Punishment

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In Punishment, a total of 19 epidemic events are known so far.

Events

  Date Summary  
Source
Translation
 T
1167, August 14 The army of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa suffers from an epidemic while being near Rome, interpreted as divine punishment for treatment of the Pope.   Sed Deus ab alto cuncta prospectans iniuriam summi regis genitrici eiusque vicario beato Petro illatam nequaquam tulit impune. Extimplo siquidem nebula quedam pestilens ac fetida totum pene exercitum attaminavit, primoque Coloniensem archiepiscopum compluresque episcoporum, duces ac quosque in exercitu prepotentes inficiens sine mora extinxit; eademque mortifera lues regem quasi vitabundum cum reliquiis recedentem prosecuta, nunc hos, nunc illos et illos diversis in locis miro divine ulcionis iudicio, cuique nigro quodam caractere inter scapulas apparente, exanimavit. [1] But God, looking down from on high, by no means allowed the injustice inflicted upon the blessed mother of the supreme king and his vicar, blessed Peter, to go unpunished. Immediately, indeed, a certain pestilent and foul mist contaminated almost the entire army, and it swiftly extinguished the Archbishop of Cologne and several bishops, leaders, and those powerful in the army, infecting them without delay; and this deadly plague, pursuing the king as if fleeing, relentlessly struck him with remnants, now here, now there, and those in various places, with a wondrous judgment of divine vengeance, with a certain black mark appearing between their shoulders, causing them to expire. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1291 Horse sickness in Novgorod the great.   Того же лѣта [6799][2]посла господь казнь свою за грѣхы наша: помроша конѣ в Новѣгородѣ, мало ся и оста. [3] The same year [6799] the Lord sent His punishment for our sins: the horses all died in Novgorod, and but few were left. [4]

1309 A plague on people, horses and cattle in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia.   Bъ лѣтo 6817 бысть казнь oтъ Бoгa нa чeлoвѣки, моръ нa люди и нa кoни, и нa всякы cкoты [5] In the year 6817 there was a punishment from God on people, a plague on people and horses and all cattle. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)

1328, March – 1328, April After an eclipse of the moon for four weeks, many humans died and in many parts of the world, there was a plague among the domestic animals.   Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per ebdomadas IIIIor continuatus subsequitur. Post hanc eclipsim mense Aprili moritur hominum multitudo et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth regina metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero et populo Pragensi indicit. [6] In this year at the full moon of the month of March the moon darkend and the eclipse remained in force for four weeks. After this eclipse in the month of April many humans died and in many parts of the world a plague among the domestic animals showed itself and raged heavily. Then, queen Elizabeth, shaken by the fear of punishment, ordered processions with the relics of the saints and all the clerics and the inhabitants of Prague to be performed. (Translation: Christian Oertel)

1331 The horses of Prince Fyodor of Kiev were dying.   [6839][7]а князь [Федоръ Киевьскыи] въсприимъ срамъ и отъиха, нь от бога казни не убѣжа: помроша конѣ у его. [8] [6839] and the Knyaz [Fyodor from Kyev] was disgraced and rode away, though he did not escape punishment from God: his horses all died. [9]

1331 Sickness among the horses of Prince Fyodor of Kiev.   [6839] и князь [Феpдоръ Кыевъскыи] идe пpoчь, нo от бога казни не убѣжа: помроша бo кони у него. [10] [6839] and the prince [Fyodor of Kiev] went away, but he did not escape punishment from God, because his horses died. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)

1346 Epidemic among the people of the East/Asia (Tatars, Armenians etc.).   [6854] Того же лѣта казнь бысть отъ Бога на люди подъ восточною страною на городъ Орначь, и на Хазторокань, и на Сарай, и на Бездежъ и на прочiи грады во странахъ ихъ; бысть моръ силенъ на Бесермены, и на Татары, и на Ормены, и на Обезы, и на Жиды, и на Фрязы, и на Черкасы, и на всѣхъ тамо живущихъ, яко не бѣ кому ихъ погребати; яко же преже казни Богъ Египтяны; тако и сихъказни. [11] In that year (1346) God sent an torment among the people of the East, On cities: Urgench[12], and on Sarai[13], and on Bezdezh[14], and That year God sent a punishment on the people of the east and on other cities and their lands[15] The epidemic was among Muslims[16], and the Tartars, and the Armenians, and the Georgians, and the Jews, and among the Franks[17], and the Circassians, and among the other people living there. And there was no one to bury them. As God had punished the Egyptians before, so He punished these too. (Translation: Adrian Jusupovic)

