September
![]() Place |
![]() Time |
![]() Language |
![]() Disease |
![]() Animal |
![]() Keyword |
![]() Person |
![]() Nature event |
![]() River |
![]() Plague |
![]() Scribe |
![]() Social response |
![]() Victims |
In September, a total of 117 epidemic events are known so far.
Locations and Spreading
Date | Summary | T |
---|
1276, July – 1276, October | Months of continuous rain destroys crops, famine feared; livestock dies, famine, disease and deaths in Rome and throughout Italy | Eodem tempore [1276] quasi per totum mensem Julij, Augusti, Septembris & Octobris Deus tantum pluit super terram in Italia, quod quasi omnes segetes de Plano guastatae sunt & perditae, & timetur multum de caristia temporis in Italia, & propter multas aquas quasi omnes boves & vaccae & oves & caprae mortuae sunt in Italia, & Romae, & in illis partibus magnae fames, infirmitates, & mortalitates hominum et personarum etiam fuerunt [1] | (Translation needed) |
1277, July – 1277, December | In Italy was an epidemic with deaths and rainfall prevent sowing, price increase of all foodstuffs | Et eodem anno [...] steterunt magne infirmitates, pestilentie et mortalitates hominum et mulierum per universum orbem quasi et maxime in Ytalia. Et magna pluvia fuit, ita quod homines non potuerunt colligere melicas de campis nec eas siccare nec potuerunt bene seminare [...] Et eo anno fuit maxima caristia de rebus victualibus, quia aliquando vendictum fuit sest. frumenti VIIII sol. imper. et X sol imper., et sest. fabe XVIII sol. rex. et XVII et XVIIII sol. rex., et sest. milice V sol. imper. et XIII et XIIII sol. rex., et sest. spelte IIII sol. imper. et XIII sol. rex., et libra olei XXI imper. et XXII imper.; et de omnibus aliis rebus victualibus magna caristia fuit. [2] | (Translation needed) |
1295, May – 1295, September | Epidemic with high mortality in Romagna | De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam [3] | (Translation needed) |
1323, July – 1324, February | The city of Villa di Chiesa (today Iglesias) on Sardinia is under siege by the crown Prince Alfonso of Aragon. His army and he himself suffer from severe fevers. | ma da un altro lato messer lo infante e tutta la sua oste furono colti da tante malattie ch’e’vi perdettero una gran parte dei combattenti, e l’infante stesso se ne trovò malissimo, e fu in gran pericolo di morire, se non fossero state le sollecitudini di madonna l’infanta; per la qual cosa debbe dirsi debitore a Dio e a lei della ricuperata salute. Ma intanto nè medico, nè altro uomo potette persuadere a messer lo infante, quantunque malato, di staccarsi dall‘ assedio; all‘ incontro più volte colla febbre addosso vestiva gli arnesi di guerra e menava i suoi alla pugna. [4] | But on the other side, the Lord crown prince and all his troops were attacked by lots of diseases that made them lose a great part of their fighters. And the crown prince himself felt very bad and was in danger of dying, if the crown princes had not been so insisting with him. That's why he was indebted to God and her that he regained his health. But neither a doctor nor another man could persuade the crown princes, still ill, to stay away from the siege; in full armour, but still suffering from fevers, he lead his men to attack (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1323, August – 1323, October | A fever disease in Florence and all of Italy that causes few mortality, mainly among the elderly, and loss of appetite. It ends in mid-October 1323 | Nel detto anno [1323] e del mese d’agosto e di settembre fu una infermità quasi generale di [p. 134] freddo, ed alquanti pigliava loro la febbre, e perdeano l’appetito, ed alquanti ne morieno, cioè vecchi e vecchie, e fu la detta malattia quasi in tutta Italia, e come venne mezzo ottobre restò. [5] | In the aforementioned year [1323] in the month of August and September there was a general disease of cold, and many were hit with fever and lost their appetite. And some died, old men and women. And this disease was all over Italy, and it stopped mid of October. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1334, May 15 – 1334, November 30 | Great mortality in the south of France, in Languedoc and Aquitaine | En cest an vraiement, fut grant planté de blefz et de vins, et très grande mortalité de gens tant en Languedoc, en Thoulouse, en Caours, en Avignon, en Gascoigne, et comme en France et ailleurs. Et commencha ceste mortalité environ la Penthecouste, et dura environ la saint Andrieu ensuivant. [6] | This year has been very fruitful in cereals and wines. But a great mortality occured in Languedoc, near Toulouse, Cahors, Avignon and in Gascogne; likewise in France and elsewhere. This mortality began around Pentecost sunday (15 May) and lasted until André Day (30 November). (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1340, March – 1340, December VN: 15.000 |
Beginning of a severe epidemic that lasts into the winter and claims 15,000 lives (1/6 of the city), fewer deaths in the surrounding area, grain imported from there; Processions in Florence | Che incontanente cominciò grande mortalità, che quale si ponea malato, quasi nullo ne scampava; e morinne più che il sesto di cittadini pure de' migliori e più cari, maschi e femmine, che non rimase famiglia ch'alcuno non ne morisse, e dove due o ttre e più; e durò quella pestilenzia infino al verno vegnente. E più di XVm corpi tra maschi e femmine e fanciulli se ne sepellirono pure nella città, onde la città era tutta piena di pianto e di dolore, e non si intendea apena ad altro, ch'a sopellire morti. E però si fece ordine che come il morto fosse recato alla chiesa la gente si partisse; che prima stavan tanto che si facea l'asequio, e a tali la predicta con solenni uffici a' maggiorenti; e ordinossi che non andasse banditore per morti. In contado non fu sì grande la mortalita, ma pure ne morirono assai. Con essa pistolenza seguì la fame e il caro, agiunta a quello dell' anno passato; che con tutto lo scemo di morti valse lo staio del grano più di soldi XXX, e più sarebbe assai valuto, se non che 'l Comune ne fece provedenza di farne venire di pelago [...] [p. 227] Per questa mortalità, a dì XVIII di giugno, per consiglio del vescovo e di religiosi si fece in Firenze generale processione, ove furono quasi tutti i cittadini sani maschi e femmine col corpo di Cristo ch'è a Santo Ambruogio, e con esso s'andò per tutta la terra infino a ora di nona, con più di CL torchi accesi [7] | Suddenly there began a great mortality, so that almost no one who fell ill could escape it; and more than a sixth of the best and dearest citizens, male and female, died, so that there was no family that did not die, and where two or three or more; and the pestilence lasted until the coming winter. And more than fifteen male and female bodies and children were buried in the city, so that the city was filled with weeping and sorrow, and there was nothing else to do but mourn the dead. And so it was ordered that when the dead were brought to the church, the people should leave; they had been so long before the funeral was made, and then they were preached with solemn offices to the mayors; and it was ordered that no bannermen should go out for the dead. In the countryside the death toll was not so great, but there were many who died. The famine and dearth followed, added to that of the previous year, so that with all the death toll, the staio of grain was worth more than 30 money, and it would have been worth much more, if the Commune had not taken steps to bring in more money [...] [p... 227] Because of this mortality, on the eighteenth day of June, on the advice of the bishop and the religious, a general procession was held in Florence, where almost all the healthy male and female citizens were present with the body of Christ, which is in Santo Ambruogio, and with it it went throughout the whole city until the ninth hour, with more than 150 torchi lit (Translation: DeepL) |
1347, May – 1347, November VN: 4.000 |
