Mass grave

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In Mass grave, a total of 27 epidemic events are known so far.

Events

  Date Summary  
Source
Translation
  T
1230 – 1232
VN: 32,000 		Epidemic in Smolensk (Mass graves mentioned).   Того же лѣта [6738] бы(с)[ть] моръ въ Смоленьсцѣ. Створша д҃ скүделнїци, въ двү положиша ҂s҃ı, а въ третьєи ҂з҃, а въ четвертои .҂ѳ҃. Се же зло бы(с)[ть] по два лѣта. [1] That year 1230 there was an epidemic in Smolensk. Four mass graves[2] were created. 16,000 were buried in two, 7,000 in the third and 9,000 [bodies] in the fourth. This evil lasted for two years. (Translation: Adrian Jusupovic)
1230 – 1231
VN: 32 000 		A two-year heavy plague in Smolensk.   Toго же лѣта [6738] бысть мopъ силeн въ Cмоленсцѣ, cтворища 4 cкуделници и положища в дву16 тысящь, a въ третьеи 7000, a въ четвертои 9000. Ce же было по два лѣта. [3] This year 1230 there was a heavy plague in Smolensk. They made four mass graves and placed 16,000 in two, 7,000 in the third, and 9,000 in the fourth. This lasted for two years.[4] (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)
1235
VN: thousands 		Outbreak of an epidemic in connection with ergotism in Limoges with mass graves.   Sequitur tanta mortalitas quod tam igne sacro quam a pestilentia multa milia hominum moriuntur. Ego una die semel in cimiterio Sancti Geraldi Lemovicensis vidi centum pauperes sepeliri; frequentius autem xxx. et l. [5] A mortality followed so that many thousands of people died, both from the sacred fire [ergotism] and from the pestilence. On one day, I myself saw a hundred poor people buried in the cemetery of Saint Gerald of Limoges; more frequently, however, thirty and fifty. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1235, May 17 – 1235, September 29
VN: thousands + 22 monks 		Outbreak of an epidemic in Limoges after a year of dearth. Precise numbers for the mortality of monks and indicators of mass graves.   AM°.CC°.XXXV°. fuit tanta caritas blade quod ante messes anni sequentis vendebatur sextarium siliginis xvj. solidis et amplius; sextarium albi vini, si inveniri posset, iiij. Solidis; unum pomum, vj. Denariis, et plus et minus, secundum quod erat magnum; urinale, ix. denariis; gallina, xviij. Denariis; malum punicum, xj. solidis et plus; ij pruna, uno denario vel duobus. Et erat tanta in illo anno mortalitas et fuit in Lemovicensi diecesi et circa, quod vix inveniebatur qui ad foveam deferret. Audivi quod Capellanus et sacristia deferebant quandoque in cimiterio Sancti Geraldi, quotidie triginta, xl. velita sepeliebantur; et etiam legi ibi fuisse centum pauperes sepultos una die. Multa (p. 156) millia tunc temporis perierunt tam fame quam peste. In abbatia Sancti Martialis obierunt illo anno, a festo Ascensionis usque ad festum Sancti Michaelis, xx. Duo monachi, exceptis illis qui obidierunt in obedientia. [6] In the year of the Lord 1235, there was such a dearth of grain that before the harvests of the following year a sextarius of wheat was sold for sixteen solidi or more; a sextarius of white wine, if it could be found, for four solidi; an apple, for six denarii or more, according to its size; a urinal, for nine denarii; a hen, for eighteen denarii; a pomegranate, for eleven solidi or more; two prunes, for one or two denarii. And there was such mortality in that year, and it was in the diocese of Limoges and around, that scarcely anyone could be found to carry the dead to the ditch. I heard that the chaplain and the sacristan sometimes carried [the dead] into the cemetery of Saint Gerald, where thirty, forty, or even a hundred were buried daily; and also I read that there were buried there a hundred poor people in one day. Many thousands perished at that time from both hunger and disease. In the