Latin
Jump to navigation
Jump to search
 Place |
 Time |
 Language |
 Disease |
 Animal |
 Keyword |
 Person |
 Nature event |
 River |
 Plague |
 Scribe |
 Social response |
Victims |
In Latin, a total of 510 epidemic events are known so far.
Events
| Date | Summary | T |
|---|
| 1151 | Famine and pestilence in Erfurt | Fames valida et pestilencia hominum. [1] | A strong famine and an epidemic among humans. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1167, August 14 | The army of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa suffers from an epidemic while being near Rome, interpreted as divine punishment for treatment of the Pope. | Sed Deus ab alto cuncta prospectans iniuriam summi regis genitrici eiusque vicario beato Petro illatam nequaquam tulit impune. Extimplo siquidem nebula quedam pestilens ac fetida totum pene exercitum attaminavit, primoque Coloniensem archiepiscopum compluresque episcoporum, duces ac quosque in exercitu prepotentes inficiens sine mora extinxit; eademque mortifera lues regem quasi vitabundum cum reliquiis recedentem prosecuta, nunc hos, nunc illos et illos diversis in locis miro divine ulcionis iudicio, cuique nigro quodam caractere inter scapulas apparente, exanimavit. [2] | But God, looking down from on high, by no means allowed the injustice inflicted upon the blessed mother of the supreme king and his vicar, blessed Peter, to go unpunished. Immediately, indeed, a certain pestilent and foul mist contaminated almost the entire army, and it swiftly extinguished the Archbishop of Cologne and several bishops, leaders, and those powerful in the army, infecting them without delay; and this deadly plague, pursuing the king as if fleeing, relentlessly struck him with remnants, now here, now there, and those in various places, with a wondrous judgment of divine vengeance, with a certain black mark appearing between their shoulders, causing them to expire. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1189, Summer – 1189, August | A mortality among men and cattle breaks out during a warm summer. | Estas ferventissima usque ad augustum mensem fuit, in quo etiam mortalitas hominum et pecudum immensa contigit. [3] | The summer (1189) has been very hot until August, and a mortality among men and cattle occured meanwhile. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1192, August | While the temperature decrease in August, people get sick with fever. | Estas ferventissima in augusto mense subito tempore refriguit; unde febres acutae et quartanae passim in hominibus dominantur. [4] | The weather which was hot abruptly changed in August. Then, people were affected by fever. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1197 | A mortality, attributed to summer's heat, decimates crusaders under the leadership of the archbishop of Mainz in Acre | Cunradus Mogontinus archiepiscopus in mense Ianuario iter dominice crucis arripiens, multis sibi signatis sociatis, valedicens imperatori in Apulia, inde navigavit Accaron. Cetera autem multitudo innumerabilium signatorum induciaverunt expedicionem ad festum sancte Walpurgis. Omnibus autem ad littus maris pervenientibus, inparatis navibus, propter fervorem mensis Augusti tanta mortalitas exorta est, ut vix decimus de tanta multitudine mortis imperium effugeret. [5] | Conrad, the Archbishop of Mainz, undertaking a crusade in the month of January, accompanied by many associates bearing signs, bid farewell to the emperor in Apulia, and from there sailed to Acre. However, the rest of the countless multitude, who had enlisted for the expedition to the feast of Saint Walpurgis, arrived at the shore unprepared, with insufficient ships. Due to the heat of the month of August, such a deadly disease broke out among all those reaching the seaside that barely a tenth of the immense multitude escaped the grip of death. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1200 | A cattle mortality breaks out in the Holy Roman Empire. | Inaudita mortalitas boum per totum imperium. [6] | Unheard mortality of the cattle all across the Empire. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1204 | High mortality and disease among cattles and pigs | Et fuit maxima mortalitas et pestilentia bovum et porcorum [7] | And there was the greatest mortality and plague among cattle and pigs (Translation needed) |
| 1205 | A mortality among sheeps breaks out in the Holy Roman Empire. | Mortalitas ovium per totum imperium. [8] | Mortality of sheeps all across the Empire. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1225 | Disease in animals and humans in Bologna | Tanta eodem tempore et in agro Bononiensi et urbe contagio pestilentiae fuit ut vix credibilia memoratu videantur quae de hominum pecorumque internectorum numero scriptores providere [9] | (Translation needed) |
| 1225 | Great mortality of cattle. | Fuit maxima mortalitas in bobus et talis quod, ubi fuit, modici boves ibi remanserunt [10] | There was a great mortality among cattle, such that where it occurred, only a few cattle remained. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1227 | Famine, price increase and high mortality in Bologna | Magna fames fuit in civitate Bononiae et per diversas partes et valuit corba frumenti tres libras et fabarum xlviij soldos, speltae soldos xxxiiij et melegae xxviij soldos [...] Fuit magna mortalitas tam in divitibus, quam in pauperibus personis [11] | There was a great famine in the city of Bologna and in different areas and wheat was 3 pound and fabarum 48 Solidi, speltae 34 Solidi and melegae 33 Solidi. [...] Because of a great mortality a lot of poor people died. (Translation needed) |
| 1230 | Severe plague and epizootic. The epidemics are announced by a solar eclipse | Eclipsis solis et pestilentia hominum et iumentorum magna fuit. [12] | Solar eclipse and a great pestilence among men and animals. (Translation: Carina Damm). |
| 1233, January | Extreme cold, which is why the river Po froze over from Piacenza to Venice- trade shipments on the ice; wine freezes in vessels, wines, fruit and nut trees die; people freeze to death in their beds; famine, price increase and epidemic | Eodem anno tantum frigus & gelu fuit, quod flumen Padi de mense Januarii taliter glaciatum est, quod omnes gentes utriusque sexus, & aetatis ipsum quasi terram aridam transibant. Et etiam a Venetiis usque Cremonam super faciem Padi mercationes deducebantur. Vinum inter vegetes congelabatur. Caristia subsequitur, & mortalitas oritur: guerrae & perturbationes incipiunt: ficulneae, & oliveta, nucleares arbores, & vineae aruerunt, & homines in lectis congelabantur [13] | In the same year, there was such severe cold and frost that the Po River was so frozen in the month of January that all people of both sexes and all ages could cross it as if it were dry land. Also, from Venice to Cremona, goods were transported over the surface of the Po. Wine froze inside barrels. Scarcity followed, and mortality arose; wars and disturbances began; fig trees, olive groves, nut trees, and vineyards withered, and people froze in their beds (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1237 VN: 44 |
A mortality breaks out in the monastery of Saint-Denis, killing 44 monks. | Hoc anno fuit maxima mortalitas fratrum monachorum in ecclesia Beati Dionysii fere usque ad XLIV. [14] | In this year (1237) was a great mortality among brothers of the church of Saint-Denis affecting 44 monks. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1241 | In France a lot of people get an ophthalmic disease. | Et multi in illo anno patiebantur malum maximum in occulis eorum. [15] | In this year, lot of people suffered of the eyes. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1247 | Epidemic with many deaths in Parma. | Item eodem tempore magna mortalitas fuit in civitate Parme, ita quod sepe et sepius quatuor et plures sepeliebantur ad unam ecclesiam. [16] | Also, at the same time (1247), there was a great mortality in the city of Parma, so that often and repeatedly four or more were buried at one church. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1248 | Illness of Hugo von Digne, probably part of an epidemic in Provence | De mora quam cum fratre Hugone contraxi. Ego vero et socius meus remansimus Areis cum fratre Hugone, a festo beati Francisci usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum. Et gaudebam quia habebam occasionem standi cum fratre Hugone,
[p. 456] cum quo tota die de doctrina abbatis Ioachym erat sermocinatio mea. Habebat enim omnes libros abbatis Ioachym et erat maximus Ioachita et unus de maioribus clericis de mundo, sanctitate et scientia incomparabilis. Dolebam vero quod sotius meus graviter infirmabatur quasi ad mortem, et nolebat sibi cavere, et tempus navigandi propter hyemem in deterius mutabatur. Et contrata illa illo anno valde infirma erat propter ventum marinum, et vix poteram respirare de nocte, etiam morando sub divo; et audiebam lupos clamantes et ululantes de nocte in maxima quantitate, non semel neque bis. Et dixi socio meo, qui erat iuvenis valde protervus: «Tu non vis tibi cavere a contrariis et semper recidivas, ego vero cognosco contratam istam valde infirmam, et nollem adhuc mori, quia vellem videre illa que predicat frater Hugo. Quapropter noveris quod, si occurrerit de fratribus nostris societas congrua, ibo cum illis». Et dixit: «Placet quod dicis, veniam et ego tecum». Sperabat enim quod nullus veniret, qui frater esset. Et ecce, Domino faciente, statim venit frater Pontius quidam, sanctus homo, qui nobiscum steterat in conventu Aquensi et ibat Niciam, unde factus fuerat guardianus. Et gavisus est, quando vidit nos. Et dixi sibi: «Volumus venire vobiscum, quia Ianuam ire debemus ad habitandum». Et respondit et dixit: Multum placet michi. Vado ergo ad procurandum ut habeamus navem». In crastino autem post prandium ivimus ad navem, que distabat a loco fratrum per unum miliare. Socius autem meus nolebat venire, sed videns quod penitus recedebam, assumpto guardiano loci, venit post nos. Cumque porigerem sibi manum, ut elevarem eum ad navem intrandam, aborruit et ait: «Absit quod tu tangas me, quia non conservasti michi fidem et bonam societatem». Cui dixi: «Miser, cognosce bonitatem Dei erga te, oquia revelatum est michi a Domino quod, si stetisses ibi, absque dubio mortuus fuisses; et Sapiens in Eccle. VII dicit: Noli esse stultus, ne moriaris in tempore non tuo. Et de quibusdam dicitur in Iob XXII: Sublati sunt ante tempus suum, et fluvius(scilicet mortalitatis humane) subvertit fundamentum eorum». Quid plura? Non credebat iste michi quousque vexatiodedit auditui intellectum. Nam per totam hyemem in conventu Ianuensi ab illa [p. 457] infirmitate quam in Provincia contraxerat non potuit liberari; et in festo beati Mathie intravi mare et a Ianua usque ad locum fratris Hugonis in IIII diebus perveni; et sex fratres de illo loco inveni mortuos et sepultos; quorum primus fuit guardianus loci illius, qui socium meum ad navem associaverat; alter fuit frater Guillielmus de Pertuso, bonus predicator, qui in conventu Parmensi habitavit aliquando; et IIII alii quos nominare necesse non est. Cum autem in reversione mea ad Ianuensem conventum retulissem socio meo de morte istorum fratrum supradictorum, gratias referebat michi, quod eruissem eum de faucibus mortis. Convaluit tandem, et post multos annos ivit ad provinciam ultramarinam, eo anno quo rex Francie transfretavit secundo et Tunicium ivit; et fuit ibi custos et pro custode ad generale capitulum venit quod fuit Assisii celebratum, in quo frater Bonagratia factus fuit generalis minister, et declaratio regule ratribus data. [17] |
About the delay that I contracted with Brother Hugh. Indeed, my companion and I remained in Aries with Brother Hugh, from the feast of St. Francis until the feast of All Saints. And I was glad because I had the opportunity to stay with Brother Hugh," [p. 456] "with whom my entire day was spent discussing the teachings of Abbot Joachim. For he had all the books of Abbot Joachim and was a great Joachite and one of the most senior clerics in the world, incomparable in sanctity and knowledge. However, I was saddened because my companion fell gravely ill, almost to death, and he did not want to take care of himself, and the time for sailing worsened due to the winter. And the sea that year was very rough because of the marine wind, and I could barely breathe at night, even staying outdoors; and I heard wolves crying and howling at night in great numbers, not just once or twice. And I said to my companion, who was a very impetuous young man: 'You do not want to take care of yourself against the adversities, and you always relapse, but I know that the sea is very treacherous this year, and I do not wish to die yet, because I want to see what Brother Hugh preaches. Therefore, you should know that if a suitable opportunity arises among our brothers, I will go with them.' And he said, 'What you say pleases me, I will come with you.' For he hoped that no brother would come. And behold, by the grace of the Lord, Brother Pontius immediately arrived, a holy man, who had stayed with us in the convent of Aix and was going to Nice, where he had been appointed guardian. And he rejoiced when he saw us. And I said to him, 'We want to come with you, because we must go to Genoa to live there.' And he replied and said: 'I am very pleased. I will go then to arrange for us to have a ship.' On the next day after lunch, we went to the ship, which was one mile away from the place of the brothers. However, my companion did not want to come, but seeing that I was determined, he came after us, taking the guardian of the place with him. And when I reached out my hand to lift him onto the ship, he recoiled and said, 'God forbid that you touch me, for you did not keep faith with me and maintain a good companionship.' To which I said, 'Unfortunate one, recognize the goodness of God towards you, for it has been revealed to me by the Lord that if you had stayed there, undoubtedly you would have died; and the Wise One in Ecclesiastes 7 says: Do not be foolish, lest you die in your time. And it is said of some in Job 22: They were taken away before their time, and the river (namely, the river of human mortality) subverted their foundation.' Why more? This person did not believe me until vexation gave understanding to his hearing. For throughout the entire winter in the convent of Genoa, he could not be freed from the illness he had contracted in Provence; and on the feast of St. Matthias, I entered the sea, and from Genoa, I arrived at Brother Hugh's place in four days; and I found six brothers from that place dead and buried; the first of whom was the guardian of that place, who had accompanied my companion to the ship; the second was Brother William of Pertuso, a good preacher, who had once lived in the convent of Parma; and the other four need not be named. However, when I returned to the convent of Genoa and recounted to my companion the deaths of those aforementioned brothers, he thanked me for rescuing him from the jaws of death. He eventually recovered, and after many years, he went to the overseas province, in the year when the King of France crossed over for the second time and went to Tunis; and there he became the guardian and came as a guardian to the general chapter held at Assisi, where Brother Bonagratia was elected as the general minister, and the declaration of the rule was given to the brothers ((Translated with ChatGTP 3.5)) |
| 1248 | There was a great mortality in Parma. | Et mortalitas valida fuit [18] | And there was a strong mortality (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1248 | High mortality in Reggio | Et mortalitas magna hoc anno fuit; et mortuus est abbas Sancti Prosperii [Gerardus]. [19] | (Translation needed) |
| 1250 | Deaths among the French army in Egypt due to plague and famine | 1250 - Sed et prius pestilentia et inedia multi periere. Habuerunt enim caristiam et penuriam comestibilium rerum et victualium, nec talem dispositionem aeris habebant qualem in terra sua. [20] | (Translation needed) |
| 1258 | In summer high mortality in Italy. | Eo anno aestate fuit hominum magna mortalitas. [21] | In this year was a high mortality among humans. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1258, May 19 | Great mortality in Bohemia. | Anno domini 1258 XIV kalendas Junii eclipsis lune fuit et mortalitas maxima hominum fuit. [22] | In the year of the Lord 1258 on the 14th calendes of June there was an eclipse of the moon and there was the greatest mortality of humans. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1259 | High mortality in Italy and death of an elder Italian Lord | 1259 - [...] quo anno fuit in Ytalia hominum et mulierum mortalitas maxima, […] (p. 548) Dominus Rubinus senex erat et plenus dierum et misit pro me, eo anno quo fuit mortalitas maxima et quo Icilinus de Romano captus fuit in bello, scilicet MCCLIX; et confessus est mecum et bene ordinavit de anima sua et mortuus est in senectute bona, transiens de hoc mundo ad Patrem. [23] | In the year 1259, which was the year of the greatest mortality of men and women in Italy, [...] (p. 548) Lord Rubino was old and full of days. He sent for me in that year when there was the greatest mortality and when Icilinus from Rome was captured in war, namely, in the year 1259. He confessed with me and arranged well for his soul, and he died in good old age, passing from this world to the Father Template:Mb |
| 1259 | Everywhere a great need, shortage and price increase and thereupon severe plague in Salzburg | 1259. Maxima caristia orta est per omnes terras, quam sequitur maxima pestilentia hominum. [24] | In the year 1259, a great scarcity arose across all lands, followed by a severe pestilence among the people. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1259 | In this year there was a great inflation followed by a plague among humans. | 1259. Maxima caristia orta est per omnes terras, quam sequitur maxima pestilentia hominum. [25] | 1259. The greatest dearth arose in all lands which was followed by the greatest plague among humans. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1259, April – 1259, May | Epidemic and high mortality in Italy. | Et eodem anno MCCLIX magna fuit mortalitas, et composui librum de tediis. [...] In supradicto millesimo habitabam in Burgo Sancti Donini et composui et scripsi alium librum Tediorum ad similitudinem Pateccli. Item eodem anno in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de Passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in Dominica Olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit dominus Rubinus de Soragna, barbánus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchisopoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent. [26] | And in the same year 1259, there was a great mortality, and I composed a book about weariness. [...] In the aforementioned year, I lived in San Donino and composed and wrote another book of weariness, similar to Gherardo Patecchio. Also in the same year, in Italy, there was a great mortality of men and women, so much so that during the evening office, we had two dead in the church at the same time. And this curse began in the week of Passion, so that in the whole province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not perform the office on Palm Sunday, as they were affected by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. Then, Master Rubinus of Soragna, the barber of Uberti Pelavicini, and Brother Marchisopoli, whom I heard in confession, died. Also in San Donino, more than three hundred died from that pestilence, and in Milan, many thousands, and similarly in Florence, many thousands; and the bells did not toll, lest they terrify the sick. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1259, April | Mortality in Paris. Crops have been malevolent. | Anno sequenti, mense aprilis fuit mortalitas, maxima Parisius, et moriebantur homines quasi subito. [27] | The year after, in April, there was a great mortality, especially in Paris. People died very rapidly. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1261 | Flagellants appear in Bohemia. | Ibant flagellatores, que secta nescio a quo spiritu processerat; set multi nostri noti in eam ibant pura intencione et sincera devocione. Procedebant namque turmatim hinc et inde per ecclesias, precedentibus vexillis et cereis ardentibus, precinentibus duobus, ceteris respondentibus, stantes nudi et affligentes se flagellis, panno qualicunque succinctos lumbos et velata capita habentes. [28] | The flagellants went about, a sect that I do not know from what spirit it had arisen; but many of our acquaintances joined it with pure intention and sincere devotion. For they proceeded in groups here and there through the churches, with banners and burning candles going before, two leading with singing, the others responding, standing naked and beating themselves with whips, having their loins girded with some kind of cloth and their heads covered (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1262 | Mortality in Normandy | Hoc anno fuit mors valida in Normannia. [29] | This year, a great mortality raged in Normandy. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1267 | Great famine and severe plague with many deaths in people and animals in complete Austria | Anno Domini MCCLXVII. pestilencia et fames, ex nationes civitatum et villarum per Austriam surrexerunt, ita ut innumerus populus cum pecore pene omni in terris peste miserabiliter morerentur, que Deum vulgaris plebs affirmavit propter illivitas regis nupcias induxisse. [30] | (Translation needed) |
| 1267 | Many diseases and plague among people and animals in Thuringia and the surrounding area | Similiter in Thuringia et in confinio eius multe egrotationes ac pestilencie hominum et pecudum irruerunt. [31] | Similarly, in Thuringia and its neighboring regions, many illnesses and pestilences befell both humans and livestock (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1270 | Charles of Anjou makes peace in Tunisia, partly because the plague hit his army | Reges, tum propter difficultatem urbem munitissimam capiendi, tum propter pestilentiam mortalitatis, que vehementer exercitum affligebat, tale pactum cum rege Tunicii pepigerunt: quod ipse persolveret regibus omnes transfetationis expensas et tributum redderet regi Karulo et filiis suis, quod ipse solebat persolvere annuatim magno principi Federico. [32] | (Translation needed) |
| 1271 | Plague in Austria and Hungary | Eiusdem tempore anni tam inaudita facta est pestilentia in Austria et Ungaria, ut ex tam vehementi pestilentie plaga in fossatis maximis simul et semel mortui homines tamquam peccora infoderentur. [33] | (Translation needed) |
| 1271 VN: 20 |
Mortality in Lorraine. | Mortalitas maxima in Lotharingia. Illo anno 20 fratres in convetnu fratrem Predicatorum Metensis mortui sunt. [34] | Great mortality in Lorraine. This year, 20 brothers died in the Dominican monastery of Metz. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1276 | Price increase in Genoa, Lombardy, Tuscany, France and in complete Italy, poverty migration and disease | In iam dicto anno [1276] victualium magna fuit penuries nedum in Ianua et districtu, set etiam in Lonbardia, Tuscia, Provintia et Francia, et quasi in Ytalia tota. In Ianua enim et districtu usque in solidos 40 frumenti mine singule vendebantur; quod autem durius est audire, nedum frumentum set nec etiam granum poterat reperiri. Qui enim granum habebant, illud ad libitum vendere potuissent, quantumcunque voluissent inde habere pretium; nisi iussio emanasset qua fuit cunctis inhibitum, ne ultra certam summam frumentum vel granum aliquatenus venderetur. Tanta autem victualium inedia nedum per totum illum annum set etiam quasi per totum sequentem regnavit, quod homines fame peribant. Qua ex causa urgente fame et fructuum paupertate, magna mulierum et hominum multitudo cum eorum familias etiam parvulis quos in cunabulis deferebant, fines Lonbardie, Tuscie, Provintie et totius Ytalie famem fugientes est egressa. Ex diversis quidem civitatibus locis et villis et quasi ex totius Lonbardie et Ytalie finibus homines mulieres magni et parvuli undique concurrebant, qui quasi fame consumpti velud mortui apparebant. Qui omnes habuerunt ad civitatem Ianuensem recursum, et quamquam Ianuensis civitas magna victualium laboraret inopia, tamen ad se fugientes non repulit; set ipsis miseris et oppressis fame [p. 283] compatiens manum aperuit et panem suum et omnia neccessaria eisdem esurientibus ministravit. Illo quippe anno et quasi toto sequenti aer infectus et pestilens celum fuit, et ad hec in omnibus iam dictis partibus morbus invaluit, quod infinitos homines et mulieres magnos et parvos fere in omnibus Ytalie partibus mors invasit. [35] | (Translation needed) |
| 1276 | Epidemic among humans and animals in Reggio Emilia | et magna mortalitas hominum, & bestiarum facta est eo anno [36] | (Translation needed) |
| 1276, July – 1276, October | Months of continuous rain destroys crops, famine feared; livestock dies, famine, disease and deaths in Rome and throughout Italy | Eodem tempore [1276] quasi per totum mensem Julij, Augusti, Septembris & Octobris Deus tantum pluit super terram in Italia, quod quasi omnes segetes de Plano guastatae sunt & perditae, & timetur multum de caristia temporis in Italia, & propter multas aquas quasi omnes boves & vaccae & oves & caprae mortuae sunt in Italia, & Romae, & in illis partibus magnae fames, infirmitates, & mortalitates hominum et personarum etiam fuerunt [37] | (Translation needed) |
| 1277 | Epidemic with deaths in Italy and Lombardy. | De magna hominum mortalitate, et de domino Mastino, qui interfectus fuit.[…] Et eodem anno (1277) fuit mortalitas maxima et magne infirmitates hominum, puerorum et mulierum quasi per universum orbem et maxime in regno Ytalie et Lombardie. [38] | About the great mortality of men, and about Lord Mastino, who was killed. [...] And in the same year (1277), there was the greatest mortality and great illnesses of men, children, and women almost throughout the entire world, especially in the kingdom of Italy and Lombardy. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1277 | Epidemic with many deaths and strong price increase of grain in Lombardy and Italy | Item eodem anno fuit maxima caritudo blave, ita quod sestarium furmenti fuit positum in asetum [fixing the price] ad decem solidos imperiales spelte v solidos imperiales; et secrete per episcopatum vendebatur xx solidis imperialibus starium furmenti. Et magna mortalitas hominum, infancium et mulierum fuit per Lombardiam et totam Ytaliam [...] Et illo anno fuit paucum blaudum per totam Lombardiam, ita quod starium furmenti vendebatur xij solidis imperialibus et starium spelte vj solidis imperialibus. Et fuit magna mortalitas per totam Lombardiam [39] | (Translation needed) |
| 1277 | Severe plague among animals | Anno sequenti pestilencia pecorum est exorta, ita ut nobis secundum veram computacionem mille et ducente oves et plus quam centum vacce morerentur; unde in comparandis lacticiniis multa expendere oportebat. [40] | (Translation needed) |
| 1277, May | Epidemic and price increase in Reggio | Eo mense [May] coepit morbus Rhegii, & tunc statutum est, ut non pulsentur campanae, nec mortui praeconizentur, nec plorentur, & quod mulieres non sequantur ad Ecclesiam corpora. Et tunc frumentum valebat solidos VIII. imperial. et faba solid. XX Resanorum. [...] Eo anno maximus morbus fuit Rhegii. [41] | (Translation needed) |
