Summer

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In Summer, a total of 61 epidemic events are known so far.

Locations and Spreading

  Date Summary  
Source
Translation
  T
1154 – 1154 A plague in the troops of George [Yuriy Dolgorukiy] and his sons marching from Rostov Rusia to "Rus’", against the prince of Kiev, Izyaslav Mstislavovich.   [6662] Toм жe лѣтѣ пoидe Гюpги cъ pocтoвци, и cъ cyдaльци, и cъ всѣми дѣтми своими в Pycь, и бысть мopъ въ вceмъ плъкy eгo, якo жe нe былъ николи жe. [1] 1154[2] That year George [Yuriy Dolgorukiy] went with the Rostovians, the Suzdalians, and all his children to Rus’, and there was a plague in his entire troops[3], such as had never happened [before]. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)
1189, Summer – 1189, August A mortality among men and cattle breaks out during a warm summer.   Estas ferventissima usque ad augustum mensem fuit, in quo etiam mortalitas hominum et pecudum immensa contigit. [4] The summer (1189) has been very hot until August, and a mortality among men and cattle occured meanwhile. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1258 In summer high mortality in Italy.   Eo anno aestate fuit hominum magna mortalitas. [5] In this year was a high mortality among humans. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1284, Summer Great plague in Iceland in 1284, followed by a lunar eclipse. Out of the three lunar eclipses of that year, the only one visible in Iceland was the Total Lunar Eclipse on 29 June 1284   Sott mikil […] Eclipsis lune. [6] Great plague […] Lunar eclipse. (Translation: Carina Damm)
1285, Summer Severe plague among cattles.   Pestilentia pecudum solito maior per totam estatem duravit, ita ut in Augusta non decima pars vaccarum remaneret viva. [7] The plague of cattle lasted longer than usual throughout the entire summer, so that in the month of August not even a tenth part of the cows remained alive. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1291 Destruction of the crops [through the invasion of King Andreas II. of Hungary and also a plague   Segetes tempore messis tam per pabulum quam per incendium et conculcationem pedum equorum ac hominum penitus devastavit; et talis pestilencia sex septimanis in terra ista duravit, et multo deterius huic terre fecit, quam Bela [8]
1297, Summer Cattle plague in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia   Toгo же лѣтa[9] [6806] бысть моръ на cкoтъ. [10] This summer [6806] [11] there was a cattle plague. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)
1312, June Price increase and high mortality in Bologna   Eo anno fuit karitudo magna panis et vini tempore estivo et mortalitas magna gencium ubicumque; et multi de Bononia obierunt, et medici non bene cognoserunt malum eorum. Item de mense iunii desendit furmentum et valuit xx soldos quod parum ante valebat lv soldos bon., et valuit illo anno acetum et vinum xl soldos et ultra. [12] (Translation needed)
1316 Great Famine in Northwest-Europe, therefore grain export from southern Italy; epidemic also in Italy   Nel detto anno MCCXVI grande pestilenzia di fame e mortalità avenne nelle parti di Germania, cioè nelle Magna di sopra verso tramontana, e stesesi in Olanda, e in Frisia, e in Silanda, e in Brabante, e in Fiandra, e in Analdo, e infino ne la Borgogna, e in parte di Francia; e fu sì pericolosa, che più che il terzo de la gente morirono, e da l'uno giorno a l'altro quegli che parea sano era morto. E 'l caro fu sì grande di tutte vittuaglie e di vino, che se non fosse che di Cicilia e di Puglia vi si mandò per mare gli mercantati per lo grande guadagno, tutti morieno di fame. Questa pestilenzia avenne per lo verno dinanzi, e poi la primavera e tutta la state fu sì forte piovosa, e 'l paese è basso, che l'acqua soperchiò e guastò ogni semanta. Allora le terre affogarono sì, che più anni appresso quasi non fruttarono, e corruppe l'aria. E dissono certi astrolaghi che la cometa ch'apparve, ch'ella dovea venire perché la sua infruenzia fu sopra quegli paesi. E in quello tempo la detta pestilenzia contenne simigliamente i Romagna e in Casentino infino in Mugello. [13] In the said year (1316) there was a great plague of famine and death in the parts of Germany, that is, in Magna above towards the north, and it spread to Holland, and to Friesland, and to Silesia, and to Brabant, and to Flanders, and to Analde, and even to Burgundy, and to parts of France; and it was so dangerous that more than a third of the people died, and from one day to the next those who seemed healthy were dead. And the cost was so great of all the victuals and wine, that if it were not for the fact that the merchants of Cicilia and Apulia were sent there by sea for the great profit, all died of hunger. This pestilence happened during the winter before, and then the spring and the whole state was so rainy, and the land was so low, that the water overpowered and spoiled every seed. Then the land drowned so, that more years after it scarcely bore fruit, and corrupted the air. And certain astrologers said that the comet that appeared, that it had to come because its infuence was over those countries. And at that time the said pestilence similarly contained the Romagna and Casentino until Mugello. (Translation: DeepL)
1323, summer – 1323, autumn In the wake of a hot, black storm illnesses (amrāḍ) spread in Cairo in summer/autumn 723 AH (1323). For the period of a month, a number of people died. A similar storm had killed people in Damascus before, in Shaʿbān 723 AH (August 5 - September 2, 1323), and had made fruits wither and water run dry; Damascene wheat prices had subsequently gone up. In Cairo, the storm equally hampered grain crop growth, hence grain prices rose since little grain was available.  
1323-08-05-Damascus.jpg
 [14] 		(Translation needed)
1323, July 28 – 1323, August 23 The Papal commander Raimondo di Cardona leads an army to attack Milan, but a ravaging disease forces him and his army to retreat to Monza   Multi ergo diebus dominus Raymondus praedictus cum militum et peditum copiosa comitiva burogs Mediolani occupavit, et inde Mediolanensibus intrinsecis multa damna dedit, et persaepe alii alios invadebant; tandem causante calore, et multitudine gentium causam praebente, aer corrumpitur, et maxima epidemia generatur in burgis, adeo quod intra modicum tempus magis quam tercenti ex soldatis ipsius domini Raymondi sunt peremti, et fere circa DCCC graviter infirmati, quod attente considerans domninus Raymondus praedictus, timens de futuris, tam de morte infirmantium, quam etiam de statu proprio, et de attenuatione etiam exercitus, per hunc modum, more prodentis, viam eligens tutiorem, caute infirmos omnes super currus et vehicula poni fecit, et Modoeciam secure conduci. [15] Many days the aforementioned Lord Raimondo occupied with many knights and soldiers the suburbs of Milano, and he caused the besieged Milanese a lot of damage, and often they attacked each other. But because of the heat and the masses of people, the air corrupted and a very big epidemic broke out in the suburbs. Within short time more than 300 soldiers of Lord Raimondo had died, and almost 800 had fell ill. After careful reflection, the aforementioned Lord Raimond who feared for the future both the death of the infected as his personal health, but also the lessening of his army, wisely he chose to put the sick on carts and other vehicles and led them securely to Monza (Translation: Martin Bauch) [16][17]
1341, Winter – 1341, Summer Great mortality among sheep and cattle in southern Iceland in 1341   Snio vetr sva micill fyrir sunnan land at engi vissi dæmi til annars þviliks. lagði a fyrir vetr ok helltz til sumars ok fylgði fiar fellir micill allz háttar. Elldz vpp quama inn setta í Heklu felli einni nótt eptir festum Dunstani. með sva miklu myrkri af ósku fallinu at í sumum stóðum fra dagmalum til nóns sa ekki skrím vti helldr enn menn væri blindir. ok var þo mikit myrkr allan daginn ok marga aðra siðan tok askan i aukla undir Eyia fióllum. ok fylgði naut fellir micill. annarr elldr var vppi í Hnappar vallar iókli. hinn priði i Herði breið yfir Fliotzdals heraði ok voru allir jafnsnemma vppi. [18] A winter with such a great snowfall in the south of the country that no one knew of anything alike. [The snow] laid before the winter and stayed until the summer, and was followed by a great mortality of all kinds among sheep. The last volcanic eruption of Mount Hekla one night after the feast of St Dunstan (= 19 May) [happened] with so much darkness from the fall of ash that in some places it was impossible to see anything outside from daytime to the ninth hour, and people were blind. And it was very dark all day and many others were covered by the ash under Eyjafjöll and there followed a great loss of cattle. Another fire was up in Hnapparvallarjökull, the third in Herðubreið above the region of Fljótsdal and they were all up at the same time. (Translation: Carina Damm)