Abbey of Saint Martial, in that year, from the Feast of the Ascension until the Feast of Saint Michael, twenty-two monks died, apart from those who died in obedience (?). (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1316 High mortality and plague in Bohemia and all over the world   et secuta est postmodum maxima pestilencia et mortalitas hominum in omnibus partibus mundi, ita ut magne fierent ubique fovee ad sepelienda corpora mortuorum, quia cymiteria illa capere non valebant. [7] and in the following there was the greatest plague and mortality in all pars of the world so that everywhere large grave pits were dug to bury the bodies of the dead, for which the capacity of the graveyards was not large enough. (Translation: Christian Oertel)
1348, January 17 – 1362 Following astrological phenomena a formerly unheard of epidemic raged in Bohemia as well as in other parts of the world (Christian and pagan) for 14 years. And there was no hideout from it neither in the lowlands nor on the mountains and many people died.   Eodem anno die XVII Ianuarii fuit eclipsis lune, et coniunccio quorundam malivolorum planetarum, ex quibus coniunccionibus et malis constellacionibus orta est inaudita epidimia seu pestilencia hominum in universo mundo et duravit tam in Boemia quam in aliis mundi partibus per XIIII annos proxime sequentes, et iam ibi, iam illic in terris christianorum et paganorum ubique. Nec erat alicubi refugium, quia sicut in planis sic in montibus et silvis homines moriebantur. In omnibus locis fiebant foveae grandes et plures singulis annis predictis, in quibus moriencium corpora sepeliebantur. Talis pestilencia et ita longa nunquam fuit a seculo. [8] In the same year on January 17 there was a eclipse of the moon and a malevolent conjunction of the planets and resulting from these conjunctions and bad constellations there was an unheard of epidemic or human plague in the whole world which lasted as well in Bohemia as in other parts of the world for 12 successive years at one time here at another there everywhere in the Christian and pagan lands. There was nowhere a hidout to be found, but as well on the flat land as in the mountains and forests the people died. In all places numerous and large grave pits where made in every single of the above mentioned years, in which the dead bodies where buried. Such a plague that lasted to long had never happend in this age. (Translation: Christian Oertel)
1348
VN: 12.000 		The Black Death in Erfurt kills 12.000 people, who are buried in mass graves in Neuses.   Dez selbin jares was groez sterbin; alleiniz zue Erforte storbin zwolf tusent menschin, die da gevuert worden uf den karren zue Nueseße ane die in der stat heimelichen begrabin worden und in den dorferen die umme die stat lagen. Dese lute storibin dazu meiste teil an den drueßen. [9] In the same year, there was a great mortality; alone in Erfurt, twelve thousand people died, who were brought to Neuses on carts and wagons. Not included are those who were secretly buried in the city or in the villages surrounding it. These people mostly died due to glandular swellings. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1349, March 22 – 1350, March 10
VN: 500 + 20 		In the year 750 H (March 22, 1349 to March 10, 1350), the number of plague infections in Damascus greatly declined. The number of deceased people with taxable inheritance which the Office of Inheritances (dīwān al-mawārīth) recorded was ca. 20 for 750 H while it had been 500 for 749 H (April 1, 1348 to March 21, 1349). Plague did not yet disappear entirely, though: on March 25, 1349, the jurist Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad b. al-Thiqa, his son and his brother all died of plague within one hour. They were buried in one grave.  