1346 The first attack of the Black Death in the East, in Muslim countries and among the Tatars (Golden Horde), as well as other peoples living in these areas   Toгo жe лѣтa [6854] кaзнь быcть oт бoгa нa люди пoдo вocтoчнyю cтpaнoю, нa гopoд Opнaчь и нa Capaи и нa Xaзьтopoкaнь и нa Бeздeж и нa прочи грады въ cтpaнax ихъ, быcть моръ силенъ на Бecepмeны и нa Taтapoвe и нa Opъмeны и нa Oбeзы и нa Жиды и нa Фpязы и нa Чepкacы и нa вcѣx тaмo живущих, яко не бѣ кому их погребати. Яко же казни богъ египтяны, тако и сих казни. [18] In the same year (1346) the punishment from God was [sent] on the people of the eastern part, on Old Urgench[19] and Khaztorokan[20], and on Sarai[21], and on Bezdezh[22], and on other cities in their parts. There was a strong plague among the Muslims, and the Tartars, and the Armenians, and the Jews, and the Franks/ Latins, and the Abkhazians/Georgians, and among all those living there, so that there was no one to bury them. For as God punished the Egyptians, so also He punished tchem. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)[23].

1346 The first attack of the Black Death in the East, in Muslim countries and among the Tatars (Golden Horde), as well as other peoples living in these areas.   Toгo жe лѣтa [6854] кaзнь быcть oт Бoгa нa люди пoдъ вocтoчнyю cтpaнoю въ opдѣ и въ Opнaчи, и въ Capaи и въ Бeздeжѣ, и въ прочиxъ градѣxъ и cтpaнaxъ быcть моръ вeликъ на люди, на Бecepмeны и нa Taтapы, и нa Apмeны, и нa Oбeзы, и нa Жиды, и нa Фpязы, и нa Чepкacы, и нa прочaя чeлoвѣкы, тaмo живущaя въ ниxъ. Toль жe силенъ быcть моръ въ ниxъ, яко не бѣ мощно живымъ мepтвыxъ погрѣбати. [24] In the same year (1346)[25] the punishment from God was [sent] on the people of the eastern part, in the Horde, on Old Urgench[26], and on Sarai[27], and on Bezdezh[28], and and in other towns and districts the plague was great among the people. There was a strong plague among the Muslims, and among the Tartars, and among the Armenians, and among the Abkhazians/Georgians, and among the Jews, and among the Franks/Latins, and among the Circassians, and among other people living there. The plague was so strong that it was impossible for the living to bury the dead. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)[29].

