city and others into the countryside. No doctors were to be found, because they were dying like everybody else; those who could be found wanted exorbitant fees cash-in-hand before entering the house, and having entered, they took the patient's pulse with their heads turned away, and assayed the urine samples from afar, with aromatic herbs held to their noses. Sons abandoned fathers, husbands wives, wives husbands, one brother the other, one sister the other. The city was reduced to bearing the dead to burial; many died who at their passing had neither confession nor last sacraments, and many died unseen, and many died of hunger, for when somebody took ill to his bed, the other occupants in panic told him: 'I'm going for the doctor'; and quietly locked the door from the outside and didn't come back. The victim, abandoned by both people and nourishment, yet kept constant company by fever, wasted away. Many were those who begged their families not to abandon them; when evening came, the relatives said to the patient: 'So that you don't have to wake up the people looking after you at night, asking for things, because this is going on day and night, you yourself can reach for cakes and wine or water, here they are on the shelf above your bed, you can get the stuff when you want'. And when the patient fell asleep, they went away and did not return. If, through good fortune the victim had been strengthened by that food, the next morning alive and still strong enough to get to the window, he would have to wait half an hour before anybody came past, if this was not a busy thoroughfare, and even when the odd person passed by, and the patient had enough voice to be heard a little, if he shouted, sometimes he would be answered and sometimes not, and even if he were to be answered, there was no help to be had. For not only none or very few wished to enter a house where there were any sick people, but they didn't even want to have contact with those who issued healthy from a sick person's house, saying: 'He's jinxed, don't speak to him', saying: 'He's got it because there's the "gavocciolo" [bubo] in his house'; and 'gavocciolo' was the name they gave to these swellings. Many died without being seen, remaining on their beds till they stank. And the neighbours, if any were left, having smelled the stench, did a whip round and sent him for burial. Houses remained open, nobody dared to touch anything, for it seemed that things remained poisoned, and whoever had anything to do with them caught the disease.
At every church, or at most of them, pits were dug, down to the water-table, as wide and deep as the parish was populous; and therein, whosoever was not very rich, having died during the night, would be shouldered by those whose duty it was, and would either be thrown into this pit, or they would pay big money for somebody else to do it for them. The next morning there would be very many in the pit. Earth would be taken and thrown down on them; and then others would come on top of them, and then earth on top again, in layers, with very little earth, like garnishing lasagne with cheese. The gravediggers who carried out these functions were so handsomely paid that many became rich and many died, some already rich and others having earned little, despite the high fees. The female and male sick-bay attendants demanded from one to three florins a day, plus sumptuous expenses. The foodstuffs suitable for the sick, cakes and sugar, reached outrageous prices. A pound of sugar was sold at between three and eight florins, and the same went for other confectionery. Chickens and other poultry were unbelievably expensive, and eggs were between 12 and 24 denari each: you were lucky to find three in a day, even searching through the whole city. Wax was unbelievable: a pound of wax rose to more than a florin, nevertheless an age-old arrogance of the Florentines was curbed, in that an order was given not to parade more than two large candles. The churches only had one bier apiece, as was the custom, and this was insufficient. Pharmacists and grave-diggers had obtained biers, hangings and laying-out pillows at great price. The shroud-cloth apparel which used to cost, for a woman, in terms of petticoat, outer garment, cloak and veils, three florins, rose in price to thirty florins, and would have risen to one hundred florins, except that they stopped using shroud-cloth, and whoever was rich was dressed with plain cloth, and those who weren't rich were sewn up in a sheet. The benches placed for the dead cost a ludicrous amount, and there weren't enough of them even if there had been a hundred times more. The priests couldn't get enough of ringing the bells: so an order was passed, what with the panic caused by the bells ringing and the sale of benches and the curbing of spending, that nobody should be allowed the death-knell, nor should benches be placed, nor should there be a public announcement by the crier, because the sick could hear them, and the healthy took fright as well as the sick. The priests and friars thronged to the rich, and were paid such great sums that they all enriched themselves. And so an ordinance was passed that only one rule (of religious houses) and the local church could be had, and from that rule a maximum of six friars. All harmful fruit, such as unripe plums, unripe almonds, fresh beans, figs and all other inessential unhealthy fruit, was forbidden from entering the city. Many processions and relics and the painting of Santa Maria Impruneta were paraded around the city, to cries of 'Mercy', and with prayers, coming to a halt at the rostrum of the Priori. There peace was made settling great disputes and questions of woundings and killings. Such was the panic this plague provoked that people met for meals as a brigata to cheer themselves up; one person would offer a dinner to ten friends, and the next evening it would be the turn of one of the others to offer the dinner, and sometimes they thought they were going to dine with him, and he had no dinner ready, because he was ill, and sometimes the dinner had been prepared for ten and two or three less turned up. Some fled to the country, and some to provincial towns, to get a change of air; where there was no plague they brought it, and where it already existed they added to it. No industry was busy in Florence; all the workshops were locked up, all the inns were closed, only chemists and churches were open. Wherever you went, you could find almost nobody; many rich good men were borne from their house to church in their coffin with just four undertakers and a lowly cleric carrying the cross, and even then they demanded a florin apiece. Those who especially profited from the plague were the chemists, the doctors, the poulterers, the undertakers, and the women who sold mallow, nettles, mercury plant and other poultice herbs for drawing abscesses. And those who made the most were these herb sellers. Woollen merchants and retailers when they came across cloth could sell it for whatever price they asked. Once the plague had finished, anybody who could get hold of whatsoever kind of cloth, or found the raw materials to make it, became rich; but many ended up moth-eaten, spoilt and useless for the looms, and thread and raw wool lost in the city and the contado. This plague began in March as has been said, and finished in September 1348. And people began to return to their homes and belongings. And such was the number of houses full of goods that had no owner, that it was amazing. Then the heirs to this wealth began to turn up. And someone who had previously had nothing suddenly found himself rich, and couldn't believe it was all his, and even felt himself it wasn't quite right. And both men and women began to show off with clothes and horses. [41] |
| 1348, March – 1348, October VN: 96.000 |
96.000 casualties in Florence because of the Black Death | La quantità di morti che morirono per la mortalità degli anni di Cristo 1348. Ora fatto ordine in Firenze per lo vescovo e per gli Signori che si vedesse solennemente quanti ne moriva nella città di Firenze, ultimamente veduto in calendi ottobre che di quella pistilenzia non morìa più persone, si trovarono tra maschi e femine, piccoli e grandi, dal marzo infine all'ottobre v'era morti novantaseimila. [42] |
The quantity of people who died during the plague outbreak of the year of our lord 1348.
The bishop and the signoria in Florence having ordered a careful count of how many were dying of plague in the city of Florence, and seeing finally at the beginning of October that nobody was dying of that pestilence any more, it was discovered that putting together men and women, children and adults, from March to October, ninety-six thousand had died. [43] |
| 1348, April | News about the Black Death (wabāʾ) in other countries kept reaching Damascus in early 749 H (the year starts in April 1348): Terrible things were told about Crimea where a great number of people had reportedly died. Afterwards the plague, it was told, was transmitted to the lands of the Franks. The majority of the inhabitants of Cyprus were said to have died from the plague. |  |
(Translation needed) |
| 1348, April – 1349, March | The Black Death in Egypt and other countries in 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349): People were taken by surprise by the epidemic (wabāʾ) whose death toll was high. The odors of death met them. People died quickly of the disease after buboes had appeared at their earlobes (marrāq). |   |
(Translation needed) |
| 1348, April – 1349, March 22 VN: 20.000 + 1000 + 500 |
From April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented plague hit the Middle East, and lasted about a year, and one third of Greater Syria’s and Egypt’s population died. | ' [46] | The Black Death in the Middle East: In the year 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 22, 1349), an unprecedented wave of plague hit the Middle East. It was the sixth plague which affected the Middle East in the Islamic period. It was called the Kinship Plague (Ṭāʿūn al-Ansāb) since the decease of a person was often followed by the death of some of his or her relatives. People developed pustules, spat yellow blood and died within 50 hours. When people started spitting blood they would bid farewell to their friends, close their shops, their burial would be prepared, and they would die in their homes. The daily death toll reached a maximum of ca. 500 in Aleppo, more than 1,000 in Damascus, and ca. 20,000 in Egypt. Mostly women, youths, poor people, and riffraff died. The plague wave lasted about a year, and ca. one third of Greater Syria’s (Shām) and Egypt’s population died. (Translation: Undine Ott) |
| 1348, April 10 – 1348, May 10 | The Black Death in Gaza: Some ten thousand people died of plague in the course of one month in Gaza in the beginning of 749 H (April-May 1348) according to a report (muṭālaʿa) the gouvernor (nāʾib) of Gaza had sent to Damascus. |  |
(Translation needed) |
| 1348, April 28 | Letter from the Venetian Senate to the city government of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) condoling for the many deaths caused by plague. | Quod scribatur nostro comiti et comuni Ragusii cum pulcris verbis, condolendo de pestifero casu mortalitatis, propter quam de personis multum diminuiti dicuntur. [48] | That shall be written to our officials and the city of Ragusa, with beautiful words, expressing condolences for the epidemic-related case of mortality, about which they say the number of persons has been diminished very much (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, May – 1348, September VN: 60 % |
Black Death in Bologna ravages for 5 months and kills allegedly 60% of population. City is partially abandoned afterwards and heritages remain unclaimed | Anno Domini 1348. Pestilentia magna Bononia quamplures consumpssit, a mense madii usque ad mensem septembris: de quinque tres mortui sunt. Erat miserabilis status civitatis, nam multe domus facte sunt habitatoribus vacue; hereditates quamplures sine heredibus remanserunt. [49] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348, May – 1348, September VN: 3 out of 5 |