Epidemic follows famine in Florence, 4000 dead (mainly women and children); particularly bad in Romagna, Provence, Bologna, Vignone, Pistoia and Prato. The mortality was foretold by astrologers. | Di grande mortalità che ffu in Firenze, ma più grande altrove, come diremo apresso Nel detto anno e tempo, come sempre pare che segua dopo la carestia e fame, si cominciò in Firenze e nel contado infermeria, e apresso mortalità di genti, e spezialmente in femine e fanciulli, il più in poveri genti, e durò fino al novembre vegnente MCCCXLVII ma però non fu così grande, come fu la mortalità dell'anno MCCCXL come adietro facemmo menzione; ma albitrando al grosso, ch'altrimenti non si può sapere a punto in tanta città come Firenze, ma in di grosso si stimò che morissono in questo tempo più di IIIIm persone, tra uomini e più femmine e fanciulli; morirono bene de' XX l'uno; e fecesi comandamento per lo Comune che niuno morto si dovesse bandire, né sonare campane alle chiese, ove i morti si sotterravano, perchè lla gente non isbigotisse d'udire di tanti morti. E lla detta mortalità fu predetta dinanzi per maestri di strologia, dicendo che quando fu il sostizio vernale, cioè quando il sole entrò nel principio dell'Ariete del mese di marzo passato, l'ascendente che ffu nel detto sostizio fu il segno della Vergine, e 'l suo signore, cioè il pianeto di Mercurio, si trovò nel segno dell'Ariete nella ottava casa, ch'è casa che significa morte; e se non che il pianeto di Giove, ch'è fortunato e di vita, si ritrovò col detto Mercurio nella detta casa e segno, la mortalità sarebbe stata infinita, se fosse piaciuto a dDio. Ma nnoi dovemo credere e avere per certo che Idio promette le dette pestilenze e ll'altre a' popoli, cittadi e paesi [p. 486] per pulizione de'peccati e non solamente per corsi di stelle, ma tolera, siccome signore dell'universo e del corso del celesto, come gli piace; e quando vuole, fa accordare il corso delle stelle al suo giudicio; e questo basti in questa parte e d'intorno a Firenze del detto delli astrolagi. La detta mortalità fu maggiore in Pistoia e Prato e nelle nostre circustanze all'avenante della gente di Firenze, e maggiore in Bologna e in Romagna, e maggiore in Vignone e in Proenza ov'era la corte del papa, e per tutto il reame di Francia. [8] |
Of a great mortality which occurred in Florence, although it was greater elsewhere, as we will recount. In this year and season, as seemingly always after food shortages and famines, a sickness began in the city and countryside of Florence. Soon people began to die, especially women and children, and the most among the poor. It lasted until November 1347, but it was not as great as the mortality of 1340 that we described earlier. If we make a rough guess—it is impossible to do otherwise in a city as great as Florence—it seems that this time more than four thousand people died, men and more women and children. More than one in twenty died. It was ordered by the commune that no death be announced and no church bell be sounded during burials, lest people be terrified to hear of so many deaths. This mortality was foretold by master astrologers who stated that during the vernal solstice—that is when the sun entered the sign of Aries last March—the sign of Virgo was rising and Virgo’s ruler Mercury was in the eighth house of Aries, a house signifying death. And were it not for the fact that Jupiter, which brings fortune and life, accompanied Mercury in this house and sign, the mortality would have been endless—if this had pleased God. But we should believe and be certain that the Lord God promises the said pestilences and others to peoples, cities, and lands to cleanse their sins, and [that he does so] not only through the movement of the stars but sometimes—as Lord of the universe and celestial motion—according to his will. And when he wishes, he matches the movement of the stars to his judgment. Let this suffice regarding Florence, its surroundings, and the sayings of astrologers. This mortality was greater in Pistoia and Prato and in the surrounding territories nearer to Florence; it was greater in Bologna and in Romagna; it was greater at Avignon and in Provence, where the papal court was, and throughout the kingdom of France. [9] |
1347, May – 1347, September VN: 10.000 |
Mortality in Bologna, Brescia, Milan and Florence, 10.000 deaths over several months | Dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas personarum maxime in civitate Bononiae, et [mortui sunt] de maioribus et melioribus personis ipsius civitatis ultra decem milia personarum et duravit dicta mortalitas a mense maii usque ad mensem septembris; et similiter fuit dicta mortalitas in civitate Mediolani, Brixiae et Florentiae. [10] | In the same year, there was a great mortality of people, especially in the city of Bologna, and over ten thousand of the most prominent and best citizens of that city died. This mortality lasted from the month of May until the month of September. Similarly, there was said to be a great mortality in the cities of Milan, Brescia, and Florence (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1348, May – 1348, December | Black Death in Bologna | Maxima et inaudita mortalitas fuit Bononiae, quae vocata fuit et semper vocabitur la mortalega grande, quia numquam fuit aliqua similis. Et incoepit de mense maji et duravit per totum annum et fere fuit per totum mundum et tam magna, quod duae partes ex tribus partibus personarum firmiter decesserunt; inter quos decesserunt duo doctores bononienses per totum mundum famosissimi, videlicet dominus Johannes Andreae, decretorum, et dominus Jacobus de Butrigariis, legum doctores [11] | The greatest and unprecedented mortality was in Bologna, which was called and will always be called "the great mortality," because there was never anything like it. It began in the month of May and lasted for the whole year, and it was nearly worldwide and so severe that two out of every three people certainly died. Among those who died were two of the most famous doctors in the world from Bologna, namely, Master Johannes Andreae, a doctor of decrees, and Master Jacobus de Butrigariis, a doctor of law (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1348, March – 1348, September | Arrival of the Black Death in Florence: a most detailed description of all its impacts and consequences | Negli anni del Signore MCCXLVIII fu nella città di Firenze e nel contado grandissima pistilenzia, e fu di tale furore e di tanta tempesta, che nella casa dove s'appigliava chiunque servìa niuno malato, tutti quelli che lo' serviano, moriano di quel medesimo male, e quasi niuno passava lo quarto giorno, e non valeva nè medico, nè medicina, o che non fossero ancora conosciute quelle malattie, o che li medici non avessero sopra quelle mai studiato, non parea che rimedio vi fosse. Fu di tanta paura che niuno non sapea che si fare; quando s'appigliava in alcuna casa, spesso avvenia che non vi rimanea persona che non morisse. E non bastava solo gli uomini e le femmine, ma ancora gli animali sensitivi, cani e gatte, polli, buoi, asini e pecore moriano di quella malattia e con quel segno, e quasi niuno, a cui venà lo segno, o pochi, veniano a guarigione. Lo segno era questo, che, o tra la coscia e'l corpo al modo (nodo?) d'anguinaia, o sotto lo ditello apparia un grossetto, e la febbre a un tratto, e quando sputava, sputava sangue mescolato colla saliva, e quegli che sputava sangue niuno campava. Fu questa cosa di tanto spavento, che veggendo appiccarla in una casa, ove cominciava, come detto è, non vi rimanea niuno; le genti spaventate abbondanavano la casa, e fuggivano in un' altra; e chi nella città, e chi si fuggia in villa. Medici non si trovavano, perocchè moriano come gli altri; quelli che si trovavano, voleano smisurato prezzo in mano innanzi che intrassero nella casa, ed entratovi, tocavono il polso col viso volo adrieto, e' da lungi volevono vedere l'urina con cose odorifere al naso. Lo figluolo abbandonava il padre, lo marito la moglie, la moglie il marito, l'uno fratello l'altro, l'una sirocchia l'altra. Tutta la città non avea a fare altro che a portare morti a sepellire; mollti ne morirono, che non ebbono all lor fine nè confessione ed altri sacramenti; e moltissimi morirono che non fu chi li vedesse, e molti ne morirono di fame, imperocchè come uno si ponea in sul letto malato, quelli di casa sbigottiti gli diceano: “Io vo per lo medico” e serravano pianamente l'uscio da via, e non vi tornavano più. Costui abbandonato dalle persone e poi da cibo, ed accompagnato dalla febbre si venia meno. Molti erano, che sollicitavano li loro che non li abbandonassero, quando venia alla sera; e' diceano all'ammalato: “Acciocchè la notte tu non abbi per ogni cosa a destare chi ti serve, e dura fatica lo dì e la notte, totti tu stesso de' confetti e del vino o acqua, eccola qui in sullo soglio della lettiera (p. 231) sopra 'l capo tuo, e po' torre della roba”. E quando s'addormentava l'ammalato, se n'andava via, e non tornava. Se per sua ventura si trovava la notte confortato di questo cibo la mattina vivo e forte da farsi a finestra, stava mezz'ora innanzichè persona vi valicasse, se non era la via molto maestra, e quando pure alcun passava, ed egli avesse un poco di voce che gli fosse udito, chiamando, quando gli era risposto, non era soccorso. Imperocchè niuno, o pochi voleano intrare in casa, dove alcuno fosse malato, ma ancora non voelano ricettare di quelli, che sani uscissero della casa del malato, e diceano: "Egli è affatappiato, non gli parlate" dicendo: "E' l'ha perocchè in casa sua è il Gavocciolo; e chiamavano quelle inflato gavocciolo. Moltissimi morieno senza esser veduti, che stavano in sullo letto tanto che puzzavano. E la vicinanza, se