1349-03-22-Damascus.png
 [10] 		(Translation needed)
1350 The Black Death and its social consequences like deserted settlements and disintegration of society; symptoms pointing to gastroenteritis before buboes were visible. In cities, mass graves are built. Maybe unusual weather in 1348.   Et in ejus "Principio celum spissa caligine terras / Pressit, et ignavos inclusit nubibus estus" (Ovid, met. VII, 526) hominusque viscera primo torrentur flammisque fatiscunt, ut dicetur anno Karoli IV. tertio [1348]. Ceperuntque nasci in inguinibus hominum vel in aliis locis delicatioribus glandule in modum nucis vel dactili. Quas mox subsequebatur febrium intollerabilis estus, ita ut in triduo homo extingueretur. Sin vero aliquis triduum transegisset, habebat spem vivendi. Erat autem ubique luctus, ubique lacrime. Nam ut vulgi rumor habebat, querentes cladem vitare hinc inde fugerunt. Et relinquebantur domus deserte habitatoribus, solis catulis domos servantibus. Peculia sola remanebat in pascuis, nullo astante pastore. Cerneres pridem villas seu castra repleta agminibus hominum, postera die, universis vel mortuis vel fugientibus, cuncta esse in summo silentio. Fugiebant quoque filii cadavera parentum insepultorum. Parentes obliti pietatis viscera, natos relinquebant estuantes. Si quem antiqua forsitan pietas perstringebant, ut vellet sepelire proximum, restabat ipse insepultus, et dum obsequebatur, perimebatur. Dum funeri obsequium prebebat, ipse funus sine obsequio manebat. Videres seculum in antiquum redactum silentium. Nulla vox in rure, nullus pastorum sibilus. Nulle insidie bestiarum pecudibus. Nulla dampna in domesticis volucribus. Sed corvorum subito nimis multiplicatorum tota die crocitationes super viventes et super mortuos hyatus. Sata transgressa metendi tempus intacta expspectabant messorem. Vinea, amissis foliis, radiantibus uvis, illesa manebat hyeme propinquante. Nullus cernebatur percussor, et tamen visum oculorum superabant cadavera mortuorum. Intra civitates cymitera sepeliendis non sufficiebant unde et in campis sepulturas hominum novas faciebant. Simile quid dictum est anno Justiniani …. [11] And, as one says about the third year of Charles IV reign (1348), "at its beginning thick fog covered the heavens and the earth, / And sluggish heat was confined in the clouds". And human entrails were first drenched with torrents and burst into flames. And there began to grow in the groins of men or in other delicate places glands resembling nuts or dates. Soon followed by an intolerable heat of fevers, so that within three days a person would perish. But if someone passed three days, they had hope of living. Everywhere there was mourning, everywhere tears. For, as the common rumor had it, those lamenting to avoid disaster fled hither and thither. And deserted houses were left behind, inhabited only by stray dogs. Only wealth remained in the pastures, with no shepherd present. You would see villages or camps recently filled with crowds of people, but on the next day, with everyone either dead or fleeing, everything was in total silence. Even the children fled the bodies of their unburied parents. Parents, forgetful of their natural affection, abandoned their suffering children. If perhaps ancient compassion moved someone to want to bury their neighbor, that person remained unburied themselves, and while they were attending to the burial, they were killed. While they offered funeral rites, their own funeral remained without ceremony. You would see the world returned to ancient silence. No voice in the countryside, no shepherd's whistle. No lurking danger from wild beasts for the flocks. No losses among domestic fowl. But suddenly, the cawing of crows, too numerous, echoed all day over the living and the dead. The crops, surpassing the time of harvest, awaited the reaper untouched. The vineyards, stripped of leaves, with ripening grapes, remained untouched as winter approached. No reaper was seen, yet the corpses of the dead outnumbered the sights of the eyes. Within cities, burial grounds were insufficient for burying, so new human graves were made in the fields. Similar things were said in the year of Justinian ... (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1350, May 16 – 1350, September 29 The Black Death strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arisies for almost four months; numbers are given for the Franciscan order. There is a plague pit in Rottersdorf, outside the city.   