Beginn of the Black Death in Bologna. | In lo dicto millesimo fu una gran mortalità in Bollogna. Comenzò del mexe de mazo e durò de fino a sa Michele ch'è de setenbre, e fo sì fera che astimado fo che di cinque era morti gli tri e più; e fo maore anchore che dire no se porave. [50] | In lo dicto millesimo fu una gran mortalità in Bologna. It began in the month of March and lasted until Michaelmas, which is in September, and it was so bad that the three or more of the five died, and it was so bad that it was impossible to say. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1348, May – 1348, June | The Black Death at the Levantine coast (sawāḥil): The inhabitants of Damascus, after having heard about plague (wabāʾ) in the Levantine coastal plain and other regions, feared it might reach their city, too, and many people might die of the disease (dāʾ). For this reason, al-Bukhārī's (d. 870) hadith collection was recited in Damascus after Friday prayer on June 6, 1348. The judges and a group of people were present. Prayers of supplication were spoken, asking God to bring the pandemic to an end. On June 9, surah "Nūḥ" from the Quran was recited 3,363 times. |  |
(Translation needed) |
| 1348, May | The Black Death ravages in Siena. | La mortalità cominciò in Siena di magio, la quale fu oribile e crudel cosa, e non so da qual lato cominciare la crudeltà che era e modi dispiatati, che quasi a ognuno pareva che di dolore a vedere si diventavano stupefatti; e non è possibile a lingua umana a contare la oribile cosa, che ben si può dire beato a chi tanta oribiltà non vidde. E morivano quasi di subito, e infiavano sotto il ditello e l'anguinaia e favellando cadevano morti. El padre abandonava el figluolo, la moglie el marito, e l'uno fratello l'altro: e gnuno fugiva e abandonava l'uno, inperochè questo morbo s'attachava coll'alito e co' la vista pareva, e così morivano, e non si trovava chi soppellisse nè per denaro nè per amicitia, e quelli de la casa propria li portava meglio che potea a la fossa senza prete, nè uffitio alcuno, nè si sonava canpana; e in molti luoghi in Siena si fe' grandi fosse e cupe per la moltitudine de' morti, e morivano a centinaia il dì e la notte, e ognuno [si] gittava in quelle fosse e cuprivano a suolo a suolo, e così tanto che s'enpivano le dette fosse, e poi facevano più fosse. [52] | Mortality began in Siena in May, which was a horrible and cruel thing, and I don't know where to begin with the cruelty that it was and the dispiatable ways, that almost to everyone it seemed that they became stupefied with grief at the sight; and it is not possible for human language to count the horrible thing, that one can well say blessed to those who did not see such oribilty. And they died almost at once, and infirmed under the finger and the eel, and speaking they fell dead. The father abandons his son, the wife her husband, and one brother the other: And each one fled and abandonned the other, because this disease was attacked by breath and sight, it seemed, and so they died, and there was no one to be found who would kill them either for money or for friendship, and those of their own house took them as best they could to the grave without a priest, nor any office, nor were they singing canpas; And in many places in Siena large and dark pits were made for the multitude of the dead, and they died by the hundreds day and night, and each one [was] thrown into those pits and they were buried floor to floor, and so much so that the said pits were filled in, and then they made more pits. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1348, Mai 1 – 1348, September 1 | Outbreak of the Black Death in Orvieto with a high number of deaths und many vacant houses. | Nelle calende di Maggio de l'anno mille et trecento quaranta otto, sì cominciò in Orvieto una grande mortalità di gente, et veniva ogni dì cresciendo più, et crebbe fino al mese di [p. 26] giugno et luglio: chè si trovó tal dì, che morirono cinquecento cristiani, tra grandi et piccoli, et maschi et femine. Et era sí grande la mortalità et lo sbigottimento delle genti, che morivano di subito; et la matina erano sani et l'altra matina morti. Et le bottege delli artefici tutte stavano chiuse. Et durò questa mortalità finamente a calenne di septembre; onde molte famiglie e chasate rimasero sderate; et contasi, che delle dieci parti ne morissero le nove parti; et quelle che rimasero, rimasero inferme e sbigottite, et con gran terrore dispartirsene delle case che rimasero delle genti loro morte. [53] | On the first of May in the year one thousand three hundred and forty-eight, a great mortality of people began in Orvieto, and it was increasing every day, and grew until the month of June and July: for on such a day, five hundred Christians died, young and old, male and female. And the mortality and bewilderment of the people was so great that they died immediately; and one morning they were healthy and the next morning they were dead. And the workshops of the artisans were all closed. And this mortality lasted until the September heat of the year; so that many families and houses were destroyed; and it was counted that nine of the ten families died; and those that remained were sick and disconcerted, and with great terror they dispersed from the houses that remained of the people who had died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, May 31 – 1348, September VN: 1000 + 300 + 2400 |
In the beginning of Rabīʿ I, 749 H (the month began on May 31, 1348) news about the Black Death in Gaza reached Aleppo while the author stayed there. The daily death toll had reportedly amounted to more than 1,000. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa then traveled on to Ḥoms which had already been affected by the plague; ca. 300 people died on the day of his arrival. He went on to Damascus whose inhabitants had fasted for three days [July 22 to 24] and on Friday set out for the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām). God subsequently reduced the burden of plague lasting on them. The daily death toll in the city had amounted to 2,400. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa traveled on to ʿAjlūn, and then to Jerusalem where the plague wave had already come to an end. |  |
In the first days of the month of Rabīʿ I in the year forty-nine news reached us in Aleppo that plague had broken out in Ghazza and that the number of dead there exceeded thousand a day. I went to Ḥims and found that the plague had already struck there; about three hundred persons died on the day of my arrival. I went to Damascus and arrived on a Thursday; the people had been fasting for three days. On Friday they went to the Mosque of the Footprints, as we have related in the first book. God alleviated their plague. The number of deaths among them had risen to two thousand four hundred a day. Then I went to ʿAjlūn, and then to Bait al-Muqaddas [Jerusalem], where I found the plague had ceased. [55] |
| 1348, June – 1348, December 24 | Outbreak of the Black Death in Cesena for half a year | MCCCXLVIII. indictione prima, de mense iunii, generalis mortalitas per universum orbem dominari incepit, et duravit quasi usque ad Nativitatem, de mense decembris dicti anni. [56] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348, May 31 – 1348, June 28 VN: 100 per day |
Black Death in Damascus from May 31 to June 28, 1348) with every day more than 100 people died; especially women. |  [57]
|
The Black Death in Damascus: In the month of Rabīʿ I 749 H (May 31 to June 28, 1348), every day more than 100 people died of plague (amrāḍ al-ṭawāʿīn) in Damascus; especially women died. (Translation: Undine Ott) |
| 1348, June – 1348, December | Spread of the Black Death in Tuscany and Padua, which lasted 6 months | Tempore huius pestis dominus Guerra comes Sancti Bonifacii, potestas in Senis, obiit quasi cum tota sua familia, ub etiam, Florentie et Pisis et per totam Tusciam fuit mortalitas abhorrenda. Hec pestis durabat sex mensibus communiter a sui principio in qualibet regione. Nobilis vir Andreas Moresinus, potestas Padue, in tertio suo regimine expiravit, mense Junii. Huic in regimine filius substitutus statim obiit. Audi tamen mirabile, quod tempore hujus cladis non obiit rex, princeps, nec dominus civitatis. [58] | During this plague (1348), Lord Guerra, Count of San Bonifacio, the Podestà in Siena, died along with almost his entire household. Also, in Florence, Pisa, and throughout all of Tuscany, there was a dreadful mortality. This plague generally lasted six months from its onset in each region. The noble man Andrea Moresini, the Podestà of Padua, died in his third term of office in the month of June. His son, who succeeded him in office, immediately died. However, hear something remarkable: during this calamity, no king, prince, or lord of a city died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, June 1 – 1349, February 1 | The Black Death reaches Almeria and other parts of Spain like Valencia and Majorca, but also Northern Africa with cities like Tlemcen and Tunisia. Mortality varies by month and also social topography is provided. | Diese Pest, die jetzt entstanden ist, und nach der gefragt wurde, scheint mir aus der ersten Art der erwähnten Ursachen entstanden zu sein. Es spricht dafür, dass sie sich in den meisten, wenn nicht in allen Ländern, zu allen Jahreszeiten jahrelang hin durch ausbreitete, ohne daß die Regeln des Regens, des Wehens der Winde in den verschiedenen Jahreszeiten sich viel ändern, weder nach eigener Beobachtung noch nach dem, was uns aus anderen Ländern erzählt wird. Die Jahreszeiten wechseln, ohne dass ihr Wechsel die Krankheit anscheinend beeinflusst, sondern sie bleibt sich immer gleich. Sie brach in Almeriah Anfang Rabi I. Jahr 749 aus (1. Juni 1348), wütete einen Teil des Frühlings, den ganzen Sommer bis in die Herbstmonate und einen Teil des Winters bis jetzt, wo mein Buch geschrieben wird, Mitte Di-lkifdah, das heisst die ersten Tage des Februar. Bis jetzt ist sie nicht weg, aber die Erscheinungen der Gnade Gottes sind zu spüren, möge er uns recht bald seine Gnade ganz zuwenden! Die ganze Zeit hindurch blieb die Art der Krankheit die gleiche; es kam aber vor, daß die Symptome sich den Jahreszeiten anpaßten. Sie fing leicht an, und es waren zuerst nur wenige Leute, die befallen wurden; dann nahm sie allmählich und (p. 41) leicht zu bis Ende Ğumādā 2., das heißt Ende September, und dann nahm sie heftig zu und erhielt sich ungefähr mit gleicher Heftigkeit bis jetzt. Es war äußerst gnädig von Gott, daß sie in Almeriah so leicht angefangen hat, denn wenn sie plötzlich die Leute überfallen hätte, wie das in anderen Stätten des Islam der Fall war, wären die Einwohner infolge des Schreckens hilflos zu grunde gegangen. Sie hat angefangen in einer Ecke der Stadt, die unter dem Namen Hūām bekannt ist, die Nordostecke am Ğabala, die Wohnstätte der Armen und Bedürftigen. Die ersten Fälle waren von Leuten mit dem Namen Beni Danna bekannt, und von ihnen aus verbreitete sich die Krankheit allmählich unter den Nachbarn langsam zunehmend, und auf die Umgebung übergreifend, bis sie die äußeren Grenzen der Stadt und dann das Stadtinnere erreichte. Die Höchstzahl an Todesfällen an einem Tage während der ganzen Zeit war 70, eine Zahl, die verhältnismäßig gering ist verglichen mit dem, was uns über andere Städte des Islam und der Christen berichtet wurde. Glaubwürdige Berichterstatter erzählten uns, daß an einem Tage in Tunis 1202 Todesfälle vorkamen, in Tilimsan über 700, unlägst in Valencia am Unsoratag 1500, auf der Insel Mallorca am 24. Mai 1252, wo die Überlebenden auf etwa ein Viertel der Gesamtzahl der Einwohner geschätzt wurden. Das gleiche wurde uns über alle größeren und kleineren Städte berichtet. [59] | This plague which has now arisen, and which has been enquired after, seems to me to have arisen from the first kind of causes mentioned. It appears that in most, if not in all countries, it spread through all seasons for years, without much change in the rules of the rain, the blowing of the winds in the different seasons, either from our own observation or from what we are told from other countries. The seasons change without their change apparently affecting the disease, but it always remains the same. It broke out in Almeriah at the beginning of Rabi I year 749 (1 June 1348), raged part of the spring, the whole summer until the autumn months and part of the winter until now, when my book is being written, in the middle of Di-lkifdah, that is, the first days of February. So far it has not gone, but the manifestations of God's grace can be felt, may he turn his grace to us completely very soon! All this time the nature of the illness remained the same, but it happened that the symptoms changed with the seasons. It began lightly, and at first only a few people were afflicted; then it gradually and (p. 41) slightly increased until the end of Ğumādā 2, that is, the end of September, and then it increased violently and continued with about the same severity until now. It was most merciful of God that it started so easily in Almeriah, for if it had suddenly attacked the people, as it did in other places of Islam, the inhabitants would have perished helplessly as a result of the terror.