v'era, sentito lo puzzo, mettevono per borsa, e lo mandavano a seppellire. Le case rimaneano aperte, e non er ardito persona di tocare nulla, che parea che le cose rimanessero avvelenate, che chi le usava gli s'appicava il male.Fecesi a ogni chiesa, o alle più, fosse infon all'acqua, larghe e cupe, secondo lo popolo era grande; e quivi chi non era molto ricco, la notte morto, quegli, a cui toccava, se lo metteva sopra la spalla, o gittavalo in questa fossa, o pagava gran prezzo a chi lo facesse. La mattina se ne trovavano assai nella fossa, toglievasi della terra, e gettavasi laggiuso loro addosso; e poi veniano gli altri sopr'essi, e poi la terra addosso a suolo, a suolo, con poca terra, come si ministrasse lasagne a fornire formaggio. Li' beccamorti, che facevano gli servigi, erono prezzolati di sì gran prezzo, che molti n'arrichirono, e molti ne morirono, chi ricco e chi con poco guadagno, ma gran prezzo avieno. Le serviziali, o o serviziali, che servieno li malati volieno da uno in tre fiorini per dì e le spese di cose fiorite. Le cose che mangiavano i malati, confetti e zucchero, smisuratamente valevano. Fu vendeuta di tre in otto fiorini la libbra di zucchero e al simile gli altri confetti. Li pollastri ed alti pollami a meraviglia carissimi, e l'uovo di prezzo di denari 12 in 24 l'uno; e beato chi ne trovava tre il dì con cercare tutta la città. La cera era miracolo; la libbra sarebba montata più di un fiorino, senonchè vi si puose freno alle grande burbanze, che sempre feciono gli Fiorentini, perocchè si diede ordine non si potesse portare più due doppieri. Le chiese non avieno più che una bara, com' è d'uso, non bastava. Li speziali e bechamorti avien prese bare, coltri e guanciali con grandissimo prezzo. Lo vestire di stamigna che si usava nei morti, che soleva costare una donna, gonella guarnacca e mantello e veli, fiorini tre, montò in pregio di fiorini trenta, e sarebbe ito in fiorini cento, se non che si levò di vestire della stamigna, e chi era ricco vestiva di panno, e chi non ricco in lenzoletto lo cucìa. Costava le panche, che si pongono i morti, uno sfolgoro, e ancora non bastava tutte le panche ch'erano il centesimo. Lo sonare delle campane non si potevano li preti contentare; di che si fece ordine tra per lo sbigottimento del sonare delle campane e per lo vender le panche e raffrenare le spese, che a niuno corpo si sonasse, nè si ponesse panche, nè si bandisse, perocchè l'udivano gli ammalati, sbigottivano li sani, nonchè i malati. Li preti e i frati andavano ai ricchi e in tanta moltitudine, ed erano sì pagati di tanto prezzo che tutti arrichieno. E però si fece ordine che non si potesse avere più che d'una regola e la chiesa del popolo, e per la regola sei frati e non più. Tutte le frutta nocive vietarono a entrare nella città, come susine acerbe, mandorle in erba, fave fresche, fichi ed ogni frutta [p. 232] non utile e non sana. Molte processioni ed orlique e la tavola di S. Maria Impruneta vennero andando per la città, gridando: "Misericordià", e facendo orazioni, e poi in sulla ringhiera dei Priori fermate. Vi si rendereno paci di gran questioni e di ferite e di morte d'uomini. Fu questa cosa di tanto sbigottimento e di tanta paura' che le genti si ragunavano in brigata a mangiare per pigliare qualche conforto; e dava l'uno la sera cena a dieci compagni, e l'altra sera davono ordine di mangiare con uno di quelli, e quando credevono cenare con quello, ed egli era senza cena, che quegli era malato, o quando era fatta la cena per dieci, vi se ne trovava meno due o tre. Chi si fuggìa in villa, chi nelle castella per mutare aria; ove non eralo portavono, se v'era lo crescevano. Niuna Arte si lavorava in Firenze: tutte le botteghe serrate, tutte le taverne chiuse, salvo speziali e chiese. Per la Terra andavi, che non trovavi persona; e molti buoni e ricchi uomini erano portati dalla casa a chiesa nella bara con quattro beccamortì et uno chiericuzzo che portava la croce, e poi volieno uno fiorino uno. Di questa mortalità arricchirono speziali, medici, pollaiuoli, beccamorti, trecche di malva, ortiche, marcorelle et altre erbe da impiastri per macerare malori. E fu più quelle che feciono queste trecche d'erbe, fu gran denaro. Lanaiuoli, e ritagliatori che si trovarono panni li vendeano ciò che chiedeono. Ristata la mortalità chi si trovò panni fatti d'ogni ragione n'aricchiì, o chi si trovò da poterne fare; ma molti se ne trovarono intignati' e guasti e perduti a' telai; e stame e lana in quantità perdute per la città e contado. Questa pistolenza cominciò di marzo, come detto è, e finì di settembre 1348. E le genti cominciavono a tornare e rivedersi le case e le masserizie. E fu tante le case pien di tutti li beni, che non avevono signore, ch'era un stupore, poi si cominciarono a vedere gli eredi dei beni. E tale che non aveva nulla si trovò ricco, che non pareva che fusse suo, ed a lui medesimo pareva gli si disdicesse. E cominciornon a sfogiare nei vestimenti e ne' cavagli e le donne e gli uomini [12] | In the year of our lord 1348 there occurred in the city and contado of Florence a great pestilence, and such was its fury and violence that in whatever household it took hold, whosoever took care of the sick, all the carers died of the same illness, and almost nobody survived beyond the fourth day, neither doctors nor medicine proving of any avail, and there appeared to be no remedy, either because those illnesses were not yet recognised, or because doctors had never previously had cause to study them properly. Such was the fear that nobody knew what to do: when it caught hold in a household, it often happened that not a single person escaped death. And it wasn't just men and women: even sentient animals such as dogs and cats, hens, oxen, donkeys and sheep, died from that same disease and with those symptoms, and almost none who displayed those symptoms, or very few indeed, effected a recovery. Those symptoms were as follows: either between the thigh and the body, in the groin region, or under the armpit, there appeared a lump, and a sudden fever, and when the victim spat, he spat blood mixed with saliva, and none of those who spat blood survived. Such was the terror this caused that seeing it take hold in a household, as soon as it started, nobody remained: everybody abandoned the dwelling in fear, and fled to another; some fled into the city and others into the countryside. No doctors were to be found, because they were dying like everybody else; those who could be found wanted exorbitant fees cash-in-hand before entering the house, and having entered, they took the patient's pulse with their heads turned away, and assayed the urine samples from afar, with aromatic herbs held to their noses. Sons abandoned fathers, husbands wives, wives husbands, one brother the other, one sister the other. The city was reduced to bearing the dead to burial; many died who at their passing had neither confession nor last sacraments, and many died unseen, and many died of hunger, for when somebody took ill to his bed, the other occupants in panic told him: 'I'm going for the doctor'; and quietly locked the door from the outside and didn't come back. The victim, abandoned by both people and nourishment, yet kept constant company by fever, wasted away. Many were those who begged their families not to abandon them; when evening came, the relatives said to the patient: 'So that you don't have to wake up the people looking after you at night, asking for things, because this is going on day and night, you yourself can reach for cakes and wine or water, here they are on the shelf above your bed, you can get the stuff when you want'. And when the patient fell asleep, they went away and did not return. If, through good fortune the victim had been strengthened by that food, the next morning alive and still strong enough to get to the window, he would have to wait half an hour before anybody came past, if this was not a busy thoroughfare, and even when the odd person passed by, and the patient had enough voice to be heard a little, if he shouted, sometimes he would be answered and sometimes not, and even if he were to be answered, there was no help to be had. For not only none or very few wished to enter a house where there were any sick people, but they didn't even want to have contact with those who issued healthy from a sick person's house, saying: 'He's jinxed, don't speak to him', saying: 'He's got it because there's the "gavocciolo" [bubo] in his house'; and 'gavocciolo' was the name they gave to these swellings. Many died without being seen, remaining on their beds till they stank. And the neighbours, if any were left, having smelled the stench, did a whip round and sent him for burial. Houses remained open, nobody dared to touch anything, for it seemed that things remained poisoned, and whoever had anything to do with them caught the disease.