1341, Spring – 1341, Summer Volcanic eruption of Hekla in 1341. Followed by a great famine and mortality among sheep and cattle. 800 oxen died in the diocese of Skálholt between May and June.   Ellz upp kuama i Heklu felli med myklu sanndfalli ok sua storum brestum at biorgum laust saman i elldinum at naliga heyrdi um allt land sua uar ok dimt medan sanndfallid stod mest yfir. at eigi uar bok liost i kirkium þeim er næst stodu uppkuamu ellzins. hallæri mikid. mikill fiarfellir bædi sauda ok nauta sua at midil fardaga ok Peturs messo fiell at eins fyrir Skalhollti lxxx nauta. [19] A fire broke out in Mount Hekla with a great fall of sand and such large cracks in the rocks that the fire could be heard all over the country. It was also mostly dark while the sand fell, so there was no light in the churches that were closest to the outbreak of the fire. Great famine. A great mortality of both sheep and cattle, so that between the 'moving days' (=21−27 May) and St. Peter's Mass (29 June), a total of 80 oxen died in Skálholt. (Translation: Carina Damm)
1348 A report from Francesco Petrarca to the bishop of Padua about the actions of a Carthusian monk in Méounes-lès-Montrieux during the plague of 1348, who was against fleeing the plague and helped his friars dying of the plague without fear. He rebuilt his monastery after the severe plague wave.   Cum pestis hec que omnes terras ac maria pervagata est, ad vos ex ordine venisset et castra in quibus Cristo militas, invasisset, priorque tuus, vir alioquin, ut ipse novi, sancti ardentisque propositi, tamen inopino malo territus, hortaretur fugam, te illi cristiane simul ac philosophice respondisse acrius iret quo se dignum crederet, te in custodia tibi a Cristo credita permansurum; cumque iterum et iterum instaret et inter terrores alios sepulcrum quoque tibi defuturum minaretur, dixisse te illam tibi ex omnibus ultimam curam esse, neque enim tua interesse sed superstitum quali iaceas sepultura; illum postremo cessisse ad penates patrios nec ita multo post morte illuc eum insequente subtractum, te vero incolumem, Eo apud quem est fons vite protegente, mansisse; et cum diebus paucis mors quattuor et triginta qui illic erant, abstulisset, solum in (p. 2212) monasterio resedisse. Illud addebant te nullo morbi contagio deterritum, astitisse fratribus tuis expirantibus et suprema verba atque oscula excipientem et gelida corpora lavantem, sepe uno die tres plures ve tuis manibus indefesso pietatis obsequio sepelisse et exportasse tuis humeris, cum iam qui foderet aut qui iusta morientibus exhiberet, nemo esset; solum te ad ultimum cum cane unico remansisse, totis noctibus vigilantem, modica lucis parte necessarie quieti data, cum interim predones nocturni, quorum feracissima est regio, sepe per intempeste noctis silentia locum invadentes a te, imo a Cristo qui tecum erat, nunc pacificis nunc acrioribus verbis exclusi, nichil damni sacris edibus inferre potuerint; cum vero transisset estas illa terribilis, misisse et ad proxima servorum Cristi loca ut aliquis tibi loci tui custos mitteretur; quo facto ivisse Cartusiam et ab illo, religionis nunc cultore unico in terris, priore loci inter tres et octuaginta priores alienigenas te non priorem, singulari et insolito honore susceptum, obtinuisse ut tibi prior ac monachi darentur quos e diversis conventibus elegisses, quibus desertum morte tuorum monasterium reformares, teque hoc velut eximio triumpho letissimum rediisse. [20] When the plague that swept over all lands and seas inevitably reached you and invaded your camp, where you were fighting for Christ, your prior, otherwise of pious and ardent zeal, as I know myself, in horror at the unexpected destruction, advised to flee. Yet, you responded to him with Christian and philosophical wisdom, stating that his counsel would be welcome if there were any place impervious to death. Thereafter, he stressed the necessity of departure with no less urgency, to which you responded more firmly, telling him to go wherever he pleased, while you intended to remain steadfast at the post entrusted to you by Christi. And in response to his repeated entreaties, with which he threatened you with many horrors, including the lack of a proper burial, you replied that in the midst of all worries, your concern for how you would lie in the end was the least, for it was not your duty to worry about it; rather, it should concern the survivors. Following this, he finally left for the ancestral household gods, and not long afterward, Death, pursuing him, overtook him there, while you were spared, thanks to your protector, in whom 'the source of life' resides. Certainly, in a matter of a few days, Death claimed thirty-four occupants in that place, and you were the only one left in the monastery. They also added the following: You fearlessly provided aid to your dying brethren, accepting their last words and embraces, washing their lifeless bodies, often carrying three or more of them on your shoulders in unwavering devotion on a single day, and burying them with your own hands, as there was no one else to dig graves or attend to the dying. In the end, when you were alone with only a single dog, you spent whole nights awake and allowed yourself only a modest portion of bright daylight for necessary rest. By that time, nocturnal thieves, who found that area highly fertile, often assaulted that place in the still of the deepest night, but through you, or rather with the assistance of Christ, they were repelled, either by peaceful or sharp words, so that they could not harm the consecrated buildings. However, when that dreadful summer came to an end, you sent a request to the servants of Christ in nearby settlements, asking them to send a guardian for your monastery. Subsequently, you moved to the Chartreuse, where you were received by the prior, who was now the sole representative of the order in that region, and by eighty-three foreign priors, with exceptional and unique honors, even though you were a non-prior. You managed to secure a prior and monks from different convents to revitalize the empty monastery following the death of your brothers. [21]
1348, March – 1348, September Arrival of the Black Death in Florence: a most detailed description of all its impacts and consequences   Negli anni del Signore MCCXLVIII fu nella città di Firenze e nel contado grandissima pistilenzia, e fu di tale furore e di tanta tempesta, che nella casa dove s'appigliava chiunque servìa niuno malato, tutti quelli che lo' serviano, moriano di quel medesimo male, e quasi niuno passava lo quarto giorno, e non valeva nè medico, nè medicina, o che non fossero ancora conosciute quelle malattie, o che li medici non avessero sopra quelle mai studiato, non parea che rimedio vi fosse. Fu di tanta paura che niuno non sapea che si fare; quando s'appigliava in alcuna casa, spesso avvenia che non vi rimanea persona che non morisse. E non bastava solo gli uomini e le femmine, ma ancora gli animali sensitivi, cani e gatte, polli, buoi, asini e pecore moriano di quella malattia e con quel segno, e quasi niuno, a cui venà lo segno, o pochi, veniano a guarigione. Lo segno era questo, che, o tra la coscia e'l corpo al modo (nodo?) d'anguinaia, o sotto lo ditello apparia un grossetto, e la febbre a un tratto, e quando sputava, sputava sangue mescolato colla saliva, e quegli che sputava sangue niuno campava. Fu questa cosa di tanto spavento, che veggendo appiccarla in una casa, ove cominciava, come detto è, non vi rimanea niuno; le genti spaventate abbondanavano la casa, e fuggivano in un' altra; e chi nella città, e chi si fuggia in villa. Medici non si trovavano, perocchè moriano come gli altri; quelli che si trovavano, voleano smisurato prezzo in mano innanzi che intrassero nella casa, ed entratovi, tocavono il polso col viso volo adrieto, e' da lungi volevono vedere l'urina con cose odorifere al naso. Lo figluolo abbandonava il padre, lo marito la moglie, la moglie il marito, l'uno fratello l'altro, l'una sirocchia l'altra. Tutta la città non avea a fare altro che a portare morti a sepellire; mollti ne morirono, che non ebbono all lor fine nè confessione ed altri sacramenti; e moltissimi morirono che non fu chi li vedesse, e molti ne morirono di fame, imperocchè come uno si ponea in sul letto malato, quelli di casa sbigottiti gli diceano: “Io vo per lo medico” e serravano pianamente l'uscio da via, e non vi tornavano più. Costui abbandonato dalle persone e poi da cibo, ed accompagnato dalla febbre si venia meno. Molti erano, che sollicitavano li loro che non li abbandonassero, quando venia alla sera; e' diceano all'ammalato: “Acciocchè la notte tu non abbi per ogni cosa a destare chi ti serve, e dura fatica lo dì e la notte, totti tu stesso de' confetti e del vino o acqua, eccola qui in sullo soglio della lettiera (p. 231) sopra 'l capo tuo, e po' torre della roba”. E quando s'addormentava l'ammalato, se n'andava via, e non tornava. Se per sua ventura si trovava la notte confortato di questo cibo la mattina vivo e forte da farsi a finestra, stava mezz'ora innanzichè persona vi valicasse, se non era la via molto maestra, e quando pure alcun passava, ed egli avesse un poco di voce che gli fosse udito, chiamando, quando gli era risposto, non era soccorso. Imperocchè niuno, o pochi voleano intrare in casa, dove alcuno fosse malato, ma ancora non voelano ricettare di