It started in a corner of the city known as Hūām, the north-east corner of Ğabala, the home of the poor and needy. The first cases were known from people called Beni Danna, and from them the disease gradually spread among the neighbours, slowly increasing and spreading to the surrounding area until it reached the outer limits of the city and then the city centre. The maximum number of deaths in one day during the entire period was 70, a number that is relatively low compared to what we have been told about other Islamic and Christian cities. Credible reporters told us that there were 1202 deaths in one day in Tunis, over 700 in Tlemcen, 1500 in Valencia on the day of the Unsorat, and 1252 on the island of Mallorca on 24 May, where the survivors were estimated at about a quarter of the total number of inhabitants. The same was reported for all larger and smaller towns. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, May 15 VN: 2 out of 3 |
Outbreak of the Black Death in Rimini. | Ditto anno, e die XV de magio. Cominzoe in Arimino una grandissima mortalità, e poi per lo contado, e durò infina adì primo de decembre. E morì de tre persone le doe. E prima morì la poveraglia e poi gli altri grandi, fora ca tiranni e grandi signuri non morì nissuno. E questa mortalitade fo generale in ogne paese. [60] | That year, and the fifteenth of May. A great mortality began in Arimino, and then in the countryside, and lasted until the first of December. And the two people died of three. And first the poor died, and then the other great ones, except that tyrants and great lords did not die. And this mortality was general in every country. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1348, June 20 | Outbreak of the Black Death in Faenza with blood spitting | 1348 iunii 20. Incepit Faventiae mortalitas gangolarum et sputi sanguinis, et duravit per annum. [61] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348, June 29 – 1348, July 28 VN: 200 per day |
The number of plague deaths in Damascus increased in the month of Rabīʿ II 749 H (June 29–July 28, 1348). More than 200 people died per day, and the removal of the dead bodies was delayed. Poor people suffered the highest losses. On July 3, 1348, the Friday preacher prescribed to recite prayers and supplications asking for the plague to abate. The abolition of taxes (ḍamān) on funeral services by the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) Sayf al-Dīn Arghūn-Shāh al-Nāṣirī was proclaimed on July 14. On July 21, it was announced that the inhabitants of Damascus should fast for three days, and on day four abase themselves before God at the suburban Mosque of the Footprint (Qadam) and implore him to end the plague; afterwards, people set out for the desert to recite prayers of supplication, including Jews, Christians, and Samaritans, high and low, etc. |  |
(Translation needed) |
| 1348, July VN: 24.000 + 2000 |
In the days of the Black Death, in late July 1348, the governor of Syria Arghūn-Shāh ordered the inhabitants of Damascus to fast for three days and to close the food stalls in the market. People fasted from July 22 to 24. Afterwards, the elites and the other social strata flocked to the Umayyad Mosque to recite ritual prayers, supplications and invocations of God. They spent the night there, and at dawn the morning prayer was said. Then all the inhabitants of the city – men, women and children – went out to the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām), the amirs on bare feet. Muslims, Jews, and Christians all took part, carrying their respective Books and imploring God. At the mosque, people abased themselves before God and supplicated him. At noon they returned to the city and the Friday prayer was said. God, then, reduced their suffering. The daily death toll in Damascus did not reach 2,000 whereas in Cairo it amounted to 24,000. |  |
Anecdote: I witnessed at the time of the Great Plague at Damascus in the latter part of the month of Second Rabīʿ of the year 49, a remarkable instance of the veneration of the people of Damascus for this mosque. Arghun-Shah, king of the amirs and the Sultan's viceroy, ordered a crier to proclaim through Damascus that the people should fast for three days and that no one should cook in the bazaar during the daytime anything to be eaten (for most of the people there eat no food but what has been prepared in the bazaar). So the people fasted for three successive days, the last of which was a Thursday. At the end of this period the amirs, sharifs, qadis, doctors of the Law, and all other classes of the people in their several degrees, assembled in the Great Mosque, until it was filled to overflowing with them, and spent the Thursday night there in prayers and liturgies and supplications. Then, after performing the dawn prayer [on the Friday morning], they all went out together on foot carrying Qur'ans in their hands — the amirs too barefooted. The entire population of the city joined in the exodus, male and female, small and large; the Jews went out with their book of the Law and the Christians with their Gospel, their women and children with them; the whole concourse of them in tears and humble supplications, imploring the favour of God through His Books and His Prophets. They made their way to the Mosque of the Footprints and remained there in supplication and invocation until near midday, then returned to the city and held the Friday service. God Most High lightened their affliction; the number of deaths in a single day reached a maximum of two thousand, whereas the number rose in Cairo and Old Cairo to twenty-four thousand in a day. [64] |
| 1348, July 5 | Shortage of wax candles due to the numerous deaths of the Black Death in Orvieto and corresponding regulations of wax quantities at funerals | Considerantes et advertentes necem pestiferam, que adheo atrociter suas undique saggitas emictit, et quod propter cere inopiam et caristiam de huiusmodi cera funeri non potest honor solitus exhibiri, volentes distinguere tempora et super hiis debite providere [...], nulla persona popularis vel nobilis possit nec debeat ad funus alicuius defuncti, cuiuscumque status vel condicionis existat, mictere vel deferri facere cereos cere amplioris ponderis, nisi ut inferius est expressum; videlicet, popularis quatuor libr. tantum vel ad inde infra, ad penam, pro quolibet et qualibet vice; decem lib. den., et nobilis ponderis lib. decem et non ultra vel ab inde infra sicut voluerit, ad penam XXV lib. den. [65] | Considering and observing the deadly pestilence, which so fiercely sends its arrows everywhere, and because of the scarcity and high cost of wax, it is not possible to give the customary honor to funerals with such wax, wishing to distinguish the times and provide duly for these matters [...], no commoner or noble person can or should send or have carried to the funeral of any deceased person, regardless of their status or condition, candles of greater weight than specified below: namely, a commoner may send only four pounds or less, under penalty of ten pounds of denarii for each offense; and a noble may send candles weighing ten pounds and no more, or less if they wish, under penalty of twenty-five pounds of denarii (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, July 4 | Adjustments to the judicial system due to the plague raging in Venice. Many notaries and other legally relevant persons have died or left the city. The latter are ordered to return to Venice, otherwise they will lose their offices. The same threat is made to the doctors. | Cum multe persone et quasi sine numero sint que cotidie veniant ad curias et proprii et examinatorum et occaxione huius casus occurssi pro mortalitate presentis temporis [...] Et quia multi notarii et infiniti, qui receperunt rogamina testamentorum et cartarum aliarum plurium sunt morti [...] Et quia officia nostra occaxione notariorum et scribarum et eciam aliorum nostrorum officialium multum deffectum portabant, qui sunt extra Venecias et venire non curant, consulunt, quod publicata presenti parte, omnes cancellarii, notarii et scribe omnium nostrorum officiorum tam clerici quam layci qui exiverunt de terra a duobus mensibus citra tenenantur venisse Venecias infra octavam diem […] sub pena perdendi officia qui haberent [...] Quia civitas nostra multum deffectum portat in facto infirmorum occaxione medicorum qui exiverunt de Veneciis. [66] | There are many people, almost innumerable, who daily come to the courts, both their own and those of examiners, and due to this circumstance arising from the mortality of the present time [...] And because many notaries and countless others who have received requests for wills and various other documents are deceased [...] And because our offices suffered greatly due to the absence of notaries and scribes and also other officials of ours, who are outside Venice and do not care to come, it is advised that with this part published, all members of chanceries, notaries, and clerks of all our offices, both clerics and laymen who left two months ago, are bound to have come to Venice within eight days [...] under the penalty of losing the offices they held [...] Because our city suffers greatly in the matter of the sick due to the absence of physicians who left Venice... (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, July 10 | Plague has subsided in Venice; to prevent a resurgence of the epidemic, it is forbidden to bring the deceased or (potentially) sick people into the city. | Quoniam per misericordiam nostri altissimi Creatoris satis nostra civitas ab ista pestilencia liberata videatur, et sit faciendum divino auxilio mediante, quod sic maneat liberata, et corpora multa mortua extra Venecias moriencia se faciunt adduci Venecias, quod est causa coruptionis [...] Et quoniam plurimi infirmi qui veniunt Venecias inducere possunt corruptionem, quod absit, consulunt quod nullus forenssis tam homo quam femina et tam magnus quam parvus, infirmus vel qui videretur infirmis, sit qui vellit, ullo modo possit venire Vencias de aliqua parte vel loco tam nobis subiecto quam non nobis subiecto [67] | As our city appears to be sufficiently freed from this pestilence through the mercy of our highest Creator, and it is necessary, with divine assistance, to ensure that it remains so, and since many bodies, dead or dying outside Venice, are being brought to Venice, which is a cause of corruption of the air [...] And as many sick people who come to Venice could bring about corruption of the air, may it be far from us, they advise that no foreigner, whether man or woman, great or small, sick or appearing to be sick, in any way, should be allowed to come to Venice from any place or location, whether subject to our authority or not subject to our authority (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, August – 1348, September | The Black Death's death toll in Gaza |  [68]
|
Then we went to Ghazza and found most of it deserted because of the numbers that had died during the plague. The qāḍī told me that only a quarter of the eighty notaries there were left and that the number of deaths had risen to eleven hundred a day. [69] |
| 1348, August – 1348, September | After the Black Death had ended in Jerusalem, the Friday preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn b. Jamāʿa hosted a banquet which the author was invited to: While the plague had lasted, ʿIzz al-Dīn had vowed to host a feast when the epidemic will have abated and he will not have prayed over a deceased person for one day. Most of the notables and dignitaries (ashyākh) Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Jerusalem had died during the plague. |  [70]
|
Anecdote: The preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn gave a banquet one day and invited me among his guests. I asked him the reason for it. He told me that during the plague he had sworn he would give a banquet if the plague were to cease and a day were to pass during which he did not pray over a corpse. Then he said: 'Yesterday I did not pray over a corpse so I arranged the banquet as I had promised.' I found that some of the shaikhs I had met in al-Quds [Jerusalem] had departed to be with God Most High. May He have mercy on them! Only a few of them were left like ... [71] |
| 1348, August 7 – 1348, September 27 | On August 7, 1348 the number of plague deaths in Damascus and its surroundings reached almost 300. Around September 10 (in mid-Jumādā II 749 H), the number of deceased further increased; both elite and common people died; the exact death toll remained unknown. On August 18, the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) ordered all dogs in the city to be killed. On September 27 [or, according to one manuscript: October 3], 42 deceased were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque alone; the mosque didn’t provide enough space for all the corpses, so some had to be placed outside the Sirr Gate. |  ...  ...  |
On Thursday, the 10th of Jumada al-Awwal, after the noon prayer, the preacher performed a funeral prayer for sixteen deceased individuals all at once. This greatly alarmed and terrified the people, as death was striking many, and the death toll in the town and its surroundings reached nearly three hundred. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return. After the prayer, another funeral prayer was performed for fifteen deceased individuals at the Great Mosque of Damascus, and at the Mosque of Khalil, a prayer was performed for eleven souls. May Allah have mercy on them.