| 1277, July – 1277, December | In Italy was an epidemic with deaths and rainfall prevent sowing, price increase of all foodstuffs | Et eodem anno [...] steterunt magne infirmitates, pestilentie et mortalitates hominum et mulierum per universum orbem quasi et maxime in Ytalia. Et magna pluvia fuit, ita quod homines non potuerunt colligere melicas de campis nec eas siccare nec potuerunt bene seminare [...] Et eo anno fuit maxima caristia de rebus victualibus, quia aliquando vendictum fuit sest. frumenti VIIII sol. imper. et X sol imper., et sest. fabe XVIII sol. rex. et XVII et XVIIII sol. rex., et sest. milice V sol. imper. et XIII et XIIII sol. rex., et sest. spelte IIII sol. imper. et XIII sol. rex., et libra olei XXI imper. et XXII imper.; et de omnibus aliis rebus victualibus magna caristia fuit. [42] | (Translation needed) |
| 1278 | Mortality in the duchy of Normandy, and elsewhere (no precision). | Hoc anno fuit mors valida in Normannia et in multis partibus. [43] | This year (1278), a great mortality raged in Normandy and in many other locations. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1281 | High mortality caused by severe famine and plague in Southern Europe and Bohemia. | Fuerunt nives, pluvie et inundaciones aquarum magne, et cepit esse fames valida in cunctis inferioribus partibus Europe, et Bohemi quocumque divertebant fame et pestilencia interibant. [44] | (Translation needed) |
| 1281 | Epizootic in Denmark in the year 1281. | Pestilentia pecorum. [45] | (1281) Pestilence of the cattle. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1282 | Epidemic in Alsace | Item mel in Alsatia finibus pluebat, unde multi olera seu fructus commedere recusabant. Item pestilencia in locis pluribus sequebatur [46] | It rained honey in some places in Alsace, and a lot of people refused to eat vegetables and fruits. And, an epidemic follows in several locations. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1282 | Following a great famine a disease spread throughout Bohemia to which so many people fall victim that the graveyards have not sufficient space for the deceased. | De fame maxima, que illis temporibus fuit in Bohemia. [...] Fame igitur urgente tanta pestilencia in terra prevaluit, quantam retroactis temporibus, prout a senibus didici, nullus inibi expertus fuit. [...] ex fetore cadaverum aer inficitur et qui forsan amplius vivere poterat, fetido tabefactus aere subito suffocatur. [...] Cimiteria pro sepultura deficiunt et qui defunctos sepeliant, tedio affecti iam inveniri vix possunt. Magne igitur fovee fodiuntur, in quas multa defunctorum cadavera bigis incessanter adducta proiciuntur. [47] | About the great famine which was at those times in Bohemia. Under the pressure of hunger a plague prevailed in the land and it was so fierce that noone in preceeding times has wittned the like as I have learned from old people. [...] From the smell of cadavers the air got infected and those who could have lived longer did suddenly suffocate, because they were poisoned by the evil smelling air. [...] The graveyards were too small for the funerals and people who were ready to bury the dead were hard to find because they were overwhelmed by disgust. Therefore, large pits were dug to which the many deceased were brought with two horse carriages and into which they were flung. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1282 | A great wave of mortality went through Bohemia and Moravia. Heaps of people were burried in large ditches in the fields during winter and spring. | 1282. Maxima mortalitas hominum fit per Boemiam et Moraviam. Nam Prage ac Brunne et alibi defuncti innumerabiles, velud fenum in curribus ad agros ducebantur; ibi in fossis profundis catervatim obstruuntur, tempore hyemalis et veris. [48] | 1282. A maximum mortality of humans happened throughout Bohemia and Moravia. In Prague and Brno as well as in other places innumerable people died. Like hay they were brought in waggons to the fields and there, in the times of winter and spring, large ditches were filled with heaps of them. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1282, January – 1282, July | Caterpillar plague in Reggio Emilia destroys fruit trees, flowers | Et eodem anno fuit tanta multitudo erucarum, quantam nullus meminit diebus nostris, et destruxerunt omnes arbores pomiferas, tam flores quam frondes; et sic apparebant arbores sicut in media hyeme apparere soluent, cum prius optime floruissent. Et postquam in arboribus pomiferis non inveniebant quid comederent, transibant ad cimas sive pullulationes salicum et illa similiter corrodebant; processu temporis cadebant de arboribus et moriebantur. [p. 559] Nec fuerunt iste eruce ortonales, sed aliud genus erucarum fuit. Et eodem anno, in istis VI mensibus fuit magna carestia bladi, scilicet frumenti, spelte, melice et fabe, et de omnibus leguminibus et rebus [49] | (Translation needed) |
| 1283 | Cattle disease in (northern) Italy, Lombardy and Romagna. | Et eodem anno fuit maxima bovum mortalitas per totam Lombardiam, Romagnolam et Ytaliam [50] | (Translation needed) |
| 1283 – 1284 | Cattle death, in the following high mortality among humans in 1284 | 1283 - De mortalitate boum que fuit hoc anno. Quod sequenti anno fuit hominum mortalitas subsecut[a]. Item supraposito anno Domini MCCLXXXIII fuit maxima boum mortaliltas per totam Lombardiam, Romagnolam et Ytaliam, et sequenti anno subsecuta est mortalitas hominum. Nam apud Salinum in Burgundia in quodam loco fratrum Minorum habitabant XXII fratres, quos ibi vivos invenit quidam frater Gallicus qui habitabat in Grecia et ibat Parisius; eodem anno, cum reverteretur, invenit XI ex illis mortuos, id est medietatem numeri supradicti. Audivi ab ore ipsius hec eadem apud Regium. In aliis vero partibus mundi eodem anno mortui sunt similiter multi. Et breviter ista est regula generalis, ut, quotienscumque fuerit mortalitas boum, statim sequenti anno mortalitas hominum subsequatur. [51] | (Translation needed) |
| 1284 | Tatars invaded the land of Hungary, then a great famine and plague started. | Eodem anno Tarthari terram Ungarie que dicitur de Septemcastris intraverunt et multos christianos captivaverunt et occiderunt. Christus autem tutor christianorum, magnam famem in eos et pestilenciam inmisit. [52] | The same year, the Tartars entered the land of Hungary, which is called the land of Seven Castles, and captured and killed many Christians. But Christ, the protector of Christians, sent great famine and pestilence upon them. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1284 | Deaths caused by plague in Pisa | De pestilentia qua Deus Pisanos percussit. Percussit enim Dominus Pisanos pestilentia illo anno (1284), et multi mortui sunt. [53] | Regarding the plague with which God struck the Pisans. For indeed, the Lord struck the Pisans with the plague in that year (1284), and many died (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1285, Summer | Severe plague among cattles. | Pestilentia pecudum solito maior per totam estatem duravit, ita ut in Augusta non decima pars vaccarum remaneret viva. [54] | The plague of cattle lasted longer than usual throughout the entire summer, so that in the month of August not even a tenth part of the cows remained alive. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1285 | Connection of epidemic deaths and animal disease | Et nota, ut etiam alibi me dixisse recordor, quod ista est regula generalis et firma, quia, quotienscumque boum precedit mortalitas, totiens sequenti anno hominum mortalitas subsequatur. Idem post famem que precedit accidere consuevit ut mortalitas hominum similiter subsequatur. [55] | (Translation needed) |
| 1285 | Fever epidemic in Lucca | Eodem anno fuit epidemia de tertianis in qua multi sunt de dicta aegritudine mortui, et praecipue qui fuerunt in exercitu supradicto [56] | (Translation needed) |
| 1285 | Epidemics near Parma and Rome with many deaths. | De magna mortalitate hominum que in diversis partibus mundi fuit. Item, millesimo supraposito, in villa Pupilii, que est in episcopatu Parmensi, infra tres menses LXXX homines mortui sunt. Nam ista est regula generalis sive argumentum probatum, ut quotiens boum precedit mortalitas, totiens sequenti anno hominum mortalitas subsequatur. Et eodem millesimo in urbe Romana maxima fuit mortalitas et infirmitas, ita ut mitrati inter abbates et episcopos a Pascha usque ad Assumptionem beate Virginis sub papa Honorio quarto XXIIII morerentur. [57] | About the great mortality of men which occurred in various parts of the world. Likewise, in the aforementioned year, in the village of Pupilii, which is in the diocese of Parma, within three months, eighty men died. For this is a general rule or proven argument, that as often as there is a mortality among cattle, so often in the following year there follows a mortality among men. And in the same year, there was a great mortality and sickness in the city of Rome, so that between Easter and the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, twenty-four mitred abbots and bishops died under Pope Honorius IV. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1285 | A great mortality among nobles in Thuringia, but unclear if disease-induced | Anno Domini 1285. magna mortalitas desevit in nobiles Thurinigie. Nam vix infra dimidii anni spacium nobilis vir marchio Theodericus de Landisberc et comes Albertus de Orlamunde et frater eius comes Otto, comes Heinricus de Swarczburc et comes Albertus de Glichinstein et multi alii ministeriales et nobiles mortui sunt. [58] | In the year of our Lord 1285, a great mortality raged among the nobles of Thuringia. For scarcely within the span of half a year, the nobleman Margrave Dietrich of Landsberg, Count Albert of Orlamünde, his brother Count Otto, Count Heinrich of Schwarzburg, Count Albert of Glichinstein, and many other officials and nobles perished. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1285 VN: 2000 |
Epidemics in Tivoli. | 1285 - Honorius quartus cum cardinalibus suis, in civitate Tyburtina; et fuit ibi mortalitas maxima, usque adeo grandis quod solummodo de forensibus mortui sunt ibi duo milia hominum. [59] | In 1285 Pope Honorius IV, with his cardinals, (ws) in the city of Tivoli; and there was a great mortality there, so great that only among outsiders two thousand men died there. (Translation needed) |
| 1285, March | Plague of fleas in Italy. | Anno siquidem Domini MCCLXXXV, indictione XIII, quem millesimum superius etiam inchoavimus, totus mensis Marcii pulicibus plenus fuit, et ita abundaverunt pulices per totum mensem illum, quod, si essent in media estate, superflui viderentur et essent. [60] | Indeed, in the year of our Lord 1285, in the thirteenth indiction, which we also mentioned earlier, the entire month of March was full of fleas, and fleas abounded throughout that whole month to such an extent that if it were in the middle of summer, they would seem excessive and plentiful (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1286 | In Cremona, Piacenza, Parma and other regions: high mortality in humans and chickens. Epidemic with deaths in Italy and Lombardy. | 1286 - Nam in Cremona et in Placencia et in Parma et in Regio et in multis aliis Italie civitatibus et dyocesibus fuit mortalitas maxima tam hominum quam gallinarum. [61] | For in Cremona, and in Piacenza, and in Parma, and in Reggio, and in many other cities and dioceses of Italy, there was the greatest mortality, both of humans and of chickens. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1286 | Drought from March to May in Parma; epidemic among animals and humans; low grain price from July onwards. | Item eo anno fuit magna mortalitas hominum et bestiarum in civitate et episcopatu Parme, et maxime de bestiis menutis; et non pluvit quasi per totum mensem martij et usque ad medium maij, propter quod homines multum timebant; et eodem anno non fuit nix neque frigus aliquod in civitate vel episcopatu Parme. Et eo anno, scilicet post sanctum Petrum, starium furmenti valuit iiij solidos imperiales [62] | In that year, there was a great mortality of men and animals in the city and diocese of Parma, especially among small animals; and it did not rain for almost the entire month of March and until the middle of May, because of which the people were very afraid; and in the same year there was neither snow nor any cold in the city or diocese of Parma. And in that year, namely after the feast of Saint Peter, a bushel of wheat cost 4 imperial shillings. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
| 1288 | Encouragement of marriages by the municipality of Bologna; fear of epidemics because of the weather, therefore banishment of lepers from the city to a hospital and financial aid for the poor. | Costumava in questi tempi il Senato di honorare e favorire li Matrimonij che fra li Cittadini si facevano dentro la Città, et in questo medesimo anno se ne feccero quarantuno Matrimonij nel quale lassendolo il Senato fece fare altre tante casselline di panno rosato, et a ciaschuhno secondo era il [S. 150] ne presentò una. Era questo favore di tanta stima che lo spos gloriandosi per otto giorni continui portava in capo la detta cappellina di Rosato. Et da li in poi lo spos la serbava in casa come segno di particolar favore fattogli dal Senato. In questo medesimo anno volle il Senato che si fabricasse un ponte vicino alla città per cui passa l'aqua del Fium Savena. Et perche pareva che l'aere et le gravi infermità minacciassero qualche disordine ne' corpi humani morendo gli' Infermi quasi di repentina morte fù dal senato fatto quest' ordine che nessun Leproso o contaminato nella persona habitasse, ne si accortasse alla Città per ispatio di re miglia, ma si fermasse all' Hospital di S. Lazzaro. Et se alcuno di detti infettati fosse povero, il Senato darebbe per ciascuno povero lire dieci. [63] | It was the custom in these times for the Senate to honour and favour the marriages of citizens within the city, and in this same year forty-one marriages took place, in which the Senate had many other rosy-coloured boxes made, and to each one, according to the [S. 150] order, it presented one. This favour was of such esteem that the bride gloriously wore for eight continuous days the said chapel of Rosato on her head. And from then on, the bride kept it at home as a sign of the special favour done him by the Senate. In the same year, the Senate demanded that a bridge be built near the city through which the waters of the river Savena flow. And because it seemed that the air and the serious infirmities threatened some disorder in the human body, with the infirm dying an almost sudden death, the Senate ordered that no lepers or those infected in person should live in the city, nor should they be seen by the city for a distance of three miles, but that they should stay at the Hospital of S. Lazzaro. And if any of the infected were poor, the Senate would give each poor person ten lire. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1291 | Destruction of the crops [through the invasion of King Andreas II. of Hungary and also a plague | Segetes tempore messis tam per pabulum quam per incendium et conculcationem pedum equorum ac hominum penitus devastavit; et talis pestilencia sex septimanis in terra ista duravit, et multo deterius huic terre fecit, quam Bela [64] |
| 1295, May – 1295, September | Epidemic with high mortality in Romagna | De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam [65] | (Translation needed) |
| 1298 | Plague among animals in Poland. | Generalis pestilencia animalium in tota Polonia. [66] | A general plague among animals in all of Poland. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1300 | Epizootic in Denmark and indulgence in Rome | Indulgentia magna in Roma. Pestilentia pecorum. [67] | Great indulgence in Rome and pestilence of the cattle. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1300 | Severe plague among animals, particularly among cattles. | Hoc anno maxima pestilentia animalium et maxime vaccarum per totum mundum suborta est. [68] | This year, a great plague of animals, especially cows, broke out worldwide. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1302 | Horse disease in southern Italy and Sicily | Eodem anno dominus Carolus circa majum transfretavit in Siciliam cum multitudine magna contra Fredericum praedictum, perdiditque majorem partem equorum suorum ex generali epidemia quae fuit in orbe [69] | (Translation needed) |
| 1305 | Mortality in Denmark in the year 1305. | Mortalits hominum. [70] | Mortality of men. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1307 | After a comet was visible for 80 days there was a great plague among the animals | 1307. Cometa visa est 80 diebus et secuta est magna pestis brutorum. [71] | 1307. A comet was visivle for 80 days and directly afterwards there was a great plague among the animals (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1308 | Epizootic in Denmark that is preceded by an invasion of Halland by the Duke of Svealand, Erik Magnusson | Dux Suetie Ericus uenit hostiliter in Hallandiam. Pestilentia pecorum. [72] | Duke Eric of Sweden invaded Halland. Pestilence of cattle. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1310 | Severe plague during the reign of King Henry of Carinthia | Tanta devastationis pestilentia sub Heinrico duce de Chorinthia mulctabatur tota Bohemia quod non solum urbes, villae et personae seculares, sed quod lamenteabile est, viri spirituales aratarentur usquequaque etiam in suis coenobiis et claustrales --- Cotidie premebantur. [73] | (Translation needed) |
| 1310 | Severe epizootic in Denmark | Subiugantur regi Erico Rostok et Ribnes. Fuit tunc parlamentum in Skialschør inter nobiles et Haquinum, regem Noruegie. Tunc fuit hyems asperrima per sex septimanas continue. Tunc fuit maxima pestilentia pecorum in Dacia. [74] | Rostock and Ribe were subjugated by King Eric. There was then a parliament in Skælskør between the nobles and Hakon, King of Norway. Then there was a very severe winter for six weeks continuously. Then there was a great pestilence of cattle in Denmark. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1310 | Human and cattle plague | Pestilentia hominum et pecorum atque pecudum facta est magna. [75] | There was a great pestilence of humans as well as of cattle. (Translation: Annabell Engel) |
| 1311 – 1312 | Strong price increase, many deaths caused by famine and a desolation in Piacenza | Eodem anno & anno sequenti fuit fames valida in Placentia, & valuit starius frumenti soldos XXX, starius milii soldos XX, starius milicae soldiso XVI, et starius sicalis soldos XXIV. Et dicto anno innumerabiles per Civitatem Placentiae cadentes mortui sunt fame & pestilentia; & tunc Civitas Placentiae quasi tota fuit depopulata & evacuata Populo et laboratoribus. [76] | (Translation needed) |
| 1312 | Price increase and epidemic in Italy | Eo anno fere per omnem Ytaliam caritas anone et comestalium omnium que per totum annum duravit. Hominum etiam lues maxima ubique plus virorum quam mulierum et magis locuplectuum quam egenorum. [77] | (Translation needed) |
| 1312, June | Price increase and high mortality in Bologna | Eo anno fuit karitudo magna panis et vini tempore estivo et mortalitas magna gencium ubicumque; et multi de Bononia obierunt, et medici non bene cognoserunt malum eorum. Item de mense iunii desendit furmentum et valuit xx soldos quod parum ante valebat lv soldos bon., et valuit illo anno acetum et vinum xl soldos et ultra. [78] | (Translation needed) |
| 1312, June – 1312, August | Severe epidemic in Parma and also in complete Lombardy with many deaths, mainly men, but also heat; poor people mow wild grass and sell it. | De mense junij, julij et augusti magna mortalitas fuit in civitate Parme, et etiam per Lombardiam, hominum, et pauci qui infirmabantur, liberabantur, et infra octo vel novem dies moriebantur, ita quod prohibitum fuit mortuos cridari per commune Parme per civitatem, sicut antea moris erat; et hoc evenit magis in civitate Parme quam in episcopatu, et magis in masculis quam in feminis; et multi infirmi fuerunt. Et eo tempore maximus calor fuit, et per multos burgos civitatis et stratas erbe selvatice et pabulum nascebatur sic et in campaneis, it quod ribaldi metebant pabulum et erbam que dicitur zovenzonum per burgos et stratas civitatis et portabant eam ad vendendum. [79] | (Translation needed) |
| 1313 – 1315 | Severe plague and famine lasted three years after the death of King Henry VII. in 1313 | Etiam pestilentia universalis erat adeo magna, quod multorum pauperum Corpora exanima, fame et pestilentia infecta, in stratis publicis inveniebantur, et a pluribus civitatibus magnae generales foveae in cimiterium consecratae parabantur, et pretia statuebantur, ut ipsa cadavera sepulturae traderentur. Istae plagae, heu! post mortem lamentabilem Henrici imperatoris in flagellum omnium nationum statim esse coeperunt, et plus quam per triennium miserabiliter duraverunt. […] [80] | (Translation needed) |
| 1313, May | Price increase in Lombardy leads to famine deaths and in summer an epidemic throughout Italy | De mense Maii fuit maxima Caristia per totam Lombardiam, adeo ut multi morerentur in viis, & domibus fame terribili. Et ipso mense obiit Dominus Henricus Episcopus Rhegiensis, & tota illa aestate fuit morbus maximus per totam Italiam [81] | (Translation needed) |
| 1314 | Severe famine and plague among humans and animals | Ex magnitudine grigios et nivis facta est caristia maxima et pestilentia hominum et brutorum animalium infinita multitudo, et facta est tunc miseria inaudita. [82] | Because of great cold and a high amount of snow there was a great increase in prices and a disease (pestilencia) afflicted humans and wild animals in infinite numbers and it caused then a misery formerly unheard of. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1315 | Famine in Western Europe, caused by incessant rain, causes epidemics and lack of grain and wine; merchants are fleeing back to Asti | Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris quod anno MCCCXV fuit fames valida in regionibus Alamanniae, Olandiae, Flandriae, Pannoniae, Lorenae, Brabantiae, Franciae, talis, quod similis non est a saeculo audita, quia granum, quod caperet Astensis mina, vendebatur quindecim grossis turonensibus, et pinta boni vini ad mensuram Astensem in supradictis locis vendebatur grossis sex turonensibus: et tantum duravit dicta fames, quod pro aliquo precio furmentum et avena non inveniebatur et vinum. Et haec acciderunt ex abundantia pluviae,quia in diebus illis pluvia de coelo non cessavit. Ex quibus pauperes innumerabiles obierunt fame, et inveniebantur in viis et plateis mortui sicut canes. Post haec epdimia sive mortalitas supervenit tam divitibus quam egenis, ex qua tercia pars virorum et mulierum supradictarum regionum obierant, et maxime rex Franciae qui non regnavit per annum: et tantum duravit, quod quasi non inveniebatur, qui mortuos sepelliret; et hoch verum est, quia multi Astenses habitantes in partibus illis venientes Asti, et fugientes fames illas et pestes, et alii multi de patria illa quasi mortui fame approbabant, et dicebant omnia esse vera, et in fine omnes eiusdem patriae firmiter asserebant, quod ex eadem fame et epidimia tercia pars virorum et mulierum obierunt. [83] | (Translation needed) |
| 1316 | High mortality and plague in Bohemia and all over the world | et secuta est postmodum maxima pestilencia et mortalitas hominum in omnibus partibus mundi, ita ut magne fierent ubique fovee ad sepelienda corpora mortuorum, quia cymiteria illa capere non valebant. [84] | and in the following there was the greatest plague and mortality in all pars of the world so that everywhere large grave pits were dug to bury the bodies of the dead, for which the capacity of the graveyards was not large enough. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1316 VN: 100.000 |
In many lands of the world, including Bohemia, there were a number of natural disasters and pestilences among humans and animals. | Iste annus Domini M.CCC.sextus decimus tot in se pestilentias & miserias continet, quod eas audire auris refugit, mens stupescit; [...] Retulit nobis Dominus Petrus Maguntinus Archiepiscopus, quod infra dimidii anni tempus in civitate solum Meczensi quinquis centum millia hominum mortua sunt, nihilominus equos, oves & boves, & universa pecora campi necuit pestilenitia huius anni, oves enim plures quam mille, [...] in grangiis [Aulam regiam] perierunt. [85] | This year of the Lord 1316 includes so many pestileces and miseries that the ear takes flight from the hearing of it, the mind is stupified. [...] Lord Peter, the archibishop of Mainz has reported to us that within half a year in the city of Metz alone five times one hundredthousand humans have died. What is more, the pestilence of this year has killed horses, pigs, sheep and cattle as well as all animals of the fields. More than one thousand sheep [...] have perished at the farms of the monastery [of Aula Regia]. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1316 VN: 500.000 |
In many lands of the world, e.g. in Saxony, there were a number of natural disasters. Archbishop Peter of Mainz related that in the city of Metz 500.000 humans have died within one year. | anno Domini MCCCXVI cometa in parte aquilonari apparuit. [...] In partibus Saxonie in tantum fluvius Albea excrevit, quod CD et L villas aque vicinas [...] delevit [...]. Et retulit dominus Petrus Maguntinus archiepiscopus, quod in civitate Metensi infra unum annum quinquies C milia hominum mortua sunt, et diversa animalia et peccora campi intereunt huius anni pestilencia. [86] | In the year of the Lord 1316 a comet appeared in the norhern parts. [...] In Saxony the river Elbe grew so much that CD (?) and 50 villages close to the water were destroyed [...]. And Lord Peter, the archibishop of Mainz has reported in the city of Metz within one year fivehundredthousand humans have died and various animals and fruits of the fields perished in this year's plague. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1316, September 29 – 1317, April 3 VN: 500.000 |
In 1316 there was a great plague among the humans in France and Flanders, particularly in Metz where 500.000 humans are said to have died. | Anno domini MCCCXVII [...] Johannes XXI in papam eligitur, et pestilencia maxima hominum in Gallia et Flandria subsequitur, ita ut ville remanerent deserte et specialiter Metis in circa a festa sancti Michaelis usque ad pascha quingenta millis hominum dicantur mortui. [87] | In the year of the Lord 1317 (sic!), John XXI (sic!) was elected as pope and the greatest plague among humans followed imediately in France and Flanders where hardly a village remained undeserted. And particularly Metz, where between around the feast of St Michael and Easter (1317) 500.000 humans are said to have died. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1316 | High mortality of cattles caused by plague in many kingdoms | […] eodem anno per plure regna pecora bovina valde communiter ex pestilentia morerentur [88] | [...] the same year (1316), throughout several kingdoms, cattle commonly died from pestilence. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1316 – 1318 | Many deaths caused by epidemic, which rages mainly in Romagna | De mortalitate universa Anno Domini .M.°.CCCXVIIII.°, et duobus preteritis annis, mirandum quidem acidit, atque stupendum: mortalitas videlicet tam immensa per totum fere mundum, sed in provincia Romandiole acerbior: quod multi, terra gentibus pauperata, caruerunt ecclesiastica sepultura [89] |
(Translation needed) |
| 1316 | Great famine and animal plague in Würzburg. | magna fames erat et pestilentia grandis boum et pecorum. [90] | There was a great famine and a great mortality of cattle and pigs . (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1317 – 1319 | Epidemics in Northern Italy | Anno Domini Millesimo CCCXIX. & duobus praeteritis Annis mirandum quidem accidit atque stupendum, Mortalitas videlicet tam immensa per totum fere Mundum; sed in Provincia Romandiolae acerbior, quod multi Terrae gentibus pauperatae caruerunt Ecclesiasticam sepulturam. [91] | (Translation needed) |