In dissem sulven jare [1350] erhof sik ein grot sterven in disser stad to hant pingsten und stunt wente na sunte Michels dage und starf untellich volk, dat men se up den kerkhof nicht al graven konde: men moste alle dage utvoren mit twen karen und mit einem wagen und grof grote kulen to Rotterstorp, dar warp men se in. […] Mi jammert to schrivende vand drosnisse und schaden, den Magdeborch nam van den sterven. De wisesten and bedervesten dusser stadt alsmeistich vorgingen, wente ed storven leien und papen, olden und junge, rike und arme. Dat stervent was hir nicht alleine to Magdeborch, ed was ok over al disse land. De barvoten spreken na der tid dat ut orem orden weren storven allein hundert dusent verundtwintech dusten veirhundert und drittech brodere. Hi bi mach men merken wat leien storvent sint in dem jare, nu in einen orden so vele brodere storven. Hir in dem barvoten clostere bleven nicht mehr wenn dre broder levendich. Ik was ok in einen hus sulftegede, dar blef ik sulfandere levendich und achte storven. Ik horde ok sedder seggen dat den Augustineren weren des jares worden twelf schock vruwencleidere to selegered und manscleidere. [12] In that same year [1350] there was a great mortality in this town from Pentecost to St Michael's Day and countless people died so that they could no longer be buried in the churchyards. Every day they had to go out with carts and a wagon and make large ditches in Rottersdorf; the dead were thrown into them. [...] It is difficult for me to write about all the sadness and the damage that Magdeburg suffered from this mortality. The brightest and the most needy of this city perished to a large extent. Laymen and priests, old and young, rich and poor died. The dying was not unique to Magdeburg, it was everywhere in the country. The Franciscans said afterwards that 124,430 friars from their order alone died. This may give you an idea of how many lay people died that year if so many friars died in one order alone. Here in the Franciscan monastery, no more than three friars remain alive. I myself was present in a house where I and one other remained alive and eight died. I also heard myself say that the Augustinian monks received 1200 pieces of clothing from men and women that year as a testamentary donation for the salvation of souls. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1350, May 23 – 1350, September 29 A poem about how the Black Death strikes Magdeburg, a great mortality arises for almost four months and a plague pit is opened at Rottersdorf. This time is remembered as a time of misery, connected to the return of the "false Waldemar", an impostor pretending to be former Margrave of Brandenburg and the earthquake of January 1348   Ik mach schriven wol vorwar: / na godes bort schach dusent jar / dreihundert unde veftich / und warde went an sestich / dat god sines tornes hand / streckede hir in dutsche land, / dat in den tein jaren / wart clage noch ervaren. / dat clagent maket al de dot. / ein stervent wart hr also grot / dat men alle dage / sach weinen und clagen / [p. 3] isliken umme sinen mach. / men mende, ed were de leste dach. / dat stervent hof hir in der stadt / an der hochtit trinitat / und stund na sunte Michels dage. / da weinen jammer unde clage / was hir so gemeine, / dat grot unde kleine / jammer mochen schouwen / an mannen unde vrouwen / und an cleinen kinde / ok an den ingesinde. / de seiken men ungern laven / wolde, noch de doden graven. / mit wagenen unde karen / sach man to kerkhove varen / so vele der doden lute; / to Rottersdorp he nute / dar weren grote kulen, / dar inne de doden vulen. / neiman dat getelen kann, / wat vrouwen storve edder man. / […] / dat men noch alle dage / de lude horte clage, / wen se beginnen rogen / und ore dage wrogen. / se spreken, sodan ungemach / in der werlde nu geschach, / alse wi hebben levet: / [p. 4] de erde heft gebevet, / greve Wodenberch de dode man, / sprak men, he we up irstan. [13] I will write down the following: / After God's birth a thousand years / three hundred and fifty / and that lasted until sixty / that God stretched out the hand of his wrath / here to the German lands / that in the ten years / there was much to mourn. / The mourning was because of death. / Dying was so great here / that every day / weeping was seen and lamentation was made by everyone for his own. / People thought it was Judgement Day. / Dying began here in the city / on the Feast of Trinity / and ended around St Michael's Day. / Weeping, wailing and lamentation / was so widespread here that great and small experienced misery, men and women / and even small children and servants. / The sick were not cared for / nor did people want to bury the dead. / With wagons and carts / one saw many dead people travelling to the churchyard / out to Rottersdorf, / there were large mounds / into which the dead were allowed to fall. / No one can put into words / how many men and women died / [...] / one always heard people lamenting / when they were shaken up / because they were asked about their lives / they spoke: At that time only disaster happened in the world / when they lived: / [p. 4] the earth shook / and Count Waldemar, the dead man / was said to have risen again. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1350, July 25 – 1351, February 2