At every church, or at most of them, pits were dug, down to the water-table, as wide and deep as the parish was populous; and therein, whosoever was not very rich, having died during the night, would be shouldered by those whose duty it was, and would either be thrown into this pit, or they would pay big money for somebody else to do it for them. The next morning there would be very many in the pit. Earth would be taken and thrown down on them; and then others would come on top of them, and then earth on top again, in layers, with very little earth, like garnishing lasagne with cheese. The gravediggers who carried out these functions were so handsomely paid that many became rich and many died, some already rich and others having earned little, despite the high fees. The female and male sick-bay attendants demanded from one to three florins a day, plus sumptuous expenses. The foodstuffs suitable for the sick, cakes and sugar, reached outrageous prices. A pound of sugar was sold at between three and eight florins, and the same went for other confectionery. Chickens and other poultry were unbelievably expensive, and eggs were between 12 and 24 denari each: you were lucky to find three in a day, even searching through the whole city. Wax was unbelievable: a pound of wax rose to more than a florin, nevertheless an age-old arrogance of the Florentines was curbed, in that an order was given not to parade more than two large candles. The churches only had one bier apiece, as was the custom, and this was insufficient. Pharmacists and grave-diggers had obtained biers, hangings and laying-out pillows at great price. The shroud-cloth apparel which used to cost, for a woman, in terms of petticoat, outer garment, cloak and veils, three florins, rose in price to thirty florins, and would have risen to one hundred florins, except that they stopped using shroud-cloth, and whoever was rich was dressed with plain cloth, and those who weren't rich were sewn up in a sheet. The benches placed for the dead cost a ludicrous amount, and there weren't enough of them even if there had been a hundred times more. The priests couldn't get enough of ringing the bells: so an order was passed, what with the panic caused by the bells ringing and the sale of benches and the curbing of spending, that nobody should be allowed the death-knell, nor should benches be placed, nor should there be a public announcement by the crier, because the sick could hear them, and the healthy took fright as well as the sick. The priests and friars thronged to the rich, and were paid such great sums that they all enriched themselves. And so an ordinance was passed that only one rule (of religious houses) and the local church could be had, and from that rule a maximum of six friars. All harmful fruit, such as unripe plums, unripe almonds, fresh beans, figs and all other inessential unhealthy fruit, was forbidden from entering the city. Many processions and relics and the painting of Santa Maria Impruneta were paraded around the city, to cries of 'Mercy', and with prayers, coming to a halt at the rostrum of the Priori. There peace was made settling great disputes and questions of woundings and killings. Such was the panic this plague provoked that people met for meals as a brigata to cheer themselves up; one person would offer a dinner to ten friends, and the next evening it would be the turn of one of the others to offer the dinner, and sometimes they thought they were going to dine with him, and he had no dinner ready, because he was ill, and sometimes the dinner had been prepared for ten and two or three less turned up. Some fled to the country, and some to provincial towns, to get a change of air; where there was no plague they brought it, and where it already existed they added to it. No industry was busy in Florence; all the workshops were locked up, all the inns were closed, only chemists and churches were open. Wherever you went, you could find almost nobody; many rich good men were borne from their house to church in their coffin with just four undertakers and a lowly cleric carrying the cross, and even then they demanded a florin apiece. Those who especially profited from the plague were the chemists, the doctors, the poulterers, the undertakers, and the women who sold mallow, nettles, mercury plant and other poultice herbs for drawing abscesses. And those who made the most were these herb sellers. Woollen merchants and retailers when they came across cloth could sell it for whatever price they asked. Once the plague had finished, anybody who could get hold of whatsoever kind of cloth, or found the raw materials to make it, became rich; but many ended up moth-eaten, spoilt and useless for the looms, and thread and raw wool lost in the city and the contado. This plague began in March as has been said, and finished in September 1348. And people began to return to their homes and belongings. And such was the number of houses full of goods that had no owner, that it was amazing. Then the heirs to this wealth began to turn up. And someone who had previously had nothing suddenly found himself rich, and couldn't believe it was all his, and even felt himself it wasn't quite right. And both men and women began to show off with clothes and horses. [13] |
1348, March – 1348, October VN: 96.000 |
96.000 casualties in Florence because of the Black Death | La quantità di morti che morirono per la mortalità degli anni di Cristo 1348. Ora fatto ordine in Firenze per lo vescovo e per gli Signori che si vedesse solennemente quanti ne moriva nella città di Firenze, ultimamente veduto in calendi ottobre che di quella pistilenzia non morìa più persone, si trovarono tra maschi e femine, piccoli e grandi, dal marzo infine all'ottobre v'era morti novantaseimila. [14] |
The quantity of people who died during the plague outbreak of the year of our lord 1348.
The bishop and the signoria in Florence having ordered a careful count of how many were dying of plague in the city of Florence, and seeing finally at the beginning of October that nobody was dying of that pestilence any more, it was discovered that putting together men and women, children and adults, from March to October, ninety-six thousand had died. [15] |
1348, May – 1348, September VN: 60 % |
Black Death in Bologna ravages for 5 months and kills allegedly 60% of population. City is partially abandoned afterwards and heritages remain unclaimed | Anno Domini 1348. Pestilentia magna Bononia quamplures consumpssit, a mense madii usque ad mensem septembris: de quinque tres mortui sunt. Erat miserabilis status civitatis, nam multe domus facte sunt habitatoribus vacue; hereditates quamplures sine heredibus remanserunt. [16] | (Translation needed) |
1348, May – 1348, September VN: 3 out of 5 |
Beginn of the Black Death in Bologna. | In lo dicto millesimo fu una gran mortalità in Bollogna. Comenzò del mexe de mazo e durò de fino a sa Michele ch'è de setenbre, e fo sì fera che astimado fo che di cinque era morti gli tri e più; e fo maore anchore che dire no se porave. [17] | In lo dicto millesimo fu una gran mortalità in Bologna. It began in the month of March and lasted until Michaelmas, which is in September, and it was so bad that the three or more of the five died, and it was so bad that it was impossible to say. (Translation: DeepL) |
1348, Mai 1 – 1348, September 1 | Outbreak of the Black Death in Orvieto with a high number of deaths und many vacant houses. | Nelle calende di Maggio de l'anno mille et trecento quaranta otto, sì cominciò in Orvieto una grande mortalità di gente, et veniva ogni dì cresciendo più, et crebbe fino al mese di [p. 26] giugno et luglio: chè si trovó tal dì, che morirono cinquecento cristiani, tra grandi et piccoli, et maschi et femine. Et era sí grande la mortalità et lo sbigottimento delle genti, che morivano di subito; et la matina erano sani et l'altra matina morti. Et le bottege delli artefici tutte stavano chiuse. Et durò questa mortalità finamente a calenne di septembre; onde molte famiglie e chasate rimasero sderate; et contasi, che delle dieci parti ne morissero le nove parti; et quelle che rimasero, rimasero inferme e sbigottite, et con gran terrore dispartirsene delle case che rimasero delle genti loro morte. [18] | On the first of May in the year one thousand three hundred and forty-eight, a great mortality of people began in Orvieto, and it was increasing every day, and grew until the month of June and July: for on such a day, five hundred Christians died, young and old, male and female. And the mortality and bewilderment of the people was so great that they died immediately; and one morning they were healthy and the next morning they were dead. And the workshops of the artisans were all closed. And this mortality lasted until the September heat of the year; so that many families and houses were destroyed; and it was counted that nine of the ten families died; and those that remained were sick and disconcerted, and with great terror they dispersed from the houses that remained of the people who had died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1348, May 31 – 1348, September VN: 1000 + 300 + 2400 |
In the beginning of Rabīʿ I, 749 H (the month began on May 31, 1348) news about the Black Death in Gaza reached Aleppo while the author stayed there. The daily death toll had reportedly amounted to more than 1,000. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa then traveled on to Ḥoms which had already been affected by the plague; ca. 300 people died on the day of his arrival. He went on to Damascus whose inhabitants had fasted for three days [July 22 to 24] and on Friday set out for the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām). God subsequently reduced the burden of plague lasting on them. The daily death toll in the city had amounted to 2,400. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa traveled on to ʿAjlūn, and then to Jerusalem where the plague wave had already come to an end. | [19] | In the first days of the month of Rabīʿ I in the year forty-nine news reached us in Aleppo that plague had broken out in Ghazza and that the number of dead there exceeded thousand a day. I went to Ḥims and found that the plague had already struck there; about three hundred persons died on the day of my arrival. I went to Damascus and arrived on a Thursday; the people had been fasting for three days. On Friday they went to the Mosque of the Footprints, as we have related in the first book. God alleviated their plague. The number of deaths among them had risen to two thousand four hundred a day. Then I went to ʿAjlūn, and then to Bait al-Muqaddas [Jerusalem], where I found the plague had ceased. [20] |