| 1318 VN: 30,000 |
Although there was a peace treaty reached between King John of Bohemia and his rebelling nobles, the length of the preceeding conflict lead to great hunger and a plague. | De concordia inter Johannem, regem Bohemie, et suos nobiles facta et de fame maxima et pestilencia inaudita. [...] nam tali durante discordia nimia famis prevaluit miseria, ita quod infra unius anni spacium, ut experimento didici, in porta Scedelicensi triginta milia hominum sunt sepulta. Consimilis quoque pestilencia in omnibus civitatibus, oppidis et villis exstitit et in universa terra. In omnibus locis fovee fodiebantur, que mortuorum cadaveribus replebantur. [92] | About the peace between John, the king of Bohemia, and his nobles and about the great hunger and unheard-of plague. [...] Because this condemnable conflict endured, there was such a great famine that within one year 30.000 humans were buried at the Sedletz gate as I have learned from my own experience. And similarly, there was a plague in all cities, towns and villages and in all lands. At all places pits were dug which were filled up with the deceased. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1318 VN: 1.000 |
Because of the sins of the inhabitants of Bohemia, a plague came to the kingdom killing many thousand people. | Sed et indignacio et ira Dei descendit super Boemos propter peccata populi, ut creditur, et facta est pestilencia et mortalitas hominum pregravida, et mortua sunt multa milia hominum, facteque sunt fovce magne et profunde ad capienda corpora hominum moriencium pre nimia fame, et eciam pestilencia percussi. [...] Cum ergo multa mala longo iam tempore invaluissent et homines thabefacti de omni consolacione desperarent, quia omnes modi concordie fuerunt refutati, et fames ac pestilencia eos absque misericordia affligerent incessanter, clamaverunt ad Dominum omnes unanimiter, magni et parvi, clerici et layci, ut tantis malis finem imponere dignaretur. [93] | (Translation needed) |
| 1319 | Epidemic | Al tempo della mortalità morì Folco Lombardi da Lucca e sepolto in S. [94] | At the time of his mortality, Folco Lombardi of Lucca died and was buried in S. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1320, December 25 – 1321, June 7 VN: 15.000 |
In 1320 there was a great inflation followed by famine and plague in almost all lands (particularlay in Flanders and Bohemia) which caused 15.000 deaths only between Christmas 1320 and Pentecost 1321. | MCCCXX Hic cessauit caristia magna et strages, qua precedentibus tribus annis homines multi in valescente fame et pestilencia magna quasi in vniuersa terra mortui sunt et precipue in Flandria, in Boemia, in monte Kettero a festo natiuitatis Christi usque pentecostes XV milia wlgi solummodo mortui sunt exceptis dinitibus et mediocribus, quorum multi fame et pestilencia perierunt. [95] | (Translation needed) |
| 1321, August | Great cattle mortality in Parma and its surroundings and all of Lombardy. | Gran mortalità di bovi e bestie bovine ne l'episcopato di Parma masime al piano e per tutta Lombardia. [96] | Great mortality of bovines and cattle in the episcopate of Parma on the plain and throughout Lombardy. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1323 | Mortality in a monastery near Liège in Limbourg | Sub hac et aliarum perturbationum ingruentia conventus totus exivit de claustro relinquens opidum, et venit ad nostram mansionem apud Dungh, iuxta abbatem Adam ibidem moram facientem. Ubi cum continue moraretur per menses ferme 14, plures ex nostris dominis et confratribus propter aeris inconvenientiam egrotabant. Inter quos prior Geimarus vir laudabilis ibidem obiit. [97] | Because of this and other disturbances the whole convent left the city and went to our mansion neard Dungh, where also Abbot Adam stayed. And as they stayed there for almost 14 months, some of our lords and brothers fell sick because of the inconvenient air. Amongst them was prior Geimarus, a most laudable man, who died there. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1323, July 28 – 1323, August 23 | The Papal commander Raimondo di Cardona leads an army to attack Milan, but a ravaging disease forces him and his army to retreat to Monza | Multi ergo diebus dominus Raymondus praedictus cum militum et peditum copiosa comitiva burogs Mediolani occupavit, et inde Mediolanensibus intrinsecis multa damna dedit, et persaepe alii alios invadebant; tandem causante calore, et multitudine gentium causam praebente, aer corrumpitur, et maxima epidemia generatur in burgis, adeo quod intra modicum tempus magis quam tercenti ex soldatis ipsius domini Raymondi sunt peremti, et fere circa DCCC graviter infirmati, quod attente considerans domninus Raymondus praedictus, timens de futuris, tam de morte infirmantium, quam etiam de statu proprio, et de attenuatione etiam exercitus, per hunc modum, more prodentis, viam eligens tutiorem, caute infirmos omnes super currus et vehicula poni fecit, et Modoeciam secure conduci. [98] | Many days the aforementioned Lord Raimondo occupied with many knights and soldiers the suburbs of Milano, and he caused the besieged Milanese a lot of damage, and often they attacked each other. But because of the heat and the masses of people, the air corrupted and a very big epidemic broke out in the suburbs. Within short time more than 300 soldiers of Lord Raimondo had died, and almost 800 had fell ill. After careful reflection, the aforementioned Lord Raimond who feared for the future both the death of the infected as his personal health, but also the lessening of his army, wisely he chose to put the sick on carts and other vehicles and led them securely to Monza (Translation: Martin Bauch) [99][100] |
| 1323, November 1 | Gerward, Bishop of the city of Włocławek in Central Poland, dies in Avignon from a ravaging plague | Quum 1323 redire statuisset, Avinione ex peste moritur ibique sepelitur. [101] | And as he was ordered to return in 1323, he died in Avignon from a pestilence and was buried there. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1328, February 18 – 1328, April | After lunar eclipse heavy storm for one month; high mortality and cattle plague in April, after that processions in Prague | Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per hebdomadas quatuor continuatus hanc eclipsim subsequitur; multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth, Bohemie regina, metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero Pragensi indicit et populo; quibus factis notabiliter cessavit quassacio et placatus factus est Dominus populo suo. Hac nece cessante gaudet populus velut ante. [102] | (Translation needed) |
| 1328, March – 1328, April | After an eclipse of the moon for four weeks, many humans died and in many parts of the world, there was a plague among the domestic animals. | Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per ebdomadas IIIIor continuatus subsequitur. Post hanc eclipsim mense Aprili moritur hominum multitudo et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth regina metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero et populo Pragensi indicit. [103] | In this year at the full moon of the month of March the moon darkend and the eclipse remained in force for four weeks. After this eclipse in the month of April many humans died and in many parts of the world a plague among the domestic animals showed itself and raged heavily. Then, queen Elizabeth, shaken by the fear of punishment, ordered processions with the relics of the saints and all the clerics and the inhabitants of Prague to be performed. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1328, March | After an eclipse of the moon a long lasting plague among humans and domestic animals raged in many regions. | Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, quam eclipsim secuntur venti validissimi et pestilencia pecorum atque hominum in diversis partibus. [104] | In this year the full moon of the month of March darkened, this eclipse was followed by a long lasting plague of animals and humans in different regions. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1328, April | In the month of April 1328 many humans died and there was a plague among domestic animals in many lands. | Multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. [105] | Many people died in the month of April, and in many parts of the world raged a heavy plague among animals. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1330 | This year was in Saxony a year of the plague. | In eodem anno obiit Wlatislaus filius Wlatislay et apud Minores tumulatus. Set pater transivit in Saxoniam in anno pestilencie. [106] | In this year died Władysław, son of Władysław I Łokietek and he was buried among the brothers Minor. But his father went to Saxony in a year of pestilence. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1334, June – 1334, August VN: 16.000 |
In France, Burgundy, and the Champagne raged a plague during the three months of summer. In Paris (where the author stayed) died 16.000 people in one hospital. | Eodem anno mense Mai gelu intolerabile vineas omnes in partibus Almanie. Tantum destruxit, quod post vindemia luxit. In Burgundia vero et in Francia et Campania, ubi tempore vindemie pertransivi, non tantum dampnum factum fuisse conspeci. Aliam autem plagam Deus hoc anno eisdem terris intulit, quia mortalitatis pestilencia plurimos homines tunc percussit. Parysius namque infra tres menses estivales in hospitali regis, quod ante monasterium beate virginis in kathedrali ecclesia situm est, quod dolenter refero, sedecim milia hominum sunt mortua et in cimiterio innocentum sepulta, me etenim in ipso hospitali existente et compassivo animo contuente. Tot sunt in brevi mortui, quod vix erant tot, qui hos tollerent et ad tumulum deportarent. [107] | In the same year in the month of May an unbearable frost destroyed all the vinyards in the German lands so that the grape harvest was in grief. But in Burgundy and in France and the Champagne, through where I passed during grape harvest, I did not see such damage. But God put in this year another load on these lands since a deadly plague killed many people then. For in Paris died during the three months of summer in the royal hospital, which is situated in front of the monastery of the Holy Virgin at the cathedral church, as I report with regrets, 16.000 people, and they were buried at the graveyard of the innocent. In fact, I stayed in this hospital and watched with a compassionate heart. So many died in a short period of time that there were hardly as many who could pick them up and bring them to their graves. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1335 | Emperor Louis IV enters in his fight against King John of Bohemia and Duke Henry of Bavaria the latters land. In the wake of their troops follow violence and diseases. | Ludwicus imperator [...] contra Iohannem Bohemorum regem et Heinricum ducem Bawarie [...] intravit Bawarie. In ascensu eandem terram atrocibus incendiis et rapinis conturbavit. Pestilentia hominum facta est magna. [108] | Emperor Louis enters Bavaria [in his fight] against King John of Bohemia and Duke Henry of Bavaria. In their ascension into this land terrible fires and raids shook [this land]. A great plague among humans was made. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1338 | Around the year 1338 there were a great number of locusts, which were followed by a pestilence and starvation. | Item, circa annum domini MCCCXXXVIII venerunt locuste maxime multitudinis [...]. Subsequentibus vero nostris temporibus aliquando pestilencia, aliquando fames fuerut. [109] | Around the year of the Lord 1338 there arrived locusts of the greatest numbers [...]. they were followed in our times sometimes by a pestilence, sometimes by starvation. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1339 | Severe famine and strange plague for humans and animals with many deaths | Tempore autem Ludovici de Bavaria et Benedicti papa XII, anno Domini MCCCXXXXVIII [recte: 1339] fames vel rabies per universum orbis circulum subito supervenit, et nullus locus vel patria fuit exempta quod talis rabiem famis non gustaret, taliter quod omnes secte pro rabie famis, ut possent vivere, suos antiquos ordines corruperunt. Sic etiam in multis locis, pro bladi superflua caritudine, data est licentia Christianis quod in quadragesima illius pessimi anni, quod libere carnibus uterentur. Nam in omni loco terrarum mensura frumenti, que XX vel XXX solidos valere solebat, in librarum numero supervenit, et tanta famis rabies supervenit in omni loco terrarum, quod multas radices ignotas causa rabiei pro commestione fodiebant, quas olym porci et animalia evitabant. Et hoc vidi et propter hoc testimonium perhibeo veritati. Canes quoque et equi, pro fame, et multa animalia perierunt, quoniam sui patrones pro se ipsis non habebant. Multi enim fame pro verecundia moriuntur, nam ante comedebant herbas et radices pro paupertate, quam ad sui vicini misericordiam pervenire; unde, pro cibo inconsueto, annichilatis eorum viribus, velud pecudes moriuntur. Quam famis rabiem Dei iustam sententiam possumus appellare. Tunc enim corda dumtaxat aliquorum non ad pietatem Christi sed pro avaritia magis in crudelitate manebant, parum curando de Dei amore ac pro sui caritate [110] | (Translation needed) |
| 1340 | A plague before easter in the area of Klettgau | Hoc eciam tempore in quadragesima in Kleggow pestilencia hominum grandis et satis prevalida orta est, ita quod citra Tuͥengen et Keiserstůl et Klingnow certatim morerentur et multi periculose infirmarentur. [111] | (Translation needed) |
| 1340 VN: 20.000 |
Epidemic with 20'000 deaths in Florence, shortage | Ipso anno fuit penuria, & morbus magnus; nam Florentiae mortui sunt viginti milia hominum.. [112] | (Translation needed) |
| 1340 | Plague with high mortality in Klettgau, Tiengen, Kaiserstuhl and Klingnau in period of fasting | Hoc eciam tempore in quadragesima in Kleggow pestilencia hominum grandis et satis prevalida orta est, ita quod citra Tuͥengen et Keiserstůl et Klingnow certatim morerentur et multi periculose infirmarentur. [113] | At this time also, during Lent, a great and quite prevalent pestilence of humans arose in Klettgau, so that without exception around Tiengen, Kaiserstuhl, and Klingnau, people were dying in droves and many were dangerously falling ill. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1340 VN: 3000 |
Mortality in Tuscany, particularly in Florence with more than 3.000 deaths a day. Also disease of the sheeps. | Tunc dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas pecudum et eciam hominum et in partibus Tusciae et Florentiae passi sunt diem extremum ultra tria milia personarum. [114] | Then, in that year, there was a great mortality of livestock and also of humans, and in the regions of Tuscany and Florence, more than three thousand people passed away. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
| 1340, June – 1340, July | Epidemic in Florence and Romagna | Eodem millesimo de mense junii et julii. Maxima pestis mortalitas fuit in civitate Florentie districtu, qua mortui sunt circa XVIm homines et mulieres; et similis casus accidit in Romandiola [115] | (Translation needed) |
| 1342 | Plague in Aquileia | Hoc anno, tempore Augusti pestifer ventus oram Aquilegensis i portus afflavit de spumis maris Adriatici procellosis, qui in districtus illius complexu plurimos in mortem stravit, plurimos in infirmitatibus diucius colligavit. [116] | In this year, during the time of August, a pestilent wind blew from the turbulent shores of the Adriatic Sea into the harbors of Aquileia, which, with the foaming waves of the stormy sea, brought death to many in that area and afflicted many with lingering illnesses. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
| 1345 – 1348 | Origin of the Black Death and ravages in Venice | Anno Domini 1345, jnguiaria pestis, incipiens in partibus Tartarorum, et se, peccatis exigentibus, ad universum orbem contagiose extendens, adeo terribiliter desaevivit, quod penitus nulli loco perpercit; et si quando alicubi cessare videretur, transactis duobus, vel tribus annis, ad locum reverberatur eundem. [117] | In the year of our Lord 1345, the pestilence, beginning in the regions of the Tartars, and spreading contagiously throughout the whole world, raged so terribly, driven by the demands of sin, that it spared no place entirely; and if it seemed to subside anywhere, after two or three years, it returned to the same place. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
| 1346 | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: In the Orient happened an unexplained plague, depopultating many regions. During the siege of Feodosia (Caffa) by the Tartars, their army was afflicted by the disease. The plague, which initially struck the Tartars, spread than also inside the city, because they ordered the plague-stricken corpses to be thrown over the walls of Caffa. The situation deteriorated, and people were expecting the impending judgement Day. | Anno domini MCCCXLVI. in partibus orientis, InfinitaTartarorum et Saracenorum genera, morbo inexplicabili, et morte subita corruerunt. Ipsarumque parcium latissime regiones, Infinite prouincie, regna magnifica, vrbes, Castra, et loca, plena hominurn multitudine copiosa, morbo pressa, et horrende rnortis morsibus, propriis Acollis denudata paruo tempore deffecerunt. Nan (!) locus dictus Thanna, in partibus orientis, uersus Acquilonem Constantinopolitana contrada (I) sub Tartarorum dominio constituta, ubi merchatores ytalici confluebant, cum propter quosdam excessus, superuenientibus Tartaris infinitis, modico temporis Interuollo (!) obsessa, et hostiliter debellata, deserta penitus remaneret. Accidit ut uiolenter christianj merchatores expulsi, Intra menia Terre Caffensis, quam ab olim illa Regione Januenses extruxerant, fugientes christiani sese pro suarum tutione personarum et rerum, Tartarorum formidantes potenciam, Armato Nauigio receptarent. Ha deus. Ecce subito, gentes Tartarorum profane, vndique confluentes, Caffensem urbem circurndantes, incluxos christicolas obsederunt, fere Triennio perdurantes. lbique hostium exercitu Infinito uallati, vix poterant respirare, licet Nauigio Alimenta ferrente illud talle subsidium intrinsecis spem modicam exhyberet. Et ecce Morbo Tartaros inuadente totus exercitus perturbatus longuebat et cottidie Infinita millia sunt extincta videbatur eis, sagittas euolare de celo , tangere et opprimere superbiam Tartarorum. qui statim signati corporibus In iuncturis , humore coagulato in Inguinibus, febre putrida subsequente, expirabant, omni conscilio et auxilio medicorum cessante. Quod Tartari, ex tanta clade et morbo pestifero fatigati, sic defficientes attoniti et vndique stupefacti, sine spe salutis mori conspicientes, cadavera, machinis eorum superposita, Intra Caffensem vrbem precipitari Jubebant, ut ipsorum fectore(!) intollerabili, omnino defficerent. Sic sic proiecta videbantur Cacurnina mortuorum, nec christiani latere, nec fugere, nec a tali precipicio liberari valebant, licet deffunctos, quos poterant marinis traderent fluctibus inmergendos. Moxque toto aere inffecto, et aqua uenenata, corrupta putredine, tantusque fetor Increbuit ut vix ex Millibus vnus, relicto exercitu fingere conaretur qui eciam uenenatus alijs ubique uenena preparans, solo aspectu, loca et homines, morbo Inffieret uniuersos. Nec aliquis sciebat, uel poterat viam lnuenire satutis. Sic undique Orientalibus, et meridiana plaga, et qui in Aquilone degebant, sagita percussis Asperima, que coporibus crepidinem Inducebat, morbo pressis pestiffero, fere onmes, defficiebant, et morte subita corruebant. Quanta, qualisque fuerit mortalitas generalis, Cathaijnj, lndi, Perses, Medi , Cardenses, Armeni, Tarsenses, Georgianj, Mesopotami, Nubiani, Ethijopes, Turchumani, Egiptij, Arabici, Saraceni, Greci et fere toto oriente corrupto, clamoribus, flectibus(!) et singultibus occupati, a supra dicto Millesimo usque ad Millesimo, CCCXLVIIII in amaritudine commorantes, extremum deij Judicium suspicantur. [118] |
In the year of Our Lord 1346, in the eastern regions, innumerable races of Tartars and Saracens perished due to an inexplicable plague and sudden death. Vast regions of these parts, countless provinces, magnificent kingdoms, cities, castles, and places filled with a dense population, were struck by the plague and succumbed to the horrific bites of death, being emptied of their inhabitants in a short time. For instance, a place called Thanna, in the eastern parts, towards the north near the territory of Constantinople under Tartar rule, where Italian merchants used to gather, was besieged and attacked by countless Tartars over a short period, and left completely desolate after an onslaught. It happened that the Christian merchants, violently expelled, fled to the fortified city of Caffa, which had been constructed long ago in that region by the Genoese, seeking protection for their lives and belongings. The Tartars, fearing the power of their enemy, surrounded the city and laid siege for nearly three years. Besieged by the massive Tartar army, the inhabitants barely managed to survive, despite some help brought by ships carrying supplies, which offered them only slight hope. Suddenly, the Tartars themselves were struck by disease, and their entire army began to weaken and was daily afflicted, with countless numbers dying. It seemed as if arrows were falling from the sky to strike and humble the pride of the Tartars. The infected showed signs in their joints and groins, with a thickened fluid, followed by a putrid fever, causing them to die despite all medical advice or aid. Exhausted by this disastrous plague, the Tartars, seeing no hope of recovery and stunned by the devastation, ordered the bodies of their dead to be catapulted into the city of Caffa to spread the intolerable stench and weaken the inhabitants. Thus, the Christians could neither hide nor escape nor free themselves from this danger, even though they threw the corpses they could into the sea to be carried away by the waves. The air was soon contaminated, the water poisoned, and the corruption spread so intensely that scarcely one in a thousand survived to flee, those who did often carrying the infection, spreading it wherever they went and infecting people and places simply by their presence. No one knew or could find a way to salvation. Thus, in the eastern regions, the southern lands, and the northern inhabitants, struck by the harshest arrows of disease that ate into the body, almost everyone succumbed and fell to sudden death. The scale and nature of the widespread mortality were such that the Cathayans, Indians, Persians, Medes, Kardians, Armenians, Tarsians, Georgians, Mesopotamians, Nubians, Ethiopians, Turcomans, Egyptians, Arabs, Saracens, Greeks, and nearly the entire East, overcome by cries, weeping, and sobs, suspected the final judgment, remaining in bitterness from the said year 1346 until 1349. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1347 | High mortality in Italy | Mortalitas magna per totum fere mundum [119] | (Translation needed) |
| 1347 | Severe plague in Kuyavia and after that Jews were being burned all over Germany | Anno Domini 1347 fuit gravis pestilencia et tunc Iudei per totam Almaniam fuerunt cremati, quia dicebantur christianum populum intoxicasse, ut fuit compertum. [120] | In the year of our Lord 1347, there was a great plague, and at that time, the Jews throughout Germany were burned because they were accused of poisoning the Christian people, as it was determined. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1347, February | Famine and afterwards mortality in Avignon (fasting period until Whitsun). | Anno Domini MCCCXLVII in quadragesima et inter pascha et pentecosten circa Avionem propter gwerrarum rabiosam inundacionem circumquaque exortam fames exicialis et prevalida facta est, propter quam innumerabiles populi morte repentina extincti dicebantur. In tantum eciam mortalitas famem horrendam subsecuta seviebat, quod in plateis, vicis et in sterquiliniis prostrati miserabiliter iacuerunt. [121] | In the year of our Lord 1347, during Lent and between Easter and Pentecost, near Avignon, due to the violent outbreak of war, a devastating famine arose everywhere, causing countless people to be struck down by sudden death. Such a terrible mortality ensued from the famine that people were said to be dying innumerable deaths. To such an extent did the deadly famine rage, that people miserably lay prostrate in the streets, alleys, and dung heaps. (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1347, May – 1347, September VN: 10.000 |