quelli, che sani uscissero della casa del malato, e diceano: "Egli è affatappiato, non gli parlate" dicendo: "E' l'ha perocchè in casa sua è il Gavocciolo; e chiamavano quelle inflato gavocciolo. Moltissimi morieno senza esser veduti, che stavano in sullo letto tanto che puzzavano. E la vicinanza, se v'era, sentito lo puzzo, mettevono per borsa, e lo mandavano a seppellire. Le case rimaneano aperte, e non er ardito persona di tocare nulla, che parea che le cose rimanessero avvelenate, che chi le usava gli s'appicava il male.Fecesi a ogni chiesa, o alle più, fosse infon all'acqua, larghe e cupe, secondo lo popolo era grande; e quivi chi non era molto ricco, la notte morto, quegli, a cui toccava, se lo metteva sopra la spalla, o gittavalo in questa fossa, o pagava gran prezzo a chi lo facesse. La mattina se ne trovavano assai nella fossa, toglievasi della terra, e gettavasi laggiuso loro addosso; e poi veniano gli altri sopr'essi, e poi la terra addosso a suolo, a suolo, con poca terra, come si ministrasse lasagne a fornire formaggio. Li' beccamorti, che facevano gli servigi, erono prezzolati di sì gran prezzo, che molti n'arrichirono, e molti ne morirono, chi ricco e chi con poco guadagno, ma gran prezzo avieno. Le serviziali, o o serviziali, che servieno li malati volieno da uno in tre fiorini per dì e le spese di cose fiorite. Le cose che mangiavano i malati, confetti e zucchero, smisuratamente valevano. Fu vendeuta di tre in otto fiorini la libbra di zucchero e al simile gli altri confetti. Li pollastri ed alti pollami a meraviglia carissimi, e l'uovo di prezzo di denari 12 in 24 l'uno; e beato chi ne trovava tre il dì con cercare tutta la città. La cera era miracolo; la libbra sarebba montata più di un fiorino, senonchè vi si puose freno alle grande burbanze, che sempre feciono gli Fiorentini, perocchè si diede ordine non si potesse portare più due doppieri. Le chiese non avieno più che una bara, com' è d'uso, non bastava. Li speziali e bechamorti avien prese bare, coltri e guanciali con grandissimo prezzo. Lo vestire di stamigna che si usava nei morti, che soleva costare una donna, gonella guarnacca e mantello e veli, fiorini tre, montò in pregio di fiorini trenta, e sarebbe ito in fiorini cento, se non che si levò di vestire della stamigna, e chi era ricco vestiva di panno, e chi non ricco in lenzoletto lo cucìa. Costava le panche, che si pongono i morti, uno sfolgoro, e ancora non bastava tutte le panche ch'erano il centesimo. Lo sonare delle campane non si potevano li preti contentare; di che si fece ordine tra per lo sbigottimento del sonare delle campane e per lo vender le panche e raffrenare le spese, che a niuno corpo si sonasse, nè si ponesse panche, nè si bandisse, perocchè l'udivano gli ammalati, sbigottivano li sani, nonchè i malati. Li preti e i frati andavano ai ricchi e in tanta moltitudine, ed erano sì pagati di tanto prezzo che tutti arrichieno. E però si fece ordine che non si potesse avere più che d'una regola e la chiesa del popolo, e per la regola sei frati e non più. Tutte le frutta nocive vietarono a entrare nella città, come susine acerbe, mandorle in erba, fave fresche, fichi ed ogni frutta [p. 232] non utile e non sana. Molte processioni ed orlique e la tavola di S. Maria Impruneta vennero andando per la città, gridando: "Misericordià", e facendo orazioni, e poi in sulla ringhiera dei Priori fermate. Vi si rendereno paci di gran questioni e di ferite e di morte d'uomini. Fu questa cosa di tanto sbigottimento e di tanta paura' che le genti si ragunavano in brigata a mangiare per pigliare qualche conforto; e dava l'uno la sera cena a dieci compagni, e l'altra sera davono ordine di mangiare con uno di quelli, e quando credevono cenare con quello, ed egli era senza cena, che quegli era malato, o quando era fatta la cena per dieci, vi se ne trovava meno due o tre. Chi si fuggìa in villa, chi nelle castella per mutare aria; ove non eralo portavono, se v'era lo crescevano. Niuna Arte si lavorava in Firenze: tutte le botteghe serrate, tutte le taverne chiuse, salvo speziali e chiese. Per la Terra andavi, che non trovavi persona; e molti buoni e ricchi uomini erano portati dalla casa a chiesa nella bara con quattro beccamortì et uno chiericuzzo che portava la croce, e poi volieno uno fiorino uno. Di questa mortalità arricchirono speziali, medici, pollaiuoli, beccamorti, trecche di malva, ortiche, marcorelle et altre erbe da impiastri per macerare malori. E fu più quelle che feciono queste trecche d'erbe, fu gran denaro. Lanaiuoli, e ritagliatori che si trovarono panni li vendeano ciò che chiedeono. Ristata la mortalità chi si trovò panni fatti d'ogni ragione n'aricchiì, o chi si trovò da poterne fare; ma molti se ne trovarono intignati' e guasti e perduti a' telai; e stame e lana in quantità perdute per la città e contado. Questa pistolenza cominciò di marzo, come detto è, e finì di settembre 1348. E le genti cominciavono a tornare e rivedersi le case e le masserizie. E fu tante le case pien di tutti li beni, che non avevono signore, ch'era un stupore, poi si cominciarono a vedere gli eredi dei beni. E tale che non aveva nulla si trovò ricco, che non pareva che fusse suo, ed a lui medesimo pareva gli si disdicesse. E cominciornon a sfogiare nei vestimenti e ne' cavagli e le donne e gli uomini [22] In the year of our lord 1348 there occurred in the city and contado of Florence a great pestilence, and such was its fury and violence that in whatever household it took hold, whosoever took care of the sick, all the carers died of the same illness, and almost nobody survived beyond the fourth day, neither doctors nor medicine proving of any avail, and there appeared to be no remedy, either because those illnesses were not yet recognised, or because doctors had never previously had cause to study them properly. Such was the fear that nobody knew what to do: when it caught hold in a household, it often happened that not a single person escaped death. And it wasn't just men and women: even sentient animals such as dogs and cats, hens, oxen, donkeys and sheep, died from that same disease and with those symptoms, and almost none who displayed those symptoms, or very few indeed, effected a recovery. Those symptoms were as follows: either between the thigh and the body, in the groin region, or under the armpit, there appeared a lump, and a sudden fever, and when the victim spat, he spat blood mixed with saliva, and none of those who spat blood survived. Such was the terror this caused that seeing it take hold in a household, as soon as it started, nobody remained: everybody abandoned the dwelling in fear, and fled to another; some fled into the city and others into the countryside. No doctors were to be found, because they were dying like everybody else; those who could be found wanted exorbitant fees cash-in-hand before entering the house, and having entered, they took the patient's pulse with their heads turned away, and assayed the urine samples from afar, with aromatic herbs held to their noses. Sons abandoned fathers, husbands wives, wives husbands, one brother the other, one sister the other. The city was reduced to bearing the dead to burial; many died who at their passing had neither confession nor last sacraments, and many died unseen, and many died of hunger, for when somebody took ill to his bed, the other occupants in panic told him: 'I'm going for the doctor'; and quietly locked the door from the outside and didn't come back. The victim, abandoned by both people and nourishment, yet kept constant company by fever, wasted away. Many were those who begged their families not to abandon them; when evening came, the relatives said to the patient: 'So that you don't have to wake up the people looking after you at night, asking for things, because this is going on day and night, you yourself can reach for cakes and wine or water, here they are on the shelf above your bed, you can get the stuff when you want'. And when the patient fell asleep, they went away and did not return. If, through good fortune the victim had been strengthened by that food, the next morning alive and still strong enough to get to the window, he would have to wait half an hour before anybody came past, if this was not a busy thoroughfare, and even when the odd person passed by, and the patient had enough voice to be heard a little, if he shouted, sometimes he would be answered and sometimes not, and even if he were to be answered, there was no help to be had. For not only none or very few wished to enter a house where there were any sick people, but they didn't even want to have contact with those who issued healthy from a sick person's house, saying: 'He's jinxed, don't speak to him', saying: 'He's got it because there's the "gavocciolo" [bubo] in his house'; and 'gavocciolo' was the name they gave to these swellings. Many died without being seen, remaining on their beds till they stank. And the neighbours, if any were left, having smelled the stench, did a whip round and sent him for burial. Houses remained open, nobody dared to touch anything, for it seemed that things remained poisoned, and whoever had anything to do with them caught the disease.