On Monday, the 21st of the same month, the deputy of the Sultanate ordered the killing of dogs in the town. These dogs had become numerous throughout the town, and there were reports of them attacking people and blocking their way during the night. The defilement of places by these dogs had become widespread, making it difficult to avoid. Many had compiled sections of the hadiths regarding their killing and the differences among the scholars on this issue. Umar, may Allah be pleased with him, used to command in his sermons to slaughter pigeons and kill dogs. Malik, in the narration of Ibn Wahb, stated that it is permissible to kill dogs in a town where they cause harm, provided the Imam permits it for the public interest. On Friday, the second of the month of Rajab, after the Friday prayer at the Umayyad Mosque, a funeral prayer was performed for someone absent, who was Judge Alauddin, the son of Judge Shubha. Then, a funeral prayer was performed for forty-one deceased individuals all at once. The interior of the mosque could not accommodate them, so some of the deceased were taken outside to the gate of Al-Sirr. The preacher and the naqeeb (head of a group) went out and prayed for all of them there. It was a significant and solemn moment, a great tragedy. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
| 1348, September VN: 21.000 + 1080 |
In September or October 1348, the Black Death had abated in Alexandria and Cairo. The maximum death toll in Alexandria had been 1,080, while it had been 21,000 in Cairo. Everyone from among the city elites Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Cairo had died. |  [73]
|
Then I travelled to al-Maḥalla al-Kabīra, then to Naḥrarīya, then to Abyār, then to Damanhūr, and then to Alexandria. I found the plague had abated after the number of deaths had risen to a thousand and eighty a day. Then I went to Cairo and was told that during the plague the number of deaths there had risen to twenty-one thousand a day. I found that all the shaikhs I had known were dead. May God Most High have mercy upon them! [74] |
| 1348, September – 1348, October | A pilgrimage caravan left Cairo for Mecca in Rajab 749 H (September 26 to October 24, 1348). The Black Death accompanied it until it reached the Ayla pass (ʿAqaba). |  |
When I arrived in Cairo I found that the Grand Qāḍī ʿIzz al-Dīn, son of the Grand Qāḍī Badr al-Dīn, son of Jamāʿa, had set out for Mecca in a huge caravan called Rajabī, because it leaves in the month of Rajab. I was told that the plague was among them until they reached the pass of Aila where it ceased. [76] |
| 1348, September 30 | Price restrictions on all types of goods, which may only be offered at 25% higher prices than before the Black Death. | artifices, magistri, laboratores et alii de rebus, quas vendunt et aliis magstriis, laboritiis ac victuris et factionibus personalibus, propter sevam et inauditam pestem mortiferam, que nuper undique in humano genere est diffusa, pretium adheo carum tollant, quod cives et alii cuncit conqueruntur merito, et nisi provideatur celeriter, non possent facere facta sua, ex quo detrimentum reipublice non modicum exoritur et iactura [...] ne huiusmodi appetitus noxius et nefandus usus in Urbevetana civitate diutius nec ulterius vigeat et res predicte in congrua disposicione persistant [77] | Craftsmen, masters, laborers, and others, because of the severe and unprecedented deadly plague that has recently spread everywhere among humankind, have raised the prices of the goods they sell and other crafts, labors, and personal services to such an extent that citizens and others justly complain, and unless provision is made quickly, they will not be able to carry out their tasks, resulting in considerable harm and loss to the republic [...] so that this harmful greed and wicked practice may not continue any longer in the city of Orvieto and so that the aforementioned matters may remain in proper order (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, October 7 VN: 150 |
On October 7, 1348 the number of people who had died of plague and were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus reached 150 or more; not included were inhabitants of the outskirts of the city and members of the protected religious minorities (ahl al-dhimma) whose bodies were not brought to the Umayyad Mosque. It was said that on many days, casualties in the outskirts of Damascus (ḥawāḍir al-balad) reached more than 1,000. On October 7, a dust storm reached Damascus; people prayed to God and ask for this to be the end of the plague; things only got worse afterwards, though. On Miʿrāj Night (October 21), not as many people as usual gathered in the Umayyad Mosque because so many people had died of plague and many more were occupied caring for the sick and the deceased. In the beginning of Shaʿbān 749 H (the month began on October 25), many people were infected with plague (fanāʾ), and often there would be a bad smell in the city. |  ...  ...  |
(Translation needed) |
| 1349 VN: 500 per day |
In 1349, after an earthquake, the Plague arrived in Austria together with flagellants. Around the feast of St John the baptist the disease was so severe that in Vienna 500 funerals were held per day. The disease spread because wells and other waters had been poisoned by the Jews who where persecuted all over the country. | A.D. 1349 incepit pestilencia scilicet post terre motum, et pestilenciam quidam prevenientes per ecclesias nudati usque ad cingulum acutis flagellis usque ad effusionem sanguinis se flagellantes decurrebant cum cantu de passione Domini, plurimos aspicientes in lacrimas commovebant. [...] Mox circa festum Iohannis baptiste facta est pestilencia qualis nunquam audita vel visa est, ita ut in civitate Wiennensi una die 500 funera haberentur, et tamen omnes rite sacramentalibus procurati per triduum et quasi dormiendo et cum magno fetore leniter decesserunt; ulcera habentes quidam circa genitalia sicca, quidam vesicas in cute. De quibus suspicati sunt quidam, Iudeos hoc in ulcionem inter christianos effecisse, quodam pulvere fontes et omnes aquas per necessarios eciam christianos infecisse; de quibus plurimi sunt exusti et in superioribus partibus omnes Iudei occisi et iugulati sunt; eciam in Chrems circa festum sancti Michahelis omnes Iudeorum domus aduste sunt, paucis Iudeis evadentibus. Quapropter dux Albertus, fautor Iudeorum, omnes adiacentes villas iussit spoliare. Iems nebulosa, ver optimus et floridus. [79] | (Translation needed) |
| 1349, January 1 – 1349, April 12 | Around New Year of 1349 flagellants appeared in Austria and they remained active until Easter, when the plague diminished. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters. | Anno 1349 circa circumcisionem Domini usque in pascham viri 40, 60 vel 100 coadunati per ecclesias discurrentes cum flagellis se denudantes usque ad cingulum publicas egerunt penitencias, cantando de passione Domini, quatenus pestilencia que tunc in quibusdam locis prevaluerat cessaret. Incusati autem Iudei, quod fontes et aquas eciam fluentes quibusdam pulveribus toxicassent, unde in superioribus partibus undique autem iugulati, et in Chremsa adusti sunt una cum domibus eorum. [80] | In the year 1349 from around New Year and until Easter 40, 60 or 100 assembled men spread over the churches and beat themselves naked down to the belt requesting penitence in public and singing about the passion of the Lord until the plague, which in those places prevailed, ebbed away. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters, also flowing ones, with powders. That is why they were killed in the upper parts [of the country] and in Krems they were burned together with one of their masters. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 VN: 1000 per day |
In 1349 flagellants arose in Austria and when they were no longer active a great plague raged the land with unheard of mortality. | Eodem anno flagellatores surrexerunt, qui flagellaverunt se, et ibant de civitate in civitatem, et de villa in villam. Et finita ista secta, venit pestilentia sive mortalitas magna et inaudita, quod sepe una die sepeliebant mille homines nisi in una civitate, et in rure sepeliebantur homines in campis et talis pestilentia nunquam visa fuit, nec visa est. [81] | In this year the flagellants arose, who beat themselves and they went from city to city and from village to village. And when this sect was finished a plague arrived or a great and unheard of mortality by which often in one day thousand people were buried in just one city, and in rural areas the people were buried in the fields and so great was the plague that it was never seen before nor is it seen. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 VN: 1400 |
In many places in Austria and Bavaria many people died of a most cruel plague, e.g. in Mühldorf am Inn in Upper Bavaria died on the feastday of St Michael (September 29) 1.400 people. The Jews were made responsible for the plague and in Salzburg, Munich and other places they were persecuted. | 1349. Sevivit crudelissima pestilencia, que interemit forsam terciam partem hominum, quia in Wyenna decesserunt qualibet die due vel tres libre hominum, et una die quatuor libre, una die 960. In Patavia vero moriebantur qualibet die quinque vel sex solidi, et una die 9 solidi, una die 300 minus 30 homines. Lustrabat autem hec pestilencia totum orbem, non simul et semel, sed successive. Cum itaque pestis et decessus hominum prochdolor nimis atrociter lustrasset multos provinciarum fines, venit in Barbariam, videlicet in Muldorf; ubi, ut dicebatur, a festo Michahelis preteriti anni decesserunt 1400 de pocioribus ibidem hominibus. Item in Prawnau sepius uno die moriebantur 16, et in Monaco, et in Lantzhuta, et in aliis quam pluribus civitatibus et oppidis in tantum sevivit mors, quod ab effluxis temporum motibus enormiori peste nemo cogitaret. [...] Ob hanc nemppe nephariam infamiam in Saltzburga et Monaco et in aliis infinitis civitatibus Iudei fuerant cremati, cesi, secti et quomodolibet aliter trucidati et occisi. Et in Praunaw dicebatur eciam, quod Iudei redegerint feculenciam venenosorum animalium in pulveres, et impleverint sacculos in longitudine et latitudine duorum digitorum, et submerserint aquis puteorum et etiam foncium scaturiencium; et tales sacculi pleni intoxicacionibus a christianis per expurgacionem foncium fuerunt inventi. [82] | 1349. A most cruel plague raged through the land, which eliminated maybe one third of the people; as in Vienna died every day two libre (480) or three libre (720) people and one day four libre (960), one day 960 [the editor assumes that 1 libram = 240 people, one solidum = 30 people equalling it to the value of the respective currency]. In Passau died every day really five (150) or six (180) solidi and one day nine solidi (270), one day 300 minus 30 people. But this plague did not wander the whole world at the same time and all at once but sucessively. Because the pestilence and the deceased people caused too much hardness, many wandered over the borders of the province and went to Bavaria namely to Mühldorf, where, it is said, at the feast of St Michael of the last year 1.400 of their best people died. In the same way died often on one day 16 in Braunau; and in Monaco and in Landshut and in numerous other towns and villages raged such a death that in the fluent movement of time noone knows of a more enormous plague. [...] Because of this the infamous Jews in Salzburg and Monaco and in innumerable other towns were burned, slaughtered, cut down and in whatever other way massacred and killed. And in Braunau it was also said that the Jews made poisonous animal faeces to powder and that they filled them into small bags of two finger length and width and dumped them into the wells and other gushing waters; and such bags full with poisons were found by the Christians and carried away for the cleansing of the water. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 | Flagellants came from Hungary during that year and a great plague broke out in Cracov | Anno Domini 1349 flagellatores nudi venerunt de Ungaria. Eodem anno perstilencia magna erat in Cracovia. [83] | In the year 1349 nude flagellants came from Hungary. In the same year there was a great pestilence in Cracov, (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 | Black Death in Denmark in the year 1349. | Mortalitas magna in Dania. [84] | Great mortality in Denmark. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1349 | Arrival of the Black Death to Norway in 1349. | Drepsotinn kom fyrst i Babilon a Serklandi sidan for hon til Iorsala lannz ok eyddi Iorsala borg þa for hon yfir hafid ok higat til pafa garz. þa uar Clemens sextus hann uigdi ana Rodanum ok uoru þar a bornir daudir menn er eigi matti iarda sidan for hon um Franz ok Saxland sua nordr um sio til Einglannz ok eyddi þar sua at eigi uar fleira manna i borginni Lunndun en xiiij. Þa vigldi .i. kuggr til Biorguiniar ok uard eiqi ruddr ok do af allt folkid en þegar gozid kom upp i bæinn þa do þegar folkid. for þa drepsottin um allan Noreg. fioldi skipa sock nidr med farmi ok urdu eigi rudd. Sidan for hon um Hialtland Orkneyar Sudureyar Færeyar. Þat uar kyn sottarinnar at menn lifdu iij dægr med hardan stinga þa toku menn blodspyu ok for þar med onndin. fyrr nefndr pafi setti moti þersi drepsott messo er sua byriaz recordare domine et cet. ok gaf þar med pardun rietskriftudum .cc. ok .Ix. daga. þar med dictadi hann eina bæn er sua hefr benediccio dei patris. ok med i uppgiof .dc. daga ok iiij karinur. [85] | The deadly plague appeared first in Babylon in Serkland, then it went to Palestine and desolated Jerusalem. Then, it went over the sea hither to the papal city [= Avignon]. Clement VI consecrated the river Rhône and dead people, who could not be buried, were thrown into it. Then, the disease went across all France and Saxony northwards to England and raged there so heavily that not more than fourteen people survived in the city of London. Then, a cog sailed to Bergen, was not cleared, and all the people [on the ship] died. As soon as the goods were brought into the town, the townspeople died. Then, the disease swept all over Norway. The ship sank with its cargo, and was not cleared. After that, the disease spread across the Shetlands, Orkneys, Hebrides and Faroes. That was the sort of disease that people did not live more than three days with heavy pangs of pain. Then, they began to vomit blood, and then the spirit left them. The aforesaid pope set a mass against this plague that begins with recordare domine etc., and gave a written indulgence of 200 and 60 days. Then he also authored a prayer that starts benediccio dei patris, with the remission of sins for 600 days and four times 40 days of fasting. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1349 | Arival of the Black Death to Norway via a cog from England in 1349. Two-thirds of the population in Norway die, among others the archbishop of Nidaros and the bishops of Bergen, Stavanger and Hamar. It is explicitly stated that the plague did not reach Iceland | J þenna tima kom drep sott so mickil vm alla nordr halfu heimsins at alldre kom slik fyrr sidan londin bygduzst. fyrst kom sottin vpp i Babilone a Serklande. vt i Affrica. sidan for hon hegat till Jorsalalandz ok i Iorsalaborg. ok eydde naliga borgina. þadan for hon nordr yfir Iorsala haf ok vm alla Romaniam ok sua nordr eftir londum ok vm pauagard. ok eydde allt naliga. vigdi paui aana Rodanum. voru þar vt aa steyttir daudir menn. Gaf paui þat af guds halfu at þat skillde þeira kirkiu gardr þui at eige matte jarda folkit fyrir mannfæd ok sott. sidan for hon vt vm Frakka rike ok vm Saxland. ok sua til Einglandz. ok eydde naliga allt Eingland. ok þat til marks at eige lifdi meir eftir i borginni Lvndunum en fiortan menn. J þann tima sigldi kuggr einn af Einglandi. ok var aa fioldi folks ok lagdi jnn aa Biorgwiniar vogh. ok var litt ruddr. sidan andadizst folkit allt af skipinu. en þegar vpp kom godzit i byinn af þessu skipe þa do þegar bæiar folkit. Þa for sottin vm allan Noreg ok eydde so at eige lifdi einn þridiungr eftir folksins i landinu. Einglandz kuggr saukk nidr med godzinu ok daudum monnum ok vard eige ruddr. fleiri skip buzur ok morg onnur skip sukku nidr ok rak uids vegar en sama sott for vm Hialltland Orkneyiar. Sudreyiar Færeyiar. Þat var kyn sottarinnar at menn lifdu eige meirr en eitt dægr edr tuo. med hordum stinga. eftir þat sætte at blod spyiu ok for þar ondin med sinn vegh. af þessi sott saladizst Arni erkebyskop. ok allir korsbrædr i Nidarose. vtan einn lifdi eftir er Lodinn hiet. ok hann giordi elecceionem kiosandi. Olaf abota af Holmi til erkebyskops. Jtem Ɵ Þorstein byskop. af Biorguin. Jtem Ɵ Guthormr byskop af Stafangre. Halluardr byskop af Hamri saladizst ok þa. Þessi sott kom ecki aa Island. [86] | At that time, such a deadly plague spread all over the northern half of the world that never before had anything similar occurred since the lands were built. The disease started in Babylon in Serkland in Africa. Then then it went to Palestine and Jerusalem, and desolated nearly all towns. From there, it went northwards across the Sea of Jerusalem [= the Mediterranean] and across all the Romania [= Byzantium], and then across the countries further northwards, and to the papal city [= Avignon] and the surrounding area, and desolated nearly everything. The pope consecrated the river Rhône and dead people were thrown into the river. Then the pope prompted with God's help the protection of the churchyards; so that no one was allowed to bury people due to the lack of population and the plague. Then, the disease went across France and Saxony, and then to England. Nearly all of England was laid waste. And as a proof of that, not more than 14 people survived in the city of London. At that time, a cog sailed from England with many people on board, and it was put into the bay of Bergen. A little [cargo] was unloaded. Then, all the people from the ship died. As then the goods were brought into town from this ship, the townspeople began to die. Then, the plague swept all over Norway and raged so heavily that not one-third of the people in the country survived. The English cog sank down with its goods and the dead men, and was not unloaded. More ships, cargo vessels and many other ships sank down or drifted widely around. And the same disease spread across the Shetlands, Orkneys, Hebrides and Faroes. That was the sort of disease that people did not live more than a day or two, with heavy pangs of pain. After that they began to vomit blood, and then the spirit left them. From that plague died Archbishop Arne and all canons of Nidaros, but one who survived, named Lodin. He arranged an election and Abbot Olav of Holm was appointed archbishop. Likewise died Bishop Thorstein of Bergen. Likewise died Bishop Guttormr of Stavanger. Bishop Hallvard of Hamar also died at that time. That disease did not come to Iceland. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1349 | After referring to the spreading of the Black Death in the entry for 1348, Jan Dlugos adds that in 1349 the Black Death reached Poland. After it had killed many people, the remaining took to religious practices and humiliated themselves through flaggelation and other treatments until God had mercy with them. | Pestifer hic annus eciam aput Polonos fuit morboque epidimie passim grassante multi mortales tam de nobilitate quam de plebe consumpti sunt. Dum quoque diuturni mali nullum esset remedium et plures non domos solum, sed opida et villas pestis desertasset, homines ad religionem conversi, credentes id malum propter indignacionem Divinam sceleribus hominum provocatum accidisse, conversi flagellis virgisque se mutuo verberabant aliisque penitencie generibus se affligebant, donec propiciata Divinitas pestiferam auram sustulit et mortalitatis molem cessare fecit. [87] | This year brought the plague to Poland, too, and as it spread everywhere, many people among the gentry as well as among the peasantry died. And when no remedy could be found for this long-lasting vexation, and when the plague not only killed many in houses but also depopulated whole towns and villages, people convinced themselves that all their troubles fell on them as a divine retribution for their crimes and thus they turned to religious practices. So, they flagellated and birched each other, and humiliated themselves with other forms of penance until God showed his mercy towards them and took away the plague and let the acute mortality cease. (Translation: Maurice Michael) |
| 1349 | In this year there was a great pestilence and people flagellated themselves | Anno Domini 1349 pestilencia magna fuit, et homines se affligebant seu flagellabant. [88] | In the year of the Lord 1349 there was a great pestilence and people beat or flagellated themselves. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 | After writing for several chapters about the way of the Black Death over Europe and of the manifestations of the disease, the chronicler adds that it also raged in Prussia and Pomerania | Predicta ergo pestilencia, que circuivit Pene omnes regiones calidas, proch dolor, ad clima nostrum iam pervenit et iam fere in tota Pruzia et Pomerania innumerabiles viros ac mulieres consumpsit et hodierna die consumere non cessat. [89] | The aforementioned plague, which has spread over almost all southern countries — oh horror of horrors! — arrived at our lands as well; in most of Prussia and Pomerania it has consumed innumerable men and women, and it continues to consume them still. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 | An undated prophecy by Birgitta of Sweden about the monks of the Swedish monastery of Alvastra. According to Tryggve Lundén it is to be set between 1344-49. The revelation if followed by the note that a disease came and took away 33 brothers | Cum domina staret orando rapta in spiritu, vidit domum quandam et super domum celum valde serenum. Cumque diligenter inspiciendo miraretur, vidit de domo columbas ascendentes et penetrare celum. Quas Ethiopes conabantur impedire sed non valebant. Subtus vero domum videbatur chaos, in quo sunt tres ordines fratrum. “Primi sunt simplices quasi columbe. Ideo faciliter ascendunt, quorum tibi nomina indicabo. Secundi sunt, qui veniunt ad purgatorium. Tercii sunt, qui iam alium pedem habent in mari et alium in tabulatu nauis. Quorum iudicium nunc appropinquat. Et vt scias et probes, vnus post alium cicius transibit, secundum quod nomina eorum exprimo tibi.” Quod similiter contigit. Venit enim mortalitas et tulit, sicut predictum est, XXXIII fratres. [90] | As the lady [Birgitta] stood in prayer, rapt in spirit, she saw a certain house and above the house a very clear sky. And when she looked carefully and wondered, she saw doves ascending from the house and entering the sky which the Ethiopians (= devils, cf. ON blámenn) tried to prevent but were not able. Under the house she saw an abyss, and there are three kinds of brothers. The first are simple as a dove. Therefore they ascend easily. The second are those who come to purgatory. The third are those who have one foot in the sea and the other on the ship's deck. Their judgement is now approaching, and in order that you may know and be aware of it, one after another will quickly perish as I reveal their names to you." So it came to pass, for a sickness came and took away thirty-three brethren, as was foretold. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1349, January 27 | On January 27, 1349, the Friday preacher Tāj al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Raḥīm al-Qazwīnī died of plague in Damascus after two days of illness. The members of his household were infected, too; his brother Ṣadr al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Karīm died soon afterwards. |  |