Mortality in Bologna, Brescia, Milan and Florence, 10.000 deaths over several months | Dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas personarum maxime in civitate Bononiae, et [mortui sunt] de maioribus et melioribus personis ipsius civitatis ultra decem milia personarum et duravit dicta mortalitas a mense maii usque ad mensem septembris; et similiter fuit dicta mortalitas in civitate Mediolani, Brixiae et Florentiae. [122] | In the same year, there was a great mortality of people, especially in the city of Bologna, and over ten thousand of the most prominent and best citizens of that city died. This mortality lasted from the month of May until the month of September. Similarly, there was said to be a great mortality in the cities of Milan, Brescia, and Florence (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 | The Black Death hits Apulia and other parts of Southern Italy like Calabria. King Louis the Great of Hungary flees back home from the epidemic outbreak | sequitur annus qui nostre salutis MCCCXLVIII numeratur, in quo pestis iam pridem cepta insigni strage per universam pene Italiam desevire cepit. Que, cum iam Brutios et Calabros ac universum Apulie Regnum inficere cepisset, et in dies magis obrepert, tantaque augmenteratur sevitia, ut solo contactu passim vulgaret morbos, et tabe ac pestifero odore inficeret validos, et egros biduo aut minori temporis spatio (p. 12) conficeret, ingens mortis formido Ludovicum, Ungarie regem, invasit, qua deterritus in Pannoniam aufugere quam celerrime constituit. [123] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348, January 17 – 1362 | Following astrological phenomena a formerly unheard of epidemic raged in Bohemia as well as in other parts of the world (Christian and pagan) for 14 years. And there was no hideout from it neither in the lowlands nor on the mountains and many people died. | Eodem anno die XVII Ianuarii fuit eclipsis lune, et coniunccio quorundam malivolorum planetarum, ex quibus coniunccionibus et malis constellacionibus orta est inaudita epidimia seu pestilencia hominum in universo mundo et duravit tam in Boemia quam in aliis mundi partibus per XIIII annos proxime sequentes, et iam ibi, iam illic in terris christianorum et paganorum ubique. Nec erat alicubi refugium, quia sicut in planis sic in montibus et silvis homines moriebantur. In omnibus locis fiebant foveae grandes et plures singulis annis predictis, in quibus moriencium corpora sepeliebantur. Talis pestilencia et ita longa nunquam fuit a seculo. [124] | In the same year on January 17 there was a eclipse of the moon and a malevolent conjunction of the planets and resulting from these conjunctions and bad constellations there was an unheard of epidemic or human plague in the whole world which lasted as well in Bohemia as in other parts of the world for 12 successive years at one time here at another there everywhere in the Christian and pagan lands. There was nowhere a hidout to be found, but as well on the flat land as in the mountains and forests the people died. In all places numerous and large grave pits where made in every single of the above mentioned years, in which the dead bodies where buried. Such a plague that lasted to long had never happend in this age. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1348 | Following the report on the 1348 plague, Beneš Krabice of Weitmil speaks of Flagellants who came from Germany (perversi viri de Alamania) to Bohemia. They preached to the people and seduced many simple people to follow them in their erroneous doings. | Eodem anno venerunt in Boemiam quidam perversi viri de Alamania, qui se se flagellabant in conspectu hominum, et sibi mutuo, videlicet laicus laico, confitebantur peccata sua et penitencias iniungebant et predicabant ad populum et multos simplices decipiebant. [125] | In this year arrived in Bohemia thos perverted men from Germany which flagelliated themselves and each other under the eyes of the people. The layman confessed his sins to the laymend and received the penance and they preach to the folk and many simple people were tricked. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1348, May – 1348, December | Black Death in Bologna | Maxima et inaudita mortalitas fuit Bononiae, quae vocata fuit et semper vocabitur la mortalega grande, quia numquam fuit aliqua similis. Et incoepit de mense maji et duravit per totum annum et fere fuit per totum mundum et tam magna, quod duae partes ex tribus partibus personarum firmiter decesserunt; inter quos decesserunt duo doctores bononienses per totum mundum famosissimi, videlicet dominus Johannes Andreae, decretorum, et dominus Jacobus de Butrigariis, legum doctores [126] | The greatest and unprecedented mortality was in Bologna, which was called and will always be called "the great mortality," because there was never anything like it. It began in the month of May and lasted for the whole year, and it was nearly worldwide and so severe that two out of every three people certainly died. Among those who died were two of the most famous doctors in the world from Bologna, namely, Master Johannes Andreae, a doctor of decrees, and Master Jacobus de Butrigariis, a doctor of law (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 | After descrbing the effects of the Black Death in many parts of Europe, Francis states on Bohemia: Students travelling from Bologna to Bohemia saw a lot of dead and severely ill people. Most of the students died as well already on the way. | Eodem tempore quidam studentes de Bononia versus Boemian transeuntes viderunt, quod in civitatibus et in castellis pauci homines vivi remanserunt et in aliquibus omnes defuncti fuerunt, in multis quoque domibus, qui vivi remanserant et egritudine oppressi, unus alteri non potuit porrigere haustum aque, nec in aliquo ministrare, et sic in magna affliccione et anxietate decedebant. Sacerdotes quoque ministrantes sacramenta et medici egris medicamenta ab ipsis inficiebantur et moriebantur et plurimi sacerdotibus mortuis sine confessione et sacramentis ecclesie de hac vita migraverunt. Facte sunt autem fosse magne, late et profunde, in quibus corpora defunctorum sepeliebantur. In locis quoque pluribus infectus aer plus inficiebatur — qui plus nocet quam cibus corruptus — ex putredine cadaverum, quia non remansit superstes, qui sepeliret. Verumtamen de prefatis studentibus nisi unus fuit Boemian reversus sodalesque sui in via decesserunt. [127] | At that time, certain students who were travelling from Bologna towards (versus) Bohemia saw that few humans remained alive in the cities and castles and in some, all were dead. In many houses, those who survived were so overcome by the disease that one could not carry a drink of water to another nor care for another in any way. Thus they withdrew in great torment and anguish. Priests ministering the sacraments and medics supplying medicaments got infected and died and many priests died without confession and the sacraments of the church and they moved away from this life. And in many places, the air became further infected from the rotting of corpses, becoming a greater threat than spoiled food, as no one survived to bury them. Of these students, only one returned to Bohemia. His companions died along the way. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1348 | In parts of Cathai it rained worms and snakes | Eodem millesimo (1348), in partibus Captay pluit in maxima copia vermium et serpentium qui devoraverunt maximam quantitatem gentium et quoscumque homines, homines vel feminas, tangebat aqua, subito moriebantur [128] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 VN: 12.000 |
The Black Death in Erfurt kills 12.000 people, who are buried in mass graves in Neuses. | Dez selbin jares was groez sterbin; alleiniz zue Erforte storbin zwolf tusent menschin, die da gevuert worden uf den karren zue Nueseße ane die in der stat heimelichen begrabin worden und in den dorferen die umme die stat lagen. Dese lute storibin dazu meiste teil an den drueßen. [129] | In the same year, there was a great mortality; alone in Erfurt, twelve thousand people died, who were brought to Neuses on carts and wagons. Not included are those who were secretly buried in the city or in the villages surrounding it. These people mostly died due to glandular swellings. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 | Preface to Gabriele de Mussi's report on the plague in 1348. God seeks to punish humanity for its sins, warning of dire consequences for each individual. Filled with fear, the people turn back to the Almighty, repenting for their sins, and in response, God shows mercy and forgives them. However, the disease continues to persist. | In nornine domini amen. Incipit ystoria de Morbo siue mortalitate que fuit anno domini MCCCXLVIII. Compylata per Gabrielem de Mussis placensem. Ad perpetuam rei memoriam Nouerint vniuersi presentes, pariter et futuri, quod omnipotens deus, rex celestis qui uiuorum dominator et mortuorum, in cuius manu sunt omnia, ex alto respiciens, vniuersum genus ad omnia scelera pronum et lubricum,criminibus obuolutum, innumeris perseuerancie delictis, et in omni genere uiciorum inextimabili malitia usque ad Interiora dimersun, omni bonorum gracia denudatum, dei Judicia non exhorrens, ad omnia malla opera prosilleret, tot abhominabilia, tot horribilia ulterius ferre non ualens, clamauit ad terram. Quid agis terra, miserorum captivata cateruis, peccatorum sordibus maculata, tota es Ineffecta quid agis. cur humano sanguine madefacta non postulas ultionem. cur hostes et aduersarios meos pateris. debuisses jam Inimcos meos, producta libie (libidine ?) suffocasse, prepara te ut possis exercere uindictam. Et ego terra, tuo Imperio fundata, postquam jubes, apperiam venas meas et infinitos degluciam criminosos. negabo fructus solitos blada, vina et olea non effundam. § Cumque in celestibus demisso tonitruo irattus uehementer. Judex, ellementa, planetas, sydera, et ordines Angelorum, contra humanum genus ineffabili censura conduceret et singulos animatos in exterminium peccatorum armaret, et quodam crudelitatis impetu prouocaret Inquit meum est exercere Justiciam. Ego sum uita uiuencium.ego mortis cleues (!) gero . ego retribuo, reddens unicuique, quod suum est .manus mee formanerunt celos. lucem fabricauj , mundum constitui , omnibus ornamenta concessi. 0, peccator infelix, et cunctis jnfelicior, etw mini resistere decreuisti, mandata mea, leges et omnes Justicias contempsisti. ubi fides baptismi, et mee redemptionis merces. O, condam mea creatura , non de ea forte consideraueram ut in has plagas et in hoc exitium peruenires, paradixum tibi paraueram, non Infernum, et ecce quo te perduxisti , ubi me descendere compulisti, substinui globos vteri virginalis , famem, sitim, labores , crucis , patibulum et mortem pertuli, quid fecisti Ingratissime, adhuc me postulas crucifigi, debuissem eternis te punire supplicijs, fateor vincit me pietas. En ego tuj misertus fui , et me tumi saluatorem minime cognouisti, Indignus es beatitudinis eterne, te dignum constituisti tormentotum Infernj , egredere de terra mea, te desero draconibus lacerandum. Ibis ad tenebras, ubi perpetuus gemitus, et dencium stridor erit. Jam tue calamitatis terminus adest. desinant vires tue, uanitates et uoluptates quibus te in omnibus dedicasti, conspicio ipsis ad iram nie non modicarn prouocasti. Accedant maligni spiritus, te deuorandi eisdem concedatur potestas, non sit libi libertas vlterius. Ago Judicia, Baudia tua conuertantur jn luctum. prospera conturbentur aduersis. nullus uite ordo. sed sempiternus horror Inhabitet. Ecce mortis yrnago. Ecce caracteres et portas Infernales apperio, fames captivatos prosternat. Pax a mundi finibus euellatur. Scandalla consurgant. Regna adversus regna odio execrabili consumentur. pereat in terris misericordia. clades, pestes, uiolencie, latrocinia, lites, et omnia genera scandalorum nascantur . post hec nutu meo, planete Aerem Infficiant, atque vniuerssam terrarn corrumpant, vbique sit dolor et gemitus. Vndique mortis jacula Impietatis morsibus dominentur. Nemini parcatur.non sexui non etati. pereant cum nocentibus innocentes. Nulli sit ex euadendo libertas. Sed quia pastores mundi quos constitui, greges suos lupis rapacibus dimiserunt et uerbum deij non predicant, cuibis negligentes dominici, et penitenciam minime clamauerunt, duram contra eos exercebo uintlictam. delebo eos a facie terre. et texauros eorum absconditos, inimicus et aduersus possidebit, pacientur cum delinquentibus grauia onera delictorum. Nil proderit eis falax officium et quia plus homines quam deum timuerunt et magis suam graeiam dilexerunt, omnia pessima sustinebunt ypocritarum scelerata, religio suis finibus ellungata (elongata) lugebit. Sacerdotum et tocius ordinis clericalis, falsa et inimica societas suis periclitata deffectibus Interibit. Nulli dabitur requies singulos sagita uenenata percuciet. febres superbos deicient. et morbus Incurabilis fulminabit. Sic sic monitione premissa mortalibus uibrata omnipotentis Iancea, duris aculleis undique destinatis, egressus morbus, totum genus lnfecit humanum. Nempe Orion illa stella crudelis et seua cauda draconis. et gelus ueneni fiallis precipitatis in mare. et Saturni horribilis et indignata tempestas, quibus datum est nocere terre et mari , hominibus et arboribus, ab oriente in occidentem, pestiferis gradibus incedentem, per mundi uaria climata, uenenata pocula detullerunt. bulls igneas infirmantibus relinquentes, ex quibus mortis impetus horribilis discurrens mundi comminans ruijnam, mortales subita percussione consumpsit ut infra patebit. plangite plangite populi manibus, et dei misericordiam inuocate. — [130] |
(Translation needed) |
| 1348 | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Infection of four marauding soldiers through a object in Rivarolo near Genoa, where all the inhabitants had already died of the plague. | Nos preterite consumpserunt. presentes corrodunt viscera. et future maiora, nobis discrimina comminantur quod Ardenti studio laborantes percepimus, (p. 51) perdidimus vna hora. Vbi sunt delicate vestes, et preciosa Juventus. Ubi nobilitas et fortitudo pugnancium. vbi seniorum maturitas antiquata, et dominarum purpurata caterua. Vbi thesaurus et preciosi lapides congregati proh dolor omnes mortis Impetu deffecerunt. Ad quern lbimus. qui nimium medebitur. Fugere non licet. latere non expedit. Vrbes, menia, Arua, nemora vie, et omuis aquarum materia, latronibus circumdantur. Isti sunt maligni Spiritus, summi tortores Judicis, omnibus supplicia Inhinita parantes. Quoddam possumus explicare pauendum, prope Januam, tunc exercitu residente euenit. vt quatuor exercitus socij, Intencione spoliandi loca et homines, exercitum dimiserunt . et ad Riparolurn pergentes in littore maris, ubi morbus Interfecerat vniuersos, domos clausas inuenientes, et nemine comparente, domum vnam apperientes, et Intrantes lectulum, cum Lana obuoiutum Inueniunt, aufferunt et exportant. et in exercitum reuertentes, nocte sequenti, quatuor sub lena , in lectulo dormitiui quiescunt. Sed mane facto, mortui sunt Inuenti. Ex quo tremor Inuasit omnes, ut Rebus et vestibus deffunctorum contemptis, nullus postea frui velet. nec eciam manibus atractare. [131] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 – 1348, Nov 1 | Black Death is associated with blood spitting | Isto anno usque ad Festum omnium Sanctorum, tam ultra mare, quam citra per totum mundum fuit morbus horribilis et tremendus. Qui conversabatur cum infirmo, moriebatur; spuebant sanguinem. Multae Civitates, & Oppida hac causa per Mundum desertae incolis factae sunt. [132] | This year, until the Feast of All Saints, both across the sea and on this side throughout the entire world, there was a horrible and tremendous disease. Whoever interacted with the sick would die; they would spit blood. Many cities and towns around the world were deserted by their inhabitants because of this. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 | Arrival of the Black Death from the Orient in Italy | In partibus Persie maxima quantitas ignis ab ethere descendit, qui combuxit arbores et homines, ac fumum tante putredinis faciebat quod, qui odorabant, in prossimis duodecim horis deficiebant. Tunc Januensium quedam naves circa partes illas pervenerunt, et statim quidam navigantium infecti sunt; et ubicumque dicte naves peragrabant, ibidem maxima mortalits insurgebat. Dum verso Constantinopolis, Peram Siciliamque sulcarent, inficiebant omnes et moriebantur. Postquam etenim Janue adherant, statim mors rapida fuit; et multa hominum milia occubuerunt. Civitas vero Dreppani tali morbo inhabitas remansit. [133] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 | Earthquake at 25. January and arrival of the Black Death in Italy and its spread and symptoms | Deus omnipotens, qui non vult mortem peccatoris, sed ut convertatur et vivat, primo minatur, secundo vero percuit ad correctionem humani generis, non interitum. Volens affligere humanum genus plagis maximis, inauditis, primo in extremis partibus mundi, in orientis plaga cepit suum iudicium horrendum. Cum vero jam percussiset Tartaros, Turcos (p. 121) et genus infidelium universum in MCCCXLVIII, die XXV Januarii, hora XXIII, fuit maximus terremotus per horam mediam ad terrorem Christianorum. Post quem pestis inaudita transivit mare, scilicet in partes Venetiarum, Lombardie, Marchie, Tuscie, Alemanie, Francie et per fere mundum universum. Hanc, quidem infecti, venientes de partibus orientis, detulerunt. Hi solo visu, vel tactu, vel flatu omnes occidebant. Erat hec infectio incurabilis, non poterat evitari. Uxor fugiebat amplexum cari viri, pater filii, frater fratris: et gentes subito multotiens expirabant. Sic ovis infecta inficit totum gregem. Sic unius domus descendentes unum semper moriendo ceteri sequebantur usque ad canes. Corpora etiam nobilium manebant insepulta. Multi pretio a vilibus sepeliebantur sine presbyteris et candelis. Veneti vero, ubi centum milia perierunt, navibus redemptis magno pretio corpora ad insulas portabant. Civitas erat quasi desolata. Unus solus incognitus venit Paduam, qui civitatem infecit in tantum, quod forsan in toto comitatu tertia pars defecit. Civitates, cupientes evitare talem pestem, omnibus extraneis prohibebant ingressum. Sic mercatores de civitate ad civitatem non poterant ambulare. Hac clade fuerunt destitute civitates et castra. Non audiebantur voces, nisi heu, dolores et planctus. Tunc cessavit vox sponsi et sponse, sonus cythare, cantus juvenum et letitia. Pestes vero imminentes tempore Pharaonis, David, Esechie, Gregorii Pape respective possunt nunc pro nihilo reputari. Henc enim pestis circuit totum orbem. Deus enim tempore Noe tantas animas vix consumpsit, cui possibile est humanum genus etiam de lapidibus restaurare. Hujus pestis erant pessime alii infecti, ut supra; quidam evomendo sanguinem expirabant subito, ali morbo cancri, vel vermis. In signum vero mortis, quasi omnibus nascebantur glandule incurabiles, circa genitalia, vel sub brachiis, vel aliis partibus, venenosis febribus sociate. Hi prima, vel secunda die expirabant; post tertiam, licet raro esset, aliqua spes salutis, aliqui somno capti, nunquam excitati, transibant. Contra hoc medici palam profitebantur se nescire remedium, quorum hac peste potissima pars defecit. [134] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Describes how the plague came from the city of Feodosia (Caffa) through sailors to Genoa and how it spreads rapidly about complete Italy, killing thousands and leading to mass deaths and panic. The society was overwhelmed by death and grief. The suffering is seen as a punishment from God. | Sane, quia ab oriente in occidentem transiuimus, licet omnia discutere que vidimus et cognouimus probabilimus argumentis, et que possumus deij terribilia Judicia declarare. audiant vniuersi et lacrimis habundare cogantur. Inquit enim conctipotens, delebo hominem quem creaui a facie terre. quia caro et sanguis est , in cinerem et puluerem conuertetur. Spiritus meus non permanebit in homine. Quid putas bone deus, sie tuam creaturam delere, et humanum genus, sic jubes, sic mandas subito depperire . vbi misericordia tua, vbi fedus patrum nostrorum.vbi est uirgo beata, que suo gremio continet peccatores. vbi martirum preciosus sanguis vbi confessorum et uirginum Agmina decorata, et tocius exercitus paradixi. qui pro peccatoribus rogare non desinunt . vbi mors Christi preciosa crucis, et nostra redemptio admirabilis. Cesset obsecro ira tua bone deus, nec sic conteras peccatores, ut fructu multiplicato penitencie. Aufferas omne malum nec cum iniustis iusti clampnentur quia misericordiam vis et non sacrificium. Te audio peccatorem, uerba mein auribus instillantem. Stille jubeo . Misericordie tempora deffecerunt. Deus uocor ulcionum. libet peccata et scelera vindicare. dabo signa mea inorientibus preuenti studeant animarum prouidere saluti. Sic euenit a preffata Caffensi terra,nauigio discedente, quedam paucis gubernata nautis, eciam uenenato morbo infectis Januam Applicarunt quedam venecijs quedam (p. 50) alijs partibus christianorum. Mirabile dictu. Nauigantes, cum ad terras aliquas accedebant, ac si rnaligni spiritus comitantes, mixtis hominibus Intererint. omnis ciuitas, omnis locus, omnis terra et habitatores eorum vtriusque sexus, morbi contagio pestifero uenenati, morte subita corruebant. Et cum unus ceperat Egrotari, mox cadens et moriens vniuersam familiam uenenabat. Iniciantes, ut cadauera sepelirent, mortis eodem genere corruebant. Sic sic mors per fenestras Intrabat. et depopullatis vrbibus et Castellis, loca, suos deffunctos acolas deplorabant. Dic dic Janua, quid fecisti. Narra Sijcilia, et Insule pellagi copiose, Judicia deij. Explica venecia, Tuscia, et tota ytalia, quid agebas. Nos Januensis et venetus dei Judicia reuellare compellimus. Proh dolor Nostris ad vrbes, classibus applicatis, Intrauimus domos nostras. Et quia nos grauis Infirmitas detinebat . et nobis de Mille Navigantibus vix decem supererant, propinqui, Affines, et conuicini ad nos vndique confluebant. heu nobis, qui mortis Jacula portabamus, dum amplexibus et osculis nos tenerent, ex ore, dum uerba uerba loquebamur, venenuni fundere cogebamur. Sic illi ad propria reuertentes, mox totam familiam venenabant . et Infra triduum, percussa familia, mortis Jaculo subiacebat, exequias funeris pro pluribus ministrantes, crescente numero deffunctorum pro sepulturis terra sufficere non ualebant. presbiteri et medici , quibus Infirmorum cura rnaior necessitatis Articulis Iminebat, dum Infirmos uisitare satagunt, proh dolor, recedentes Infirmi, deffunctos statim subsequuntur. O, patres. O, matres, O, filij, et vxores, gros diu prosperitas, Incollumes conseruauit, nec Infelices et Infeliciores, pre ceteris, vos simul, eadem sepultura concludit qui pari numdo fruebamini leticia et omnis prosperitas aridebat . qui gaudia uanitatibus miscebatis, idem tumulus vos suscepit, vermibus esca datos. O mors dura, mors Impia, mors aspera, mors crudelis, que sic parentes diuidis, dissocias coniugatos, filios Interficis, fratres separas , et sonores . plangimus, miseri calamitates nostras. [135] | Since we have traveled from the east to the west, we are permitted to discuss all that we have seen and known with probable arguments and to declare the terrible judgments of God that we can. Let everyone hear and be compelled to overflow with tears. For the Almighty says, "I will destroy the man whom I have created from the face of the earth, because he is flesh and blood, and he will be turned into ashes and dust. My spirit will not remain in man." What do you think, good God, about thus destroying your creation and commanding the human race to suddenly perish in this way? Where is your mercy, where is the covenant with our fathers? Where is the blessed Virgin who holds sinners in her lap? Where is the precious blood of the martyrs, where are the decorated bands of confessors and virgins, and the entire army of paradise? They do not cease to pray for sinners. Where is the precious death of Christ on the cross and our admirable redemption? Cease, I beseech you, your anger, good God, and do not crush sinners so that the fruit of penance may multiply. Remove all evil, and do not let the just be condemned with the unjust, for you desire mercy, not sacrifice. I hear you, sinner, instilling my words in your ears. I command you to stop. The times of mercy have ended. I am called the God of vengeance. I am pleased to avenge sins and crimes. I will give my signs to those in the east, let them strive to ensure the salvation of their souls. Thus it happened that from the aforementioned land of Caffa, a certain ship, governed by a few sailors, even infected with the venomous plague, set sail and arrived at Genoa. Some went to Venice, others to other parts of Christendom. It is incredible to say. When the sailors approached any lands, as if accompanied by malignant spirits, mixing with the people, every city, every place, every land and its inhabitants of both sexes, infected by the contagious pestilence, suddenly collapsed in death. And when one began to fall sick, soon falling and dying, he poisoned the entire household. Those who came to bury the corpses fell by the same kind of death. Thus, death entered through the windows, and with the cities and castles depopulated, the places mourned their dead inhabitants. Tell, Genoa, what have you done? Tell, Sicily, and the numerous islands of the sea, declare the judgments of God. Explain, Venice, Tuscany, and all of Italy, what were you doing. We Genoese and Venetians are compelled to reveal the judgments of God. Oh, sorrow, when we arrived at our cities with our fleets, we entered our homes. And since we were held by a severe illness, with scarcely ten of us out of a thousand sailors surviving, relatives, friends, and neighbors flocked to us from everywhere. Alas for us, who bore the arrows of death, as they held us in their embraces and kisses, while we spoke words, we were compelled to pour out poison from our mouths. Thus, they returning to their homes, soon poisoned their entire household. And within three days, the family struck by the arrow of death lay dead, and those attending the funerals of many could not find enough earth for burials, as the number of the dead increased. Priests and doctors, whose care for the sick was most needed, while striving to visit the sick, oh sorrow, leaving the sick, immediately followed the dead. Oh, fathers, oh mothers, oh sons, and wives, whom prosperity long preserved unharmed, neither the unfortunate nor the most unfortunate were buried together in the same grave. Those who enjoyed equal prosperity and happiness, the same tomb received, given as food for worms. Oh harsh death, impious death, bitter death, cruel death, that thus divides parents, separates spouses, kills sons, and separates brothers and sisters. We, the miserable, lament our calamities. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
| 1348 | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes how the plague destabilized the social cohesion and moreover the report see the reason for the plague in a punishment of god. The text calls for repentance and humility to appease God's wrath. | edet plura contexere, et tante Calamitatis uulnera denudare. Contremescat omnis creatura, Judicio deij perterita,et suo creatori, humana fragilitas, non resistat . plus dolor, cordibus accendatur et oculi omnium uberes in lacrimas prorumptur. Audiant vituri (victuri ?) seculi huius calamitatis euentum. Jacebat solus languens in domo. ullus proximus accedebat. Cariores flentes, tantum Angulis se ponebant. Medicus non trabat. Sacerdos attonitus, ecclesiastica sacramenta timidus ministrabat. Ecce vox flebilis Infirmantis clamabat. Misereminj miseremini saltem vox amici mei , quia manus domini tetigit me. Alter Aiebat. O pater cur me deseris, esto non immemor geniture Aliuus. O. Mater ubi es, cur heri mihi pia modo crudelis efficeris. que mihi lac vberum propinasti, et nouem niensibus, vtero portasti. Alter, O, filij, quos sudore et laboribus multis educavi cur fugitis. Versa vice vir et vxor Inuiceni extendebant, heu nobis, qui placido coniugio lectabamur, nunc tristi, proh dolor diuorcio separamus. Et cum jn extremis laboraret egrotus, voces adhuc lugubres emittebat. Accedite proximi et (p. 54) convicinj mel . En siclo, aque gutam porrigite sicienti viuo Ego .Nolite timere. Forsitan viuere plus licebit. tangite me. Rogo, palpitate corpusculum , certe nunc me tangere deberetis. Tune quispiam, pietate ductus remotis ceteris, accenssa in pariete candelam iuxta Caput fugiens lmprimebat(?) Et cum spiritus exalaret sepe mater filium, et maritus uxorem, cum omnes deffunctum tangere recusarent in capsia pannis obuolutum ponebant. Non preco, non tuba, non Campana, nec 1lissa solempniter celebrata ad funus amicos et proximos Inuitabant. 1Iagnos et nobiles ad sepulturam gestabant vifes et abiecte perssone conducte peccunia, quia deffunctis consimiles, pauore percussi , accedere non audebant. Diebus ac noctibus, cum necessitas deposcebat, breuj ecclesie officio, tradebantur sepulcris .clausis frequenter dom'ibus deffunctorum, nullus Intrare, nec res deffunctorum tangere presumebat. Quicquid actum fuerit, omnibus Inotescat, vno post Alium decedente omnes tandem mortis Jaculo deffecerunt. O durum et triste spectaculum vniuersis . quis pia compassione non lugebat. et superuenientis pestis cladis et morbi teribilibus non turbetur. Indurata sunt corda nostra et nullam futurorum memoriam computamus. Heu nobis . Ecce hereditas nostra uersa est, ad Alienos et domus nostre ad extraneos. Addant si uolunt superstiltes , nempe lacrimas singultibus occupatus procedere uon valleo. quia vndique mors, vbique amaritudo describitur . plus et plus lterato, manus ornnipotentis extenditur. Judicium teribile, continuatis temporibus Inualescit. § Quid faciemus, o, bone yhesu animas suscipe deffunctorum. Auerte fadem tuam a pec catis nostrijs . et omnes iniquitates nostras delle. Scimus seimus, quia quicquid patimur peccata nostra merentur. Apprehendite igitur disciplinam , ne quando Irascatur Klominus, et pereatis de via iusta . humilientur ergo superbi. Errubescant Auari, qui pauperum detinent ellemosinas lmpeditas. Invidi caritate calescant. Lusuriosi spreta putredine, honestatis regula decorentur. Effrenes, Irracundi, salutis sue terminos non excedant. Gulosi Jeiunijs temperentur. Et quibus accidia dominatur, bonis operibus Induantur. Non sic, non sic adolesceutes et Juuenes, vestibus delectentur in cultu. Sit fides et equitas In Judicibus: (p. 55) Sit legalitas Merchatorum. Notariorum parua et inordinata eondictio, prius discat, et sapiat , quam scribere meditetur. Religiosorum abiciatur ypocrisis. Ordinetur in melius dignitas prelatorum. Omnis populus viam salutis Impetrare festines. Et dominarum pomposa vanitas, que sic uoluptatibus Imiscetur, freno moderata procedat. contra quarum arroganciam ysayas, suo vaticinio resonabat . pro eo quod elleuate sunt filie Syon , et ambulauerunt extento collo, et nutibus oculorum ibant et plaudebant ambulabant, et pedibus suis, composito grade Incedebant decaluabit dominus verticem filiarum Syon et dominus crinem earum nudabit. In die illa aufferet dominus, ornatum calciamentorum lunullas et torques, monilia, et Armillas, mitras et discriminalia, periscelidas, et niurenullas, et olfactoriola, et in Aures Annullos . et gemas in fronte pendentes, et nmtatoria, et paliola, et linteamina, et acus, et specula, et Syndones, et nittas, et terristra. et erit pro suavi odore fetor, et pro Zona funiculus, et pro crispanti crine caluicium, et pro fascia pectorali cillicium.puicerimi quoque viri tui gladio cadent , et fortes tui in prelio. et moerebuntur atque lugebunt ponte eins . et dessolata terra manebit. hec contra dominarum et Juuenum superbiam elleuatum. [136] |