At every church, or at most of them, pits were dug, down to the water-table, as wide and deep as the parish was populous; and therein, whosoever was not very rich, having died during the night, would be shouldered by those whose duty it was, and would either be thrown into this pit, or they would pay big money for somebody else to do it for them. The next morning there would be very many in the pit. Earth would be taken and thrown down on them; and then others would come on top of them, and then earth on top again, in layers, with very little earth, like garnishing lasagne with cheese. The gravediggers who carried out these functions were so handsomely paid that many became rich and many died, some already rich and others having earned little, despite the high fees. The female and male sick-bay attendants demanded from one to three florins a day, plus sumptuous expenses. The foodstuffs suitable for the sick, cakes and sugar, reached outrageous prices. A pound of sugar was sold at between three and eight florins, and the same went for other confectionery. Chickens and other poultry were unbelievably expensive, and eggs were between 12 and 24 denari each: you were lucky to find three in a day, even searching through the whole city. Wax was unbelievable: a pound of wax rose to more than a florin, nevertheless an age-old arrogance of the Florentines was curbed, in that an order was given not to parade more than two large candles. The churches only had one bier apiece, as was the custom, and this was insufficient. Pharmacists and grave-diggers had obtained biers, hangings and laying-out pillows at great price. The shroud-cloth apparel which used to cost, for a woman, in terms of petticoat, outer garment, cloak and veils, three florins, rose in price to thirty florins, and would have risen to one hundred florins, except that they stopped using shroud-cloth, and whoever was rich was dressed with plain cloth, and those who weren't rich were sewn up in a sheet. The benches placed for the dead cost a ludicrous amount, and there weren't enough of them even if there had been a hundred times more. The priests couldn't get enough of ringing the bells: so an order was passed, what with the panic caused by the bells ringing and the sale of benches and the curbing of spending, that nobody should be allowed the death-knell, nor should benches be placed, nor should there be a public announcement by the crier, because the sick could hear them, and the healthy took fright as well as the sick. The priests and friars thronged to the rich, and were paid such great sums that they all enriched themselves. And so an ordinance was passed that only one rule (of religious houses) and the local church could be had, and from that rule a maximum of six friars. All harmful fruit, such as unripe plums, unripe almonds, fresh beans, figs and all other inessential unhealthy fruit, was forbidden from entering the city. Many processions and relics and the painting of Santa Maria Impruneta were paraded around the city, to cries of 'Mercy', and with prayers, coming to a halt at the rostrum of the Priori. There peace was made settling great disputes and questions of woundings and killings. Such was the panic this plague provoked that people met for meals as a brigata to cheer themselves up; one person would offer a dinner to ten friends, and the next evening it would be the turn of one of the others to offer the dinner, and sometimes they thought they were going to dine with him, and he had no dinner ready, because he was ill, and sometimes the dinner had been prepared for ten and two or three less turned up. Some fled to the country, and some to provincial towns, to get a change of air; where there was no plague they brought it, and where it already existed they added to it. No industry was busy in Florence; all the workshops were locked up, all the inns were closed, only chemists and churches were open. Wherever you went, you could find almost nobody; many rich good men were borne from their house to church in their coffin with just four undertakers and a lowly cleric carrying the cross, and even then they demanded a florin apiece. Those who especially profited from the plague were the chemists, the doctors, the poulterers, the undertakers, and the women who sold mallow, nettles, mercury plant and other poultice herbs for drawing abscesses. And those who made the most were these herb sellers. Woollen merchants and retailers when they came across cloth could sell it for whatever price they asked. Once the plague had finished, anybody who could get hold of whatsoever kind of cloth, or found the raw materials to make it, became rich; but many ended up moth-eaten, spoilt and useless for the looms, and thread and raw wool lost in the city and the contado. This plague began in March as has been said, and finished in September 1348. And people began to return to their homes and belongings. And such was the number of houses full of goods that had no owner, that it was amazing. Then the heirs to this wealth began to turn up. And someone who had previously had nothing suddenly found himself rich, and couldn't believe it was all his, and even felt himself it wasn't quite right. And both men and women began to show off with clothes and horses. [23]

1348, May – 1348, June The Black Death at the Levantine coast (sawāḥil): The inhabitants of Damascus, after having heard about plague (wabāʾ) in the Levantine coastal plain and other regions, feared it might reach their city, too, and many people might die of the disease (dāʾ). For this reason, al-Bukhārī's (d. 870) hadith collection was recited in Damascus after Friday prayer on June 6, 1348. The judges and a group of people were present. Prayers of supplication were spoken, asking God to bring the pandemic to an end. On June 9, surah "Nūḥ" from the Quran was recited 3,363 times.  
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 [24] 		(Translation needed)
1348, May 31 – 1348, September
VN: 1000 + 300 + 2400 		In the beginning of Rabīʿ I, 749 H (the month began on May 31, 1348) news about the Black Death in Gaza reached Aleppo while the author stayed there. The daily death toll had reportedly amounted to more than 1,000. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa then traveled on to Ḥoms which had already been affected by the plague; ca. 300 people died on the day of his arrival. He went on to Damascus whose inhabitants had fasted for three days [July 22 to 24] and on Friday set out for the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām). God subsequently reduced the burden of plague lasting on them. The daily death toll in the city had amounted to 2,400. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa traveled on to ʿAjlūn, and then to Jerusalem where the plague wave had already come to an end.  