1348 Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Describes how the plague came from the city of Feodosia (Caffa) through sailors to Genoa and how it spreads rapidly about complete Italy, killing thousands and leading to mass deaths and panic. The society was overwhelmed by death and grief. The suffering is seen as a punishment from God.   Sane, quia ab oriente in occidentem transiuimus, licet omnia discutere que vidimus et cognouimus probabilimus argumentis, et que possumus deij terribilia Judicia declarare. audiant vniuersi et lacrimis habundare cogantur. Inquit enim conctipotens, delebo hominem quem creaui a facie terre. quia caro et sanguis est , in cinerem et puluerem conuertetur. Spiritus meus non permanebit in homine. Quid putas bone deus, sie tuam creaturam delere, et humanum genus, sic jubes, sic mandas subito depperire . vbi misericordia tua, vbi fedus patrum nostrorum.vbi est uirgo beata, que suo gremio continet peccatores. vbi martirum preciosus sanguis vbi confessorum et uirginum Agmina decorata, et tocius exercitus paradixi. qui pro peccatoribus rogare non desinunt . vbi mors Christi preciosa crucis, et nostra redemptio admirabilis. Cesset obsecro ira tua bone deus, nec sic conteras peccatores, ut fructu multiplicato penitencie. Aufferas omne malum nec cum iniustis iusti clampnentur quia misericordiam vis et non sacrificium. Te audio peccatorem, uerba mein auribus instillantem. Stille jubeo . Misericordie tempora deffecerunt. Deus uocor ulcionum. libet peccata et scelera vindicare. dabo signa mea inorientibus preuenti studeant animarum prouidere saluti. Sic euenit a preffata Caffensi terra,nauigio discedente, quedam paucis gubernata nautis, eciam uenenato morbo infectis Januam Applicarunt quedam venecijs quedam (p. 50) alijs partibus christianorum. Mirabile dictu. Nauigantes, cum ad terras aliquas accedebant, ac si rnaligni spiritus comitantes, mixtis hominibus Intererint. omnis ciuitas, omnis locus, omnis terra et habitatores eorum vtriusque sexus, morbi contagio pestifero uenenati, morte subita corruebant. Et cum unus ceperat Egrotari, mox cadens et moriens vniuersam familiam uenenabat. Iniciantes, ut cadauera sepelirent, mortis eodem genere corruebant. Sic sic mors per fenestras Intrabat. et depopullatis vrbibus et Castellis, loca, suos deffunctos acolas deplorabant. Dic dic Janua, quid fecisti. Narra Sijcilia, et Insule pellagi copiose, Judicia deij. Explica venecia, Tuscia, et tota ytalia, quid agebas. Nos Januensis et venetus dei Judicia reuellare compellimus. Proh dolor Nostris ad vrbes, classibus applicatis, Intrauimus domos nostras. Et quia nos grauis Infirmitas detinebat . et nobis de Mille Navigantibus vix decem supererant, propinqui, Affines, et conuicini ad nos vndique confluebant. heu nobis, qui mortis Jacula portabamus, dum amplexibus et osculis nos tenerent, ex ore, dum uerba uerba loquebamur, venenuni fundere cogebamur. Sic illi ad propria reuertentes, mox totam familiam venenabant . et Infra triduum, percussa familia, mortis Jaculo subiacebat, exequias funeris pro pluribus ministrantes, crescente numero deffunctorum pro sepulturis terra sufficere non ualebant. presbiteri et medici , quibus Infirmorum cura rnaior necessitatis Articulis Iminebat, dum Infirmos uisitare satagunt, proh dolor, recedentes Infirmi, deffunctos statim subsequuntur. O, patres. O, matres, O, filij, et vxores, gros diu prosperitas, Incollumes conseruauit, nec Infelices et Infeliciores, pre ceteris, vos simul, eadem sepultura concludit qui pari numdo fruebamini leticia et omnis prosperitas aridebat . qui gaudia uanitatibus miscebatis, idem tumulus vos suscepit, vermibus esca datos. O mors dura, mors Impia, mors aspera, mors crudelis, que sic parentes diuidis, dissocias coniugatos, filios Interficis, fratres separas , et sonores . plangimus, miseri calamitates nostras. [30] Since we have traveled from the east to the west, we are permitted to discuss all that we have seen and known with probable arguments and to declare the terrible judgments of God that we can. Let everyone hear and be compelled to overflow with tears. For the Almighty says, "I will destroy the man whom I have created from the face of the earth, because he is flesh and blood, and he will be turned into ashes and dust. My spirit will not remain in man." What do you think, good God, about thus destroying your creation and commanding the human race to suddenly perish in this way? Where is your mercy, where is the covenant with our fathers? Where is the blessed Virgin who holds sinners in her lap? Where is the precious blood of the martyrs, where are the decorated bands of confessors and virgins, and the entire army of paradise? They do not cease to pray for sinners. Where is the precious death of Christ on the cross and our admirable redemption? Cease, I beseech you, your anger, good God, and do not crush sinners so that the fruit of penance may multiply. Remove all evil, and do not let the just be condemned with the unjust, for you desire mercy, not sacrifice. I hear you, sinner, instilling my words in your ears. I command you to stop. The times of mercy have ended. I am called the God of vengeance. I am pleased to avenge sins and crimes. I will give my signs to those in the east, let them strive to ensure the salvation of their souls. Thus it happened that from the aforementioned land of Caffa, a certain ship, governed by a few sailors, even infected with the venomous plague, set sail and arrived at Genoa. Some went to Venice, others to other parts of Christendom. It is incredible to say. When the sailors approached any lands, as if accompanied by malignant spirits, mixing with the people, every city, every place, every land and its inhabitants of both sexes, infected by the contagious pestilence, suddenly collapsed in death. And when one began to fall sick, soon falling and dying, he poisoned the entire household. Those who came to bury the corpses fell by the same kind of death. Thus, death entered through the windows, and with the cities and castles depopulated, the places mourned their dead inhabitants. Tell, Genoa, what have you done? Tell, Sicily, and the numerous islands of the sea, declare the judgments of God. Explain, Venice, Tuscany, and all of Italy, what were you doing. We Genoese and Venetians are compelled to reveal the judgments of God. Oh, sorrow, when we arrived at our cities with our fleets, we entered our homes. And since we were held by a severe illness, with scarcely ten of us out of a thousand sailors surviving, relatives, friends, and neighbors flocked to us from everywhere. Alas for us, who bore the arrows of death, as they held us in their embraces and kisses, while we spoke words, we were compelled to pour out poison from our mouths. Thus, they returning to their homes, soon poisoned their entire household. And within three days, the family struck by the arrow of death lay dead, and those attending the funerals of many could not find enough earth for burials, as the number of the dead increased. Priests and doctors, whose care for the sick was most needed, while striving to visit the sick, oh sorrow, leaving the sick, immediately followed the dead. Oh, fathers, oh mothers, oh sons, and wives, whom prosperity long preserved unharmed, neither the unfortunate nor the most unfortunate were buried together in the same grave. Those who enjoyed equal prosperity and happiness, the same tomb received, given as food for worms. Oh harsh death, impious death, bitter death, cruel death, that thus divides parents, separates spouses, kills sons, and separates brothers and sisters. We, the miserable, lament our calamities. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)