(Translation needed) |
| 1348 | The Black Death in Mantua. | Cap. CLIIII - De mortalitate que fuit MCCCXLVIII In quel anno di gran mortalità venìa / ben che in del passato zià era stato, / di gaudusse a l' inguinaie morìa. / L'uno anno e l' altro si fu terminato / li due parti di li zente morire, / cinquantamila co conta extimato. / Li biade per li campi no choiere, / li uve in su li vigni si romanìa / non era chi curasse de quelli avire. / Li chase vode abandonate stasìa, / non era alchuno chi di roba curasse, / zaschuno per ascampar pensier facìa. [137] |
Chapter CLIIII - On the Mortality of 1348 In that year of great mortality, it came / even though in the past it had already been, / people died of swelling in the groin. / One year and the next it was finished / two-thirds of the people died, / estimated at fifty thousand in total. / The grain in the fields did not grow, / the grapes on the vines remained, / there was no one who cared for those possessions. / The houses stood empty and abandoned, / there was no one who cared for goods, / everyone thought only of escaping.. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 VN: 10.000 |
Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes the spread and the demografical impact of the plague on various regions, including Genoa, Venice and the Orient. It details the victim number in these areas. The plague caused massive losses in populations, with the Saracens being particularly hard-hit. | Hec de Januensibus, quorum pars Septima vix Remansit. Hec de venetis, quorurn In Inquisitione facta super defunctis asseritur, ex centenario ultra Septuaginta. Et ex viginti quatuor medicis excellentibus, viginti, paruo tempore deffecisse& ex alijs partibus ytalie, Sycilie, et Apulie, cum suis circumdantibus plurimum dessolatis congemunt, Pisanij, lucenses, suis acollis denudati, dolores suos exagerant uehementer. Romana Curia, prouincie citra, et vltra Rodanum, hyspania, Francia, et latissime Regiones, Allamaniae, suos exponant dolores, et clades, cum sit mihi in narrando difficultas eximia. Sed quid acciderit Saracenis, constat Relatibus fide dignis. Cum igitur Soldanus plurimos habeat subiugatos, ex sola Babilonis vrbe vbi thronnm et dominium habet, tribus mensibus non elapsis. In MCCCXLVIII. CCCCLXXX.M morbi cladibus Interempti dicuntur, quod quidem Innotuit ex Registro Soldani, abi nomina mortuorum notantur, a quorum quolibet recipit bisancium vnum, quando sepulture traduntur. Taceo Damascum et (p. 52) ceteras vrbes eius, quarum Infinitus extitit numerus deffunctorum. Sed de alijs Regionibus oriientis, que per trienium vis (!) poterunt equitari, cum tanta sit multitudo degentium, ut quando occidens vnum, genera X .M [10,000] Oriens producat. et nos refferunt, Insulatos, credendum et Innumerabiles deffecisse. [138] | Regarding the Genoese, scarcely one-seventh of them survived. Regarding the Venetians, it is reported from investigations of the deceased that out of every hundred, more than seventy died. Of the twenty-four excellent physicians, twenty perished in a short time. Other parts of Italy, Sicily, and Apulia, along with their surrounding areas, mourn their extreme desolation. The people of Pisa and Lucca, stripped of their neighbors, deeply lament their pain. The Roman Curia, provinces on both sides of the Rhône, Spain, France, and the vast regions of Germany express their sorrows and calamities, making it exceedingly difficult for me to recount them all. But what happened to the Saracens is known from trustworthy reports. The Sultan, having many subjects, in the city of Babylon alone, where he has his throne and dominion, in less than three months in the year 1348, is said to have lost 480,000 people to the plague, as noted in the Sultan's registry, where the names of the deceased are recorded, each paying a bisancium for their burial. I omit Damascus and other cities under his rule, where the number of the dead was immense. As for other regions of the East, which could not be traversed in three years due to the great number of inhabitants, when one dies in the West, the East produces ten thousand more. Reports indicate that countless people perished on the islands as well. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 | A report from Francesco Petrarca to the bishop of Padua about the actions of a Carthusian monk in Méounes-lès-Montrieux during the plague of 1348, who was against fleeing the plague and helped his friars dying of the plague without fear. He rebuilt his monastery after the severe plague wave. | Cum pestis hec que omnes terras ac maria pervagata est, ad vos ex ordine venisset et castra in quibus Cristo militas, invasisset, priorque tuus, vir alioquin, ut ipse novi, sancti ardentisque propositi, tamen inopino malo territus, hortaretur fugam, te illi cristiane simul ac philosophice respondisse acrius iret quo se dignum crederet, te in custodia tibi a Cristo credita permansurum; cumque iterum et iterum instaret et inter terrores alios sepulcrum quoque tibi defuturum minaretur, dixisse te illam tibi ex omnibus ultimam curam esse, neque enim tua interesse sed superstitum quali iaceas sepultura; illum postremo cessisse ad penates patrios nec ita multo post morte illuc eum insequente subtractum, te vero incolumem, Eo apud quem est fons vite protegente, mansisse; et cum diebus paucis mors quattuor et triginta qui illic erant, abstulisset, solum in (p. 2212) monasterio resedisse. Illud addebant te nullo morbi contagio deterritum, astitisse fratribus tuis expirantibus et suprema verba atque oscula excipientem et gelida corpora lavantem, sepe uno die tres plures ve tuis manibus indefesso pietatis obsequio sepelisse et exportasse tuis humeris, cum iam qui foderet aut qui iusta morientibus exhiberet, nemo esset; solum te ad ultimum cum cane unico remansisse, totis noctibus vigilantem, modica lucis parte necessarie quieti data, cum interim predones nocturni, quorum feracissima est regio, sepe per intempeste noctis silentia locum invadentes a te, imo a Cristo qui tecum erat, nunc pacificis nunc acrioribus verbis exclusi, nichil damni sacris edibus inferre potuerint; cum vero transisset estas illa terribilis, misisse et ad proxima servorum Cristi loca ut aliquis tibi loci tui custos mitteretur; quo facto ivisse Cartusiam et ab illo, religionis nunc cultore unico in terris, priore loci inter tres et octuaginta priores alienigenas te non priorem, singulari et insolito honore susceptum, obtinuisse ut tibi prior ac monachi darentur quos e diversis conventibus elegisses, quibus desertum morte tuorum monasterium reformares, teque hoc velut eximio triumpho letissimum rediisse. [139] | When the plague that swept over all lands and seas inevitably reached you and invaded your camp, where you were fighting for Christ, your prior, otherwise of pious and ardent zeal, as I know myself, in horror at the unexpected destruction, advised to flee. Yet, you responded to him with Christian and philosophical wisdom, stating that his counsel would be welcome if there were any place impervious to death. Thereafter, he stressed the necessity of departure with no less urgency, to which you responded more firmly, telling him to go wherever he pleased, while you intended to remain steadfast at the post entrusted to you by Christi. And in response to his repeated entreaties, with which he threatened you with many horrors, including the lack of a proper burial, you replied that in the midst of all worries, your concern for how you would lie in the end was the least, for it was not your duty to worry about it; rather, it should concern the survivors. Following this, he finally left for the ancestral household gods, and not long afterward, Death, pursuing him, overtook him there, while you were spared, thanks to your protector, in whom 'the source of life' resides. Certainly, in a matter of a few days, Death claimed thirty-four occupants in that place, and you were the only one left in the monastery. They also added the following: You fearlessly provided aid to your dying brethren, accepting their last words and embraces, washing their lifeless bodies, often carrying three or more of them on your shoulders in unwavering devotion on a single day, and burying them with your own hands, as there was no one else to dig graves or attend to the dying. In the end, when you were alone with only a single dog, you spent whole nights awake and allowed yourself only a modest portion of bright daylight for necessary rest. By that time, nocturnal thieves, who found that area highly fertile, often assaulted that place in the still of the deepest night, but through you, or rather with the assistance of Christ, they were repelled, either by peaceful or sharp words, so that they could not harm the consecrated buildings. However, when that dreadful summer came to an end, you sent a request to the servants of Christ in nearby settlements, asking them to send a guardian for your monastery. Subsequently, you moved to the Chartreuse, where you were received by the prior, who was now the sole representative of the order in that region, and by eighty-three foreign priors, with exceptional and unique honors, even though you were a non-prior. You managed to secure a prior and monks from different convents to revitalize the empty monastery following the death of your brothers. [140] |
| 1348 VN: 64.000 |
Black Death leads to the withdrawal of King Louis the Great of Hungary | Eodem millesimo et temporibus maxima pestis mortalitatis fuit in civitate Neapolim, in qua mortui sunt in duobus mensibus LXIIIIm; quapropter rex Ungarie recessit inde [141] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 VN: 1.800 |
Black Death in Paris | Eodem millesimo (1348). Relata fuerunt nova in partibus Lombardie, quod die XIIIo martii sepulti fuerunt in civitate Parixius propter maximam pestem mortalitatis MCCCXXVIII homines sine aliis, de quibus non fiebat mentio; propter quod rex fugerat inde, et iverat castrum quoddam extra districtum, Parixius. Regina ipsius uxor cum unico filio et duobus nepotibus defuncti erant, et ali multi nobiles, et similiter in partibus circumstantibus, et in quadam civitate, que dicebatur Nobellexe, in qua habitabant circa MM homines armorum, non remanserat nisi CC. Alia civitas Avarexe inhabitabilis effeta erat, alie cuiusdam civitates pro maiori parte subverse et submerse erant et in partibus illis apparuerunt locuste que devoraverunt bladas, et arbores et alia mira satis. [142] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis describes the impact of the plague in various regions, particularly in Bobbio and Piacenza. The plague spread rapidly and the mortality was very high, also among clerics. | morbos et Interitus omnes studeant suis literis apperire. Verum quia placentinus plus de placentinis scriber[e surr hortatus, quid acciderit placencie, MCCCXLVIII. ceteris Inotescat Quidam Januenses, quos morbus egredi compelebat cupientes locis salubribus collocari, transactis Alpibus ad lombardie se planiciem contullerunt. Et quidam Mercimonia defferentes, dum in Bobio hospitati fuissent, vendictis (!) ibi mercibus, accidit ut Emptor et hospes, cum tota familia, pluresque vicini subito Infecti morbo perierunt. Quidam ibi suum volens condere Testamentum notario, et presbitero confessore, ac testibus omnibus auocatis mortuus est . et die sequenti omnes pariter tumulati fuerunt. Et tanta postmodum ibi calamitas Invalavit, ut fere omnes habitatores ibidem repentina mode conciderint. quia post defunctos paucissimi remansserunt. Hec de Bobiensibus, Ceterum in Estate, dicto millesimo, alter Januensis, se transtulit ad territorium placentinum, qui morbi cladibus vexabatur. Et cum esset Infarmato , querens fulchinum de lacruce, quem bona amicicia diligebat, Nunc suscepit hospicio. qui statim moriturus occubuit. § post quem in mediate dictus fulchinus, cum tota familia, et multis vicinis expirauit. Et sic breuiter morbus ille effusus Intrauit placentiam. Nescio ubi possum lncipere. vndique planctus et lamenta consurgunt. Videns continuatis diebus Crucis defferi vexilla, corpus domini deportari, et mortuos absque numero sepeliri. Tantaque feit mortalitas subsecuta, ut vix possent homines respirare.superstites esse sepulturas parabant, deficiente terra pro tumullis per porticus et plateas ubi nunquam extiterat sepultura, fossas facere cogebantur. Accidit quoque frequenter, vt vir cum vxore, pater cum lilio et mater cum filia. demum post modicum tota familia, et plures, conuicini, simul et Eadem fuerint sepultura locati. Idem in Castro arquato, et vigoleno, et Alijs villis, locis, vrbibus et Castellis . et nouissime (p. 53) in valletidonj , ubi sine peste vixerant , plurimi ceciderunt Quidam dictus Obertus de sasso, qui de partibus morbosis processerat, inxta Ecclesiam Fratrum minorum, dum suum vellet facere Testamentum, conuocatis notario testibus et uicinis, omnes cum reliquis, ultra numero Sexaginta, Infra tempus modicum migrauerunt. Hoc tempore Religiosus vir frater Syfredus de Bardis conuentus et ordinis predicatorum, vir utique prudens et magne sciencie, qui Sepulcrum domini visitauerat cum XXIII eiusdem ordinis et conuentus. Item Religiosus vir frater Bertolinus coxadocha placentinus, minorum ordinis, sciencia, et multis virtutibus decoratus, cum alijs XXIIIj or sui ordinis, et conuentus, ex quibus nouem una die. Item ex conuentu heremitarum Vjj. Ex conuentu Carmelitarum, frater Franciscus todischus, cum Sex sui ordinis et conuentus. § Ex Seruis Beate marie IllIor. Et ex alijs prelatis et Rectoribus Ecclesiarum ciuitatis et destrictus placensis, ultra numero LX. Ex nobilibus multi. Ex juuenibus Infiniti. Ex mulieribus presertim pregnantibus , innumerabiles , paruo tempore deffecerunt. [143] |
Diseases and Deaths strive to reveal everything through their writings. However, because the Placentine (author) was encouraged to write more about the Placentines, what happened in Piacenza in 1348 should be known to others. Certain Genoese, compelled to leave by disease and desiring to settle in healthy places, after crossing the Alps, came down to the plains of Lombardy. And certain merchants, while they were staying in Bobbio, after selling their goods there, it happened that the buyer and the host, with his whole family and many neighbors, suddenly infected by the disease, perished. One man, wishing to make his will there, died after calling a notary, a priest-confessor, and all the witnesses. The next day, they were all buried together. And afterward, such a calamity prevailed there that almost all the inhabitants suddenly perished, with very few remaining after the dead. This about the people of Bobbio. Moreover, in the summer of the said year, another Genoese moved to the territory of Piacenza, which was afflicted by the ravages of disease. And while he was ill, seeking Fulchino de la Cruce, whom he loved with good friendship, he was received into hospitality. He immediately died. Shortly after, Fulchino himself, with his entire family and many neighbors, expired. And thus the disease briefly spread into Piacenza. I do not know where to begin. Wailing and lamentations arise everywhere. Seeing the procession of crosses day after day, the body of the Lord being carried, and the dead being buried without number. Such a great mortality followed that barely could men breathe. The survivors prepared graves, and as the land for tombs was exhausted, they were compelled to dig pits under porticos and in squares where there had never been burials. It also frequently happened that a man with his wife, a father with his son, and a mother with her daughter, shortly after, the entire family, and many neighbors, were buried together in the same grave. The same happened in the fortresses of Arquato and Vigoleno, and in other villages, places, cities, and castles. Finally, in the valley of Tidone, where they had lived without plague, many fell. A certain man named Obertus de Sasso, who came from plague-stricken parts, while he was making his will near the Church of the Friars Minor, after calling a notary, witnesses, and neighbors, all with the others, over sixty in number, died within a short time. At this time, a religious man, Brother Syfredus de Bardis of the convent and order of preachers, indeed a prudent man of great knowledge, who had visited the Holy Sepulcher with twenty-three others of the same order and convent. Also, a religious man, Brother Bertolinus Coxadocha of Piacenza, of the order of Minors, adorned with knowledge and many virtues, with thirty-four others of his order and convent, nine of whom died on the same day. Also, from the convent of hermits, seven. From the convent of Carmelites, Brother Franciscus Todischus, with six of his order and convent. From the Servants of Blessed Mary, four. And from other prelates and rectors of churches of the city and district of Piacenza, over sixty in number. Many of the nobility. Countless young men. Innumerable women, especially pregnant women, died in a short time. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348 | The Black Death appears in Poland and other kingdoms (Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany) caused by a polution of the air by the Jews. | Pestis horrenda in Polonia et aliis Regnis ex corruptione aeris per Iudaeos infecti: quam etiam terrae motus subsecutus est. Gravis epidemiae pestis apud Poloniae Regnum saeva mortalitate in universos irruens, non Poloniam tantummodo, sed et Hungariam, Bohemiam, Daciam, Franciam, Almanniam et fere universa Christianitatis et barbarica Regna horrenda lue quassavit. [144] | There was a horrible plague in Poland and other kingdoms which resulted from the infection of the air by the Jews. And directly afterwards the earth shook. There was a grave epidemic of plague in the kingdom of Poland and a terrible mortality burst over them, not only in Poland, but also in Hungary, Bohemia, Denmark, France, Germany and pretty much the whole of Christianity and of the barbaric kingdoms where terribly shaken by the plague. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1348 | Black Death in Sicily | Eo namque tempore, anno videlicet domini MCCCXLVIII, in toto regno Siciliae, et generaliter per totum mundum, pestifera mortalitas perduravit et morbus talis, quod subito apparebat glandula in inguine hominis et infra duos aut tres dies ad tardius hominem occidebat. Sicque in terra ipsa tanta invaluit ipsa mortalitas, quod quasi modicus superfuit populus in eadem; et sic generaliter contigit in singulis civitatibus et casalibus regni hujus et mundi. [145] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348 | The Black Death in Venice, Chioggia and Pisa | Eodem millesimo et tempore maxim pestis mortalitatis fuit in Venetiis et Clugia, in quibus locis quolibet die sepelliebantur circa VIc corpora; et similiter pestis maxima fuit in civitate Pixarum. [146] | In the same year and time, there was a great pestilence in Venice and Chioggia, where approximately 600 bodies were buried each day. Similarly, there was a great pestilence in the city of Pisa (Translation needed) |
| 1348, January 25 | Earthquake in Erfurt and outbreak of the plague in the Mediterranean region. Well poisoning is seen as the cause. | Eodem anno (1348) conversione sancti Pauli fuit terre motus magnus Erfordie. [...] Eodem anno fuit magna pestilencia in partibus transmarinis, videlicet in Gallia, Grecia, Francia et in provinciis paganorum ac circa Veneciam adeo quod tota Cristianitas ac alie naciones interierunt ratione foncium et aquarum infectarum veneno, ut dicitur. [147] | In the same year (1348), on the feast day of the conversion of Saint Paul, there was a great earthquake in Erfurt. [...] In the same year, there was a great pestilence in overseas regions, namely in Gaul, Greece, France, and in the regions of the pagans, and around Venice to the extent that the entire Christendom and other nations perished due to the poison of contaminated fountains and waters, as it is said. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, January 25 | Earthquake and Black Death in Friuli | Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII, die XXV januarii, circa horam vespertinam, fuit terremotus magnus, qualis non fertur in aliquibus scripturis. Eodem quoque anno jam incepta pestilentia [148] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348, January 25 | After an earthquake around the 25th of January a plague spread from France to Styria and Carinthia and flagellants appeared. | A.D. 1348 circa conversionem sancti Pauli factus est terre motus magnus, maxime in Stiria et Karintia, et secuta est pestilencia hominum in partibus Gallie, et se paulatim extendit usque ad partes Stirie et Carinthie. [...] et ibant viceni per ecclesias nudati et usque ad femoralia flagellantes se et procidentes omnes cum cantu. [149] | A.D. 1348 around the feast of the conversion of St Paul the earth shook violently the most in Styria and Carinthia, and after this there was a plague among the humans in France, and it gradually expanded to Styria and Carinthia. [...] And they went in twenties through the churches naked down to their trousers and they flagellated themselves and they all fell down singing. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1348, January 25 – 1348, August | Outbreak of the Black Death in Venice in 1347; after the Earthquake at 25. January 1348 even stronger and lasted until August | Qua quidem epidimia Venecijs incoacta 1347; die 25 januarii, hora vespertina, die conversionis sancti Pauli fuit Venetijs maximus et terribilis terremotus, et ex tunc ipsa pestis amplius invaluit, perseverans usque 1348, per totum mensem augusti; ob quam tercia pars Venetorum, vel circa, (dicitur decessisse). [150] | During this epidemic in Venice, which began in 1348, on January 25th, at the hour of vespers, on the feast day of the Conversion of Saint Paul, there was a great and terrible earthquake in Venice. From that point on, the plague grew stronger, persisting until 1348, throughout the entire month of August. Due to this, it is said that about one-third of the Venetians, or thereabouts, died (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, May – 1348, September VN: 60 % |
Black Death in Bologna ravages for 5 months and kills allegedly 60% of population. City is partially abandoned afterwards and heritages remain unclaimed | Anno Domini 1348. Pestilentia magna Bononia quamplures consumpssit, a mense madii usque ad mensem septembris: de quinque tres mortui sunt. Erat miserabilis status civitatis, nam multe domus facte sunt habitatoribus vacue; hereditates quamplures sine heredibus remanserunt. [151] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348, May 11 | Severe plague in Savona and Francesco Petrarca laments the death of his friend Francesco Albizzi, who presumably died there because of the plague in April 1348 | Saona nocens atque impia [...] Pro quo quid aliud optem tibi? [..] (p. 982) Quicquid vel mortium vel morborum per omnes terras ac maria pestifer hic annus effudit, in te solam confluat; queque aliis annua, tibi pestis eterna sit. [152] | Savona! Accursed, cruel place! [...] What else should I wish for you but this: [...] Whatever death and destruction this year of pestilence has poured over all lands and seas, let it flow only to you. And may the plague that was annual in other regions be eternal for you! [153] |
| 1348, June – 1348, December | Spread of the Black Death in Tuscany and Padua, which lasted 6 months | Tempore huius pestis dominus Guerra comes Sancti Bonifacii, potestas in Senis, obiit quasi cum tota sua familia, ub etiam, Florentie et Pisis et per totam Tusciam fuit mortalitas abhorrenda. Hec pestis durabat sex mensibus communiter a sui principio in qualibet regione. Nobilis vir Andreas Moresinus, potestas Padue, in tertio suo regimine expiravit, mense Junii. Huic in regimine filius substitutus statim obiit. Audi tamen mirabile, quod tempore hujus cladis non obiit rex, princeps, nec dominus civitatis. [154] | During this plague (1348), Lord Guerra, Count of San Bonifacio, the Podestà in Siena, died along with almost his entire household. Also, in Florence, Pisa, and throughout all of Tuscany, there was a dreadful mortality. This plague generally lasted six months from its onset in each region. The noble man Andrea Moresini, the Podestà of Padua, died in his third term of office in the month of June. His son, who succeeded him in office, immediately died. However, hear something remarkable: during this calamity, no king, prince, or lord of a city died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, June 8 | The Danish nobleman Albert v. Osten donates a homestead and land to Sorø Abbey on Zealand in the memory of his deceased brothers | Den velbyrdige mand Albert v. Osten skænkede med from tanke på sine afdøde brødre Godfred og Wedekin, kaldet v. Osten, og med sin hustru Gretes samtykke en toft i Sønder Mern med en øre skyldjord i tilliggende til klostret med al kongelig ret, skat og tjenesteydelser, som skyldes deraf, at forblive i klostrets evige besiddelse for hans, hans hustrus og nævnte brødres synders skyld. Han gav også den, der boede på denne toft, fri ret til sammen med hans andre undergivne at fælde træ i hans skov sammesteds til bygninger og til arnested. I det Herrens år 1348 pinsedag. [155] | The benevolent man Albert von Osten, with pious thought of his deceased brothers Godfred and Wedekin, called von Osten, and with his wife Grete's consent, donated a homestead in Sønder Mern with a penny of debtland belonging to the monastery with all royal rights, taxes and services due thereto, to remain in the monastery's eternal possession for his, his wife's and said brothers' sins. He also gave the one who lived on this homestead the free right, together with his other subjects, to cut wood in his forest there for buildings and for hearths. In the year of our Lord 1348 Pentecost. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1348, June 20 | Outbreak of the Black Death in Faenza with blood spitting | 1348 iunii 20. Incepit Faventiae mortalitas gangolarum et sputi sanguinis, et duravit per annum. [156] | (Translation needed) |