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 [25] 		In the first days of the month of Rabīʿ I in the year forty-nine news reached us in Aleppo that plague had broken out in Ghazza and that the number of dead there exceeded thousand a day. I went to Ḥims and found that the plague had already struck there; about three hundred persons died on the day of my arrival. I went to Damascus and arrived on a Thursday; the people had been fasting for three days. On Friday they went to the Mosque of the Footprints, as we have related in the first book. God alleviated their plague. The number of deaths among them had risen to two thousand four hundred a day. Then I went to ʿAjlūn, and then to Bait al-Muqaddas [Jerusalem], where I found the plague had ceased. [26]
1348, May 31 – 1348, June 28
VN: 100 per day 		Black Death in Damascus from May 31 to June 28, 1348) with every day more than 100 people died; especially women.   1348-06-00-Damascus.png [27] The Black Death in Damascus: In the month of Rabīʿ I 749 H (May 31 to June 28, 1348), every day more than 100 people died of plague (amrāḍ al-ṭawāʿīn) in Damascus; especially women died. (Translation: Undine Ott)
1348, June 26 Archbishop Peder of Lund decrees that the testamentary heirs of deceased priests may receive the income of the parish church until next year's Quasimodogenitis Sunday.   Da nu — efter hvad vi har erfaret — den uskik har vundet hævd i vort stift Lund, førend vi blev antaget til som biskop at drage omsorg for kirkens styre, at arvingerne efter afdøde gejstlige, der har haft beneficium sammesteds, i kortere og længere tid, uden fast regel, men i henhold til forskelligartede myndigheders afgørelser har oppebåret indtægterne og indkomsterne af nævnte afdøde gejstliges beneficier, hvorved adskillige, såvel de nævnte afdødes arvinger, som de, der tiltrådte samme beneficier, undertiden har lidt et alvorligt afbræk i deres ret, har I ydmygt ansøgt om, at vi med årvågen omsorg vil sørge for Eder med et passende lægemiddel. [28] Since now - according to what we have learnt - this custom has prevailed in our diocese of Lund, before we were accepted as bishop to take care of the church's governance, that the heirs of deceased clergymen who have had beneficium here, for shorter and longer periods of time, without any fixed rule, but according to various decisions of various authorities, have received the revenues and incomes of said deceased clergymen's benefices, whereby several, both the heirs of the said deceased, as well as those who received the same benefices, have sometimes suffered a serious interruption in their rights, you have humbly requested that we, with with vigilant care we will provide you with a suitable medicine. (Translation: Carina Damm)
1348, June 29 – 1348, July 28
VN: 200 per day 		The number of plague deaths in Damascus increased in the month of Rabīʿ II 749 H (June 29–July 28, 1348). More than 200 people died per day, and the removal of the dead bodies was delayed. Poor people suffered the highest losses. On July 3, 1348, the Friday preacher prescribed to recite prayers and supplications asking for the plague to abate. The abolition of taxes (ḍamān) on funeral services by the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) Sayf al-Dīn Arghūn-Shāh al-Nāṣirī was proclaimed on July 14. On July 21, it was announced that the inhabitants of Damascus should fast for three days, and on day four abase themselves before God at the suburban Mosque of the Footprint (Qadam) and implore him to end the plague; afterwards, people set out for the desert to recite prayers of supplication, including Jews, Christians, and Samaritans, high and low, etc.  
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 [29] 		(Translation needed)
1348, July
VN: 24.000 + 2000 		In the days of the Black Death, in late July 1348, the governor of Syria Arghūn-Shāh ordered the inhabitants of Damascus to fast for three days and to close the food stalls in the market. People fasted from July 22 to 24. Afterwards, the elites and the other social strata flocked to the Umayyad Mosque to recite ritual prayers, supplications and invocations of God. They spent the night there, and at dawn the morning prayer was said. Then all the inhabitants of the city – men, women and children – went out to the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām), the amirs on bare feet. Muslims, Jews, and Christians all took part, carrying their respective Books and imploring God. At the mosque, people abased themselves before God and supplicated him. At noon they returned to the city and the Friday prayer was said. God, then, reduced their suffering. The daily death toll in Damascus did not reach 2,000 whereas in Cairo it amounted to 24,000.  
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 [30] 		Anecdote: I witnessed at the time of the Great Plague at Damascus in the latter part of the month of Second Rabīʿ of the year 49, a remarkable instance of the veneration of the people of Damascus for this mosque. Arghun-Shah, king of the amirs and the Sultan's viceroy, ordered a crier to proclaim through Damascus that the people should fast for three days and that no one should cook in the bazaar during the daytime anything to be eaten (for most of the people there eat no food but what has been prepared in the bazaar). So the people fasted for three successive days, the last of which was a Thursday. At the end of this period the amirs, sharifs, qadis, doctors of the Law, and all other classes of the people in their several degrees, assembled in the Great Mosque, until it was filled to overflowing with them, and spent the Thursday night there in prayers and liturgies and supplications. Then, after performing the dawn prayer [on the Friday morning], they all went out together on foot carrying Qur'ans in their hands — the amirs too barefooted. The entire population of the city joined in the exodus, male and female, small and large; the Jews went out with their book of the Law and the Christians with their Gospel, their women and children with them; the whole concourse of them in tears and humble supplications, imploring the favour of God through His Books and His Prophets. They made their way to the Mosque of the Footprints and remained there in supplication and invocation until near midday, then returned to the city and held the Friday service. God Most High lightened their affliction; the number of deaths in a single day reached a maximum of two thousand, whereas the number rose in Cairo and Old Cairo to twenty-four thousand in a day. [31]
1348, August – 1348, September The Black Death's death toll in Gaza   1348-08-00-Gaza.png [32] Then we went to Ghazza and found most of it deserted because of the numbers that had died during the plague. The qāḍī told me that only a quarter of the eighty notaries there were left and that the number of deaths had risen to eleven hundred a day. [33]
1348, August – 1348, September After the Black Death had ended in Jerusalem, the Friday preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn b. Jamāʿa hosted a banquet which the author was invited to: While the plague had lasted, ʿIzz al-Dīn had vowed to host a feast when the epidemic will have abated and he will not have prayed over a deceased person for one day. Most of the notables and dignitaries (ashyākh) Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Jerusalem had died during the plague.   1348-08-00-Jerusalem.png [34] Anecdote: The preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn gave a banquet one day and invited me among his guests. I asked him the reason for it. He told me that during the plague he had sworn he would give a banquet if the plague were to cease and a day were to pass during which he did not pray over a corpse. Then he said: 'Yesterday I did not pray over a corpse so I arranged the banquet as I had promised.' I found that some of the shaikhs I had met in al-Quds [Jerusalem] had departed to be with God Most High. May He have mercy on them! Only a few of them were left like ... [35]
1348, August 7 – 1348, September 27 On August 7, 1348 the number of plague deaths in Damascus and its surroundings reached almost 300. Around September 10 (in mid-Jumādā II 749 H), the number of deceased further increased; both elite and common people died; the exact death toll remained unknown. On August 18, the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) ordered all dogs in the city to be killed. On September 27 [or, according to one manuscript: October 3], 42 deceased were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque alone; the mosque didn’t provide enough space for all the corpses, so some had to be placed outside the Sirr Gate.  
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[36] 		On Thursday, the 10th of Jumada al-Awwal, after the noon prayer, the preacher performed a funeral prayer for sixteen deceased individuals all at once. This greatly alarmed and terrified the people, as death was striking many, and the death toll in the town and its surroundings reached nearly three hundred. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return. After the prayer, another funeral prayer was performed for fifteen deceased individuals at the Great Mosque of Damascus, and at the Mosque of Khalil, a prayer was performed for eleven souls. May Allah have mercy on them.