(Translation needed) |
| 1349, March 22 – 1350, March 10 VN: 500 + 20 |
In the year 750 H (March 22, 1349 to March 10, 1350), the number of plague infections in Damascus greatly declined. The number of deceased people with taxable inheritance which the Office of Inheritances (dīwān al-mawārīth) recorded was ca. 20 for 750 H while it had been 500 for 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 21, 1349). Plague did not yet disappear entirely, though: on March 25, 1349, the jurist Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad b. al-Thiqa, his son and his brother all died of plague within one hour. They were buried in one grave. |  |
(Translation needed) |
| 1349, May 31 – 1349, September 29 VN: 60 % |
A plague lasting from Penthecost (May 31st) until the feast of St Michael (September 29th) killed about two thirds of the population of Austria. | A.D. 1349 [...] Pestis vero contagiosa predicta successive pervenit usque ad Wyennam, necnon in omnes terminos, ita ut homines absque estimacione exspirarent, et tercia pars hominum vix remaneret. Ideo propter fetorem et horrorem cadaverum non sinebantur sepeliri in cimiteriis ecclesiarum, sed mox cum fuissent extincta deferebantur ad communem locum in agrum Dei extra civitatem, ubi quinque fovee in brevi profunde et late usque ad summum sunt corporibus mortuorum replete; et duravit hec pestilencia a festo penthecostes usque Michaelis. Non solum Wyennam sed et alia loca circumiacencia crudeliter invasit; monachis et monialibus minime pepercit, cum in Sancta Cruce 53 religiosi de hoc seculo eodem tempore migraverunt. [93] | In the year of the Lord 1349 [...] The earlier mentioned really contagious plague arrived not only in Vienna but in all regions. In this way people [in numbers] beyond estimation died and hardly one third of the people remained. Because if the stench and the horror of the dead bodies they could not be allowed to be buried in the cemeteries of the churches, but soon the deseases were brought to public places them cemetaries outside of the cities, where five deep and wide ditches where filled up to their maximum with the bodies of the dead. And this plague lasted from the feast of Penthecost until [the feast of] St Michael. Not only Vienna but also other surrounding places were cruelly invaded. Monks and nuns were by no means spared, since in Sancta Cruce 53 members of their community passed away. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349, August | The governor (nāʾib) of Aleppo, Sayf al-Dīn Quṭlīshā, died. News of his death reached Damascus in the beginning of Jumādā II (August 17 to September 14, 1349). Many people rejoiced at his death given his misconduct in Hama during the plague (ṭāʿūn) (before he became governor of Aleppo). It was reported that he had enriched himself on the inheritance of the deceased. |  [94]
|
(Translation needed) |
| 1349, November 25 | Prohibition of demolition of vacant houses in Orvieto after the Black Death, except for renovation and expansion | Comperto quod propter seva et pestifera tempora, que, satore seminante zizania in Civitate et comitatu Urbisveteris, huc usque diutius multiformiter viguerunt, domus, hedificia et casamenta gentium et populi consumptorum et in necem et exilum positorum remanserunt quam plurima vacuata, et inhabitata persistant, cuius causa venduntur et alienantur ab improbis, et emuntur et ponuntur plerique sub exterminio et ruina, interdum etiam sub ficto iuris velamine, in contumeliam, diminutionem, detrimentum, obrobrium et jacturam Civitatis, Comunis et Populi predictorum; quibus nisi per oportuna reparentur remedia, evidenter paulatim sedulo et interpolatim ipsa suis hedificis Civitatis nichilatur et orbatur, ut hiis reprobis finis deinceps apponatur saluber; igitur [...] nulla persona [...] possit [...] aliquam domum vel hedificium domus in Civitate vel burgis destruere vel scarcare in totum vel pro parte [...] ad penam [...] 50 libr. Domus vero et hedificia, que quomodolibet ruinam minarentur occasione terremotus vel alterius casus inoppinati, vel devasterentur pro rehedificando ipsam cum melioramento, pro parte vel in totum scarcari et dirui possint sine penam [95] | It has been discovered that because of the severe and deadly times, which, like a sower sowing tares, have long prevailed in the City and county of Orvieto in various forms, many houses, buildings, and dwellings of the people who have been consumed, killed, or exiled, have remained vacant and persist uninhabited. As a result, these properties are sold and alienated by unscrupulous people and are often bought and placed under extermination and ruin, sometimes even under the guise of legal pretext, to the insult, diminution, detriment, disgrace, and loss of the City, the Commune, and its People. Unless appropriate remedies are provided, the city and its buildings will clearly be gradually but diligently and progressively destroyed and depleted, so to put an end to these reprehensible practices henceforth in a healthy manner; therefore [...] no person [...] may destroy or dismantle any house or building in the City or its suburbs in whole or in part [...] under the penalty of 50 pounds. However, houses and buildings that might be threatened by ruin due to an earthquake or another unforeseen event, or are demolished for the purpose of rebuilding them with improvements, may be dismantled and destroyed in whole or in part without penalty (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1350 | An entry in the town book of Brno (of 1351 July 16) states that a certain Nicolaus died in the preceeding year in the times of the plague. | Nicolaus sepedictus anno preterito tempore pestilencie vitam suam finvivit. [96] | Nicolaus, called "the Lizard", finished his life in the preceeding year in the time of plague. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1350 | Black Death in Denmark and "universally". It has been speculated (see Ulsig, Pest og befolkningsnedgang, p. 22) that the plague reached Denmark already in 1348 | Item huius tempore fuit vniuersalis ypidumia per totum mundum, et annus iubileus impositus per Clementem papam et magna indulgencia in Roma, sub a. d. m.ccc.l. [97] | Also at this time there was a universal epidemic throughout the whole world, and a year of jubilee was imposed by Pope Clement and a great indulgence in Rome in the year of our Lord m.ccc.l. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Black Death around the world. Jubilee year and indulgence in Rome | Annus jubileus fuit et magne indulgencie in Roma, remissio videlicet omnium peccatorum. Item maxima epidemia toto illo anno fuit per totum mundum [98] | It was a jubilee year and a great indulgence in Rome, namely the remission of all sins. Also, there was a great epidemic throughout the whole world that year. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350 | Fuit magna pestilencia super totum mundum. [99] | There was a great pestilence over the whole world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350 | Anno Domini Mcccl fuit maxima pestilencia per totum mundum sicut vnquam fuit ante anni lxxx. [100] | In the year of the Lord 1350, there was a great pestilence throughout the whole world, as it had never been before the year 80. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350. | Item anno Domini MCCCL erat magna mortalitas hominum et brutorum animalium in regno Swecie, cujus memoria disignatur in hiis dictionibus: Mors CeCa CeLos ditans urbem spoliavit. [101] | Likewise, in the year of the Lord 1350, there was a great mortality of men and beasts in the kingdom of Sweden, the memory of which is described in these sayings: Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350 | Item anno Domini MCCCl erat pestilencia super totum mundum. [102] | In the year of the Lord 1350, there was a pestilence throughout the whole world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | High mortality in Sweden in 1350 called "the big death" (stoor dødhin) | Anno Domini 1350 fuit maxima mortalitas in Swecia dicta stoor dødhin. [103] | In the year 1350, there was a great mortality in Sweden called "the big death". (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Great plague in Sweden in 1350, foreseen by Saint Birgitta of Vadstena. | Eo tempore viguit in regno Swecie magna mortalitas, qua nemo meminit maiorem exstitisse nec ante nec post; quam diu ante predixerat futuram beata Birgitta. Christus namque in quadam revelacione eam sic predixit dicens: “Vadam per mundum cum aratro meo” etc. [104] | At this time, the Black Death ravaged Sweden: no one can remember if there had been a greater plague epidemic than this, either before or after. Saint Birgitta had predicted long in advance that this would happen. Christ foreshadowed it thus in a revelation in which he says: "I will go over the world with my plough," etc. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Great pestilence and sudden death among humans and cattle in Sweden | Gravis qvædam pestis ac mors subitanea tam in hominibus qvam in pecobirus grassabatur. [105] | A certain grievous pestilence and sudden death ravaged both men and cattle. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 VN: 85 % |
Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420. High mortality in the Swedish region of Uppland in 1350. Five sixths of the population died | Generalis mortalitas totam Vplandiam deuastauit ita quod sexta pars hominum vix remansit que quidem mortalitas annis precedentibus et succedentibus totum mundum circumiuit. [106] | A general mortality ravaged the whole of Uppland, so that hardly a sixth of the people remained. In fact, the mortality in the preceding and succeeding years had encircled the whole world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420 on the plague raging in Uppland in 1350 (MCCL) | Mors CeCat CeLos/ditans orbem spoiliauit. [107] | Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350, May 16 – 1350, September 29 | The Black Death strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arisies for almost four months; numbers are given for the Franciscan order. There is a plague pit in Rottersdorf, outside the city. | In dissem sulven jare [1350] erhof sik ein grot sterven in disser stad to hant pingsten und stunt wente na sunte Michels dage und starf untellich volk, dat men se up den kerkhof nicht al graven konde: men moste alle dage utvoren mit twen karen und mit einem wagen und grof grote kulen to Rotterstorp, dar warp men se in. […] Mi jammert to schrivende vand drosnisse und schaden, den Magdeborch nam van den sterven. De wisesten and bedervesten dusser stadt alsmeistich vorgingen, wente ed storven leien und papen, olden und junge, rike und arme. Dat stervent was hir nicht alleine to Magdeborch, ed was ok over al disse land. De barvoten spreken na der tid dat ut orem orden weren storven allein hundert dusent verundtwintech dusten veirhundert und drittech brodere. Hi bi mach men merken wat leien storvent sint in dem jare, nu in einen orden so vele brodere storven. Hir in dem barvoten clostere bleven nicht mehr wenn dre broder levendich. Ik was ok in einen hus sulftegede, dar blef ik sulfandere levendich und achte storven. Ik horde ok sedder seggen dat den Augustineren weren des jares worden twelf schock vruwencleidere to selegered und manscleidere. [108] | In that same year [1350] there was a great mortality in this town from Pentecost to St Michael's Day and countless people died so that they could no longer be buried in the churchyards. Every day they had to go out with carts and a wagon and make large ditches in Rottersdorf; the dead were thrown into them. [...] It is difficult for me to write about all the sadness and the damage that Magdeburg suffered from this mortality. The brightest and the most needy of this city perished to a large extent. Laymen and priests, old and young, rich and poor died. The dying was not unique to Magdeburg, it was everywhere in the country. The Franciscans said afterwards that 124,430 friars from their order alone died. This may give you an idea of how many lay people died that year if so many friars died in one order alone. Here in the Franciscan monastery, no more than three friars remain alive. I myself was present in a house where I and one other remained alive and eight died. I also heard myself say that the Augustinian monks received 1200 pieces of clothing from men and women that year as a testamentary donation for the salvation of souls. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1350, May 23 – 1350, September 29 | A poem about how the Black Death strikes Magdeburg, a great mortality arises for almost four months and a plague pit is opened at Rottersdorf. This time is remembered as a time of misery, connected to the return of the "false Waldemar", an impostor pretending to be former Margrave of Brandenburg and the earthquake of January 1348 | Ik mach schriven wol vorwar: / na godes bort schach dusent jar / dreihundert unde veftich / und warde went an sestich / dat god sines tornes hand / streckede hir in dutsche land, / dat in den tein jaren / wart clage noch ervaren. / dat clagent maket al de dot. / ein stervent wart hr also grot / dat men alle dage / sach weinen und clagen / [p. 3] isliken umme sinen mach. / men mende, ed were de leste dach. / dat stervent hof hir in der stadt / an der hochtit trinitat / und stund na sunte Michels dage. / da weinen jammer unde clage / was hir so gemeine, / dat grot unde kleine / jammer mochen schouwen / an mannen unde vrouwen / und an cleinen kinde / ok an den ingesinde. / de seiken men ungern laven / wolde, noch de doden graven. / mit wagenen unde karen / sach man to kerkhove varen / so vele der doden lute; / to Rottersdorp he nute / dar weren grote kulen, / dar inne de doden vulen. / neiman dat getelen kann, / wat vrouwen storve edder man. / […] / dat men noch alle dage / de lude horte clage, / wen se beginnen rogen / und ore dage wrogen. / se spreken, sodan ungemach / in der werlde nu geschach, / alse wi hebben levet: / [p. 4] de erde heft gebevet, / greve Wodenberch de dode man, / sprak men, he we up irstan. [109] | I will write down the following: / After God's birth a thousand years / three hundred and fifty / and that lasted until sixty / that God stretched out the hand of his wrath / here to the German lands / that in the ten years / there was much to mourn. / The mourning was because of death. / Dying was so great here / that every day / weeping was seen and lamentation was made by everyone for his own. / People thought it was Judgement Day. / Dying began here in the city / on the Feast of Trinity / and ended around St Michael's Day. / Weeping, wailing and lamentation / was so widespread here that great and small experienced misery, men and women / and even small children and servants. / The sick were not cared for / nor did people want to bury the dead. / With wagons and carts / one saw many dead people travelling to the churchyard / out to Rottersdorf, / there were large mounds / into which the dead were allowed to fall. / No one can put into words / how many men and women died / [...] / one always heard people lamenting / when they were shaken up / because they were asked about their lives / they spoke: At that time only disaster happened in the world / when they lived: / [p. 4] the earth shook / and Count Waldemar, the dead man / was said to have risen again. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1350, July 25 – 1351, February 2 VN: 12.000 |
Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year. | Eodem anno (1350) pestilencia epydimialis in Thuringia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erphordia, ita ut maxima pars hominum moreretur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro consules cum consilio magistrorum phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet; tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata magna in cimiterio ville Nuzezse prope Erphordiam, ad que deducta sunt circa XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et in curribus oneratis; de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem virginis gloriose cottidie tres bige vel quatuor corpora mortuorum in cimiteriis et in viis circumquaque sustulerunt. Exceptis his multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus, quorum anime cum electis Dei requiesant in pace! Amen. Unde dixit quidam: Mille trecentenis decies quinis simul annis / Hic hominum necifex locat aer milia bis sex. / Hir zwenzig hunder liche lin / Unde hunderwert hundert, / Dy sint vorscheiden al in dem sterben leydir. [110] | In the same year (1350), an epidemic plague arose in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that a great majority of the people perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the city authorities, in consultation with the council of physicians, forbade any further burials there; such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven large pits were dug in the cemetery of the village of Neuses, near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and loaded carts. From the feast of Saint James until the purification of the glorious Virgin, daily three or four wagons carried the bodies of the deceased to cemeteries and streets everywhere. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages, may their souls rest in peace with the chosen ones of God! Amen. As someone said: "In the year thirteen hundred fifty, / the human-slaying air / killed two times sixthousand. / Here lie twenty times a hundred corpses / and a hundred times a hundred / who have all sadly passed away in death". (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1350, July 25 – 1351, February 2 VN: 12.000 |
Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year. | Anno eodem pestilencia grandis epidimialis in Thurinigia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erfordia, adeo ut decima pars amplius hominum morerentur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro cives cum consilio phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet. Tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata in cimiterio ville Nusessen prope Erfordiam, ad que deducta sunt XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et curribus, qui continue de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem numero III vel IIII vehebantur. Excepits hiis multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus. [111] | In the same year, a great epidemic pestilence broke out in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that more than a tenth of the population perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the citizens, in consultation with the physicians, forbade any further burials there. Such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven pits were dug in the cemetery of the town of Neuses near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and carts. These were continuously transported, three or four at a time, from the feast of Saint James until Candlemas. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1351 – 1351, December 6 | In a charter from the end of the year 1351 John, Markgrave of Moravia, offers settlers, who are willing to settle down in Brno, which is depopulated by the plague, tax exemption for four years. | [...], qualiter condicio Ciuitatis nostr Brvnne que hactenus per perstilenciam et mortalitatem hominum miserabiliter deuastata et deserta fuit [...]. [112] | [...] such is the condition of our city Brno, which has so far been miserably devastated and deserted through the plague and the mortality of the people [...]. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1351 – 1351, December 30 | In a charter from the end of the year 1351 John, Markgrave of Moravia, offers settlers, who are willing to settle down in Znojmo, which is depopulated by the plague, tax exemption for four years. | Presertim, cum ciuitas nostra Znoymensis, que in metis Marchionatus nostri consistit, per pestilenciam et epidemiam pro dolor in tantum sit deuastata his proximis preteritis temporibus et desolata [...]. [113] | [...] Especially since our city Zojmo, which is situated at the border of our Margraviate, was devastated by a plague and epidemic and was left in great pain by its inhabitants in recent times [...]. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1360 | Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420 on the black death in Sweden in 1360. Due to the high mortality among children, it was called barnadöden (= children’s death) | Iterum pestilencia fuit magna que vocabatur barnadødh. [114] | Again there was a great pestilence which was called children's death. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1363 | At the end of the year 1363 the plague rages the kingdom of Poland and the provinces in its vicinity. Many people die. | 1363. Pestis in Polonia. In fine anni huius epidimie morbus invalescens Regnum Polonie et vicinas provincias vexavit, plurimisque mortalibus sua lue extinctis, opida, vicos, et rura in desercionem diuturnam precipitavit. [115] | 1363. Plague in Poland. At the end of the year this deadly epidemic grew stronger and raged in the kingdom of Poland and the neighbouring provinces and many humans were extinguished by it. Towns, villages and rural areas were left deserted for a long time. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1413 VN: 400 |
Great pandemic in Östergötland and the rest of Sweden in 1413. 400 deaths between summer and Advent | Item, isto anno erat magna pestilencia in Osgocia ac eciam alibi per regnum Swecie. A festo autem Iohannis baptiste usque ad adventum Domini numerata sunt de opido Vazstena quasi quadringenta funera sepulta. [116] | Also this year, a large plague epidemic ravaged Östergötland and also in other places in the Kingdom of Sweden. From the feast of John the Baptist [24 June] until Advent, around four hundred funerals took place in the town of Vadstena. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
- ↑ • Anonymus: Diario estratto dallo studio dell’ Alidosio. Biblioteca Universitaria, pp. BU 621 , p. 35r
- ↑ • Raphaynus de Caresinis: Chronica AA. 1343-1388 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1992 , p. 5
- ↑ • Anonymus: Diario estratto dallo studio dell’ Alidosio. Biblioteca Universitaria, pp. BU 621 , pp. 47r
- ↑ • Ibn al-Wardī, Zayn al-Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b. al-Muẓaffar: Tatimmat al-Mukhtaṣar fī akhbār al-bashar. 2 vols.. Beirut , vol. 2, p. 489
- ↑ • Matteo Villani: Cronica.Con la continuazione di Filippo Villani (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Parma 1995 , vol. 1, pp. 14–15.