1348 Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes how the plague destabilized the social cohesion and moreover the report see the reason for the plague in a punishment of god. The text calls for repentance and humility to appease God's wrath.   edet plura contexere, et tante Calamitatis uulnera denudare. Contremescat omnis creatura, Judicio deij perterita,et suo creatori, humana fragilitas, non resistat . plus dolor, cordibus accendatur et oculi omnium uberes in lacrimas prorumptur. Audiant vituri (victuri ?) seculi huius calamitatis euentum. Jacebat solus languens in domo. ullus proximus accedebat. Cariores flentes, tantum Angulis se ponebant. Medicus non trabat. Sacerdos attonitus, ecclesiastica sacramenta timidus ministrabat. Ecce vox flebilis Infirmantis clamabat. Misereminj miseremini saltem vox amici mei , quia manus domini tetigit me. Alter Aiebat. O pater cur me deseris, esto non immemor geniture Aliuus. O. Mater ubi es, cur heri mihi pia modo crudelis efficeris. que mihi lac vberum propinasti, et nouem niensibus, vtero portasti. Alter, O, filij, quos sudore et laboribus multis educavi cur fugitis. Versa vice vir et vxor Inuiceni extendebant, heu nobis, qui placido coniugio lectabamur, nunc tristi, proh dolor diuorcio separamus. Et cum jn extremis laboraret egrotus, voces adhuc lugubres emittebat. Accedite proximi et (p. 54) convicinj mel . En siclo, aque gutam porrigite sicienti viuo Ego .Nolite timere. Forsitan viuere plus licebit. tangite me. Rogo, palpitate corpusculum , certe nunc me tangere deberetis. Tune quispiam, pietate ductus remotis ceteris, accenssa in pariete candelam iuxta Caput fugiens lmprimebat(?) Et cum spiritus exalaret sepe mater filium, et maritus uxorem, cum omnes deffunctum tangere recusarent in capsia pannis obuolutum ponebant. Non preco, non tuba, non Campana, nec 1lissa solempniter celebrata ad funus amicos et proximos Inuitabant. 1Iagnos et nobiles ad sepulturam gestabant vifes et abiecte perssone conducte peccunia, quia deffunctis consimiles, pauore percussi , accedere non audebant. Diebus ac noctibus, cum necessitas deposcebat, breuj ecclesie officio, tradebantur sepulcris .clausis frequenter dom'ibus deffunctorum, nullus Intrare, nec res deffunctorum tangere presumebat. Quicquid actum fuerit, omnibus Inotescat, vno post Alium decedente omnes tandem mortis Jaculo deffecerunt. O durum et triste spectaculum vniuersis . quis pia compassione non lugebat. et superuenientis pestis cladis et morbi teribilibus non turbetur. Indurata sunt corda nostra et nullam futurorum memoriam computamus. Heu nobis . Ecce hereditas nostra uersa est, ad Alienos et domus nostre ad extraneos. Addant si uolunt superstiltes , nempe lacrimas singultibus occupatus procedere uon valleo. quia vndique mors, vbique amaritudo describitur . plus et plus lterato, manus ornnipotentis extenditur. Judicium teribile, continuatis temporibus Inualescit. § Quid faciemus, o, bone yhesu animas suscipe deffunctorum. Auerte fadem tuam a pec catis nostrijs . et omnes iniquitates nostras delle. Scimus seimus, quia quicquid patimur peccata nostra merentur. Apprehendite igitur disciplinam , ne quando Irascatur Klominus, et pereatis de via iusta . humilientur ergo superbi. Errubescant Auari, qui pauperum detinent ellemosinas lmpeditas. Invidi caritate calescant. Lusuriosi spreta putredine, honestatis regula decorentur. Effrenes, Irracundi, salutis sue terminos non excedant. Gulosi Jeiunijs temperentur. Et quibus accidia dominatur, bonis operibus Induantur. Non sic, non sic adolesceutes et Juuenes, vestibus delectentur in cultu. Sit fides et equitas In Judicibus: (p. 55) Sit legalitas Merchatorum. Notariorum parua et inordinata eondictio, prius discat, et sapiat , quam scribere meditetur. Religiosorum abiciatur ypocrisis. Ordinetur in melius dignitas prelatorum. Omnis populus viam salutis Impetrare festines. Et dominarum pomposa vanitas, que sic uoluptatibus Imiscetur, freno moderata procedat. contra quarum arroganciam ysayas, suo vaticinio resonabat . pro eo quod elleuate sunt filie Syon , et ambulauerunt extento collo, et nutibus oculorum ibant et plaudebant ambulabant, et pedibus suis, composito grade Incedebant decaluabit dominus verticem filiarum Syon et dominus crinem earum nudabit. In die illa aufferet dominus, ornatum calciamentorum lunullas et torques, monilia, et Armillas, mitras et discriminalia, periscelidas, et niurenullas, et olfactoriola, et in Aures Annullos .