On Monday, the 21st of the same month, the deputy of the Sultanate ordered the killing of dogs in the town. These dogs had become numerous throughout the town, and there were reports of them attacking people and blocking their way during the night. The defilement of places by these dogs had become widespread, making it difficult to avoid. Many had compiled sections of the hadiths regarding their killing and the differences among the scholars on this issue. Umar, may Allah be pleased with him, used to command in his sermons to slaughter pigeons and kill dogs. Malik, in the narration of Ibn Wahb, stated that it is permissible to kill dogs in a town where they cause harm, provided the Imam permits it for the public interest. On Friday, the second of the month of Rajab, after the Friday prayer at the Umayyad Mosque, a funeral prayer was performed for someone absent, who was Judge Alauddin, the son of Judge Shubha. Then, a funeral prayer was performed for forty-one deceased individuals all at once. The interior of the mosque could not accommodate them, so some of the deceased were taken outside to the gate of Al-Sirr. The preacher and the naqeeb (head of a group) went out and prayed for all of them there. It was a significant and solemn moment, a great tragedy. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)

1356, August Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt with a precise description of symptoms.   Item anno domini McccLVI circa mensem augustum et sequentibus magna in opido Frankenfordensi pestilencia duravit, ac in lectis modico tempore quandoque vix tribus diebus vel circa decumbentes decesserunt. Glauces circa crura vel brachia sua aut tumorem et dolorem circa capita sua vel alibi in corporibus habentes moriebantur. [37] In the year of our Lord 1356, around the month of August and the following months, a great pestilence persisted in the town of Frankfurt. Those afflicted would often lie in bed for a short time, sometimes barely three days or around that, before succumbing. They would die with bluish discoloration around their legs or arms, or with swelling and pain in their heads or elsewhere on their bodies. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1362 A mortality breaks out in England, Anjou, Poitou, in spring (?) and summer (?)   In Britania, Pictavia et Andegavia mortalitas viguit generalis. [38] A mortality raged in Britain, Poitou and Anjou. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1364, Summer Epidemic in Nizhny Novgorod.   На то же лѣто [6872] моръ бы(с)[ть] в Новѣгородѣ в Нижнѣмъ. [39] This summer 1364 the epidemic was in Nizhny Novgorod. (Translation: Adrian Jusupovic)
1374, March – 1374, October A new plague wave hits Florence and the city loses relatively few people, but the societal impact is severe.   Nel detto anno 1374 era fama d'una mortalità dell'usata pestilenza dello infiato dell'anguinaia, o sotto il ditello, e vivisene tre o quattro dì il più alto. Nel generale era stata in tutte le parti circunstanti d'intorno grandissima, bene che ove maggiore e minore; ma nel generale parve essere morto il terzo della gente, o delle bocche, nelle circunstanze. E molte favole e novelle se ne diceano, come di simili cose s'usa di parlare. Cominciò in Firenze di marzo, e a poco a poco seguito la cosa per modo che a settembre o ottobre quasi poco o nulla v'era della detta pestilenzia; e non fu niuna Terra in Toscana, ove del tanto meno gente morissero che in Firenze: perrochè morirono circa settemila bocche, che ve ne era a quel tempo sessanta milia, o più. Ma diessene ancora la utilità al fuggirla, ove era stata, perocchè la maggior parte' della gente con gli figluoli e mogli uscirono di Firenze, e andarono ad abitare in Terre. E niuno era, che avesse di che fare le spese, che non se ne andasse. Fecionsi molti ordini di non sonare campane, nè porro paghe, nè portare più che quattro torchi, e non vestire più ch'è figluoli di nero. Ancora feciono riformagione sopra [p. 290] a chi fuggìa, che se fosse tratto a ufici, fosse stracciato, se infra dieci dì non venisse all' uficio e coresse in pena di cinquecento lire, e poi avesse divieto agli altri ufici; e intorno a ciò assai cose feciero da non farne menzione; epperò taccio. [40] In the mentioned year 1374 there were rumors of the usual plague with the swollen groin, or below the armpit, and one lived three or four days at the longest. In general this happened in all areas around [Florence] with great intensity, although some place were hitten harder than others. But most of the time, one third of the people died in the surrounding areas. And one tells a lot of stories about it, as it always happens with these events. In Florence, it started in March, and slowly but surely the disease continued until September or October, when it had burned itself out. And there was no place in Tuscany, where alltogether more people died than in Florence: About 7000 persons died here from an overall population of more than 60.000. And people considered it a good idea to flee the place where the epidemic happened, so a large part of the population left the city with their childern and spouses and went to live in the countryside. And from those that did not leave, no one did more than just buying food. There were issued many regulations, like not ringing the bells, not doing payments, not carrying more than four torches, and not put on more clothing than the sons of black (Monks?). And they made law about people that fled the city: Whoever had left his office unattended was removed from it, if he did not return within ten days and payed a fine of 500 lire. He would furthermore be banned from other offices. Apart from that much more happened which should not be mentioned, and that's why I remain silent. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1380, July 13 – 1380, September Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from the day of St Margareth (July 13) until autumn.   Item léta božieho 1380 počel se mor v Čechách o svaté panně Markrethě a byl po všie České zemi až do podzimi. [41] In the year of the Lord 1380, the plague began in Bohemia on the feast of the Holy Virgin Margaret, and was all over Bohemia until autumn. (Translation: Christian Oertel)
1396, Summer Epidemic of smallpox la (picota) all over Languedoc. It affects children and adults.   Item, lo dich an, en los petitz enfans et ausi en mots grans corrie la picota et fonc general en tota Lenguadoc. [42] This year, smallpox ("la picota") has been virulent among children and adults, and it spread all across the Languedoc. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1417, Summer – 1417, Winter A fearful plague among the people in Novgorod, and in Ladoga, in Russa, Porkhov, Pskov, Tver, Dmitrov, and in Torzhok, and throughout their districts and villages   В то же лѣто и зиму [6925] [43] бѣ моръ страшенъ в Новѣгородѣ на людех, и в Ладозѣ, и в Русѣ, и в Порховѣ, и во Пьсковѣ, и въ Торжьку, и въ Дмитровѣ, и во Тфѣри, и по властемъ и по погостомъ. И како могу сказати ту бѣду страшную и грозную, бывшюю в весь моръ; кака туга живым по мертвыхъ, понеже умножишася умерших въ градѣх и селех, тѣм же едва успѣваху живии мертвых опрятывати, на всякъ день умираху толко, яко не успѣваху погрѣбати их, а дворовъ много затвориша безъ людии. Преже яко рогатынею ударить и явится железа, или начнет кровию хракати и потомь дрожь имет и огнь ражьжет по всѣмъ уставам человѣческымъ естественым, и недуг походит; и в то болѣзни мнози, лежавъ, изомроша[44]. Мнозѣх же крестиянъ богъ помилова своею милостию: отъидоша житья сего въ аггельском чину, от архиереи маслом мазавшимся; и два посадника преставистася в том же чину: Иванъ Олександрович, Борисъ Васильевич. А владыка Семеонъ съ всею седмию сборовъ и съ крестианы, со кресты обходи около всего великаго Новагорода, молися богу и пречистѣи его матери о престатьи гнѣва божиа. [45] The same summer and winter [6925] there was a fearful plague among the people in Novgorod, and in Ladoga, in Russa, Porkhov, Pskov, Tver, Dmitrov, and in Torzhok, and throughout their districts and villages. And how can I relate the fearful and terrible misery that there was during the whole plague ? What grief the living had for the dead, for the deaths increased so in towns and villages that

the living had barely time to make the dead tidy for burial; so many died every day, that they had not time to bury them; and many houses were closed unoccupied. First of all it would hit one as if with a lance, choking, and then a swelhng would appear, or spitting of blood with shivering, and fire would burn one in all the joints of the body; and then the illness would overwhelm one; and many after lying in that illness died. But to many Christians God was merciful : they left this life entering the angelic order after receiving holy unction from the Vladyka. And two Posadniks died in the same order: Ivan Olexandrovich and Boris Vasilievich. And Vladyka Simeon with all the seven congregations, with the Christians and with crosses went round the whole of Great Novgorod, praying God and His Immaculate Mother to withhold the wrath of God ; and the Christians on horseback and afoot drew logs from the forest and built a church to St. Anastasia which was consecrated the same day by the Vladyka Simeon who performed a holy liturgy ; with the remainder of the logs, they erected a church to St. Ilya in Prussian Street. And the people of Novi-torg put up a church to St. Afanasi likewise in a single day, and performed a liturgy. [46]

