Milan

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In Milan, a total of 19 epidemic events are known so far. It is a large city in Italy.

Events

  Date Summary  
Source
Translation
 T
1259, April – 1259, May Epidemic and high mortality in Italy.   Et eodem anno MCCLIX magna fuit mortalitas, et composui librum de tediis. [...] In supradicto millesimo habitabam in Burgo Sancti Donini et composui et scripsi alium librum Tediorum ad similitudinem Pateccli. Item eodem anno in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de Passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in Dominica Olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit dominus Rubinus de Soragna, barbánus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchisopoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent. [1] And in the same year 1259, there was a great mortality, and I composed a book about weariness. [...] In the aforementioned year, I lived in San Donino and composed and wrote another book of weariness, similar to Gherardo Patecchio. Also in the same year, in Italy, there was a great mortality of men and women, so much so that during the evening office, we had two dead in the church at the same time. And this curse began in the week of Passion, so that in the whole province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not perform the office on Palm Sunday, as they were affected by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. Then, Master Rubinus of Soragna, the barber of Uberti Pelavicini, and Brother Marchisopoli, whom I heard in confession, died. Also in San Donino, more than three hundred died from that pestilence, and in Milan, many thousands, and similarly in Florence, many thousands; and the bells did not toll, lest they terrify the sick. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1323, August 24 Pope John XXII. informs the Florentines of the German mercenaries and the disease that made the Papal Army retreat from Milan   Dum enim noster et ecclesie Romane favente Domino felix exercitus civitatem Mediolanensem intra burgos pre foribus, sicut nostis, cum gente vestra, quam devote ac liberaliter transmisitis, duriter obsideret, quia stipendiariorum Theutonicorum quedam proditrix multitudo transfugit ad hostes et superveniente postmodum intemperie aeris estivalis idem exercitus morbescebat. [2] But when our and the Roman churches successfull army, with god's grace, lay siege on the city of Milan from its suburbs, with our soldiers and your people that you have sent so liberally and loyally, it had to flee facing a multitude of German mercenaries and inclement summer air that made the said army fell ill. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1323, July 28 – 1323, August 23 The Papal commander Raimondo di Cardona leads an army to attack Milan, but a ravaging disease forces him and his army to retreat to Monza   Multi ergo diebus dominus Raymondus praedictus cum militum et peditum copiosa comitiva burogs Mediolani occupavit, et inde Mediolanensibus intrinsecis multa damna dedit, et persaepe alii alios invadebant; tandem causante calore, et multitudine gentium causam praebente, aer corrumpitur, et maxima epidemia generatur in burgis, adeo quod intra modicum tempus magis quam tercenti ex soldatis ipsius domini Raymondi sunt peremti, et fere circa DCCC graviter infirmati, quod attente considerans domninus Raymondus praedictus, timens de futuris, tam de morte infirmantium, quam etiam de statu proprio, et de attenuatione etiam exercitus, per hunc modum, more prodentis, viam eligens tutiorem, caute infirmos omnes super currus et vehicula poni fecit, et Modoeciam secure conduci. [3] Many days the aforementioned Lord Raimondo occupied with many knights and soldiers the suburbs of Milano, and he caused the besieged Milanese a lot of damage, and often they attacked each other. But because of the heat and the masses of people, the air corrupted and a very big epidemic broke out in the suburbs. Within short time more than 300 soldiers of Lord Raimondo had died, and almost 800 had fell ill. After careful reflection, the aforementioned Lord Raimond who feared for the future both the death of the infected as his personal health, but also the lessening of his army, wisely he chose to put the sick on carts and other vehicles and led them securely to Monza (Translation: Martin Bauch) [4][5]