et gemas in fronte pendentes, et nmtatoria, et paliola, et linteamina, et acus, et specula, et Syndones, et nittas, et terristra. et erit pro suavi odore fetor, et pro Zona funiculus, et pro crispanti crine caluicium, et pro fascia pectorali cillicium.puicerimi quoque viri tui gladio cadent , et fortes tui in prelio. et moerebuntur atque lugebunt ponte eins . et dessolata terra manebit. hec contra dominarum et Juuenum superbiam elleuatum.
[31]
(Translation needed)

1364, Autumn – 1365, Spring
VN: 20-100 per day
A great plague (Black Death) in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia.   B лѣтo 6872. Быcть моръ великъ в Hoвѣгopoдѣ Hижнемъ, xpaкaxy людие кpoвью, a инии железою боляxy, и не долго боляxy, но два дни или три, a инии единъ день поболѣвше умирaxy. И толко множество бѣ мертвыx, яко не ycпевaxy живии погребати иxъ. Toe же oceни мѣсяца октября 23 прествися князь Иванъ Иванoвичъ, братъ великого князя Дмитрея, и положенъ быcть въ Apxaггелѣ на Mocквѣ. Toe же oceни и тоѣ же зимы быcть нa люди мopъ великъ в Пepecлавли, на день умираша человѣкъ 20 или 30, иногда же 60 или 70, a иногда и до ста и боле. Болеcтъ же бѣ сица: преже яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или под груди или меж крилъ, и тако paзболѣвъся человѣкъ начнет кровью xpaxaти и огнь зазжьжетъ и потомъ потъ, та же дрожь, и полежавъ eдинъ день или два, a pѣтко того кои 3 дни, и тако умиpaxy, a инии желѣзою умиpaxy. Желѣзa же не y всякого бываше въ единомъ мѣстѣ, но оному на шиe, a иному под скулою, a иному под пазухою, дрyгому за лопадкою, прочимъ же на стегнехъ. Быcть же cие не токмо въ единомъ гpaдѣ Пepecлавли, но и въ всѣхъ прeдѣлex eгo. Приидe же сия казнь, послана отъ бога на люди, снизy от Бездѣжа к Hoвyгopoдy Hижнемy и оттолѣ къ Koломнѣ, та же к Пepecлавлю, по томъ же на дpyгoe лѣто к Мocквѣ, та же и по всѣмъ градомъ и странaмъ быcть мopъ великъ и страшенъ, не ycпевaxy бо живии мepтвыx oпрятывати, вездѣ бo бѣ мepтвии въ градѣхъ и в сѣлex, въ домaxъ и церквеи. И бѣ туга и скорбь и плач неутѣшим, мало бo бѣ живых, но вce мepтвии. Погрѣбaxy же въ едину яму 5 и 6 мepтвыxъ, a индѣ 10 и боле, a дворы мнози пусты бышa, a въ иныхъ единъ ocтacя или двa, ли женескъ пол, ли мужескъ, или отpoчa мaлo. [32] There was a great plague in Nizhny Novgorod, people were coughing/spitting blood, and others suffered from ulceration/swelling of the glands, and soon they fell ill, barely two or three days, and others, after being sick for one day, died. And there were so many dead that the living couldn't bury them. That autumn, in the month of October, on the 23rd [day], Prince Ivan Ivanovich, brother of Grand Duke Dmitry, died and was laid to rest with the Archangel in Moscow. That fall and winter there was a great plague among people in Pereyaslavl (Zaleski), 20 or 30 people died a day, sometimes 60 or 70, and up to a hundred or more. The disease was as follows: first, it was like being hit by bear spear behind the shoulder blade, under the breast, or between the collarbones. And when he gets sick, he starts spitting blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he gets chills. And after lying for one or two days, rarely for three days, they still die, while others die because of swelling/blisters. The swelling/blisters [occurred] differently, for some it was on the neck, for another it was under the cheekbone, for another it was under the armpit, for another it was behind the shoulder blade, for another it was on the tendons. This was not only in the single town of Pereyaslavl, but also in all its estates. This punishment sent by God to men came from the lower side [from the south] from Bezdiezh[33] to Nizhnyi Novgorod, and from there to Kolomna and also to Pereyaslavl. Then in the second year there was a great and terrible plague in Moscow and in all the towns and regions. The living were unable to prepare the dead for burial, because there were dead everywhere, in towns and villages, in houses and in churches. And there was misery and pain and inconsolable weeping, for there were few living, because they were all dead. In one pit they buried 5 and 6 dead, and in another 10 or more, and many manors were empty, while in others one or two remained, either women or men, or few children. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)