1417, Summer – 1418, Winter A fearful plague among the people in Novgorod, and in Ladoga, in Russa, Porkhov, Pskov, Tver, Dmitrov, and in Torzhok, and throughout their districts and villages   В то же лѣто и зиму [6925] [47] бѣ моръ страшенъ в Новѣгородѣ на людех, и в Ладозѣ, и в Русѣ, и в Порховѣ, и во Пьсковѣ, и въ Торжьку, и въ Дмитровѣ, и во Тфѣри, и по властемъ и по погостомъ. И како могу сказати ту бѣду страшную и грозную, бывшюю в весь моръ; кака туга живым по мертвыхъ, понеже умножишася умерших въ градѣх и селех, тѣм же едва успѣваху живии мертвых опрятывати, на всякъ день умираху толко, яко не успѣваху погрѣбати их, а дворовъ много затвориша безъ людии. Преже яко рогатынею ударить и явится железа, или начнет кровию хракати и потомь дрожь имет и огнь ражьжет по всѣмъ уставам человѣческымъ естественым, и недуг походит; и в то болѣзни мнози, лежавъ, изомроша[48]. Мнозѣх же крестиянъ богъ помилова своею милостию: отъидоша житья сего въ аггельском чину, от архиереи маслом мазавшимся; и два посадника преставистася в том же чину: Иванъ Олександрович, Борисъ Васильевич. А владыка Семеонъ съ всею седмию сборовъ и съ крестианы, со кресты обходи около всего великаго Новагорода, молися богу и пречистѣи его матери о престатьи гнѣва божиа. [49] The same summer and winter [6925] there was a fearful plague among the people in Novgorod, and in Ladoga, in Russa, Porkhov, Pskov, Tver, Dmitrov, and in Torzhok, and throughout their districts and villages. And how can I relate the fearful and terrible misery that there was during the whole plague ? What grief the living had for the dead, for the deaths increased so in towns and villages that the living had barely time to make the dead tidy for burial; so many died every day, that they had not time to bury them; and many houses were closed unoccupied. First of all it would hit one as if with a lance, choking, and then a swelhng would appear, or spitting of blood with shivering, and fire would burn one in all the joints of the body; and then the illness would overwhelm one; and many after lying in that illness died. But to many Christians God was merciful : they left this life entering the angelic order after receiving holy unction from the Vladyka. And two Posadniks died in the same order: Ivan Olexandrovich and Boris Vasilievich. And Vladyka Simeon with all the seven congregations, with the Christians and with crosses went round the whole of Great Novgorod, praying God and His Immaculate Mother to withhold the wrath of God ; and the Christians on horseback and afoot drew logs from the forest and built a church to St. Anastasia which was consecrated the same day by the Vladyka Simeon who performed a holy liturgy ; with the remainder of the logs, they erected a church to St. Ilya in Prussian Street. And the people of Novi-torg put up a church to St. Afanasi likewise in a single day, and performed a liturgy. [50]
1438
VN: 45.000 		Mortality by plague (boce) in Paris during summer and autumn. 45 000 persons died in the city   Item, la mortalité fut si grande, espécialement à Paris, car il mourut bien à l'Hôtel-Dieu en cette année cinq mille personnes, et parmi la cité plus de quarante-cinq mille, tant homme, que femme et enfants; car quand la mort se boutait en une maison, elle en emportait la plus grande partie des gens, et espécialement des plus forts et des plus jeunes [51] The mortality was so great in Paris, that at least 5000 persons died at the Hôtel-Dieu. In the city, 45 000 persons died, either men, women and children. When the disease spread in a house, almost every inhabitants died, especially the strongest and the youngest. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1448, Summer A mild attack of plague affecting humans, horses and other animals   [6956] A нa лѣтo мopъ нa кoни и нa вcякую живoтинy и нa люди былъ, дa нeмнoгo. [52] This summer 1448 there was a plague on horses, other animals and people, but not much. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)
1451, Summer – 1453 A plague breaks out in Basel and lasts two years.   Anno domini 51 was pestilency zu Basel, aber nit zu grosz. Aber dem der sine abegieng und schaden beschach, hatte sich zu clagen. Doch starb me mannesnamen denne frowennamen. [53] In year 1451 was a pestilence in Basel, but not severe. In the beginning it injured people. Some of them died, both men and women. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1453 A pestilence breaks out in the region, as a consequence of a dearth caused by war.   Messis tempore non invenit quod colligeret; hinc annona solito carior et, quae communiter sequi solet, pestilentia populum gravare coepit. [54] At harvest time, not enough people came at the fields. Then prices have been higher than usual, and a pestilence broke out, as it is common in such conditions. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1463, July – 1463, summer A plague breaks out in Basel.   Anno domini 63 post Margarete incepit pestilentia in minori Basilea primo modicum, post in magna civitate. [55] The year 1463 began a pestilence in Basel after Margeret's Day (15 July). It broke out first, without being severe in Klein-Basel, then it spread in the city. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1464 Severe plague the whole summer until autumn, everyone avoided contact with each other in Görlitz   in anno autem lxiiii jn estate incepit viceuersa grauiter, sic quod in duobus diebus plures quam trecente persone in morbo obierunt, aliquando de die 80, aliquando 60, et sic deinceps, et durauit grauiter per totam estatem vsque ad autumpnu, tamen adhuc semper per parum viguit. Pestilencia circumquaque viguit in villis et vbique, sic quod frumenta permanserunt jn agris. Fuit eciam in civitate, quod vna persona aliam refutauit propter pestilenciam, et tants timor fuit inter homines, vt vnus cum alio recusauit loqui; sic contigit nostris in Gorlicz, nolentes eos hospitare nec cibare nec eciam cum eis loqui. [56] (Translation needed)
1493, Summer While the summer weather has been outstandingly dry and hot, a lot of people suffer from a disability called glene, that kills men, women and children.   Viguit infirmitas, quam glene vocamus, mirabiliter, ita quod multi homines, mulieres et pueri ex infirmitate illa, tam in villa Lugduni quam per patriam obierunt. [57] A disability spread wonderfully, that is called 'glene'. So that a lot of men, women and children died from this disease in Lyon and elsewhere in the region. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1496
VN: 3.000 		Plague in Zittau during summertime kills 3.000 people   Anno salutis 1496 pestifera hic viguit mortalitas et quasi tria milia hominum, ut fama erat, perierunt, et hoc tempore estivali. [58] In the year of salvation 1496, a deadly plague prevailed here, and as the rumor had it, almost three thousand people perished, and this during the summer season (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1499, Summer Mortality in Metz during the summer. The members of the city council, who fled away from the city, take some measures to ensure the continuity of their duties.   Item, en ycelle année, pourtant que on mouroit fort en la cité, tous lez seigneurs de la cité estoient dehors en leurs forteresses, et n'y avoit que cuicquonques trèses demeurés en la cité; et furent les adjournés et entrées cessées, et ausy les plaits de la court des clercs. Touteffois, pourtant que plusieurs complainctes venoient journellement a messeigneur les trèses de plusieurs querelles, ilz ordonnont de donner audiance tous les jours, pour choses nécessaires. Et tenoient lor audiance et lor entrée en l'aitrie Saint-Girgonne, et ne lassoient venir devant eulx, à la foy, que deux parties, et les déterminoient incontinent. Et y avoit tousiours II ou III sargens pour faire tirer les gens errière, et pour faire taire les gens qui parloient troup hault, autour et dedant la dite aitrie, affin de mieulx oyr et entendre ceulx qui estoient devant justice. Item, ad cause d'icelle mortalité, affin que les gens ne se frémissent, fut ordonne par messeigneurs de justice que, quant il y avoit aucune personne morte en la cité, que on ne meetit nulles torches aux huxes devant les maisons. [59] In this year, while the mortality was so great in the city, the rulers of the council of the Thirteen fled in their manors in the countryside. It remained no one of the Thirteen within the walls. Subsequently, all meetings and entries ceased, as well as the trials at the clerics court. However, since some cases remained to be solved every day, they commanded that hearings should be held before the cloister of Saint-Girgonne. They let come to them only two people and gave their sentences immediately. Two or three sergeants were always there to prevent people moving forward and to keep everybody in silence during the audiences.