| 1348, June 26 | Archbishop Peder of Lund decrees that the testamentary heirs of deceased priests may receive the income of the parish church until next year's Quasimodogenitis Sunday. | Da nu — efter hvad vi har erfaret — den uskik har vundet hævd i vort stift Lund, førend vi blev antaget til som biskop at drage omsorg for kirkens styre, at arvingerne efter afdøde gejstlige, der har haft beneficium sammesteds, i kortere og længere tid, uden fast regel, men i henhold til forskelligartede myndigheders afgørelser har oppebåret indtægterne og indkomsterne af nævnte afdøde gejstliges beneficier, hvorved adskillige, såvel de nævnte afdødes arvinger, som de, der tiltrådte samme beneficier, undertiden har lidt et alvorligt afbræk i deres ret, har I ydmygt ansøgt om, at vi med årvågen omsorg vil sørge for Eder med et passende lægemiddel. [157] | Since now - according to what we have learnt - this custom has prevailed in our diocese of Lund, before we were accepted as bishop to take care of the church's governance, that the heirs of deceased clergymen who have had beneficium here, for shorter and longer periods of time, without any fixed rule, but according to various decisions of various authorities, have received the revenues and incomes of said deceased clergymen's benefices, whereby several, both the heirs of the said deceased, as well as those who received the same benefices, have sometimes suffered a serious interruption in their rights, you have humbly requested that we, with with vigilant care we will provide you with a suitable medicine. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1348, July 5 | Shortage of wax candles due to the numerous deaths of the Black Death in Orvieto and corresponding regulations of wax quantities at funerals | Considerantes et advertentes necem pestiferam, que adheo atrociter suas undique saggitas emictit, et quod propter cere inopiam et caristiam de huiusmodi cera funeri non potest honor solitus exhibiri, volentes distinguere tempora et super hiis debite providere [...], nulla persona popularis vel nobilis possit nec debeat ad funus alicuius defuncti, cuiuscumque status vel condicionis existat, mictere vel deferri facere cereos cere amplioris ponderis, nisi ut inferius est expressum; videlicet, popularis quatuor libr. tantum vel ad inde infra, ad penam, pro quolibet et qualibet vice; decem lib. den., et nobilis ponderis lib. decem et non ultra vel ab inde infra sicut voluerit, ad penam XXV lib. den. [158] | Considering and observing the deadly pestilence, which so fiercely sends its arrows everywhere, and because of the scarcity and high cost of wax, it is not possible to give the customary honor to funerals with such wax, wishing to distinguish the times and provide duly for these matters [...], no commoner or noble person can or should send or have carried to the funeral of any deceased person, regardless of their status or condition, candles of greater weight than specified below: namely, a commoner may send only four pounds or less, under penalty of ten pounds of denarii for each offense; and a noble may send candles weighing ten pounds and no more, or less if they wish, under penalty of twenty-five pounds of denarii (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, July 4 | Adjustments to the judicial system due to the plague raging in Venice. Many notaries and other legally relevant persons have died or left the city. The latter are ordered to return to Venice, otherwise they will lose their offices. The same threat is made to the doctors. | Cum multe persone et quasi sine numero sint que cotidie veniant ad curias et proprii et examinatorum et occaxione huius casus occurssi pro mortalitate presentis temporis [...] Et quia multi notarii et infiniti, qui receperunt rogamina testamentorum et cartarum aliarum plurium sunt morti [...] Et quia officia nostra occaxione notariorum et scribarum et eciam aliorum nostrorum officialium multum deffectum portabant, qui sunt extra Venecias et venire non curant, consulunt, quod publicata presenti parte, omnes cancellarii, notarii et scribe omnium nostrorum officiorum tam clerici quam layci qui exiverunt de terra a duobus mensibus citra tenenantur venisse Venecias infra octavam diem […] sub pena perdendi officia qui haberent [...] Quia civitas nostra multum deffectum portat in facto infirmorum occaxione medicorum qui exiverunt de Veneciis. [159] | There are many people, almost innumerable, who daily come to the courts, both their own and those of examiners, and due to this circumstance arising from the mortality of the present time [...] And because many notaries and countless others who have received requests for wills and various other documents are deceased [...] And because our offices suffered greatly due to the absence of notaries and scribes and also other officials of ours, who are outside Venice and do not care to come, it is advised that with this part published, all members of chanceries, notaries, and clerks of all our offices, both clerics and laymen who left two months ago, are bound to have come to Venice within eight days [...] under the penalty of losing the offices they held [...] Because our city suffers greatly in the matter of the sick due to the absence of physicians who left Venice... (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, July 10 | Plague has subsided in Venice; to prevent a resurgence of the epidemic, it is forbidden to bring the deceased or (potentially) sick people into the city. | Quoniam per misericordiam nostri altissimi Creatoris satis nostra civitas ab ista pestilencia liberata videatur, et sit faciendum divino auxilio mediante, quod sic maneat liberata, et corpora multa mortua extra Venecias moriencia se faciunt adduci Venecias, quod est causa coruptionis [...] Et quoniam plurimi infirmi qui veniunt Venecias inducere possunt corruptionem, quod absit, consulunt quod nullus forenssis tam homo quam femina et tam magnus quam parvus, infirmus vel qui videretur infirmis, sit qui vellit, ullo modo possit venire Vencias de aliqua parte vel loco tam nobis subiecto quam non nobis subiecto [160] | As our city appears to be sufficiently freed from this pestilence through the mercy of our highest Creator, and it is necessary, with divine assistance, to ensure that it remains so, and since many bodies, dead or dying outside Venice, are being brought to Venice, which is a cause of corruption of the air [...] And as many sick people who come to Venice could bring about corruption of the air, may it be far from us, they advise that no foreigner, whether man or woman, great or small, sick or appearing to be sick, in any way, should be allowed to come to Venice from any place or location, whether subject to our authority or not subject to our authority (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1348, August 1 | Dating in a letter of Francesco Petrarca refers to fear of plague in the north of Italy | Apud superos, in Gallia Cisalpina ad dexteram Padi ripam, Kalendis Sextilibus anno ab ortu Eius quem an tu rite noveris incertum habeo, MCCCXLVIII. [161] | Among the living in this part of Gaul on the right bank of the Po, on the first of August in the year 1348. [162] |
| 1348 | Emperor Charles IV mentions the plague at the papal court in Avignon in a letter from the 1st of September 1348. | Nos, quia nonnulli ex fratribus nostris propter pestem, que, ut ad tuam credimus pervenisse noticiam, patriam hanc inaudita et incredibili clade vastavit, a curia secesserant nec adhuc redierunt ad illam, et quidam ex eis, qui in curia refata remanserant, infirmitate gravantur, elicere vel deliberare nequivimus, quid tibi super huiusmodi eiusdem nuncii tui ambassiata respondere possemus. [163] | We, because some of our brothers, due to the plague, which, as we believe has come to your attention, had withdrawn from the [papal, C.O.] court and have not yet returned to it, and some of those who remained in the court are burdened by illness, have been unable to elicit or deliberate on what response we could give you regarding the embassy of your messenger concerning this matter. (Translation: Christian Oertel), assisted by ChatGPT 3.5. |
| 1348, September 30 | Price restrictions on all types of goods, which may only be offered at 25% higher prices than before the Black Death. | artifices, magistri, laboratores et alii de rebus, quas vendunt et aliis magstriis, laboritiis ac victuris et factionibus personalibus, propter sevam et inauditam pestem mortiferam, que nuper undique in humano genere est diffusa, pretium adheo carum tollant, quod cives et alii cuncit conqueruntur merito, et nisi provideatur celeriter, non possent facere facta sua, ex quo detrimentum reipublice non modicum exoritur et iactura [...] ne huiusmodi appetitus noxius et nefandus usus in Urbevetana civitate diutius nec ulterius vigeat et res predicte in congrua disposicione persistant [164] | Craftsmen, masters, laborers, and others, because of the severe and unprecedented deadly plague that has recently spread everywhere among humankind, have raised the prices of the goods they sell and other crafts, labors, and personal services to such an extent that citizens and others justly complain, and unless provision is made quickly, they will not be able to carry out their tasks, resulting in considerable harm and loss to the republic [...] so that this harmful greed and wicked practice may not continue any longer in the city of Orvieto and so that the aforementioned matters may remain in proper order (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1349 VN: 500 per day |
In 1349, after an earthquake, the Plague arrived in Austria together with flagellants. Around the feast of St John the baptist the disease was so severe that in Vienna 500 funerals were held per day. The disease spread because wells and other waters had been poisoned by the Jews who where persecuted all over the country. | A.D. 1349 incepit pestilencia scilicet post terre motum, et pestilenciam quidam prevenientes per ecclesias nudati usque ad cingulum acutis flagellis usque ad effusionem sanguinis se flagellantes decurrebant cum cantu de passione Domini, plurimos aspicientes in lacrimas commovebant. [...] Mox circa festum Iohannis baptiste facta est pestilencia qualis nunquam audita vel visa est, ita ut in civitate Wiennensi una die 500 funera haberentur, et tamen omnes rite sacramentalibus procurati per triduum et quasi dormiendo et cum magno fetore leniter decesserunt; ulcera habentes quidam circa genitalia sicca, quidam vesicas in cute. De quibus suspicati sunt quidam, Iudeos hoc in ulcionem inter christianos effecisse, quodam pulvere fontes et omnes aquas per necessarios eciam christianos infecisse; de quibus plurimi sunt exusti et in superioribus partibus omnes Iudei occisi et iugulati sunt; eciam in Chrems circa festum sancti Michahelis omnes Iudeorum domus aduste sunt, paucis Iudeis evadentibus. Quapropter dux Albertus, fautor Iudeorum, omnes adiacentes villas iussit spoliare. Iems nebulosa, ver optimus et floridus. [165] | (Translation needed) |
| 1349, January 1 – 1349, April 12 | Around New Year of 1349 flagellants appeared in Austria and they remained active until Easter, when the plague diminished. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters. | Anno 1349 circa circumcisionem Domini usque in pascham viri 40, 60 vel 100 coadunati per ecclesias discurrentes cum flagellis se denudantes usque ad cingulum publicas egerunt penitencias, cantando de passione Domini, quatenus pestilencia que tunc in quibusdam locis prevaluerat cessaret. Incusati autem Iudei, quod fontes et aquas eciam fluentes quibusdam pulveribus toxicassent, unde in superioribus partibus undique autem iugulati, et in Chremsa adusti sunt una cum domibus eorum. [166] | In the year 1349 from around New Year and until Easter 40, 60 or 100 assembled men spread over the churches and beat themselves naked down to the belt requesting penitence in public and singing about the passion of the Lord until the plague, which in those places prevailed, ebbed away. The Jews were accused to have poisoned wells and other waters, also flowing ones, with powders. That is why they were killed in the upper parts [of the country] and in Krems they were burned together with one of their masters. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 VN: 1000 per day |
In 1349 flagellants arose in Austria and when they were no longer active a great plague raged the land with unheard of mortality. | Eodem anno flagellatores surrexerunt, qui flagellaverunt se, et ibant de civitate in civitatem, et de villa in villam. Et finita ista secta, venit pestilentia sive mortalitas magna et inaudita, quod sepe una die sepeliebant mille homines nisi in una civitate, et in rure sepeliebantur homines in campis et talis pestilentia nunquam visa fuit, nec visa est. [167] | In this year the flagellants arose, who beat themselves and they went from city to city and from village to village. And when this sect was finished a plague arrived or a great and unheard of mortality by which often in one day thousand people were buried in just one city, and in rural areas the people were buried in the fields and so great was the plague that it was never seen before nor is it seen. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 VN: 1400 |
In many places in Austria and Bavaria many people died of a most cruel plague, e.g. in Mühldorf am Inn in Upper Bavaria died on the feastday of St Michael (September 29) 1.400 people. The Jews were made responsible for the plague and in Salzburg, Munich and other places they were persecuted. | 1349. Sevivit crudelissima pestilencia, que interemit forsam terciam partem hominum, quia in Wyenna decesserunt qualibet die due vel tres libre hominum, et una die quatuor libre, una die 960. In Patavia vero moriebantur qualibet die quinque vel sex solidi, et una die 9 solidi, una die 300 minus 30 homines. Lustrabat autem hec pestilencia totum orbem, non simul et semel, sed successive. Cum itaque pestis et decessus hominum prochdolor nimis atrociter lustrasset multos provinciarum fines, venit in Barbariam, videlicet in Muldorf; ubi, ut dicebatur, a festo Michahelis preteriti anni decesserunt 1400 de pocioribus ibidem hominibus. Item in Prawnau sepius uno die moriebantur 16, et in Monaco, et in Lantzhuta, et in aliis quam pluribus civitatibus et oppidis in tantum sevivit mors, quod ab effluxis temporum motibus enormiori peste nemo cogitaret. [...] Ob hanc nemppe nephariam infamiam in Saltzburga et Monaco et in aliis infinitis civitatibus Iudei fuerant cremati, cesi, secti et quomodolibet aliter trucidati et occisi. Et in Praunaw dicebatur eciam, quod Iudei redegerint feculenciam venenosorum animalium in pulveres, et impleverint sacculos in longitudine et latitudine duorum digitorum, et submerserint aquis puteorum et etiam foncium scaturiencium; et tales sacculi pleni intoxicacionibus a christianis per expurgacionem foncium fuerunt inventi. [168] | 1349. A most cruel plague raged through the land, which eliminated maybe one third of the people; as in Vienna died every day two libre (480) or three libre (720) people and one day four libre (960), one day 960 [the editor assumes that 1 libram = 240 people, one solidum = 30 people equalling it to the value of the respective currency]. In Passau died every day really five (150) or six (180) solidi and one day nine solidi (270), one day 300 minus 30 people. But this plague did not wander the whole world at the same time and all at once but sucessively. Because the pestilence and the deceased people caused too much hardness, many wandered over the borders of the province and went to Bavaria namely to Mühldorf, where, it is said, at the feast of St Michael of the last year 1.400 of their best people died. In the same way died often on one day 16 in Braunau; and in Monaco and in Landshut and in numerous other towns and villages raged such a death that in the fluent movement of time noone knows of a more enormous plague. [...] Because of this the infamous Jews in Salzburg and Monaco and in innumerable other towns were burned, slaughtered, cut down and in whatever other way massacred and killed. And in Braunau it was also said that the Jews made poisonous animal faeces to powder and that they filled them into small bags of two finger length and width and dumped them into the wells and other gushing waters; and such bags full with poisons were found by the Christians and carried away for the cleansing of the water. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 | Flagellants came from Hungary during that year and a great plague broke out in Cracov | Anno Domini 1349 flagellatores nudi venerunt de Ungaria. Eodem anno perstilencia magna erat in Cracovia. [169] | In the year 1349 nude flagellants came from Hungary. In the same year there was a great pestilence in Cracov, (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 | Black Death in Denmark in the year 1349. | Mortalitas magna in Dania. [170] | Great mortality in Denmark. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1349 | After referring to the spreading of the Black Death in the entry for 1348, Jan Dlugos adds that in 1349 the Black Death reached Poland. After it had killed many people, the remaining took to religious practices and humiliated themselves through flaggelation and other treatments until God had mercy with them. | Pestifer hic annus eciam aput Polonos fuit morboque epidimie passim grassante multi mortales tam de nobilitate quam de plebe consumpti sunt. Dum quoque diuturni mali nullum esset remedium et plures non domos solum, sed opida et villas pestis desertasset, homines ad religionem conversi, credentes id malum propter indignacionem Divinam sceleribus hominum provocatum accidisse, conversi flagellis virgisque se mutuo verberabant aliisque penitencie generibus se affligebant, donec propiciata Divinitas pestiferam auram sustulit et mortalitatis molem cessare fecit. [171] | This year brought the plague to Poland, too, and as it spread everywhere, many people among the gentry as well as among the peasantry died. And when no remedy could be found for this long-lasting vexation, and when the plague not only killed many in houses but also depopulated whole towns and villages, people convinced themselves that all their troubles fell on them as a divine retribution for their crimes and thus they turned to religious practices. So, they flagellated and birched each other, and humiliated themselves with other forms of penance until God showed his mercy towards them and took away the plague and let the acute mortality cease. (Translation: Maurice Michael) |
| 1349 | In this year there was a great pestilence and people flagellated themselves | Anno Domini 1349 pestilencia magna fuit, et homines se affligebant seu flagellabant. [172] | In the year of the Lord 1349 there was a great pestilence and people beat or flagellated themselves. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 | After writing for several chapters about the way of the Black Death over Europe and of the manifestations of the disease, the chronicler adds that it also raged in Prussia and Pomerania | Predicta ergo pestilencia, que circuivit Pene omnes regiones calidas, proch dolor, ad clima nostrum iam pervenit et iam fere in tota Pruzia et Pomerania innumerabiles viros ac mulieres consumpsit et hodierna die consumere non cessat. [173] | The aforementioned plague, which has spread over almost all southern countries — oh horror of horrors! — arrived at our lands as well; in most of Prussia and Pomerania it has consumed innumerable men and women, and it continues to consume them still. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349 | An undated prophecy by Birgitta of Sweden about the monks of the Swedish monastery of Alvastra. According to Tryggve Lundén it is to be set between 1344-49. The revelation if followed by the note that a disease came and took away 33 brothers | Cum domina staret orando rapta in spiritu, vidit domum quandam et super domum celum valde serenum. Cumque diligenter inspiciendo miraretur, vidit de domo columbas ascendentes et penetrare celum. Quas Ethiopes conabantur impedire sed non valebant. Subtus vero domum videbatur chaos, in quo sunt tres ordines fratrum. “Primi sunt simplices quasi columbe. Ideo faciliter ascendunt, quorum tibi nomina indicabo. Secundi sunt, qui veniunt ad purgatorium. Tercii sunt, qui iam alium pedem habent in mari et alium in tabulatu nauis. Quorum iudicium nunc appropinquat. Et vt scias et probes, vnus post alium cicius transibit, secundum quod nomina eorum exprimo tibi.” Quod similiter contigit. Venit enim mortalitas et tulit, sicut predictum est, XXXIII fratres. [174] | As the lady [Birgitta] stood in prayer, rapt in spirit, she saw a certain house and above the house a very clear sky. And when she looked carefully and wondered, she saw doves ascending from the house and entering the sky which the Ethiopians (= devils, cf. ON blámenn) tried to prevent but were not able. Under the house she saw an abyss, and there are three kinds of brothers. The first are simple as a dove. Therefore they ascend easily. The second are those who come to purgatory. The third are those who have one foot in the sea and the other on the ship's deck. Their judgement is now approaching, and in order that you may know and be aware of it, one after another will quickly perish as I reveal their names to you." So it came to pass, for a sickness came and took away thirty-three brethren, as was foretold. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1349, May | A friend of Francesco Petraca, Paganino da Bizzozzero and his his entire family died because of the plague in Parma | Et hic quidem - quod sine multis lacriminis non dico et cum pluribus dicerem nisi precedentibus malis exhaustos hosce oculos atque omnes, sique sunt, lacrimarum reliquias instantibus reservarem - hic, inquam, pestilenti morbo qui nunc orbem populatur, repente correptus, ad vesperam postquam cenam cum amicis, et quod occidui temporis restabat in nostro tantum sermone et amicitie rerumque nostrarum commemoratione consumpserat, noctem illam inrapida morte subtractus est. Ac nequid de funesta consuetudine laxaretur, triduo inexpleto illum filii omnisque familia consecuti sunt. [175] | And this one now - what I cannot say without many tears (and would say among several, if I did not want to save my eyes exhausted in misfortune and all remaining tears, if there are any, for what is to come), he has, I say, been taken away quite suddenly by the plague, which is just now depopulating the whole earth, and that after he had dined with friends towards evening and then spent the remaining evening hours in conversation with me alone and in the thought of our friendship and our affairs. He endured the following night in extreme pain, but with unflinching courage, and in the morning a sudden death snatched him from us. And so that nothing of the usual course of the disease would be left to us, his sons, indeed his entire family, followed him in less than three days. [176] |
| 1349, May 31 – 1349, September 29 VN: 60 % |
A plague lasting from Penthecost (May 31st) until the feast of St Michael (September 29th) killed about two thirds of the population of Austria. | A.D. 1349 [...] Pestis vero contagiosa predicta successive pervenit usque ad Wyennam, necnon in omnes terminos, ita ut homines absque estimacione exspirarent, et tercia pars hominum vix remaneret. Ideo propter fetorem et horrorem cadaverum non sinebantur sepeliri in cimiteriis ecclesiarum, sed mox cum fuissent extincta deferebantur ad communem locum in agrum Dei extra civitatem, ubi quinque fovee in brevi profunde et late usque ad summum sunt corporibus mortuorum replete; et duravit hec pestilencia a festo penthecostes usque Michaelis. Non solum Wyennam sed et alia loca circumiacencia crudeliter invasit; monachis et monialibus minime pepercit, cum in Sancta Cruce 53 religiosi de hoc seculo eodem tempore migraverunt. [177] | In the year of the Lord 1349 [...] The earlier mentioned really contagious plague arrived not only in Vienna but in all regions. In this way people [in numbers] beyond estimation died and hardly one third of the people remained. Because if the stench and the horror of the dead bodies they could not be allowed to be buried in the cemeteries of the churches, but soon the deseases were brought to public places them cemetaries outside of the cities, where five deep and wide ditches where filled up to their maximum with the bodies of the dead. And this plague lasted from the feast of Penthecost until [the feast of] St Michael. Not only Vienna but also other surrounding places were cruelly invaded. Monks and nuns were by no means spared, since in Sancta Cruce 53 members of their community passed away. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1349, June | Letter from Francesco Petrarca to his friend Ludwig van Kempen in Avignon about the plague in Italy in 1348 (mentioning an Earthquake | Heu michi, frater amantissime, quid dicam? unde ordiar? quonam vertar? undique dolor, terror undique. [...] Utinam, frater, aut nunquam natus aut prius extinctus forem! quodsi nunc optare cogor, quid dicturum putas si ad extremem senectutem venero? ad quam o utinam non venirem; sed veniam, timeo, non ut diutius vivam, sed ut diu moriar. Nosco etenim fatum meum, et sensim intelligo ad quid in hanc (p. 1124) erumnosam et infelicem vitam sim proiectus. Heu michi, frater optime! piget ex intimis ax miseret me mei. [...] (p. 1126) Qua in re benigno sub iudice forsan excuser, si ad examen venerit illud quoque, non leve aliquid, sed millesimum trecentesimum quadragesimum octavum sexte etatis annum esse quem lugeo, qui non solum nos amicis, sed mundum omnen gentibus spoliavit; cui siquid defuit, sequens ecce annus illius reliquias demetit, et quicquid (p. 1128) illi procelle superfuerat, mortifera falce persequitur. Quando hoc posteritas credet, fuisse tempus sine diluvio sine celi aut telluris incendio sine bellis aut alia clade visibili, quo non hec pars aut illa terrarum, sed universus fere orbis sine habitatore remanserit? quando unquam in annalibus lectum est, vacuas domos, derelictas urbes, squalida rura, arva cadaveribus angusta, horrendam vastamque toto orbe solitudinem? [...] (p. 1128) Ubi dulces nunc amici, ubi sunt amati vultus, ubi verba mulcentia, ubi mitis et iocunda conversatio? quod fulmen ista consumpsit, quid terre motus evertit, que tempestas demersit, que abyssus absorbuit? Stipati eramus, prope iam soli sumus. Nove amicitie contrahende sunt. UNde autem sive ad quid, humano genere pene extincto, et proximo, ut auguror, rerum fine? Sumus, frater, sumus - quid dissimulem? - vere soli; (p. 1134) [178] | Woe is me, dearest brother, what shall I say, what shall I do, where shall I turn? Pain is everywhere, terror is everywhere! [...] Would that I, brother, had never been born or had been snuffed out earlier! If I am compelled to wish for this already, what will I say when I have reached the highest old age one day? And may I not even reach that day! But I will reach it, I fear, but not to live longer, rather to die longer. I know my fate, and gradually I understand why I was thrust into this sorrowful and luckless life. Woe is me, dearest brother, I am sickened to my core, and I mourn my [...] (p. 433) Perhaps I will at least be excused by a merciful judge in this matter, if he takes into account that I am not complaining about something trivial but about the year 1348 in the sixth age! It has not only (p. 434) deprived us of our friends, but the whole world of its peoples. And if anything escaped this year, behold, the new year is now mowing down the rest. And if something withstood the storms of the old year, it is now being overtaken by the deadly sickle. Will posterity ever believe that in a time free from flood and world conflagration, wars, and indeed from any visible disaster, nearly the entire globe, not just this or that region, was depopulated? When has such a thing ever been seen or heard through rumors? In which annals was such to be read? There are empty houses, deserted cities, fallow fields, fields covered with corpses, and a horrifying, boundless desolation everywhere in the world! [...] (p. 435) Where are the familiar friends now, where are the beloved faces, where are the charming conversations? Where is the cheerful and intimate companionship with them? What lightning bolt has removed all of this? What earthquake has overturned it? What storm has drowned it, and what abyss has swallowed it? We were surrounded by friends; now we are almost alone. We would have to form new friendships! But where and for what purpose? Since the human race is almost extinct, and, I fear, the end of the world is near. We are, my brother, we are – what should I suppress it! – truly alone! [179] |