1348, June – 1348, December 24 | Outbreak of the Black Death in Cesena for half a year | MCCCXLVIII. indictione prima, de mense iunii, generalis mortalitas per universum orbem dominari incepit, et duravit quasi usque ad Nativitatem, de mense decembris dicti anni. [21] | (Translation needed) |
1348, June – 1348, December | Spread of the Black Death in Tuscany and Padua, which lasted 6 months | Tempore huius pestis dominus Guerra comes Sancti Bonifacii, potestas in Senis, obiit quasi cum tota sua familia, ub etiam, Florentie et Pisis et per totam Tusciam fuit mortalitas abhorrenda. Hec pestis durabat sex mensibus communiter a sui principio in qualibet regione. Nobilis vir Andreas Moresinus, potestas Padue, in tertio suo regimine expiravit, mense Junii. Huic in regimine filius substitutus statim obiit. Audi tamen mirabile, quod tempore hujus cladis non obiit rex, princeps, nec dominus civitatis. [22] | During this plague (1348), Lord Guerra, Count of San Bonifacio, the Podestà in Siena, died along with almost his entire household. Also, in Florence, Pisa, and throughout all of Tuscany, there was a dreadful mortality. This plague generally lasted six months from its onset in each region. The noble man Andrea Moresini, the Podestà of Padua, died in his third term of office in the month of June. His son, who succeeded him in office, immediately died. However, hear something remarkable: during this calamity, no king, prince, or lord of a city died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1348, August – 1348, September | The Black Death's death toll in Gaza | ![]() |
Then we went to Ghazza and found most of it deserted because of the numbers that had died during the plague. The qāḍī told me that only a quarter of the eighty notaries there were left and that the number of deaths had risen to eleven hundred a day. [24] |
1348, August – 1348, September | After the Black Death had ended in Jerusalem, the Friday preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn b. Jamāʿa hosted a banquet which the author was invited to: While the plague had lasted, ʿIzz al-Dīn had vowed to host a feast when the epidemic will have abated and he will not have prayed over a deceased person for one day. Most of the notables and dignitaries (ashyākh) Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Jerusalem had died during the plague. | ![]() |
Anecdote: The preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn gave a banquet one day and invited me among his guests. I asked him the reason for it. He told me that during the plague he had sworn he would give a banquet if the plague were to cease and a day were to pass during which he did not pray over a corpse. Then he said: 'Yesterday I did not pray over a corpse so I arranged the banquet as I had promised.' I found that some of the shaikhs I had met in al-Quds [Jerusalem] had departed to be with God Most High. May He have mercy on them! Only a few of them were left like ... [26] |
1348, August – 1348, September | Price increase during the arrival of the plague in L'Aquila | May non forno sì care cose da infirmarìa: / Piccolo pollastrellio quattro solli valìa, / Et l'ovo a dui denari et ad tre se mettìa, / ET delle poma ancora era gran carestìa. [27] | (Translation needed) |
1348, August 7 – 1348, September 27 | On August 7, 1348 the number of plague deaths in Damascus and its surroundings reached almost 300. Around September 10 (in mid-Jumādā II 749 H), the number of deceased further increased; both elite and common people died; the exact death toll remained unknown. On August 18, the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) ordered all dogs in the city to be killed. On September 27 [or, according to one manuscript: October 3], 42 deceased were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque alone; the mosque didn’t provide enough space for all the corpses, so some had to be placed outside the Sirr Gate. | ... ... |
On Thursday, the 10th of Jumada al-Awwal, after the noon prayer, the preacher performed a funeral prayer for sixteen deceased individuals all at once. This greatly alarmed and terrified the people, as death was striking many, and the death toll in the town and its surroundings reached nearly three hundred. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return. After the prayer, another funeral prayer was performed for fifteen deceased individuals at the Great Mosque of Damascus, and at the Mosque of Khalil, a prayer was performed for eleven souls. May Allah have mercy on them.
On Monday, the 21st of the same month, the deputy of the Sultanate ordered the killing of dogs in the town. These dogs had become numerous throughout the town, and there were reports of them attacking people and blocking their way during the night. The defilement of places by these dogs had become widespread, making it difficult to avoid. Many had compiled sections of the hadiths regarding their killing and the differences among the scholars on this issue. Umar, may Allah be pleased with him, used to command in his sermons to slaughter pigeons and kill dogs. Malik, in the narration of Ibn Wahb, stated that it is permissible to kill dogs in a town where they cause harm, provided the Imam permits it for the public interest. On Friday, the second of the month of Rajab, after the Friday prayer at the Umayyad Mosque, a funeral prayer was performed for someone absent, who was Judge Alauddin, the son of Judge Shubha. Then, a funeral prayer was performed for forty-one deceased individuals all at once. The interior of the mosque could not accommodate them, so some of the deceased were taken outside to the gate of Al-Sirr. The preacher and the naqeeb (head of a group) went out and prayed for all of them there. It was a significant and solemn moment, a great tragedy. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
1348, September VN: 21.000 + 1080 |
In September or October 1348, the Black Death had abated in Alexandria and Cairo. The maximum death toll in Alexandria had been 1,080, while it had been 21,000 in Cairo. Everyone from among the city elites Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Cairo had died. | ![]() |
Then I travelled to al-Maḥalla al-Kabīra, then to Naḥrarīya, then to Abyār, then to Damanhūr, and then to Alexandria. I found the plague had abated after the number of deaths had risen to a thousand and eighty a day. Then I went to Cairo and was told that during the plague the number of deaths there had risen to twenty-one thousand a day. I found that all the shaikhs I had known were dead. May God Most High have mercy upon them! [30] |
1348, September – 1348, October | A pilgrimage caravan left Cairo for Mecca in Rajab 749 H (September 26 to October 24, 1348). The Black Death accompanied it until it reached the Ayla pass (ʿAqaba). | [31] | When I arrived in Cairo I found that the Grand Qāḍī ʿIzz al-Dīn, son of the Grand Qāḍī Badr al-Dīn, son of Jamāʿa, had set out for Mecca in a huge caravan called Rajabī, because it leaves in the month of Rajab. I was told that the plague was among them until they reached the pass of Aila where it ceased. [32] |
1348, September 30 | Price restrictions on all types of goods, which may only be offered at 25% higher prices than before the Black Death. | artifices, magistri, laboratores et alii de rebus, quas vendunt et aliis magstriis, laboritiis ac victuris et factionibus personalibus, propter sevam et inauditam pestem mortiferam, que nuper undique in humano genere est diffusa, pretium adheo carum tollant, quod cives et alii cuncit conqueruntur merito, et nisi provideatur celeriter, non possent facere facta sua, ex quo detrimentum reipublice non modicum exoritur et iactura [...] ne huiusmodi appetitus noxius et nefandus usus in Urbevetana civitate diutius nec ulterius vigeat et res predicte in congrua disposicione persistant [33] | Craftsmen, masters, laborers, and others, because of the severe and unprecedented deadly plague that has recently spread everywhere among humankind, have raised the prices of the goods they sell and other crafts, labors, and personal services to such an extent that citizens and others justly complain, and unless provision is made quickly, they will not be able to carry out their tasks, resulting in considerable harm and loss to the republic [...] so that this harmful greed and wicked practice may not continue any longer in the city of Orvieto and so that the aforementioned matters may remain in proper order (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1355 | In Florence dry and beautiful until mid-April, then much rain, from June very dry until mid-October. Then much precipitation with loss of a third of the seed grain. In summer, many infections and febrile diseases [rabies outbreak in Calabria?], total loss of the fruit harvest, many dead farm animals; good grain harvest; reason: A lunar eclipse on 16th of February. | Martedì notte alle ore IIII e mezzo, a dì XVI di febbraio MCCCLV, cominciò la scurazione della luna nel segno dell' Aquario, e all'ore V e mezzo fu tutta scurata, e bene dello spazio d'un altra ora si penò a liberare. E non sapiendo noi per astrologia di sua influenzia, considerammo li efetti di questo seguente anno, e vedemmo continovamente infino a mezzo aprile serenissimo cielo, e apresso continove acque oltre al modo usato e i rimanente d'aprile e tutto il mese di maggio, e apresso continovi secchi e stemperati caldi insino a mezzo ottobre. E in questi tempi estivali e autunnali furono generali infezzioni, e in molte parti malatie di febri e altri stemperamenti di corpi mortali umani, e singularmente malatie di ventre e di pondi co lungo duramento. Ancora