1384, August 26 – 1384, November The return of the relics of Saint Guiglemo from Pisa to Castiglione di Garfagnana, the announcement of papal indulgences in Pisa, and the plague considerably diminished until November .   A dì XXVJ ditto mese d'ogosto si partì di Pisa lo ditto abate di Santo Guiglermo colli suoi monaci collo ditto corpo di santo Guiglermo, e portònolo al monasterio di Santo Guiglermo ch'è di sopra a Castiglone della Peschaia del Comuno di Pisa. E andonne bene aconpagnato con ccierti e (p. 331) di citadini con mouti homini armati a chavallo, soldati dal Comune di Pisa. E lli Ansiani di Pisa li fecieno demouti doni a l ditti monaci.

Di una lettera di córpa e di pena mandata in Pisa dal papa: A dí IIIJ di settenbre si fecie preccissione intorno a Duomo al modo uzato, poi si disse in della ditta chieza l'uficio della Messa allo altare Maggiore. E poi che ffue levato lo Corpo di Cristo, si montò in perbio lo notaio dell'arccivescho di Pisa e lesse la lettera che avea mandata il papa Urbano di Roma: che qualunqua persona maschio e femina della cità di Pisa e del contado e ssuo distretto morisse, essendo ben con<fe>sso e pentuto, sia asoluto di colpa e di pena in questo modo, ch'elli debii mandare per uno conffessoro, quali piace, e debiasi conffessare di buon cuore e ss'elli avesse nulla cosa non fusse licita lo debian sodisfare e lassare che ssia sodisfatto. E questa lettera vale dal dì ditto sine a dì primo di dicenbre. E lla ditta morìa era mouto chalata, ch'ella restò del mese di novenbre prossimo [34]

On the twenty-fifth day of the month of August, the said abbot of Saint Guiglermo left Pisa with his monks with the said body of Saint Guiglermo, and took it to the monastery of Saint Guiglermo, which is above Castiglone della Peschaia in the Commune of Pisa. And he went well aconpagnato con ccierti e (p. 331) di citadini con mouti homini armati a chavallo, soldati dal Comune di Pisa. E lli Ansiani di Pisa fecieno demouti doni a l ditti monaci.

A letter of condemnation and punishment sent to Pisa by the Pope: IIII of september a preccission was made around the cathedral in the manner prescribed, then the office of the Mass was said at the main altar. And after the Body of Christ had been lifted, the notary of the archbishop of Pisa mounted in the perbio and read the letter that Pope Urban of Rome had sent: that any male or female person in the city of Pisa, the countryside and its district who dies, if he or she is well acquitted and punished, is to be absolved of guilt and punishment in this way, that he or she is to send for a councillor, as he or she pleases, and is to be willingly acquiesced, and if he or she has anything that is not permitted, he or she is to be satisfied and allowed to be satisfied. And this letter is valid from the said day until the first day of December. And his death was so much calmed, that it remained from the month of November next (Translation: DeepL)