| 1349, September | Letter from Francesco Petrarca to his friend Ludwig van Kempen in which he mentions the plague breaking out again in Carpi | Sicut enim quid cupiam scio, sic nescio quid sperem; quo fit ut mira michi in animo rebellantium cogitationum turba consurgat; ad omnem enim vite mee modum non leve momentum mors aut vita tua est; et vite quidem tue spem michi prestat etas modestia valitudo; terrent morbi contagia renascentis et celum apud vos, ut memorant, rursus infame. [180] | I know what I wish for, but I do not know what I may hope for. Thus, it happens that within me, a peculiar heap of conflicting thoughts rises up. For every aspect of my life, your death and your life are of significant importance to me. Your youth, temperance, and robust nature provide hope that you are alive, while the reemerging plague and the infamous weather conditions reportedly occurring among you terrify me. [181] |
| 1349, November 25 | Prohibition of demolition of vacant houses in Orvieto after the Black Death, except for renovation and expansion | Comperto quod propter seva et pestifera tempora, que, satore seminante zizania in Civitate et comitatu Urbisveteris, huc usque diutius multiformiter viguerunt, domus, hedificia et casamenta gentium et populi consumptorum et in necem et exilum positorum remanserunt quam plurima vacuata, et inhabitata persistant, cuius causa venduntur et alienantur ab improbis, et emuntur et ponuntur plerique sub exterminio et ruina, interdum etiam sub ficto iuris velamine, in contumeliam, diminutionem, detrimentum, obrobrium et jacturam Civitatis, Comunis et Populi predictorum; quibus nisi per oportuna reparentur remedia, evidenter paulatim sedulo et interpolatim ipsa suis hedificis Civitatis nichilatur et orbatur, ut hiis reprobis finis deinceps apponatur saluber; igitur [...] nulla persona [...] possit [...] aliquam domum vel hedificium domus in Civitate vel burgis destruere vel scarcare in totum vel pro parte [...] ad penam [...] 50 libr. Domus vero et hedificia, que quomodolibet ruinam minarentur occasione terremotus vel alterius casus inoppinati, vel devasterentur pro rehedificando ipsam cum melioramento, pro parte vel in totum scarcari et dirui possint sine penam [182] | It has been discovered that because of the severe and deadly times, which, like a sower sowing tares, have long prevailed in the City and county of Orvieto in various forms, many houses, buildings, and dwellings of the people who have been consumed, killed, or exiled, have remained vacant and persist uninhabited. As a result, these properties are sold and alienated by unscrupulous people and are often bought and placed under extermination and ruin, sometimes even under the guise of legal pretext, to the insult, diminution, detriment, disgrace, and loss of the City, the Commune, and its People. Unless appropriate remedies are provided, the city and its buildings will clearly be gradually but diligently and progressively destroyed and depleted, so to put an end to these reprehensible practices henceforth in a healthy manner; therefore [...] no person [...] may destroy or dismantle any house or building in the City or its suburbs in whole or in part [...] under the penalty of 50 pounds. However, houses and buildings that might be threatened by ruin due to an earthquake or another unforeseen event, or are demolished for the purpose of rebuilding them with improvements, may be dismantled and destroyed in whole or in part without penalty (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1350 | An entry in the town book of Brno (of 1351 July 16) states that a certain Nicolaus died in the preceeding year in the times of the plague. | Nicolaus sepedictus anno preterito tempore pestilencie vitam suam finvivit. [183] | Nicolaus, called "the Lizard", finished his life in the preceeding year in the time of plague. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1350 | Black Death in Denmark and "universally". It has been speculated (see Ulsig, Pest og befolkningsnedgang, p. 22) that the plague reached Denmark already in 1348 | Item huius tempore fuit vniuersalis ypidumia per totum mundum, et annus iubileus impositus per Clementem papam et magna indulgencia in Roma, sub a. d. m.ccc.l. [184] | Also at this time there was a universal epidemic throughout the whole world, and a year of jubilee was imposed by Pope Clement and a great indulgence in Rome in the year of our Lord m.ccc.l. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Black Death around the world. Jubilee year and indulgence in Rome | Annus jubileus fuit et magne indulgencie in Roma, remissio videlicet omnium peccatorum. Item maxima epidemia toto illo anno fuit per totum mundum [185] | It was a jubilee year and a great indulgence in Rome, namely the remission of all sins. Also, there was a great epidemic throughout the whole world that year. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 VN: 350 |
Pestilence in Hannover | Turris principium tria C numerant L et evum Gracia romana fuit et pestis triduana Funera flens polis hec tria milia mensibus in sex Tunc stimulus stoycos fuit ut torqueret ebreosi. [186] | The origin of the tower is indicated by the numbers 350 and 1000. (In the same year) there was the Roman indulgence and the three-day plague. The fact that this city mourned 3000 deaths in six months then became the reason for tormenting the (...) Jews (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1350 | The Plague took place in Bohemia and many who fled to Rome (jubilee year) to escape it died there or on the way. | Anno Domini MCCCL in pluribus terris epydimia sive pestilencia genus humanum devastavit, sed tunc in Boemia eciam locum habebat, quam ob rem multi effugere volentes Romam iter arripuerunt et tamen ipsam non evaserunt. Unde de iis idem potest dici versus: Incidit in Cillam volens vitare Caribdim. Verumtamen securius et melius fuit eis ad animarum salutem in peregrinacione decedere, quam in propria patria in periculis manere. Et quia iste annus erat annus gracie et iubileus, multi Romam transeuntes pro indulgencia et gracia obtinenda de hac vita migraverunt: quidam in urbe Romana, quidam vero ab ipsa recedentes, quidam ad eandem accedentes. [187] | In the year of our Lord 1350, in many lands, an epidemic or plague devastated the human race, and at that time it also took place in Bohemia, for which reason many desiring to escape undertook a journey to Rome, yet they did not escape it. Hence concerning them the same thing can be said as the verse: "He fell into Scylla wishing to avoid Charybdis." However, it was safer and better for them to depart on a pilgrimage for the salvation of souls than to remain in their own country in danger. And because this year was a year of grace and jubilee, many passing through Rome for the sake of obtaining indulgence and grace migrated from this life: some within the city of Rome, some coming from there, some approaching it. (Translation: Christian Oertel) (with the assistance of ChatGPT 3.5) |
| 1350 | Jubilee year in Rome. A grave pestilence happened in all lands. Everybody wanted to evade the plague and receive indulgence in Rome but many died on the way or in the Holy City. | Iste fuit annus gracie et iublileus in Romana, unde per totum hunc annum fuit maximus concursus illuc hominum ex omnibus mundi partibus pro gracia et indulgencia obtinendis. Et quia pestilencia erat gravissima in omnibus terris, omnes volentes penitere et mortem effugere, illuc properabant. Multi eundo et redeundo et ibi morando mortui sunt. [188] | In this year there was celebrated a Jubilee year of grace in Rome and throught the whole year, a great number of people from all parts of the world travelled there to receive grace and indulgence. And since the plague was most grave in all lands everybody hurried to do penance and avoid the death. Many died on the way to and from [Rome] and while staying there. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1350 | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350 | Fuit magna pestilencia super totum mundum. [189] | There was a great pestilence over the whole world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350 | Anno Domini Mcccl fuit maxima pestilencia per totum mundum sicut vnquam fuit ante anni lxxx. [190] | In the year of the Lord 1350, there was a great pestilence throughout the whole world, as it had never been before the year 80. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350. | Item anno Domini MCCCL erat magna mortalitas hominum et brutorum animalium in regno Swecie, cujus memoria disignatur in hiis dictionibus: Mors CeCa CeLos ditans urbem spoliavit. [191] | Likewise, in the year of the Lord 1350, there was a great mortality of men and beasts in the kingdom of Sweden, the memory of which is described in these sayings: Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Swedish annals on a great pestilence in 1350 | Item anno Domini MCCCl erat pestilencia super totum mundum. [192] | In the year of the Lord 1350, there was a pestilence throughout the whole world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | High mortality in Sweden in 1350 called "the big death" (stoor dødhin) | Anno Domini 1350 fuit maxima mortalitas in Swecia dicta stoor dødhin. [193] | In the year 1350, there was a great mortality in Sweden called "the big death". (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Great plague in Sweden in 1350, foreseen by Saint Birgitta of Vadstena. | Eo tempore viguit in regno Swecie magna mortalitas, qua nemo meminit maiorem exstitisse nec ante nec post; quam diu ante predixerat futuram beata Birgitta. Christus namque in quadam revelacione eam sic predixit dicens: “Vadam per mundum cum aratro meo” etc. [194] | At this time, the Black Death ravaged Sweden: no one can remember if there had been a greater plague epidemic than this, either before or after. Saint Birgitta had predicted long in advance that this would happen. Christ foreshadowed it thus in a revelation in which he says: "I will go over the world with my plough," etc. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Great pestilence and sudden death among humans and cattle in Sweden | Gravis qvædam pestis ac mors subitanea tam in hominibus qvam in pecobirus grassabatur. [195] | A certain grievous pestilence and sudden death ravaged both men and cattle. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 VN: 85 % |
Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420. High mortality in the Swedish region of Uppland in 1350. Five sixths of the population died | Generalis mortalitas totam Vplandiam deuastauit ita quod sexta pars hominum vix remansit que quidem mortalitas annis precedentibus et succedentibus totum mundum circumiuit. [196] | A general mortality ravaged the whole of Uppland, so that hardly a sixth of the people remained. In fact, the mortality in the preceding and succeeding years had encircled the whole world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350 | Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420 on the plague raging in Uppland in 1350 (MCCL) | Mors CeCat CeLos/ditans orbem spoiliauit. [197] | Death blinds the heavens and spoils the world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1350, May 16 – 1350, September 29 | The Black Death strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arisies for almost four months; numbers are given for the Franciscan order. There is a plague pit in Rottersdorf, outside the city. | In dissem sulven jare [1350] erhof sik ein grot sterven in disser stad to hant pingsten und stunt wente na sunte Michels dage und starf untellich volk, dat men se up den kerkhof nicht al graven konde: men moste alle dage utvoren mit twen karen und mit einem wagen und grof grote kulen to Rotterstorp, dar warp men se in. […] Mi jammert to schrivende vand drosnisse und schaden, den Magdeborch nam van den sterven. De wisesten and bedervesten dusser stadt alsmeistich vorgingen, wente ed storven leien und papen, olden und junge, rike und arme. Dat stervent was hir nicht alleine to Magdeborch, ed was ok over al disse land. De barvoten spreken na der tid dat ut orem orden weren storven allein hundert dusent verundtwintech dusten veirhundert und drittech brodere. Hi bi mach men merken wat leien storvent sint in dem jare, nu in einen orden so vele brodere storven. Hir in dem barvoten clostere bleven nicht mehr wenn dre broder levendich. Ik was ok in einen hus sulftegede, dar blef ik sulfandere levendich und achte storven. Ik horde ok sedder seggen dat den Augustineren weren des jares worden twelf schock vruwencleidere to selegered und manscleidere. [198] | In that same year [1350] there was a great mortality in this town from Pentecost to St Michael's Day and countless people died so that they could no longer be buried in the churchyards. Every day they had to go out with carts and a wagon and make large ditches in Rottersdorf; the dead were thrown into them. [...] It is difficult for me to write about all the sadness and the damage that Magdeburg suffered from this mortality. The brightest and the most needy of this city perished to a large extent. Laymen and priests, old and young, rich and poor died. The dying was not unique to Magdeburg, it was everywhere in the country. The Franciscans said afterwards that 124,430 friars from their order alone died. This may give you an idea of how many lay people died that year if so many friars died in one order alone. Here in the Franciscan monastery, no more than three friars remain alive. I myself was present in a house where I and one other remained alive and eight died. I also heard myself say that the Augustinian monks received 1200 pieces of clothing from men and women that year as a testamentary donation for the salvation of souls. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1350, May 23 – 1350, September 29 | A poem about how the Black Death strikes Magdeburg, a great mortality arises for almost four months and a plague pit is opened at Rottersdorf. This time is remembered as a time of misery, connected to the return of the "false Waldemar", an impostor pretending to be former Margrave of Brandenburg and the earthquake of January 1348 | Ik mach schriven wol vorwar: / na godes bort schach dusent jar / dreihundert unde veftich / und warde went an sestich / dat god sines tornes hand / streckede hir in dutsche land, / dat in den tein jaren / wart clage noch ervaren. / dat clagent maket al de dot. / ein stervent wart hr also grot / dat men alle dage / sach weinen und clagen / [p. 3] isliken umme sinen mach. / men mende, ed were de leste dach. / dat stervent hof hir in der stadt / an der hochtit trinitat / und stund na sunte Michels dage. / da weinen jammer unde clage / was hir so gemeine, / dat grot unde kleine / jammer mochen schouwen / an mannen unde vrouwen / und an cleinen kinde / ok an den ingesinde. / de seiken men ungern laven / wolde, noch de doden graven. / mit wagenen unde karen / sach man to kerkhove varen / so vele der doden lute; / to Rottersdorp he nute / dar weren grote kulen, / dar inne de doden vulen. / neiman dat getelen kann, / wat vrouwen storve edder man. / […] / dat men noch alle dage / de lude horte clage, / wen se beginnen rogen / und ore dage wrogen. / se spreken, sodan ungemach / in der werlde nu geschach, / alse wi hebben levet: / [p. 4] de erde heft gebevet, / greve Wodenberch de dode man, / sprak men, he we up irstan. [199] | I will write down the following: / After God's birth a thousand years / three hundred and fifty / and that lasted until sixty / that God stretched out the hand of his wrath / here to the German lands / that in the ten years / there was much to mourn. / The mourning was because of death. / Dying was so great here / that every day / weeping was seen and lamentation was made by everyone for his own. / People thought it was Judgement Day. / Dying began here in the city / on the Feast of Trinity / and ended around St Michael's Day. / Weeping, wailing and lamentation / was so widespread here that great and small experienced misery, men and women / and even small children and servants. / The sick were not cared for / nor did people want to bury the dead. / With wagons and carts / one saw many dead people travelling to the churchyard / out to Rottersdorf, / there were large mounds / into which the dead were allowed to fall. / No one can put into words / how many men and women died / [...] / one always heard people lamenting / when they were shaken up / because they were asked about their lives / they spoke: At that time only disaster happened in the world / when they lived: / [p. 4] the earth shook / and Count Waldemar, the dead man / was said to have risen again. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1350, July 25 – 1351, February 2 VN: 12.000 |
Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year. | Eodem anno (1350) pestilencia epydimialis in Thuringia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erphordia, ita ut maxima pars hominum moreretur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro consules cum consilio magistrorum phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet; tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata magna in cimiterio ville Nuzezse prope Erphordiam, ad que deducta sunt circa XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et in curribus oneratis; de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem virginis gloriose cottidie tres bige vel quatuor corpora mortuorum in cimiteriis et in viis circumquaque sustulerunt. Exceptis his multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus, quorum anime cum electis Dei requiesant in pace! Amen. Unde dixit quidam: Mille trecentenis decies quinis simul annis / Hic hominum necifex locat aer milia bis sex. / Hir zwenzig hunder liche lin / Unde hunderwert hundert, / Dy sint vorscheiden al in dem sterben leydir. [200] | In the same year (1350), an epidemic plague arose in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that a great majority of the people perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the city authorities, in consultation with the council of physicians, forbade any further burials there; such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven large pits were dug in the cemetery of the village of Neuses, near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and loaded carts. From the feast of Saint James until the purification of the glorious Virgin, daily three or four wagons carried the bodies of the deceased to cemeteries and streets everywhere. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages, may their souls rest in peace with the chosen ones of God! Amen. As someone said: "In the year thirteen hundred fifty, / the human-slaying air / killed two times sixthousand. / Here lie twenty times a hundred corpses / and a hundred times a hundred / who have all sadly passed away in death". (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1350, July 25 – 1351, February 2 VN: 12.000 |
Arrival of the Black Death in Erfurt and Thuringia, great mortality of 12.000 people. Victims are buried, according to doctors' advice, in mass graves outside the city. The epidemic last half a year. | Anno eodem pestilencia grandis epidimialis in Thurinigia exorta est et fere in tota Alamania et precipue in Erfordia, adeo ut decima pars amplius hominum morerentur, quia morbus contagiosus erat. Porro cives cum consilio phisicorum inhibuerunt, ut nemo amplius inibi sepeliri deberet. Tanta erat multitudo sepulchrorum in cimiteriis ubique, ut duo vel tres ad unum sepulchrum ponerentur. Deinde facta sunt XI fossata in cimiterio ville Nusessen prope Erfordiam, ad que deducta sunt XII milia corpora hominum in bigis et curribus, qui continue de festo sancti Iacobi usque ad purificacionem numero III vel IIII vehebantur. Excepits hiis multi alii sepulti sunt in civitate occulte et in villis ubique circumiacentibus. [201] | In the same year, a great epidemic pestilence broke out in Thuringia and nearly throughout all of Germany, especially in Erfurt, to the extent that more than a tenth of the population perished, as the disease was contagious. Furthermore, the citizens, in consultation with the physicians, forbade any further burials there. Such was the multitude of graves everywhere that two or three bodies were placed in a single grave. Subsequently, eleven pits were dug in the cemetery of the town of Neuses near Erfurt, into which around twelve thousand bodies of people were brought in wagons and carts. These were continuously transported, three or four at a time, from the feast of Saint James until Candlemas. Besides these, many others were secretly buried in the city and in the surrounding villages. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1351 – 1351, December 6 | In a charter from the end of the year 1351 John, Markgrave of Moravia, offers settlers, who are willing to settle down in Brno, which is depopulated by the plague, tax exemption for four years. | [...], qualiter condicio Ciuitatis nostr Brvnne que hactenus per perstilenciam et mortalitatem hominum miserabiliter deuastata et deserta fuit [...]. [202] | [...] such is the condition of our city Brno, which has so far been miserably devastated and deserted through the plague and the mortality of the people [...]. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1351 – 1351, December 30 | In a charter from the end of the year 1351 John, Markgrave of Moravia, offers settlers, who are willing to settle down in Znojmo, which is depopulated by the plague, tax exemption for four years. | Presertim, cum ciuitas nostra Znoymensis, que in metis Marchionatus nostri consistit, per pestilenciam et epidemiam pro dolor in tantum sit deuastata his proximis preteritis temporibus et desolata [...]. [203] | [...] Especially since our city Zojmo, which is situated at the border of our Margraviate, was devastated by a plague and epidemic and was left in great pain by its inhabitants in recent times [...]. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1354, October | Epidemic in Erfurt with 7-8 victims per month in hospitals. | Eodem anno in autumno pestilencia epydimialis iterum in Erphordia regnare incepit, ita ut in aliquibus hospiciis per mensem VII vel VIII vel amplius morerentur. Requiescant in pace!. [204] | In the same year, in the autumn, the epidemic plague began to reign once again in Erfurt, to the extent that in some hospices, seven or eight or even more people were dying per month. May they rest in peace!. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1355, July 5 | Pope Innocent VI approves the plea of Henricus Lamberti, deacon from the diocese of Lund, for a benefice under the altar of Saint Jacobi and Saint Laurentii in the cathedral of Lund with a yield of no more than six silver marks, which was left vacant by the death of Ingemar Johannis at the curia during the plague | Supplicat sanctitati vestre deuotus vester Henricus Lamberti, diaconus Lundensis diocesis, quatenus sibi de beneficio altaris sanctorum Iacobi et Laurentii situati in ecclesia Lundensi, cuius fructus etc. vi marcharum argenti valorem annuum communiter non excedunt, vacante per mortem Ingemari Iohannis, qui in Romana curia tempore pestilencie diem clausit extremum, dignemini prouidere cum non obstantibus et clausulis oportunis ac executoribus vt in forma. Fiat G. Et quod transeat sine alia lectione. Fiat G. Datum Auinione III nonas iulii anno tercio. [205] | Your faithful Henry Lambert, deacon of the diocese of Lund, beseeches for the benefit of the altar of Saints James and Lawrence situated in the church of Lund, the fruits etc. of which by force of silver marks do not exceed the annual value and are vacant by the death of Ingemar Johannis, who closed the last day in the Roman court during the pestilence, deign to provide with non-obstacles and convenient clauses and executors as in form. And that should pass without another reading. Avignon, on the 5 July in the third year. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1356, September 18 | There was an earthquake in Basel followed by a plague. | Item anno Domini 1356 in die sancti Luce ewangeliste post meridiem in Basilea super ripam Reni terre motus factus magnus et multa castra subvertit et plures interfecit, et secuta est pestilencia. [206] | In the year of the Lord 1356 at the day of St Luke the apostle after midday the earth shook fiercely in Basel and many castles were destroyed and many [people] were killed and following this there was a plague. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1356 | An entry in the town book of Brno (of 1356) states that the city officials together with John Henry, the margrave of Moravia, should see to it that the property of those deceased in the recent plague were not transferred to foreigners. | Item cum magnificus princeps, dominus noster naturalis, dominus Iohannes, marchio Moravie, in epidemia seu pestilencia novissime regnante iuratis ac consulibus civitatis, ut cavere deberent, ne testata et legateta moriencium et maxime notabilium personarum per aliquam extraneam personam seu advenam sub obtentu sue gracie, rerum et personarum perdicione aliqualiter distraherentur, strictissime percipisset [207] | When the illustrious prince, our natural lord, Lord John, Margrave of Moravia, during the most recently (1356) ravaging epidemic or plague, strictly commanded the jurors and councilors of the city to ensure that the wills and legacies of those dying, especially of notable persons, should not be in any way taken away by any foreign person or newcomer under the pretext of his grace, resulting in the loss of possessions and persons (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1357 | A plague along the Rhine, in Hesse, Thuringia and Wetterau. | Eodem anno circa festum ascensionis fuit regina Ungarie et rex Romanus in Maguncia causa peregrinationis cum magna multitudine gentis. Eo quoque tempore fuit divulgatum per (p. 6) totam terram Renensem per litteras auctenticas, quod Antechristus natus esset, et narrabantur infinita signa que fecisset. In nativitate et post eciam dicebatur de multis miraculis de maximo calore qui deberet advenire, et de magnis fluviis et de multis preliis; que Deus avertat! Anno predicto facta est magna pestilentia in multibus partibus Rheni et in Hassia et Thuringia et Wedderabia, et annona preciosa est, quia crevit valde modicum siliginis, sed bonum, et vinum similiter. Eodem anno circa festum Marie Magdalene [Juli 22] eclipsis lune facta est, quia fuit plenilunium, et facta est in quantitate manus, et postea eodem die reintegrata est. [208] |
In the same year around Ascension Day, the kings of Hungary and the Roman king stayed in Mainz with a large entourage because of the journey to the East. At the same time, rumours spread throughout the Rhine region through genuine letters that the Antichrist had been born. There was talk of countless signs that he had brought about. At Christmas and afterwards, there was talk of many miracles, of tremendous heat to come, of great masses of water and many wars. God forbid!