- ↑ • Dinānah, Taha: Die Schrift von Abī Ǧaʿfar Aḥmed ibn ʿAlī ibn Moḥammed ibn ʿAlī ibn Ḫātimah aus Almeriah über die Pest. (= Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin). 1927, pp. 27-81 , pp. 41-42
- ↑ • Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 3, pp. 486–487
- ↑ • Giovanni Villani: The final book of Giovanni Villani's New chronicle (= Research in Medieval and Early Modern Culture). Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo 2016, ISBN 9781580442268 , pp. 137-138.
- ↑ • Agnolo di Tura del Grasso: Cronache senese attribuita ad Agnolo di Tura del Grasso detta la Cronica Maggiore. In: Cronache senesi (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, pp. 253–564 , p. 553.
- ↑ • Agnolo di Tura del Grasso: Cronache senese attribuita ad Agnolo di Tura del Grasso detta la Cronica Maggiore. In: Cronache senesi (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, pp. 253–564 , p. 553.
- ↑ • Nicolai Acciaioli and Matteo Palmieri: Vita Nicolai Acciaioli / Matteo Palmieri (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1918 , pp. 11-12
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 516
- ↑ • Matteo Griffoni: Memoriale Historicum de rebus Bononiensium (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Città di Castello 1902 , p. 56
- ↑ • Anonymus: Croniche succinte di Bologna dal 1354 fino al 1506 con altre memorie dal 423 al 1505 et altre dal 1168 fino al 1400. Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna , p. 95v.
- ↑ Francis of Prague, Chronicon Francisci Pragensi, ed. Jana Zachová, Prague 1997, p. 204f.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca B (-1350). In: Corpus Chronicorum Bonoiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). Città di Castello 1938c , pp. 584–587
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Estense cum additamentis usque ad annum 1478 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1908 , p. 160
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronici Saxonici continuatio Erfordensis 1899 (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 447-485 , p. 485
- ↑ • Bernardino Azzurini: Liber Rubeus sive Collectanea historica de rebus faventinorum. In: Chronica Breviora aliaque monumenta faventina (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1907, pp. 3–282 , p. 96
- ↑ • Sagacino Levalossi and Pietro della Gazata: Chronicon Regiense. Ab Anno MCCLXXII usqu ad MCCCLXXXVIII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milan 1731, pp. 5–98 , p. 66
- ↑ • Giuseppe Mazzatini: Annales Forolivienses ab origine urbis usque ad annum MCCCCLXXIII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903–09 , pp. 66–67
- ↑ • Guillelmus de Cortusiis: Chronica de novitatibus Padue et Lombardie (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Bologna , pp. 120–121
- ↑ • Buccio di Ranallo: Cronica. Edizione critica e commento (= Archivio Romanzo). Florence 2008 , pp. 241–242.
- ↑ • Bonamenta Aliprandi: "Aliprandina" o "Cronica di Mantua". In: Breve Chronicon Monasterii mantuani sancti Andree ord. Bened. di Antonio Nerli (AA. 800–1431). Segue in appendice o Cronica di Mantua (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1908, pp. 21–183 , p. 133.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca A (-1350). In: Corpus Chronicorum Bonoiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). Città di Castello 1938 , pp. 582–583.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca detta dei Bolognetti [-1350]. In: Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium.Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1938 , pp. 589–592.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Estense cum additamentis usque ad annum 1478 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1908 , p. 162
- ↑ Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 213
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Estense cum additamentis usque ad annum 1478 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1908 , p. 161
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 252
- ↑ • Dominico de Gravina: Chronicon de rebus in Apulia gestis. (AA. 133–1350) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , p. 49
- ↑ • Giuseppe Mazzatini: Annales Forolivienses ab origine urbis usque ad annum MCCCCLXXIII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903–09 , pp. 66-67
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Estense cum additamentis usque ad annum 1478 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1908 , p. 162
- ↑ • Agnolo di Tura del Grasso: Cronache senese attribuita ad Agnolo di Tura del Grasso detta la Cronica Maggiore. In: Cronache senesi (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, pp. 253–564 p. 553
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , p. 394
- ↑ • Anonymus: Juliani canonici Civitatenses chronica (aa. 1252–1364) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1906 , p. 57
- ↑ • Raphaynus de Caresinis: Chronica AA. 1343-1388 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1992 , p. 5
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca detta dei Bolognetti [-1350]. In: Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium.Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1938 , pp. 575-576
- ↑ Template:Le libre de memorias de Jacme Mascaro, p. 41.
- ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , pp. 230-232
- ↑ Translation according to Jonathan Usher Decameron Web
- ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , p. 232
- ↑ Translation according to Jonathan Usher Decameron Web
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.
- ↑ • al-Nuwayrī, Muḥammad b. Qāsim al-Iskandarānī: Kitāb al-Ilmām bi-l-iʿlām fīmā jarat bihī l-aḥkām wa-l-umūr al-maqḍiyyah fī waqʿat al-Iskandariyya. 7 vols.. Hyderabad , vol. 4 (1970), pp. 126-127; 143.
- ↑ • Ibn Ḥabīb, Badr al-Dīn Abū Muḥammad al-Ḥasan b. ʿUmar al-Dimashqī al-Ḥalabī: Tadhkirat al-nabīh fī ayyām al-Manṣūr wa-banīhi. 3 vols.. Cairo , vol. 3 (1986), pp. 110-112
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.
- ↑ • Ermanno Orlando: Registro XXIV (1347-1349). (= Venezia – Senato. Deliberazioni miste). Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Venezia 2007, ISBN 9788888143750 , p. 298
- ↑ • Alberto Sorbelli: Cronica gestorum ac factorum memorabilium civitatis Bononiensis / Gerolamo Albertucci de' Borselli (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1912 , p. 43
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca Villola(-1350). In: Corpus Chronicorum Bonoiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). Città di Castello 1938 , p. 587
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.
- ↑ • Agnolo di Tura del Grasso: Cronache senese attribuita ad Agnolo di Tura del Grasso detta la Cronica Maggiore. In: Cronache senesi (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, pp. 253–564 , p. 555.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Discorso historico con molti accidenti occorsi in Orvieto et in altre parti principiando dal 1342 fino al 1368. In: Annales Urbevetani, Cronica potestatum (1194–1332) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1922–24 , pp. 25–26.
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), pp. 319-320.
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], p. 918
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Caesenatenses (= Fonti per la storia dell'Italia Medievale. Antiquitates). Istituto Storico Italiano, Roma 2003 , p. 182
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.
- ↑ • Guillelmus de Cortusiis: Chronica de novitatibus Padue et Lombardie (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Bologna , p. 121
- ↑ • Dinānah, Taha: Die Schrift von Abī Ǧaʿfar Aḥmed ibn ʿAlī ibn Moḥammed ibn ʿAlī ibn Ḫātimah aus Almeriah über die Pest. (= Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin). 1927, pp. 27-81 , pp. 40-41
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca Malatestiana del Secolo XIV (AA. 1295-1385). (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1912, pp. 3-54 , p. 17
- ↑ • Bernardino Azzurini: Liber Rubeus sive Collectanea historica de rebus faventinorum. In: Chronica Breviora aliaque monumenta faventina (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1907, pp. 3–282 , p. 129
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 503-504
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 1 (1853), pp. 227-229
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 1 [Cambridge 1958], pp. 143-144
- ↑ • Anonymus: Discorso historico con molti accidenti occorsi in Orvieto et in altre parti principiando dal 1342 fino al 1368. In: Annales Urbevetani, Cronica potestatum (1194–1332) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1922–24 , p. 25, note 2
- ↑ • Ermanno Orlando: Registro XXIV (1347-1349). (= Venezia – Senato. Deliberazioni miste). Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Venezia 2007, ISBN 9788888143750 , pp. 325-327
- ↑ • Ermanno Orlando: Registro XXIV (1347-1349). (= Venezia – Senato. Deliberazioni miste). Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Venezia 2007, ISBN 9788888143750 , pp. 332-333
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), p. 322
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 919
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), pp. 320-321
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 918-919
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 504-506.
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), p. 323
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 919-920
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), p. 324.
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 (London 1994), p. 920
- ↑ • Anonymus: Discorso historico con molti accidenti occorsi in Orvieto et in altre parti principiando dal 1342 fino al 1368. In: Annales Urbevetani, Cronica potestatum (1194–1332) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1922–24 , p. 25, note 2
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 507-508.
- ↑ Kalendarium Zwetlense, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 689-698, 692, l. 26-40
- ↑ Continuatio Zwetlensis quarta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 684-689, 685
- ↑ Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis quinta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 735-742, 736
- ↑ Annales Matseenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 823-837, 829f.
- ↑ Notae Cracovienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 5, p. 905
- ↑ Chronica Sialandie. In: Ellen Jørgensen: Annales Danici medii ævi. København 1920, p. 175
- ↑ Annálarbrót frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 223.
- ↑ Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 275-276
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 257
- ↑ Spominki Wladislawskie, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, p. 945
- ↑ Chronica Oliviensis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica tom. VI, pp. 310-350, p. 347
- ↑ Tryggve Lundén:Den Heliga Birgitta, Himmelska uppenbarelser. Vol. 3., ch. 113. Malmö 1958, p. 182
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), p. 509.
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), p. 509.
- ↑ Continuatio Novimontensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 669-677, 676
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 515-516
- ↑ • Anonymus: Discorso historico con molti accidenti occorsi in Orvieto et in altre parti principiando dal 1342 fino al 1368. In: Annales Urbevetani, Cronica potestatum (1194–1332) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1922–24 , p. 25, note 2
- ↑ Miroslav Flodr (ed.), Pamětní kniha města Brna z let 1343-1376 (1379), Brno 2005, p. 120, no 232.
- ↑ Chronica Archiepiscoporvm Lvndensivm. In: M. Cl. Gertz: Scriptores minores historiæ Danicæ medii ævi Vol. 2. København 1922, p. 117
- ↑ Annales Scanici Sialandie. In: Ellen Jørgensen: Annales Danici medii ævi. København 1920, p. 189
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 300
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 326
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 338
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 348
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 352
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 32
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 393
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 218-219.
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 2-4
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , pp. 381-382
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , (Continuatio II A) pp. 396-397
- ↑ Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VIII, p. 95, no. 129
- ↑ Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VIII, p. 97f., no. 133
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 322
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 140