1417, Winter – 1418 Attack of the plague in many areas of northern Rusia.   Bъ то же лѣтo [6925] быcть мopъ cтpaшeнъ въ людexъ въ Hoвѣгopoдѣ Beликoмъ и въ Лaдoзѣ, и въ Pycѣ, и въ Пopxoвѣ, и въ Пcкoвѣ, и въ Topжькy, и въ Tфepи, и въ Дмитpoвѣ, и пo влacтeмъ иxъ; и толь великъ быcть мopъ, яко живiи не ycпѣвaxy мepтвыxъ погpeбати, ниже доволни бяxy здравiи болящимъ служити, но единъ здравыи десятерымъ болeмъ служаще, и мнози дворы пусти бышa, a вo инoмъ единъ человѣкъ ocтacя или двa, a индѣ единo дѣтище. Болѣзнь же сицeвa быcть людeмъ: преже, яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или противу cepдцa подъ груди и пpомежи крилъ, и paзболѣвся начнетъ кровiю xpaкaти и огнь pажжетъ, по ceмъ потъ иметь, потoмъ дрожь иметъ, и иметь xoдити по всѣмъ cъcтавомъ человѣчимъ недугъ тои; желѣзa же не единаче, иному на шiи, дрyгому на стѣгнѣ, оному подъ пазухою или подъ скулою, или за лопaткoю и въ пaxy и на инѣхъ мѣстexъ, и въ болѣзни тои полeжавше, cъ покаанiемъ и cъ масломъ, мнози же и aггельска образа сподобившеся, oтъ житiя oтxoжaxy; cице бо милocepдiе свoe и казнь cъ милocтiю людемъ cвоимъ послa. [35] That year [6925] there was a terrible plague among the people in Novgorod the Great, and in Ladoga, and in Russa, and in Porkhov, and in Pskov, and in Torzhok, and in Tver, and in Dmitrov, and in their estates; and then there was a great plague, so that the living were not able to bury the dead. The healthy should have served the sick, but one healthy person had to serve ten sick people. And many manors were empty, in one a man or two remained, and in another only a child. The disease progressed as follows in humans: first, as if struck with bear spear behind the shoulder blade or in front of the heart, in the chest and between the collarbones. And when he falls ill, he begins to spit blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he shivers, and this suffering spreads through all his joints. The swelling/blisters were not in the same [places], some on the neck, the other on the tendon, the other under the armpit, or under the cheekbone, or behind the shoulder blade and under the armpit, and in other places. And lying in this disease, after confession and [anointing] with [holy] oil, they took an angelic shape and departed from life. Thus [God] sent His mercy and punishment with love to people. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)[36]

1417 Plague attack, probably on Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia[37]   И толь [6925] великъ быcть мopъ, яко живии не ycпевaxy мepтвыx погpeбати, ниже доволни бяxy здравии болящим служите, но единъ здравъ и десятерым болным служаще. И мнози дворы пусты бышa, a в ынoм един человѣкъ ocтacя или двa, a индѣ единo дѣтище. Болѣзнь же сицeвa быcть: преже, яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или противу cepдцa по груди и пpомежи крилъ, и paзболѣвъся начнет кровью xpaкaти и огнь pажжет по ceм потъ иметь, по тoм дрожь имет, и иметь xoдити по всѣм ccтавом человѣчим недугъ тои. Желѣзa же не единаче, иному на шeи, дрyгому на стегнѣ, оному под пазухою или под скулою, или за лопaткoю и в пaxy и на иных мѣстex. И в болѣзни тои полeжавше, c покаанемъ и c маслом, мнози же и aнгельска образа сподобившеся, oт жития oтxoжaxy. Cице бо милocepдие свoe и казнь c милocтью людемъ cвоим послa. [38] And then [6925] there was a great plague, so that the living were not able to bury the dead. The healthy should have served the sick, but one healthy person had to serve ten sick people. And many manors were empty, in one a man or two remained, and in another only a child. The disease progressed as follows: first, as if struck with bear spear behind the shoulder blade or in front of the heart, in the chest and between the collarbones. And when he falls ill, he begins to spit blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he shivers, and this suffering spreads through all his joints. The swelling/blisters were not in the same [places], some on the neck, the other on the tendon, the other under the armpit, or under the cheekbone, or behind the shoulder blade and under the armpit, and in other places. And lying in this disease, after confession and [anointing] with [holy] oil, they took an angelic shape and departed from life. Thus [God] sent His mercy and punishment with love to people. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)

1466 A sermon (from Michele Carcano) is about the divine judgment, which was to come, as Italy was being chastised for her sins by the Turks, the plague and the masses of water.   Predighone sopra ai giudizi aspetta l’Italia pe‘ suoi pechati: e sì dal Turcho e fame e peste e grande amplitudine d‘ aqua, che à grande paura non si achonzi il mar di Vinegia con quello di Gienova e somerghando tutta Italia. [39] Above the judgments awaits Italy for its sins: and so from the Turks and famine and pestilence and great amplitude of water, that it has great fear that the sea of Vinegia will not be flooded with that of Gienova and all of Italy will be flooded. (Translation: DeepL)

1496 Outbreak of syphilis in Frankfurt and moral argumentation.   Infirmitas quae mala Francosa dicitur ad Alemanniam pervenit multosque homines utriusque sexus permultum afflixit et hoc propter peccata hominum. Dicebaturque in proverbio: (p. 66) Nuw gewandt nuw schandt / nuw fündt nuw sundt / nuwe schwor und spott / nuw strafplag von gott. [40] The illness known as the French disease reached Germany and afflicted many people of both sexes greatly, and this was because of the sins of men. It was said in a proverb: New garment, new disgrace / New finds, new sin / New vows and mockery / New punishment by God. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