avenne in questo anno un disusato accidente alli uomini, e cominciossi in Calavra a fFiume Freddo e scorse fino a Gaeta, e chiamavano questo accidente male arrabiato. L'affetto mostrava mancamento di celabro con cadimento di capogirli con diversi dibattimenti, e mordieno come cani e percotiensi pericolosamente, e assai se ne morivano, ma cchi era proveduto e atato guariva. E fu nel detto anno mortalità di bestie dimestiche grande. E in questo anno medesimo furono [p. 729] in Fiandra, e in Francia e in Italia molte grandi e diverse battaglie, e nuovi movimenti di guerre e di signorie, come leggendo si potrà trovare. E nel detto anno fu singolare buona e gra ricolta di pane, e più vino non si sperava, perché un freddo d'aprile l'uve già nate seccò e arse, e da ccapo molte ne rinacquono e condussonsi a bbene, cosa assai strana. E da mezzo ottobre a calen di gennaio furono acque continove con gravi diluvii, e perdessene il terzo della sementa, ma il gennaio vegnente fu sì bel tempo, che lla perduta sementa si raquistò. I frutti delli alberi dimestichi tutti si perderono in questo anno. Non aremmo stesa questa memoria se lla scurazione predetta non vi ci avesse indotto. [34] | On Tuesday night at half past twelve o'clock, on the sixteenth day of February MCCCLV, the moon began to wax and wane in the sign of Aquarius, and at half past five o'clock it was all darkened, and within another hour it was free. And not knowing by astrology of its influence, we considered the effects of this following year, and saw continually until mid-April very clear skies, and thereafter continually counting waters beyond the usual manner and the remainder of April and the whole month of May, and thereafter dry and warm dry spells until mid-October. And in these summer and autumn times there were general infestations, and in many parts sicknesses of fever and other distempering of human bodies, and singularly sicknesses of the belly and abdomen with long duration. Again, in this year, an unfortunate accident happened to men, and it began in Calavra at Fiume Freddo and went as far as Gaeta, and they called this accident an angry disease. The affection showed a lack of celabrums with the fall of the head with various fights, and they bit like dogs and perished dangerously, and many died, but those who were provided and cured. And there was great mortality of domestic beasts in the said year. And in this same year there were [p. 729] in Flanders, and in France and Italy many great and diverse battles, and new movements of wars and lordships, as you will read. And in the said year there was a singularly good and abundant harvest of bread, and more wine was not hoped for, because one cold April the grapes that had already been born dried up and burned, and from the beginning many of them were reborn and were well, which is a very strange thing. And from the middle of October to the middle of January, there were heavy rains, and a third of the seed was lost, but the coming January was such good weather that the lost seed was regained. The fruits of the dimestique trees were all lost in this year. We would not have written this memoir if the aforementioned destruction had not induced us to do so. (Translation: DeepL) |
1362, May – 1362, October | Pestis secunda in Bologna and surrounding area | Magna mortalitas fuit in Bononia et comitatu Bononiae et duravit a mense maji usque per totum mensem octobris, et tunc decessit Guidutius Mathae Guidonis de Griffonibus, die XXI septembris, et sepultus fuit ad Sanctum Franciscum [35] | (Translation needed) |
1363, May 28 – 1363, October | A mortality breaks out in Paris from June to October. It affects especially children and young people, and among adults, rather men than women. | Anno Domini M° CCC° LXIII°, multis diebus ante et post festum Sancte Trinitatis, hora diei tertia, ubi sol in meridie radios extendit, quedam stella modice apparentie visa fuit que, secundum astrologos et qui ex naturalibus causis eventus futuros prenuntiebant, periclitationem communem mulierum in partu denotabat. Hec tamen et plus stupenda hujus stelle apparitionem sunt secuta ; nam a junii mensis initio usque ad festum Sancti Luce tam dira viguit mortalitas et specialiter puerorum utriusque sexus et juvenum et plus virorum quam mulierum, quod erat stupendum visu et auditu. Senes etiam, pauci aspectu juvenum, obierunt unde quando pestis illa apostematum hospitium aliquod subintrabat, primo moriebantur infantes tenelli, deinde familia et parentes vel alter eorum et quod mirum erat, hodie erant sani et jocundi et infra triduum vel biduum decedebant. [36] | In year 1363, a star appeared several days around the Trinity day (28 May), at the 3rd hour of the day, when the sun is in the South. According to astrologers and other experts of predictions with natural events, this star signified hardships to come especially for pregnant women. Several remarkable events followed this apparition. Actually, from the beginning of June to St Luke day (18 October), a cruel mortality broke out, especially among children and young adult of both gender, and among men rather than women. It was marvelous to see and to ear of such an event. Old persons actually died without the young paying much attention to it, but when the plague was effectively entered in a house, the children died first, and then the parents and all relatives. Astonishingly, people were fit on one day, and dead only two or three days after. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)[37] |
1382, June – 1382, September VN: 3000 |
A mortality breaks out in the end of June in the city of Bilzen (?), killing half of the population. In August and September, the disease spreads across the country and affects the regions of Namur, Dinant, Huy, Tongeren, Liège, Maastricht, Aachen and Trier. It kills 3,000 people in Namur. | Illis diebus fuit tempus bene dispositum ad epidemia, quia pluviosum fuit et crudum. Nec fuit estas calida et sicca, sicut debet esse naturaliter, sed frigida, ventosa et humida. Unde post festum sancto Johannis Baptiste et circa augustum fuit magna mortalitas hominum in pluribus locis. Apud Blisiam tunc obierunt bene nongente persone, plusquam media pars totius ville. In fine augusti et principio septembris tunc apparuit quedam cometa in occidente post solis occasum cum parvo radio. Et postea invaluit mortalitas Dyonanti, Namurici, Hoii, Leodii, Tungris, Trajecti, Aquis, Treveris, et in finibus eorum ita magna, quod Namurici bene tria milia obierunt. [38] | At that time, the rainy and cool weather was favorable for an epidemic. The summer was not as hot and dry as it should be, but cold, windy and humid. Thus, after St John the Baptist Day, a mortality spread out in several places. In Bilzen 90 persons died, so to say half the population of the city. At the end of August and the beginning of September, a comet was seen towards west, after sunset, with small rays. Soon after, a great mortality affected the regions of Dinant, Namur, Huy, Liège, Tongeren, Aachen and Trier. With such violence that 3,000 people died in Namur. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1383, June 24 – 1384, August | A mortality breaks out in Montpellier from June 1383 to August 1384. The members of the town council order the manufacturing of a gigantic candle, to burn day and night at the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. During the plague, the university has been lockdown from the 10th of May to the 8th of September 1384. | Item, per so que mortalitat granda, majorment dels enfans de XX ans o entorn et en aval, renhava et avia renhat de San Johan, l’an LXXXIII en sa en esta vila & caix pertot, los senhors cossols a XXX de mars feron mezurar tota la muralha de la vilanota de Monpeylier deforas costa la escama de las dogas, & la palyssada de part dedins, et las ymages de Nostra Dona de Taulas et de son filh,mortalitat et de l’autar de la gleya. Et fo trobat, cananLo torn de Montpellier de las palissadas IXc XXXV canas am fil, que la muralha que es foras la palissada a de lonc IXcXXXV canas mieg. Item, la muralha deLa muralha dedins la villa de torn Vc XXX canas la villa que es deffra la palissada a VcXXX canas mieg. Item, la clausura de la palissada a de lonc pertot VIIIc LXXXXIIII canas. Item, la dicha gleya a de roda tot entorn LXXX canas. Item, l’autar a de lonc am los dos caps IIa canas et II palms. Item, las doas ymages an de gros III palms. Item, la ymage de Nostra Dona a de lonc III palms e ters. Et d’aquest fil am d’autres feron far I rezench sus l’autar de Nostra Dona en aut de una roda que y era et y fon facha l’an LXXIIII per so que∙l dich rezench y Del rezem de Nostra Dona de Taulas creme nuech e jorn ad honor de Dieu et de la benezecta Verges Maria, que lur plassa far cessar aquesta mortalitat et la empedimia de bossas renhant, et deverdonar pas de cel en terra, et salvar los frutz de la terra. Et fo senhat lo II jorn d’abril per mossen Jacme de la Manhania, prior de Taulas. Et duret la dicha mortalitat entro mieg aost aquest an LXXXIIII, en lo qual temps moriron, part los enfans petitz e grans, mostz bos homes notables antixz et donas, specialmens joves, d’aquesta vilamortalitat. Et enayssi duret la dicha mortalitat et empedimia per l’espazi o entorn de XIIII meses, la qual cauza jamays non fo vista que mortalitatz dures tant longuament en aquest paÿs & per ayso vaquet lo studi del tot de Pantacosta entro Nostra Dona de setembre. [39] | (Translation needed) |