1347, January Black Death in Piombino, but only a few deaths in Milan.   Il detto morbo s'atachò a Pionbino, inperochè vi venne cierti Genovesi di quelle maledette galee, e morivi e' 3 quarti de le persone in Pionbino; per tanto si fu per abandonare. Queste maledette galee de' Genovesi venivano e aveano aiutato a' Saraceni e al Turco a pigliare la città di Romania che era de' Cristiani che non féro i Turchi, e per questo si tenea che Dio avea mandato tanta mortalità a i detti Genovesi e a' Cristiani e in Turchia, e morì in Saracina e' tre quarti e così de' Cristiani. A Milano morì poca gente, inperochè morì 3 fameglie, le quali le case loro furo murate l'uscia e le finestre, chè nissuno v'entrasse. [6] The disease came to Piombino, because some Genoese from those cursed galleys came there, and three quarters of the people died in Piombino; therefore it was abandoned. These accursed galleys of the Genoese came and had helped the Saracens and the Turks to take the city of Romania, which belonged to the Christians, rather than the Turks, and for this reason it was believed that God had sent so much mortality to the said Genoese and the Christians and in Turkey, and three quarters died in Saracina and so of the Christians. In Milan few people died, for three families died, and their houses were walled up with doors and windows, so that no one could enter. (Translation: DeepL)

1347, May – 1347, September
VN: 10.000
Mortality in Bologna, Brescia, Milan and Florence, 10.000 deaths over several months   Dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas personarum maxime in civitate Bononiae, et [mortui sunt] de maioribus et melioribus personis ipsius civitatis ultra decem milia personarum et duravit dicta mortalitas a mense maii usque ad mensem septembris; et similiter fuit dicta mortalitas in civitate Mediolani, Brixiae et Florentiae. [7] In the same year, there was a great mortality of people, especially in the city of Bologna, and over ten thousand of the most prominent and best citizens of that city died. This mortality lasted from the month of May until the month of September. Similarly, there was said to be a great mortality in the cities of Milan, Brescia, and Florence (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1348 Small outbreak of the plague in Milan with only three dead families   Et a Milano non fue sì grande, chè vi morì in tucto tre famiglie alle quali furono murati usci e finestre, et non andò più innanzi, et misonvi fuocho inelle chase. [8] And in Milan, it was not so great, because three families died there, whose doors and windows were walled up, and they did not go any further, and put fire in the houses. (Translation: DeepL)

1348 In Milan just a small outbreak of the plague with only 3 dead families.   A Melano (p. 147) non vi morì se non tre famiglie, alle case di quelli funno murati li usci e lle finestre, ma fu per tutta Lonbardia. [9] In Milan (p. 147) only three families died there, the houses of those families had their doors and windows walled up, but it was all over Lombardy. (Translation: DeepL)

1360, October 26 Francesco Petrarca does not want to leave Milan, where a severe plague was raging, as he writes to a doctor friend   Illud autem quod ex hox aere semper hactenus laudato, nunc nescio cur infami, me ad patriam tuam saluberrimasque Alpium radices anxius atque solicitus vocas [...] (p. 132) Ut ergo pestem fugiam, que hactenus urbem hanc terruit potiusquam invasit, quot sunt alia, quam diversa mortis spicula, quibus assequitur fugientes et quorum forte plurimis subductum uni caput obicio! [10] That you are summoning me from this region, which was always praised but is now inexplicably vilified, to your homeland and the splendidly healthy valley floor of the Alps, demonstrates, as always, your faithfulness. [...] (p. 548) How can I escape the plague that has hitherto 'terrified this city more than conquest'? The number of deadly arrows with which it pursues the fleeing is vast, so should I expose my head, which may have barely escaped the multitude, to perhaps just one? [11]