Because of this mortality, it has been forbidden by the council, in order not to frighten people, to put candles in front of doors when someone die in the city. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1540, June 1 – 1540, November 30 A minor mortality in Erfurt.   Auch war in diesem iahr (1540) ein sterben an der pestilentz in Erffurd im Sommer vnd Herbst vber, aber nicht fast sehr. [60] Also, in this year (1540), there was a dying from the pestilence in Erfurt during the summer and autumn, but not very severe. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1541, June 1 – 1540, November 30 A minor mortality in Erfurt.   Auch hatt es in diesem iahr (1541) abermal an der pestilentz in Erffurdt den Sommer vnd herbst vber gestorben. Aber eintzelen. [61] Also, in this year (1541), there was again a dying from the pestilence in Erfurt during the summer and autumn, but it was sporadic. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

References

  1. ↑ Лeтoпиceц Пepecлaвля Cyздaльcкoгo (Лeтoпиceц Pyccкиx Цapeй) in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Apxeoгpaфичecкий Цeнтp, 1995, p. 85.
  2. ↑ The expedition took place some time before November 13, 1154, because Izyasłav Mstislavovich died then.
  3. ↑ The Laurentian Chronicle and the Moscow Chronicle of the end of the 15th Century report that the plague affected horses belonging to George's and his sons warriors.
  4. ↑ • Anonymus: Chronica regia Coloniensis. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH SS rer. Germ.). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1880 , p. 143
  5. ↑ • Riccobaldo da Ferrara: Historia imperatorum romano-germanicorum a Carolo Magno usque ad Annum MCCXCVIII. producta (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milan 1726, pp. cols. 107–144 , Sp. 133
  6. ↑ Annales vetustissimi. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 50
  7. ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Sancti Rudperti Salisburgensis. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1852, pp. 8–11 , p. 10, l. 18.
  8. ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Vindobonenses. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1851, pp. 699–722 , p. 716, l. 40
  9. ↑ The word "лѣтo", as the context shows, should be understood in this case as the name of the season: "summer"
  10. ↑ Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 84.
  11. ↑ The fact that the full date (day of the month and day of the week) is given in the source under 6807 allows us to determine that the cattle plague took place in 1297 and not in 1298.
  12. ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca Villola(-1350). In: Corpus Chronicorum Bonoiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). Città di Castello 1938 , p. 324
  13. ↑ • Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 2: p. 285
  14. ↑ • Al-Maqrīzī, Taqī al-Dīn Aḥmad b. ʿAlī: Al-Sulūk li-maʿrifat duwal al-mulūk. 8, Beirut 1997 , vol. 3, p. 66.
  15. ↑ • Guglielmo Ventura: Memoriale Gvilielmi Ventvrae civis Astensis de gestis civium Astensium et plurium aliorum. In: Monumenta Historiae Patriae, Scriptores. 3, Tipografia Regia, Turin 1848, pp. cols. 701–816 , Sp. 816
  16. ↑ see Alberto da Bezzano, MGH SS rer. Germ. 3, p. 92
  17. ↑ see DBI
  18. ↑ Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 273
  19. ↑ Annálabrot frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 222
  20. ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Le Familiari [Libri XVI-XX] (= Familiarium Rerum Libri). Nino Aragno Editore, Torino 2008 , pp. 2212–2214
  21. ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Buch 13-24. Bücher der Vertraulichkeiten (= Familiaria). De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston 2009 , pp. 157–158 [transl. from German to English]
  22. ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , pp. 230-232
  23. ↑ Translation according to Jonathan Usher Decameron Web
  24. ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.
  25. ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), pp. 319-320.
  26. ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], p. 918
  27. ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.
  28. ↑ C. A. Christensen, K. Friis Johansen: Danmarks Riges Breve. 3rd series, volume 3, 1348-1352. København 1963, p. 109
  29. ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 503-504
  30. ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 1 (1853), pp. 227-229
  31. ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 1 [Cambridge 1958], pp. 143-144
  32. ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), p. 322
  33. ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 919
  34. ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), pp. 320-321
  35. ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 918-919
  36. ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 504-506.
  37. ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Francofurtani 1306-1364. (= Quellen zur Frankfurter Geschichte). Carl Jügel, Frankfurt 1884, pp. 1-3 , p. 3.
  38. ↑ • Richard Lescot: Chronique de Richard Lescot, religieux de Saint-Denis (1328-1344), suivie de la continuation de cette chronique (1344-1364). Renouard, Paris 1896 , p. 152
  39. ↑ Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 533
  40. ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , p. 289-290.
  41. ↑ Kronika Bartoška z Drahonic, ed. J. Emler (Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. V, 1893), p. 589-628, p. 628.
  42. ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1396.html (20 April 2020).
  43. ↑ Perhaps the second, winter wave of the plague covered not only the winter months of 1417, but also the very beginning of the following year. As you know, in the Russian system the year began on March 1.
  44. ↑ Symptoms analogous to those in 1352/1353.
  45. ↑ Новгородская первая летопись младшего изводa (Комиссионный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, c. 408.
  46. ↑ The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471 translated from the Russian by Robert Michell and Nevill Forbes […] with an Introduction by C. Raymond Beazley. London: Gray’s inn., W.C., 1914 (= Camden Third Series, Vol. XXV), p. 186.
  47. ↑ Perhaps the second, winter wave of the plague covered not only the winter months of 1417, but also the very beginning of the following year. As you know, in the Russian system the year began on March 1.
  48. ↑ Symptoms analogous to those in 1352/1353.
  49. ↑ Новгородская первая летопись младшего изводa (Комиссионный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, c. 408.
  50. ↑ The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471 translated from the Russian by Robert Michell and Nevill Forbes […] with an Introduction by C. Raymond Beazley. London: Gray’s inn., W.C., 1914 (= Camden Third Series, Vol. XXV), p. 186.
  51. ↑ • Anonymus: Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris de 1405 à 1449. Libraire Générale Française, Paris , pp. 382-383
  52. ↑ Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 204.
  53. ↑ • Erhard von Appenwiler: Die Chronik Erhards von Appenwiler (1439-1471). In: Basler Chroniken. 4, S. Hirzel, Leipzig 1890, pp. 221–355 , p. 308.
  54. ↑ • Adrien de But: Chronique d'Adrien de But complétée avec les additions du même auteur. In: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la dominiation des ducs de Bourgogne. 1, Brussels 1870, pp. 211–710 , p. 347
  55. ↑ • Erhard von Appenwiler: Die Chronik Erhards von Appenwiler (1439-1471). In: Basler Chroniken. 4, S. Hirzel, Leipzig 1890, pp. 221–355 , p. 344.
  56. ↑ • Johannes von Guben: Jahrbuecher des Zittauischen Stadtschreibers Johannes von Guben und einiger seiner Amtsnachfolger. In: Scriptores rerum Lusaticarum: Neue Folge. 1, Görlitz 1839, pp. 1-112 , p. 82.
  57. ↑ • Benoît Mailliard: Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, grand prieur de l'abbaye de Savigny en Lyonnois (1460-1506). Louis Perrin, Lyon 1883 , p. 167
  58. ↑ • Johannes von Guben: Jahrbuecher des Zittauischen Stadtschreibers Johannes von Guben und einiger seiner Amtsnachfolger. In: Scriptores rerum Lusaticarum: Neue Folge. 1, Görlitz 1839, pp. 1-112 , p. 103
  59. ↑ • Jean Aubrion: Journal de Jean Aubrion, bourgeois de Metz, avec sa continuation par Pierre Aubrion (1465–1512). F. Blanc, Metz , pp. 418-419
  60. ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 288.
  61. ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 289.
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  "Summer", in: EpiMedDat, ed. Martin Bauch, Thomas Wozniak et al., URL: http://epimeddat.net/index.php?title=Summer. Last Change: 05.02.2024, Version: 13.07.2025.   All contents of EpiMedDat are licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
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