1391, June – 1391, September | A procession is organized in Montpellier on the 17th of September against the mortality of bosse that affects the city since three months. | [...] Et fouc fach per las causas dessus dichas et per so que Nostre Senhor nos volgues ostar las pestilencias de las bossas et de febres et de mortz que avian renhat plus de III mes en aquesta villa et tot lo paÿs [...] [40] | And it has been held for the all the above mentioned reasons and for asking Our Lord to rescue us from the pestilence of bosse, from the fiver and the mortality that raged in the city and across the country since three months. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1397, April – 1398, January | A mortality breaks out in Arles and all over the world. People dies of bosse and of carboncles. The disease kills adults, but mainly children and young people. | L'an M CCC IIIIxx XVII fon granda mortalitat per tot lo mont. Item, en Arles acomenset la Pasqua, que fon lo premier jorn d'abril, e duret tro l'an IIIIxx XVIII del mes de jonoier. Item, morien las gens de boses lo plus, alcuns de carboncles; et moriron y grans gens, plus enfans e gens joves, que autras gens. [41] | In the year 1397, there was a great mortality all over the world. In the city of Arles, it began at Easter Day which occurs the 1rst of April, and it lasted until the month a January in 1398. Most of the people died of bosses, and some of them of carboncles. Some adults died, but the victims were in vast majority children and young people. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1397, July 15 | A procession is organized in Montpellier against the mortality that affects the region. The city council orders the manufacturing of a gigantic candle, to be burn in the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. The disease lasted from May to December in Montpellier. | Item, dimergue a XV de julh, se fes procession general per la mortalitat la qual era general en las tres senescalcies Tholosa, Carcassona & Belcayre, la qual el dich paÿs acomenset el mes de may sobredig, et duret en Montpellier per tot lo mes de decembre ; la qual mortalitat acomenset en terra de Morolz & apres en la irlla de Rodas, de Chipre, de Genoha, apres el reyalme de Malhorca en Cathaluonha, en Tolsan & puoys segui tot l’autre paÿs. Et se dis una sollempna messa a Nostra Dona de las Taulas per lo dich mossen l’avesque de Magalona ; & se disseron dos sermons, la un davant lo cossolat, per maystre Peyre Borron de l’orde de predicados, et l’autre, per maystre Johan del Cres de l’orde dels augustins, maistres en theologia. Et se portet en la procession la ymagi de Nostra Dona de Taulas, lo cors sans. [42] | Sunday, July 15, there was a general procession because of the epidemic which raged on all three districts of Toulouse, Carcassonne and Beaucaire. It started in this region in May and lasted in Montpellier the whole month of December. This epidemic started in the country of the Moors, passed on the island of Rhodes, then of Cyprus and Genoa; then in the kingdom of Majorca, in Catalonia, in Toulouse, then it continued throughout the rest of the country. A solemn mass was said at Notre-Dame-des-Tables by the Bishop of Maguelone; two sermons were delivered, one before the consulate by Master Pèire Borron, of the order of Preachers, and the other by Master Joan du Crès, of the order of the Augustinians, both masters in theology; during the procession, we carried the statue of Notre-Dame-des-Tables, the relics of Saint Cleophas, and the satue of Saint Sebastian.The same month, the lords consuls, with the alms of the good people of Montpellier, made a cord of wax of 1900 canes long which surrounded the whole city and the palisade, and which burned night and day on the main altar of the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1401, August – 1401, October | A mortality breaks out in Cologne from August to October. | In dem selven jar augusti, septembri, octobri stroven de lude sere in Colen an den brosen inde van boser hizen van inbinnen. [43] | In the same year (1401) in the month of August, September and October the people died in Cologne because of brosen and of bad heat (fever) from inside. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1414, September 2 | A procession is organized in Montpellier to protect the city from the pestilence that rages since long in the region. | Item, dimergue a II del mes de septembre, se fes en esta vila una honorabla procession general [...] Et fes se la dicha procession per V cauzasitem [...]: Item que aquesta pestilencia de mortalitat et empedimia, que en aquesta vila a tant lonc temps durat et encaras dura et totz jorn se multiplica plus fort, lhi plassa de far cessar et aver pietat de son paure poble. [44] | Sunday, September 9, has been celebrated a very honorable procession in the city [...] This procession has been held for 5 reasons [...]: likewise because of the lethal pestilence that raged since long and perpetuates and increases every day, so that He have pity for His people. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1418, September VN: 50.000 |
Great mortality in Paris in September. The loss is estimated to 50 000 dead people in the city, and the epidemic is estimated to be the worst one since 300 years. Young people and children are most at risk | Item, cedit mois de septembre, était à Paris et autour la mortalité si très cruelle, qu'on eut vu depuis 300 ans par le dit des anciens; car nul n'échappait qui fû féru de l'épidémie, especialement jeunes gens et enfants. Et tant en mourut vers la fin dudit mois, et si hâtivement, qu'il convint faire es cimetières de Paris grandes fosses, où on en mettait trente ou quarante en chacune, et étaient arrangés comme lards, et puis un peu poudrés par dessus de terre; et touours jour et nuit on n'était en rue qu'on ne rencontrât Notre Seigneur, qu'on portait aux malades, et trétous avaient la plus belle connaissance de Dieu Notre Seigneur à la fin, qu'on vit oncques avoir à chrétiens. Mais au dit des clercs, on n'avait oncques vu ni ouï parler de mortalité qui fût si desvée, ni plus âpre, no dont mins échappèrent de gens qui férus en furent, car en moins de cinq semaines trépassa en la ville de Paris plus de 50 000 personnes. Et tant trépassa de gens d'église qu'on enterrait quatre, ou six, ou huit chefs d'hôtel à une messe de notte, et convenait marchander aux prêtres pour combien ils la chanteraient, et bien souvent en convenait payer 16 ou 8 sols parisis, et d'une messe basse 4 sols parisis [45] | Item, this September, was in Paris and around the very cruel mortality, which had been seen for 300 years by the elders; for no one escaped who was keen on the epidemic, especially young people and children. And so many died towards the end of that month, and so hastily, that he agreed to make the cemeteries of Paris into large pits, where thirty or forty were placed in each, and were arranged like bacon, and then a little powdered over the ground; and day and night we were always in the street until we met Our Lord, which we brought to the sick, and all had the most beautiful knowledge of God Our Lord at the end, which we saw we had to Christians. But, according to the clerics, they had neither seen nor heard of a mortality that was so desperate, nor more bitter, nor did many people who were fervent about it escape, for in less than five weeks more than 50,000 people died in the city of Paris. And so many churchmen died that four, or six, or eight heads of hotel were buried at a mass of notte, and agreed to bargain with the priests for how much they would sing it, and often agreed to pay 16 or 8 sols parisis, and for a low mass 4 sols parisis. (Translation: DeepL) |
1418, September 27 – 1418, September 29 | Because of a mortality the parliament court of Paris is shutdown. | Ce jour, pour ce que à Paris et en plusieurs parties de ce royaume avoit grant mortalité, la Court ordenna que le Parlement cesseroit quant aux plaidoiries, et, samedi prochain ensuivant, seroient prononciés les derreniers arrestz. [46] | It has been deciden on this day that because of the mortality affecting Paris and other locations in the Kingdom the court of justice must be shutdown. The last judgments should be executed before saturday. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1427, September 15 – 1427, October | A disease (named: dando) breaks out in Paris in September and October. Many people get it. First, they get strong kidneyache and shoulderache, then they chill. After that they loose appetite and cannot sleep for 8 to 15 days, and they continually cough. | Item, en ce temps, environ quinze jour devant la saint Rémi (1 Oct), chut un mauvais air corrompu, dont une très mauvaise maladie advint qu'on appelait dando, et n'était nul ni nulle qui aucunement ne s'en sentît dedans le temps qu'elle dura. Et la manière comment elle prenait: elle commençait ès reins et ès épaules, et n'était nul quand elle prenait qui ne cuidât avoir la gravelle, tant faisoit cruelle douleur, et après ce à tous venaient les assées ou forts frissons, et était-on bien huit ou dix ou quinze jours qu'on ne pouvait ni boire, ni manger, ni dormir, les uns plus, les autres moins, après ce venait une toux si très mauvaise à chacun que quand on était au sermon, on ne pouvait entendre ce que le sermonneur disait, pour la grande noise des tousseurs [47] | In this time, somewhat 15 days before Rémi's Day, a corrupted air felt upon the city and brought a bad disease called dando. Almost everybody get it. The symptoms were as follows. It began first with a kidneyache and shoulderache, so strong that everybody thought to have been affected by the gravelle. The pain was cruel, and then victims chilled strongly. It was impossible for them to eat, to drink and to sleep for about 8, or 10 and sometimes 15 days, depending on persons. After that stage, a strong cough developed, so loud that it even covered the priest voice at the sermon during the mass. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1438, September 22 | A procession is organized in the city against the mortality affecting the country. | Et en ce mois de septembre devantdit, le XXIIe jour, fut faite à Saint-Lambert une espéciale messe par tout le clergrie de la citeit generalement, et fut après messe fait une belle procession [...]. Et le cause d'ycelle fut premier pour l'entredeux de pape et de conciel de Ferrare allencontre de conciel de Baselle [...] ; item que Dieu vosist cesseir la mortaliteit par sa grace qui estoit general par tous paiis, etc ; item qu'il lui plaist le chier temps, par especial de bleis, remedier, et des biens qui estoient enssi comme tous perdus et ont aparant che qui est de pau de valeur ; item por le semhon vosist Dieu envoier pluye, etc. [48] | During the aformentioned month of September, the 22nd, a special mass has been celebrated in the church of St-Lambert with all the clerics of the city. And after this mass, a procession took place [...] The first reason for this procession was the conflict between the two popes and between the two council assemblies of Ferrare and of Basel [...] ; item, for asking God to cease by His holly grace the mortality that raged everywhere, etc. ; item, to ask Him for the ending of the dearth, especially concerning wheat, and all goods that were lost ; item to ask Him to send good rain for sowing time. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1466, August – 1466, November VN: 40.000 |