VN: 12.000 		Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year.   Eodem anno (1350) pestilencia epydimialis in Thuringia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erphordia, ita ut maxima pars hominum moreretur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro consules cum consilio magistrorum phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet; tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata magna in cimiterio ville Nuzezse prope Erphordiam, ad que deducta sunt circa XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et in curribus oneratis; de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem virginis gloriose cottidie tres bige vel quatuor corpora mortuorum in cimiteriis et in viis circumquaque sustulerunt. Exceptis his multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus, quorum anime cum electis Dei requiesant in pace! Amen. Unde dixit quidam: Mille trecentenis decies quinis simul annis / Hic hominum necifex locat aer milia bis sex. / Hir zwenzig hunder liche lin / Unde hunderwert hundert, / Dy sint vorscheiden al in dem sterben leydir. [14] In the same year (1350), an epidemic plague arose in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that a great majority of the people perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the city authorities, in consultation with the council of physicians, forbade any further burials there; such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven large pits were dug in the cemetery of the village of Neuses, near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and loaded carts. From the feast of Saint James until the purification of the glorious Virgin, daily three or four wagons carried the bodies of the deceased to cemeteries and streets everywhere. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages, may their souls rest in peace with the chosen ones of God! Amen. As someone said: "In the year thirteen hundred fifty, / the human-slaying air / killed two times sixthousand. / Here lie twenty times a hundred corpses / and a hundred times a hundred / who have all sadly passed away in death". (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1350, July 25 – 1351, February 2
VN: 12.000 		Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year.   Anno eodem pestilencia grandis epidimialis in Thurinigia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erfordia, adeo ut decima pars amplius hominum morerentur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro cives cum consilio phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet. Tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata in cimiterio ville Nusessen prope Erfordiam, ad que deducta sunt XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et curribus, qui continue de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem numero III vel IIII vehebantur. Excepits hiis multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus. [15] In the same year, a great epidemic pestilence broke out in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that more than a tenth of the population perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the citizens, in consultation with the physicians, forbade any further burials there. Such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven pits were dug in the cemetery of the town of Neuses near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and carts. These were continuously transported, three or four at a time, from the feast of Saint James until Candlemas. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1375 The plague strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arises and plague pits are opened in different cemetaries of local churches.   In dussem sulven jare was grot stervent hir in der stad und al umme und stunt to Magdeborch wol anderhalf jar, dat men to sunte Johanse nicht graven konde up den kerkhof, sunder men makede grote kulen [p. 268] to dem hilgen geiste, to unser vruwen, to sunte Pawele, to den barvoten, to sunte Augustine und to sunte Marien Magdalenen, dar men se in warp unde begrof. [16] In the same year there was a great mortality in the city and also in the surrounding area and this remained in Magdeburg for a year and a half. It was not possible to bury people in the churchyard of St Johannes, but large mounds were made at the Heiliggeistkirche, Liebfrauen, St Paul, the Friars, St Augustin and St Maria Magdalena, into which the dead were thrown and buried. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1382