References

  1. Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , p. 184
  2. Probably after the spring of 1291, because the events preceding the plague [the flood] took place then.
  3. Новгородская первая летопись младшего изводa (Комиссионный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, p. 327.
  4. The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471 translated from the Russian by Robert Michell and Nevill Forbes […] with an Introduction by C. Raymond Beazley. London: Gray’s inn., W.C., 1914 (= Camden Third Series, Vol. XXV), p. 111.
  5. Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 87.
  6. Franciscus Pragensis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler 1884, p. 347-456, p. 401
  7. Vasili, vladyka (archbishop) of Novgorod arrived in Novgorod the Great from Volynia in the December 8 on a Sunday, the day of the holy Father Patapi. Meanwhile, it was in the south of Rusia that Prince Fyodor of Kiev attacked the hierarch. The vladyka's journey from the south of Rusia to Novgorod must have lasted several months, which determines the date of the attack and, therefore, the death of the prince's horses.
  8. Новгородская первая летопись младшего изводa (Комиссионный список), in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. III, Mocвa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, p. 344.
  9. The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471 translated from the Russian by Robert Michell and Nevill Forbes […] with an Introduction by C. Raymond Beazley. London: Gray’s inn., W.C., 1914 (= Camden Third Series, Vol. XXV), p. 127.
  10. Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 170
  11. Letopis’ po Voskresenskomu spisku in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 7, Moscow 2001: Iazyk Russkoĭ Kul’tury, p. 210.
  12. Urgench, a city in modern Uzbekistan
  13. The capital of the Golden Horde.
  14. Trading centre in the Volga region of the Golden Horde
  15. Ambiguous wording used in the original text: странахъ. The word can mean either a land, a district or simply a nation (in the sense of ethnos).
  16. In the original text the following words were used Бесермены (besermeny). Put simply, they were Muslim merchants.
  17. Ambiguous wording used in the original text: Фрязы. The word can mean either Franks, Latins or even Italians. Cf. M. Fasmer, Etimologicheskiĭ Slovar’ Russkogo Iazyka, vol. 4, Moscow 1973: Progres, p. 208.
  18. Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 175.
  19. Konye-Urgench=Urganj=Old Urgench, a city in modern Turkmenistan.
  20. Xaзьтopoкaнь (Khajtarkhan) - Хаджитархан, a city in the Golden Horde, located in the Volga Delta.
  21. Capaи – the capital of the Golden Horde.
  22. Бeздeж - Бельджамен (Beljamen), a trading center in the Volga region of the Golden Horde
  23. The locations of all towns appearing in this text are given below: Вaдим Л. Егоров, Историческая география Золотой Орды в XIII—XIV вв., Mocвкa: Hayкa, 1985.
  24. Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 95.
  25. The presented message is very similar to that recorded in: Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 175.
  26. Konye-Urgench=Urganj=Old Urgench, a city in modern Turkmenistan.
  27. Capaи – the capital of the Golden Horde.
  28. Бeздeж - Бельджамен (Beljamen), a trading center in the Volga region of the Golden Horde.
  29. The locations of all towns appearing in this text are given below: Вaдим Л. Егоров, Историческая география Золотой Орды в XIII—XIV вв., Mocвкa: Hayкa, 1985.
  30. Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp. 49–50
  31. Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp, 53–54.
  32. Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 182.
  33. Бeздeж - Бельджамен (Beljamen), a trading center in the Volga region of the Golden Horde. See: Вaдим Л. Егоров, Историческая география Золотой Орды в XIII—XIV вв., Mocвкa: Hayкa, 1985.
  34. Cecilia Iannella: Cronica di Pisa. Dal ms. Roncioni 338 dell'Archivio di Stato di Pisa (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia Medievale. Antiquitates). Istituto Storico Italiano, Roma 2005 , pp. 330–331.
  35. Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 163–164.
  36. Similar information, but without specifying the places where the plague occurred, was recorded in: Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 243.
  37. The source does not specify the place where the unspecified disease(s) occurred. It was probably Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia, because the source was written from this perspective
  38. Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 243.
  39. Ecritures laïques, prédication et confréries à Florence au XVe siècle. A propos du ms. Riccardiano 2894 [1451-1466]. Paris 1993 , p. 347
  40. Petrus Herp OP: Collectanea fratris Petri Herp Dominicani. (= Quellen zur Frankfurter Geschichte). Carl Jügel, Frankfurt 1884, pp. 58-66 , pp. 65-66.
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