Mortality in Paris and all of Île-de-France from August to November, due to plague. The death toll is estimated to 40,000 persons in the region of Paris. This number is surely overrated by the chronicler, though the mortality has been important. It is said that the number of burials exceeded the capacities of cimeteries in Paris. Numerous religious processions have been organized during the outbreak. | En ladite année, es mois d'aoust et septembre, fut grande et merveilleuse chaleur, au moyen de laquelle s'en ensuivit grande mortalité de pestilence, et autres maladies, dont et de quoy il mourut tant en la ville, villages voisins, prévosté et vicomté de Paris, quarante mille créatures et mieux, entre lesquels y mourut maistre Arnoul, astrologien du roy, qui estoit fort homme de bien, sage et plaisant; aussi y mourut plusieurs médecins et offociers du roy en ladite ville de Paris. Et si grand nombre de créatures furent portées ensevelir et enterrer au cimetière des Saints-Innocents, en ladite ville de Paris, que tant des morts en ladite ville que de l'Hôtel-Dieu tout y fust remply: et fut ordonné que de là en avant on porteroit les mortsau cimetière de la Trinité, qui est et appartient à l'hostel de la ville de Paris. Et continua ladite mort jusques en la fin de novembre, que, pour faire cesser, et prier Dieu que ainsi il lui plut de la faire, furent faites de moult belles processions générales à Paris par toutes les paroisses et églises d'icelle, où furent portées toutes les chasses et saintes reliques, et mesmement les chasses de Nostre-Dame, de sainte Geneviève et saint Marcel; et mors cessa un peu ladite mort. [49] | In the said year (1466), in the months of August and September, there was great and marvellous heat, which resulted in great mortality from pestilence and other diseases, from which and as a result of which forty thousand or more creatures died in the city, neighbouring villages, provostry and viscounty of Paris, including Maistre Arnoul, the king's astrologer, who was a very good man, wise and pleasant; several doctors and the king's offenders also died in the said city of Paris. And so many creatures were brought to be buried in the cemetery of the Saints-Innocents, in the said city of Paris, that both the dead of the said city and of the Hôtel-Dieu were all remply there: and it was ordered that from there forward the dead should be brought to the cemetery of the Trinité, which is and belongs to the hostel of the city of Paris. And the said death continued until the end of November, when, in order to put an end to it, and to pray to God that it would please him to do so, many beautiful general processions were held in Paris by all the parishes and churches of the city, where all the dead and holy relics were carried, including the dead of Notre-Dame, Saint Geneviève and Saint Marcel; and the said death ceased a little. (Translation: DeepL) |
References
- ↑ • Giovanni Mussi: Chronicon Placentinum ab a. CCXXII usque ad a. MCCCCII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milano 1730, pp. 447–634 , p. 480
- ↑ • Albertus Miliolus: Liber de temporibus et aetatibus et cronica imperatorum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1903, pp. 336–668 , p. 551
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Caesenatenses (= Fonti per la storia dell'Italia Medievale. Antiquitates). Istituto Storico Italiano, Roma 2003 , p. 51
- ↑ Template:Crónica di Raimonodo Muntaner 1844, p. 609
- ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , pp. 133-134
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronique Parisienne anonyme de 1316 à 1339. In: Memoires de la Société de l’histoire de Paris et de l’Île-de-France. 11, 1884 , p. 161
- ↑ • Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 3, pp. 226–227
- ↑ • Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 3, pp. 485–486.
- ↑ • Giovanni Villani: The final book of Giovanni Villani's New chronicle (= Research in Medieval and Early Modern Culture). Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo 2016, ISBN 9781580442268 , pp. 137.
- ↑ • Giovanni da Bazzano: Chronicon Mutinense [AA. 1188-1363] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Bologna 1917 , p. 135
- ↑ • Matteo Griffoni: Memoriale Historicum de rebus Bononiensium (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Città di Castello 1902 , p. 56
- ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , pp. 230-232
- ↑ Translation according to Jonathan Usher Decameron Web
- ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , p. 232
- ↑ Translation according to Jonathan Usher Decameron Web
- ↑ • Alberto Sorbelli: Cronica gestorum ac factorum memorabilium civitatis Bononiensis / Gerolamo Albertucci de' Borselli (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1912 , p. 43
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca Villola(-1350). In: Corpus Chronicorum Bonoiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). Città di Castello 1938 , p. 587
- ↑ • Anonymus: Discorso historico con molti accidenti occorsi in Orvieto et in altre parti principiando dal 1342 fino al 1368. In: Annales Urbevetani, Cronica potestatum (1194–1332) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1922–24 , pp. 25–26.
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), pp. 319-320.
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], p. 918
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Caesenatenses (= Fonti per la storia dell'Italia Medievale. Antiquitates). Istituto Storico Italiano, Roma 2003 , p. 182
- ↑ • Guillelmus de Cortusiis: Chronica de novitatibus Padue et Lombardie (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Bologna , p. 121
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), p. 322
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 919
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), pp. 320-321
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 918-919
- ↑ • Buccio di Ranallo: Cronaca Aquilana rimata di Buccio di Ranallo di Popplito di Aquila (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Roma 1907 , p. 181
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 504-506.
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), p. 323
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 919-920
- ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), p. 324.
- ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 (London 1994), p. 920
- ↑ • Anonymus: Discorso historico con molti accidenti occorsi in Orvieto et in altre parti principiando dal 1342 fino al 1368. In: Annales Urbevetani, Cronica potestatum (1194–1332) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1922–24 , p. 25, note 2
- ↑ • Matteo Villani: Cronica.Con la continuazione di Filippo Villani (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Parma 1995 , Vol. 1, pp. 728-729
- ↑ • Matteo Griffoni: Memoriale Historicum de rebus Bononiensium (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Città di Castello 1902 , p. 66
- ↑ • Patrizio: Cronica Patricii Ravennatis. In: Forlì e i suoi vescovi. Appunti e documentazione per una storia della chiesa di Forlì (= Studia Ravennatensia). Forlì 1985, pp. 1143–1175 , p. 1172
- ↑ • Richard Lescot: Chronique de Richard Lescot, religieux de Saint-Denis (1328-1344), suivie de la continuation de cette chronique (1344-1364). Renouard, Paris 1896 , p. 156
- ↑ • Anonymus: La chronique liégeoise de 1402. Kiessling et Cie, Brussels , p. 394
- ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1384.html (20 April 2020).
- ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1391.html (20 April 2020).
- ↑ • Garoscus de Ulmoisca Veteri and Bertrand Boysset: Die Chronik des Garoscus de Ulmoisca Veteri und Bertrand Boysset (1365-1415). In: Archiv für Literatur und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters. 7, Freiburg in Breisgau 1900, pp. 311–420 , p. 352
- ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1397.html (20 April 2020).
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cölner Jahrbücher des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts. In: Die Chroniken der niederrheinischen Städte. Cöln (= Die Chroniken der Deutschen Städte vom 14. bis ins 16. Jahrhundert. 2). Leipzig 1876, pp. 71–124 , p. 91.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1414.html (20 April 2020).
- ↑ • Anonymus: Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris de 1405 à 1449. Libraire Générale Française, Paris , Sp. 133-134
- ↑ • Clément de Fauquemberge: Journal de Clément de Fauquemberge, greffier du Parlement de Paris (1417–1435), 3 vol.. Renouard, Paris , vol. 1, p. 175
- ↑ • Anonymus: Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris de 1405 à 1449. Libraire Générale Française, Paris , pp. 239-240
- ↑ • Jean de Stavelot: Chronique de Jean de Stavelot. Hayez, Brussels , p. 397
- ↑ • Jean de Roye: Chronique scandaleuse de Jean de Roye. In: Livre des faits advenus au temps du très chrestien et très victorieux Louys de Valois, feu roy de France (que Dieu absolve) unzieme de ce nom (= Choix de chroniques et mémoires sur l'histoire de France). Auguste Desrez, Paris 1838, pp. 237–354 , p. 272.
| ||||||||||||||||
January •
February •
March •
April •
May •
June •
July •
August •
September •
October •
November •
December |
|
This is an EpiMedDat page, and outside EpiMedDat it is a mirrored or cloned page or similar. Please note that the page may then be outdated (15.07.2025) and no longer relate to the content. The original page is or was located at http://epimeddat.net/wiki/September |