VN: 795 		A plague in Erfurt results in a mass grave situated on the Petersberg   Anno 1382 Ist eine grosse pestilentz in Erffurd gewesen, do hatt man eine gruben auf S. Petersberg gemacht, do sindt 13 schock vnd 15 menschen begraben worden. [17] In the year 1382, there was a great pestilence in Erfurt, where a pit was dug on St. Petersberg, and 795 people were buried there. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1383, June – 1383, August Plague strikes Magdeburg in summer, a great mortality arises.   In dem sulven jar des sommers was hir grot stervent . [18] In the summer of the same year (1383), there was a lot of mortality here. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1409 A mortality breaks out in Flanders and elsewhere. It began in Courtray. Thousands of people die.   Eo tempore mortalitas fuit in diversis locis in Flandria, praecipue in Curtraco, et postea per totam Flandriam invaluit, ita ut multa milia morientur, et subito sic quod in uno die sani videbantur, altero die intra sepulcra tenebantur. Et non solum fuit haec pestilentia in Flandria, verum in aliis circumquaque regionibus. [19] In this time was a great mortality in Flanders. It spread especially in Courtray, and after all over Flanders. Thousands of people died si quickly, that who seemed to be healthy one day was in a grave the day after. This pestilence raged not only in Flanders, but also in neighbouring regions. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1428, March 1 – 1428, December 25
VN: 30-40 		A mortality strikes Magdeburg for 9 months, mainly lower social stratas are affected. There is a considerable number of apparent deaths among the victims of this disease.   In dem sulven jare was hir grot pestilence. De enstunt ersten in der vasten und warde wente to winachten, und storven doch nich tvele namhaftiger lude, doch worden grote burkulen to sunte Johannes gegraven, und mang den doden in den burkulen stonden ein deils wedder up des anderen und des dridden dages wol bi 30 edder 40 minschen . [20] In the same year (1428) there was a great epidemic here. It first began during Lent and lasted until Christmas. Few notable people died, but large mass graves (literally: peasants' mounds) were dug near St Johannes. Some of the dead in these mass graves rose again the next or third day, totalling between 30 and 40 people. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1451, July 13 – 1451, September 29
VN: 40 		In the Year 1451 a plague raged in Sochaczew (Central Poland) and other towns of the region starting at the feast of St Margarethe (July 13) and lasting until the feast of St Michael (September 29) and beyond.   Anno domini 1451 pestilencia in Sochaczew bene viguit et aliis eciam in partibus ita, ut una die quadraginta ponebatur in unam foveam. Cuius inicium a festo sancte Margarethe stans ad festum sancti Michaelis et ultra etc. [21] In the year of the Lord 1451 a plague raged well in Sochaczew and elsewhere in those parts in such a way that on one day fourty [people] were buried in one grave. It started at the feast of St Margarethe (July 13) and lasted until the feast of St Michael (September 29) and beyond. (Translation: Christian Oertel)
1457, November 23 1457, November 23, Ladislaus, king of Bohemia and Hungary and duke of Austria died of the plague in Prague.   Anno Domini MCCCCLVII in die sancti Clementis domnus Ladislaus Bohemie et Hungarie rex et Austrie dux Prage de peste epidemie moritur et in ecclesia Pragensi in sepulcro proavi sui Karoli sepelitur. [22] In the year of the Lord 1457 on the day of St Clement lord Ladislaus, king of Bohemia and Hungary and duke of Austria died of the plague in Prague and he was buried in the [cathedral] church of Prague in the grave of his progenitor Charles [Emperor Charles IV]. (Translation: Christian Oertel)
1463 – 1464
VN: 28.000 		A plague in Erfurt kills many inhabitants. High victim numbers for single parishes, mass graves are needed   Anno 1463 Ist zu Erffurd vnd allenthalben ein groß sterben gewesen, das man noch das grosse sterben, so auf nehest gewesen ist heist. Seind in S. Johans pfarr 8 schock menschen gestorben, vnd sind zu den Regulern auf einen tag 3 schock menschen gestorben vnd begraben worden auf dreymal iglich mal 60 menschen. Vnd hatt zwei iahr aneinander gestorben in die 28.000. [23] In the year 1463, there was a great mortality in Erfurt and everywhere else, which is still referred to as the Great Death, as it was the latest event of that kind. In the parish of St. John, 480 people died, and among the Augustinan Canon's parish (Reglerkirche), 180 people died in one day and were buried in three shifts of 60 each time. Over the course of two years, a total of 28,000 people perished. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1496, December 14 A friar dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague   1496 tempore pestis obiit fr. Jeronimus molitoris sacerdos. Eodem die obiit fidelis famulus monasterii qui ambo sepulti sunt in uno sepulcro in cimiterio fratrum et nomen dicti famuli fuit paulus tagelöner. Requiescant ambo in pace Jhesu cristi Amen. [24] In the year 1496, during the time of the plague, Brother Hieronymus Müller, a priest, died. On the same day, the faithful servant of the monastery also died, and both were buried in a single grave in the cemetery of the brothers. The name of the said servant was Paulus Tagelöner. May both rest in peace. Amen. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1517, September 29