1361
VN: 11.000
The pestis secunda is ravaging Venice, France, Spain, Germany, Avignon, Lombardy and Romagna, but sparing Modena, Bologna and Tuscany. Milan suffers a loss of 11.000 people   Dicto millesimo M.ccclxj per totum illum annum in partibus orbis fuit pestilentialis mortalitas valde magna, quae de uno loco ad alium per temporis spacium transibat; fuit etiam dicta mortalitas in civitate Venetiarum, in Francia, in Hispania, in Alemania, in Avenione ubi Papa residebat et in aliquibus partibus Romandiolae et quasi in omnibus civitatibus Lombardiae, quia prout ego Iohannes de Bacano audivi ab aliquibus fide dignis, in civitate Mediolani et eius diocesi inter homines et mulieres plusquam xj. milia personarum ex dicta pestilentia obierunt, ita quod medietas personarum in locis ubi erat pestilentia habitantium et ultra creduntur ex [p. 177] dicta pestilentia decessisse; tamen dicta pestilentia ad civitatem Mutinae nec Bononiae ne in Tuscia nec in aliis multis mundi locis in dicto anno minime pertransivit. Pestilentia autem illa era apostemata pessima, ex quibus personae, ut plurimum, subito vel quasi demigrabant. [12] In the said year 1361, throughout that entire year, there was a very great plague-induced mortality in parts of the world, which moved from one place to another over a span of time. This mortality was also said to have occurred in the city of Venice, in France, in Spain, in Germany, in Avignon where the Pope resided, and in some parts of Romagna, and in almost all the cities of Lombardy. For, as I, Johannes de Bacano, heard from some trustworthy sources, in the city of Milan and its diocese, more than eleven thousand people, both men and women, died from this plague, so that it is believed that half of the inhabitants in the places where the plague was present and more died from this plague. However, this plague did not pass through the city of Modena, nor Bologna, nor in Tuscany, nor in many other parts of the world in that year. This plague, however, was marked by very bad abscesses, from which most people, suddenly or almost suddenly, perished (Translation needed)

1361 Outbreak of an epidemic, that travels eastwards from Piedmont with many deaths   In lo dicto millesimo fu una grande mortalità in queste parte. Cominzò in Piamunti et per le contrade e dessèse a Millano, e morilli oltra che cento milia christiani. [p. 144] Venne oltre a Parma e llì fu grandissima mortalità; et passò oltra, a Rimino, per tucta la Romagna, com fu a Cesena et a Forlì, et a Faenza, et a Ymola ne fu pocha; et finalmente in ogni parte [13] In the said thousandth year there was a great mortality in these parts. It began in Piedmont and through the districts and went to Milan, and died more than a hundred thousand Christians. [p. 144] It came beyond Parma and there was a great mortality; and it passed beyond, to Rimini, through the whole of Romagna, as it was in Cesena and Forlì, and Faenza, and in Imola there was little; and finally in every part. (Translation: DeepL)

References

  1. Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , pp. 674–675.
  2. Inde ab. A. MCCXIII usque ad A. MCCCXXIV. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover/Leipzig 1909–13 , No. 780, p. 607
  3. Guglielmo Ventura: Memoriale Gvilielmi Ventvrae civis Astensis de gestis civium Astensium et plurium aliorum. In: Monumenta Historiae Patriae, Scriptores. 3, Tipografia Regia, Turin 1848, pp. cols. 701–816 , Sp. 816
  4. see Alberto da Bezzano, MGH SS rer. Germ. 3, p. 92
  5. see DBI
  6. Agnolo di Tura del Grasso: Cronache senese attribuita ad Agnolo di Tura del Grasso detta la Cronica Maggiore. In: Cronache senesi (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, pp. 253–564 , p. 553.
  7. Giovanni da Bazzano: Chronicon Mutinense [AA. 1188-1363] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Bologna 1917 , p. 135
  8. Ranieri Sardo: Cronaca di Pisa (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Istituto Storico Italiano, Roma 1963 , p. 97
  9. Cecilia Iannella: Cronica di Pisa. Dal ms. Roncioni 338 dell'Archivio di Stato di Pisa (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia Medievale. Antiquitates). Istituto Storico Italiano, Roma 2005 , p. 147
  10. Francesco Petrarca: Le Familiari. Libri XX-XXIV (= Le Familiari). G. G. Sansoni Editore, Firenze 1942 , pp. 132–133
  11. Francesco Petrarca: Buch 13-24. Bücher der Vertraulichkeiten (= Familiaria). De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston 2009 , pp. 547–548 [transl. from German to English]
  12. Giovanni da Bazzano: Chronicon Mutinense [AA. 1188-1363] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Bologna 1917 , pp. 176-179
  13. Anonymus: Cronaca A (1351-1409). In: Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 3). Città di Castello 1938 , pp. 143–144
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