VN: 16 per day 		A mortality in Erfurt leads to the creation of mass graves. A drunk beggar unvoluntarly spends a night in the massgrave of the Canons Regular's church (Reglerkirche).   Vmb Michaelis hub sichs an, vnd ward ein groß sterben. Es storben die leute an der Pestilentz, das man zu den Regelern 16 Cörper auf einen Tag auf ein mal einlegte, da hatte man ein viereckicht loch gemacht auf den Regelern kirchof, das legte man (p. 230) des nachts mit bretern zu, das war ein bettler Hieß Schuch, der war auf einen tag vol, vnd fellet durch die dielen auf die todten, liegt die nacht drinnen. Des morgens da er erwacht, greift er vmb sich, hebt an zu wimmerleichen, da wollten die leute nicht ander wehnen, es were ein todter wieder lebendig worden, vnd gieng niemand hinbey, biß das es 9 schlug des morgents, da sie darnach dazu komen, da war es der grund schalck Schuch der bettler. [25] Around Michaelmas 1517, it began, and a great dying occurred. People died of the plague so much so that 16 bodies were placed each day in the mass graves of the Reglerkirche. They had made a square hole in the graveyard of the church, and at night they covered it with planks. There was a beggar named Schuch, who was drunk one day and fell through the boards onto the dead, spending the night there. When he woke up in the morning, he grabbed around him, started to whimper, and people would believe a dead had turned alive. Nobody came close until 9 o'clock in the morning, and when they came to see, it was indeed the notorious beggar Schuch. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

References

  1. ↑ Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 511-512.
  2. ↑ “Cкүделнїци” means mass graves created during an epidemic event.
  3. ↑ Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 125.
  4. ↑ The source did not specify the type of disease.
  5. ↑ • Gérard de Frachet: Chronicon Girardi de Fracheto et anonymam ejusdem operis continuatio. In: Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France. Nouvelle édition. Bd. 21: Contenant la deuxième livraison des monuments des règnes de Saint Louis, de Philippe le Hardi, de Philippe le Bel, de Louis X, de Philippe V et de Charles IV, depuis MCCXXVI, jusqu'en MCCCXXVIII (= Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France. Nouvelle édition). Imprimerie impériale, Paris 1855, pp. 1-70 , p. 4.
  6. ↑ • Anonymus: Anonymum S. Martialis chronicon ab ann. M°CC° VII° ad ann. M° CCC° XX°. In: Chroniques de Saint-Martial de Limoges. Renouard, Paris 1874, pp. 154-171 , pp. 157-158.
  7. ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 472
  8. ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 516
  9. ↑ • Anonymus: Chronici Saxonici continuatio Erfordensis 1899 (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 447-485 , p. 485
  10. ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), p. 509.
  11. ↑ • Heinrich von Herford: Liber de rebus memorabilioribus sive Chronicon Henrici de Hervordia. Dieterich, Göttingen 1859 , p. 274.
  12. ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 218-219.
  13. ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 2-4
  14. ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , pp. 381-382
  15. ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , (Continuatio II A) pp. 396-397
  16. ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 267-268
  17. ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 127.
  18. ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 288.
  19. ↑ • Jean Brandon: Chronique de Jean Brandon avec les additions d'Adrien de But. In: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la dominiation des ducs de Bourgogne. 1, Brussels 1870, pp. 1-166 , p. 133
  20. ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 378-379
  21. ↑ Notae Plocenses et Sochaczevienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 118-124, 121
  22. ↑ Calendarium Cracoviense, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, pp. 906-941, 937f.
  23. ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 134.
  24. ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, pp. 292-293
  25. ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , pp. 229-230.
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