In the predicted year, a great pestilence occurred in many parts of the Rhine area, as well as in Hesse, Thuringia, and the Wetterau, and grain was scarce because the wheat crop grew very little, albeit good, and similarly with wine. In the same year, a lunar eclipse occurred around Mary Magdalene on 22 July. It was a full moon, the eclipse reached hand-width, but shortly afterwards, on the same day, the moon was full again. (Translation: Martin Bauch); For german translation[209]; First and third paragraph translated from german with (Translation: DeepL) |
| 1357 | Plague strikes Magdeburg, symptoms of bubonic plague are described and Jews were persecuted, expelled and killed as they were blamed for the epidemic outbreak | Dar na [1350] aver seven jare / wart hir echt ein stervent sware (...) In dem jare wart hir grot stervent in der stadt, und was de suke der lude vor wesen hadde over seven jare, also dat den luden drose worden under den armen edder an dem halse edder boven an den beinen. Dit stervent lede men den joden to, dat ed van orer gift were. Dar umme vordref men de joden, und orer wart vele vordelget [210] | But after that 1350 there was a very heavy mortality here for seven years. ... In that year [1357] there was a great dying in the city. And it was the same thing that had affected the people seven years earlier. People got swellings under their arms, on their necks or on the upper part of their legs. The Jews were blamed for the deaths, saying it was caused by their poison. That is why the Jews were expelled, and many of them were also killed. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1357 | Great mortality in South Germany (Speyer, Bamberg, Augsburg, Regensburg, Constance, Stuttgart, Grüningen). | Mortalitas sive epithuma fuit in dyocesi Spirensi, Babenbergensi, Augustensi, Ratisponensi et eciam in una parte dyoc. Const. in territorio comitum de Wirtenberg circa Stutgarten et Grüningen. [211] | There was a mortality or disease in the diocese of Speyer, Bamberg, Augsburg, Regensburg and also in a part of the diocese of Konstanz in the area of the dukes of Württemberg around Stuttgart and Grüningen. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1357 | Many people die of a plague in the monastery of Zwiefalten | In monasterio Zwiweltun multe persone ex pestilencia hominum morientur [212] | In the monastery of Zwiefalten many persons die of a pestilence of men. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1359 | The Jews were persecuted because they were said to have produced the plague prevailing in many places. | 1359 [...] Iudei in magna persecutione habebantur propter pestilenciam qui in aliquibus locis prevaluit, quasi ab illis procedat execra[bi]lis toxicacio. [213] | 1359 [...] The Jews had a great persecution because of the pestilence which in many places prevailed. It was virtuall produced by them through abominable poisoning. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1358 – 1359, October 5 | The archbishop of Prague, Arnošt of Pardubice, grants an indulgence of 40 days to everybody who will participate in processions held and masses read to appease God and make him relieve the land from the plague which has it in its grip since the previous year. | Cum corporalis infirmitas frequenter animi aegritudinem subsequatur, et e contra correctis et emendatis vitiis plaga propter peccatorum pondus inflicta desinit desaevire. Hinc est, quod, cum mortalitatis pestilentia ob multitudinem . . pecatorum nostrorum, sicut versimiliter formidamus, ante paucos annos transactos et etiam anno proxime praeterito patriam istam invasisset et nobis poenitentiam agentibus et cessantibus a peccando plaga illa cessavit a nobis, nunc vero recidivantibus nobis in peccata dimissa tamquam si canes ad vomitum revertantur, et forsam quod non sine amaritudine cordis adicimus, quia non veriti fuimus maxime peccata cumulare, prioribus pestilentia saevior iterato est reversa. Nam cum priori vice hominibus ipsius pestilentiae morbo infectis poenitentiae spatium ex misericordia Domini concedebatur per triduum, nunc ipso die, quo inficiuntur, ut plurimum moriuntur. [214] | When bodily weakness frequently follows the distress of the soul, and, on the other hand, the wound inflicted due to the weight of sins ceases to rage when the faults are corrected and amended. Hence it is that, when the pestilence of mortality, on account of the multitude of our sins, as we reasonably fear, invaded this country a few years ago and even in the past year, and that plague ceased from us as we repented and refrained from sinning, but now, with us relapsing into forgiven sins, it returns as if dogs return to vomit, and perhaps we say this not without bitterness of heart because we were not afraid to accumulate sins to the utmost, the pestilence is returning with increased severity. For while, in the previous instance, space for repentance was granted to those afflicted with the disease of the pestilence for three days through the mercy of the Lord, now on the very day they are infected, they mostly die (Translation: Martin Bauch) with the help of ChatGTP-3 |
| 1360 | In this year a great plague broke out in Poland after which all Jews were killed by the Christians in different ways. Some Jews killed themselves and their families. | 1360. Fuit magna pestilencia hominum in Polonia. Tunc eodem anno omnes Judey a Christianis necati sunt et occisi, alii vero combusti, alii vero suspensi, alii se ipsos, uxores et filios et filias cum cultellis in gutture necaverunt. [215] | 1360. There was a great plague of humans in Poland. Following this, in the same year all Jew were killed and slaughtered by the Christians. Some were burned, some were hanged, some killed themselves and their wives and sons and daughters by cutting their throats with small knives. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1333 – 1370 VN: 30 % |
The mortalitiy in Poland during the reign of King Kazimir the Great (1333-1370) was such that hardly one third of the population remained. | Talis fuit in tota christianitate et maxime in regno Polonie, regnante rege Kazimiro, mortalitas, quod vix tercia pars Christianitatis remanserat et maxime in Cracovia. Que mortalitas imputabatur Iudeis per intoxicationem, qui tunc temporis Cracovie et alias cremabatur. [216] | Such was the moartality in the whole of Christianity and most [severly] in the kingdom of Poland during the reign of King Kazimir, that hardly one third of Christianity remained and it was worst in Cracow. This mortalitiy was credited against the Jews through poisoning. They were at this time burned in Cracow and elsewhere. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1360, September 29 VN: 20.000 (50 %) |
A vast plague occured in Poland as well as in western kingdoms including those of Hungary and Bohemia. In Poland, it started around the feast of St Michael (Sept. 29) and raged in towns, villages and rural areas. In Cracov 20,000 people fell fictim to it. Generally, more than 50% of the people were killed among all layers of society. | 1360. Pestis ingens in Polonia. Cladem apud [Poloniam] acceptam gravior clades, tolerabilior tamen et quae humanis sensibus non poterat refelli, insequta est. Pestis enim epidimitica, sive a Divinitate propter multiplices hominum transgressiones, in ultionis locum immissa, sive a siderum disposicione, constellacione et coniunccione, sive ex quacumque alia ignota accidenti causa in universa fere Occidentis regna ebulliens, etiam Polonie, Hungarie et Bohemie regna, provinciasque eis subiectas et vicinas infecit, adeo quoque in civitates, opida, vicos et rura Regni Poloniae grassata est, ut partem maiorem hominum de singulis statibus in sexu utroque per menses sex, quibus continue diffundebat virus suum, absumpserit. Aput Cracowiensem vero solam urbem viginti hominum milia peste huiusmodi decessisse comperta sunt; aput nonnulla vero opida, vicos et rura tam ingentem stragem dedit, ut omnia ad solitudinem redegerit, sed nec extabant, qui cadentibus et deficientibus officium sepultarae impenderent. Absque exemplo mortalitas ipsa ferebatur provenisse, quoniam maiori parte mortalium deleta, opida et rura vacua habitatoribus cernebantur. Cepit autem pestis praedicta circa festum sancti Michaelis, que per febres, bocios, carbunculos et antraces magnam stragem edidit, et interpellatim, non tamen sine augmento serpendo usque ad medium anni insequentis, et postea ita furiose usque ad tres menses suas dilatavit fimbrias, quod in plerisque locis vix dimidietatem reliquerid gencium, in eo vel maxime a superiori, quae ante annos duodecim provenerat, differens, quod prior plures absumpserat populares, hec plures nobiles et locupletes, pueros et mulieres. [217] | Poland now suffers another and more grievous disaster, though one easier to bear, sent, perhaps, by God to punish mankind's many sins, or the result of some special juxtaposition of the stars, or other unknowm cause, a plague-like epidemic which sweeps through almost every kingdom in the West, including Poland, Hungary and Bohemia. It is so severe in towns and villages that, in the course of six months, it kills the greater part of the population, whatever their station of sex. It is said, that in the city of Cracow alone 20,000 people died and in the villages and settlements the mortality was such that the countryside became a virtual wilderness, in which there were not people enough to bury the dead. It started about St. Michael's Day and lasted until half way through the following year, b which time in many places only half the population remained. It differed from the earlier plague of twelve years before in that the latter's fatalities were meinly among the populace, but this time its victims are among the genty and the well-to-do, who suffere the same fevers, abcesses, carbuncles and boils. (Translation: Maurice Michael) |
| 1360 | Note by Nils Birgersson, dean in Uppsala c. 1390–1420 on the black death in Sweden in 1360. Due to the high mortality among children, it was called barnadöden (= children’s death) | Iterum pestilencia fuit magna que vocabatur barnadødh. [218] | Again there was a great pestilence which was called children's death. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1360, October 26 | Francesco Petrarca does not want to leave Milan, where a severe plague was raging, as he writes to a doctor friend | Illud autem quod ex hox aere semper hactenus laudato, nunc nescio cur infami, me ad patriam tuam saluberrimasque Alpium radices anxius atque solicitus vocas [...] (p. 132) Ut ergo pestem fugiam, que hactenus urbem hanc terruit potiusquam invasit, quot sunt alia, quam diversa mortis spicula, quibus assequitur fugientes et quorum forte plurimis subductum uni caput obicio! [219] | That you are summoning me from this region, which was always praised but is now inexplicably vilified, to your homeland and the splendidly healthy valley floor of the Alps, demonstrates, as always, your faithfulness. [...] (p. 548) How can I escape the plague that has hitherto 'terrified this city more than conquest'? The number of deadly arrows with which it pursues the fleeing is vast, so should I expose my head, which may have barely escaped the multitude, to perhaps just one? [220] |
| 1361 VN: many thousand |
In this year many people in Bohemia died because of a famine and because of a plague. | Eodem anno [...] mortua sunt multa milia hominum per fame et alii ex pestilencia, que adhuc vigebat. [221] | In this year [...] many thousand people died because of famine and others because of a plague which ruled until then. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1361 | A mortality breaks out in France and in England | Isto etiam anno, hyemps fuit satis longua et aspera, vernum tempus callidum et siccum fuit ultra modum, estivale vero fuit satis temperatum. Dira mortalitas in toto regno Francie viguit et in Anglia ubi comes inclitus Sancti Pauli et nonulli alii nobiles et burgenses quos rex Johannes obsides tradiderat diem ultimum signaverunt. [222] | This year the winter has been rather long and cold, spring abnormally dry and hot, summer very temperate. A cruel mortality affected both Kingdoms of France and of England, where some famous barons of Saint-Paul and other noble men or citizens were executed, as hostages, by the order of King John. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1361 VN: 11.000 |
The pestis secunda is ravaging Venice, France, Spain, Germany, Avignon, Lombardy and Romagna, but sparing Modena, Bologna and Tuscany. Milan suffers a loss of 11.000 people | Dicto millesimo M.ccclxj per totum illum annum in partibus orbis fuit pestilentialis mortalitas valde magna, quae de uno loco ad alium per temporis spacium transibat; fuit etiam dicta mortalitas in civitate Venetiarum, in Francia, in Hispania, in Alemania, in Avenione ubi Papa residebat et in aliquibus partibus Romandiolae et quasi in omnibus civitatibus Lombardiae, quia prout ego Iohannes de Bacano audivi ab aliquibus fide dignis, in civitate Mediolani et eius diocesi inter homines et mulieres plusquam xj. milia personarum ex dicta pestilentia obierunt, ita quod medietas personarum in locis ubi erat pestilentia habitantium et ultra creduntur ex [p. 177] dicta pestilentia decessisse; tamen dicta pestilentia ad civitatem Mutinae nec Bononiae ne in Tuscia nec in aliis multis mundi locis in dicto anno minime pertransivit. Pestilentia autem illa era apostemata pessima, ex quibus personae, ut plurimum, subito vel quasi demigrabant. [223] | In the said year 1361, throughout that entire year, there was a very great plague-induced mortality in parts of the world, which moved from one place to another over a span of time. This mortality was also said to have occurred in the city of Venice, in France, in Spain, in Germany, in Avignon where the Pope resided, and in some parts of Romagna, and in almost all the cities of Lombardy. For, as I, Johannes de Bacano, heard from some trustworthy sources, in the city of Milan and its diocese, more than eleven thousand people, both men and women, died from this plague, so that it is believed that half of the inhabitants in the places where the plague was present and more died from this plague. However, this plague did not pass through the city of Modena, nor Bologna, nor in Tuscany, nor in many other parts of the world in that year. This plague, however, was marked by very bad abscesses, from which most people, suddenly or almost suddenly, perished (Translation needed) |
| 1362 | Pestis secunda in Bologna kills many | Pestilentia magna Bononie multos consumpsit. [224] | (Translation needed) |
| 1362, May – 1362, October | Pestis secunda in Bologna and surrounding area | Magna mortalitas fuit in Bononia et comitatu Bononiae et duravit a mense maji usque per totum mensem octobris, et tunc decessit Guidutius Mathae Guidonis de Griffonibus, die XXI septembris, et sepultus fuit ad Sanctum Franciscum [225] | (Translation needed) |
| 1362 | A mortality breaks out in England, Anjou, Poitou, in spring (?) and summer (?) | In Britania, Pictavia et Andegavia mortalitas viguit generalis. [226] | A mortality raged in Britain, Poitou and Anjou. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1362, October 18 | The archbishop of Prague, Arnošt of Pardubice, announces in the statutes of an archiepiscopal synod an indulgence of 40 days for those who sing and take part in a mass against the plague (missa contra pestilentiam) with devotion. | Sane, dilectissimi, pluribus retroactis temporibus saeva pestilencia et nuperrime fames horribiles et valida justo Dei iudicio, ut nostis, innumeros homines peremerunt et nunc iterum ipsa pestilencia terribilis et dira certo rumore volante in vicinis nostris partibus crassatur. [...] eodem die missa contra pestilentiam [...] cum devotione cantetur, cui omnes qui possunt intererunt humiliter misericordiam implorantes divinam, ut jacula pestilentiae a nobis procul amoveat et repellat. [227] | Certainly, beloved ones, in many past times, a cruel pestilence and recently a horrible and powerful famine, through the just judgment of God, as you know, have destroyed innumerable people. And now again, the same dreadful and dire pestilence is spreading in our neighboring regions with a certain rumor flying. [...] On the same day, let the Mass against pestilence [...] be sung with devotion, to which all who can attend humbly implore divine mercy, that the arrows of pestilence may be far removed and repelled from us. (Translation: Christian Oertel)(With the assistance of ChatGPT 3.5) |
| 1363 | At the end of the year 1363 the plague rages the kingdom of Poland and the provinces in its vicinity. Many people die. | 1363. Pestis in Polonia. In fine anni huius epidimie morbus invalescens Regnum Polonie et vicinas provincias vexavit, plurimisque mortalibus sua lue extinctis, opida, vicos, et rura in desercionem diuturnam precipitavit. [228] | 1363. Plague in Poland. At the end of the year this deadly epidemic grew stronger and raged in the kingdom of Poland and the neighbouring provinces and many humans were extinguished by it. Towns, villages and rural areas were left deserted for a long time. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1363, May 28 – 1363, October | A mortality breaks out in Paris from June to October. It affects especially children and young people, and among adults, rather men than women. | Anno Domini M° CCC° LXIII°, multis diebus ante et post festum Sancte Trinitatis, hora diei tertia, ubi sol in meridie radios extendit, quedam stella modice apparentie visa fuit que, secundum astrologos et qui ex naturalibus causis eventus futuros prenuntiebant, periclitationem communem mulierum in partu denotabat. Hec tamen et plus stupenda hujus stelle apparitionem sunt secuta ; nam a junii mensis initio usque ad festum Sancti Luce tam dira viguit mortalitas et specialiter puerorum utriusque sexus et juvenum et plus virorum quam mulierum, quod erat stupendum visu et auditu. Senes etiam, pauci aspectu juvenum, obierunt unde quando pestis illa apostematum hospitium aliquod subintrabat, primo moriebantur infantes tenelli, deinde familia et parentes vel alter eorum et quod mirum erat, hodie erant sani et jocundi et infra triduum vel biduum decedebant. [229] | In year 1363, a star appeared several days around the Trinity day (28 May), at the 3rd hour of the day, when the sun is in the South. According to astrologers and other experts of predictions with natural events, this star signified hardships to come especially for pregnant women. Several remarkable events followed this apparition. Actually, from the beginning of June to St Luke day (18 October), a cruel mortality broke out, especially among children and young adult of both gender, and among men rather than women. It was marvelous to see and to ear of such an event. Old persons actually died without the young paying much attention to it, but when the plague was effectively entered in a house, the children died first, and then the parents and all relatives. Astonishingly, people were fit on one day, and dead only two or three days after. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)[230] |
| 1365 VN: 42 |
Pestis tertia in Erfurt kills 42 nuns. | Anno domini 1365 pestilentia magna fuit, ita ut Erfordiae in claustro novi operis a vigilia Petri ad vincula usque ad vigiliam XI milium virginum XLII virgines morerentur, quarum animae sint in domino. [231] | In the year of our Lord 1365 there was a great pestilence, so that in Erfurt in the newly built monastery from the vigil of St. Peter in chains to the vigil of 11.000 virigns 42 nuns died, and their souls are with the Lord. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1367, March – 1367, April | Following an inundation many people fall ill on a disease that would kill them within four days. | Eodem anno in Marcio et Aprili, statim post diluvium hoc, venit quedam subita pestilencia super omnem hominem, et rarus fuit in villis et civitatibus, qui non infirmaretur; sed Deo propicio tribus vel IIII diebus tantum duravit et pauci ex eadem mortui sunt. Sed communiter omnes homines infirmabantur. [232] | In the same year in March and April, happening directly after this innundiation, a sudden plague went over all humans and there was hardly anyone in villages and cities who did not fall ill; but by the mercy of God it lasted only three or four days after which the unlucky among them were dead. But on the whole all humans got infected. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1369, August | After having been crowned empress in Rome earlier this year, Elisabeth (of Pomerania) returns to Prague on August 20 where she is ceremonially received. Because there is pestilence in Bohemia, the emperor, Charles IV, returns after the celebration to Lombardy. The pestilence raged during the whole year and with the greatest intensity in the regions towards Austria. | Eodem anno die XX mensis Augusti domina Elizabeth, Romanorum imperatrix, hoc anno, ut supra dicitur, Rome per manus domini pape coronata, Pragam venit et cum omni solempnitate a clero et populo in civitate et ecclesia Pragensi suscipitur. Imperator vero, quia pestilencia erat in Bohemia, postquam reversus est de Lombardia. [...] Eodem anno, ut supra meminimus, permitente Deo propter peccata populi fuit maxima pestilencia in Boemia, et precipue in plaga illa versus Austriam, et duravit per annum integrum. Et cum appropinquaret Pragam et ibidem incepisset eciam invalescere, indicte sunt processiones et ieiunia, et placatus est dominus Deus paciens et multum misericors, et cessavit continuo pestilenciam. [233] | In this year at the 20th day of the month of August, Lady Elizabeth, empress of the Romans, who in this year, as said above, had been crowned in Rome by the hands of the pope, returned to Prague and was received with all solemnity by the clergy and the people in the city and in the church of Prague. The emperor, however, because there was a pestilence in Bohemia, had returned to Lombardy afterwards. [...] In the same year, as mentioned above, by God's permission due to the sins of the people, there was a great pestilence in Bohemia, especially in that region towards Austria, and it lasted for a whole year. And when it approached Prague and began to intensify there, processions and fasts were instituted, and the Lord God, patient and very merciful, was appeased, and the pestilence ceased immediately. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1370 | The plague hits Austria again in 1370. | 1370 iterum facta est pestilencia magna inter homines. [234] | In 1370 there was again a great plague among humans. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1370 | In this year a great pestilence occured in Bohemia and at its borders. | Unde permissione divina maxima pestilencia fuit in omnibus partibus et finibus Boemie. [235] | With divine permission the greatest pestilence occured in all parts and at the borders of Bohemia. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1371 | A grave pestilence occured in this year in all lands as well as in Bohemia whith a great number of dead people. | et immisit Dominus pestilenciam gravissimam in omnibus terris et provinciis Boemie, et mortua sunt infinita milia hominum, et sicuti non fuit. [236] | And the Lord send a grave pestilence to all lands an [to] the provinces of Bohemia, and infinite thousands of people were killed and the are no examples for this. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1371 | Following an astronomical phenomenon (the sky remained red for the whole of the night) there was a great plague and inflation. | 1371. Pestis et caristia magna. Anno domini 1371 visa est magna rubedo in coelo per totam noctem a crepusculo usque ad mane: secuta fuit maxima pestis cum caristia. [237] | 1371. Great plague and inflation. In the year of the Lord 1371 there was a great redness seen in the sky for the whole night from dusk till dawn. After this there was a great plague and inflation. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1371, September – 1372, September VN: many thousand |
Starting in September 1371 a plague raged in Poland for one year and killed many thousand people. | De pestilentia valde magna in Polonia. Tam eisdem duobus annis, prout et in morte regis, in Polonia magna erat pestilentia; sed immediate anno sequenti de mense Septembri coepit esse major pestilentia in Polonia hominum et praecipue juvenum et mulierum, virorum ac virginum et duravit per annum usque ad mensem Septembrim, infra quod tempus multa millia, proh dolor! hominum decesserunt. [238] | A very great pestilence in Poland. In the same two years, and in the same way as in the death of the king, there was a great pestilence in Poland; but immediately in the following year, in the month of September, there began to be a greater pestilence in Poland among humans and especially among young people and women, men and virgins, and it lasted for a year until the month of September, during which time, alas! many thousands of people died. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1372, May – 1372, July | The Polish prelate John Suchilik of Strzelce leaves Avignon, because of the raging plague there. | Iohannes Suchiwilk [de Strzeleze] [...] Avinionem se personaliter contulit [...]. Subito deinde se ex Avinione propter grassantem illic pestem evolvens, Gneznam feria tercia, mensis Iulii prima die ingressus. [239] | (1372) John Suchilik of Strzelce [...] was personally consecrated in Avignon. Directly afterwards he left Avignon because of the raging plague there and he entered Gniezno on July 1. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1372 VN: 30.000 |
In the year 1372 half the population of Wrozław (30.000 people) died because of plague and inflation. | Et sequenti anno scilicet 1372 fuit maxima pestilencia et karistia aequaliter in clero et populo, ita quod dicebatur communiter, quod plus quam medietas populi esset mortua scilicet a triginta milia hominum, et precedenti anno fuerat sub montibus et in montibus gravissima. [240] | And in the following year 1372 there was the greatest pestilence and inflation as well among the clerics as among the common people. It is commonly said that more than half of the population died, namely 30.000 people and as in the preceding year ist has been very bad under the mountains and in the mountains. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1372 | The plague is more virulent than ever in many places. People are unable to keep pace with the burials. | Ingens pestis in Regno Poloniae. [...] eo anno adeo grassabatur per agros, fora, opida, rura atque urbes, ut in plerisgue locis Libitina vix sufficeret. [241] | Tremendous plague in the kingdom of Poland. In this year it raged so severely over the fields, markets, towns, villages and cities that in many places Libitina [the Roman goddess of death, dead bodies and funerals] could hardly be satisfied. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1374, July 25 | Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Benvenuto da Imo about the possible causes of the plague. He sees the plague as the will of God and therefore does not want to flee Florence. | Et demum, quod ad fugam pestis me ad lares tuos cum familia tam fraterne tamque amicabiliter invitas, mecum admiratus sum. Ubi enim fugiam a facie Dei mei? si enim hec pestis divina dispostione totum concutit genus mortalium sive, quod optem, sit talis peccatorum sive alia quecunque summi illius opificis ordinatio; et nostrum non est summum illud frustrare numen, cum ubicunque sit immensum et potens, quid iuvat inde fugere ubi tunc videtur servire sententia, cum, si condemnatus fuero, ubicunque me invenerit, iudicabit? Fallimur, arbitror, omnes, qui putamus Dei ista proculdubio opera indiscreto ictu quasi sagittas in vulgus iactari; illum afficit, seu medicinalis seu ultrix [p. 171] fuerit ista clades, quem percutiendum preordinaverit divina maiestas, que nec loco circunscribitur nec tempore, nec minus hic quam alibi cum voluerit operatur. Si enim, ut physici volunt, aeris foret ista corruptio, cur ubi furit ullum preterit omnino mortalium, quem etsi non extinguat, saltem non attingat? Vivimus omnes in aere isto corrupto, quem volunt physiologi, imo, ut verius loquar, fingilogi, fore venenum nec pudet eos diversitati complexionum ascribere, si quos viderint nullo modo, ceteris morientibus, egrotare; quasi in veneno possit humana complexio intemerata servari. Nescio tamen quo pacto quando in disputationem cum ipsis venitur et queritur: si aer iste, agitabilis et qui ventis continuo circunfertur, infectus est, cur in sola urbe, cur in uno vico, cur in cetera urbis parte, cur eadem in domo hi moriuntur, hi egrotant, hi penitus valent incolumes; et si hoc ascribitur etati, cur hec domos pueros perdit, illa iuvenes, ista senes decrepitos; altera mulieres preservat, altera viros; una superstitem habet maiorem natu, alia vero minorem? Denique fatentur rationem deficere, cum non valent omnibus respondere. Ceterum, ut ad preces tuas redeam, istuc me conaris allicere ubi tu ipse pestem confirmas propter advenarum confluentiam desevire. Credo tantus est ardor amici potiundi quod deceptus amore, tui ipsius immemor, periculi, quod istic imminet, es oblitus, et forte, quod evenire consuevit, ut longe minus presentia terraent quam ea que tumultuante fama percipimus, te rum commovit ut saltem de maiore ad minus periculum me vocares. Quicquid id fuit, gratias ago amicicie atque benignitati tue; ego florenti huic urbi, dum fata erunt, sive bellum sive fames sive pestis insultet, perpetuum inherebo. [242] | (Translation needed) |
| 1375 | The plague strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arises and plague pits are opened in different cemetaries of local churches. | In dussem sulven jare was grot stervent hir in der stad und al umme und stunt to Magdeborch wol anderhalf jar, dat men to sunte Johanse nicht graven konde up den kerkhof, sunder men makede grote kulen [p. 268] to dem hilgen geiste, to unser vruwen, to sunte Pawele, to den barvoten, to sunte Augustine und to sunte Marien Magdalenen, dar men se in warp unde begrof. [243] | In the same year there was a great mortality in the city and also in the surrounding area and this remained in Magdeburg for a year and a half. It was not possible to bury people in the churchyard of St Johannes, but large mounds were made at the Heiliggeistkirche, Liebfrauen, St Paul, the Friars, St Augustin and St Maria Magdalena, into which the dead were thrown and buried. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1379, September – 1379, December | In the year 1379 a great plague arrived in Poland and other kingdoms. | Eodem anno in regno Polonie et alias tempore autumpni magna ingruit pestilencia, in qua cives plures Mechovenses obierunt. [244] | In this year (1379) a great plague arrived in the kingdom of Poland and in other kingdoms in which many citicens of Miechów died. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1380, May 3 – 1380, September 29 | Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from Ascension Day (May 3) to the day of St Michael (September 29) | Viguit magna pestilencia in Bohemia, et incepit a festo ascensionis duravitque usque ad festum sancti Michaelis. [245] | A great pestilence ruled in Bohemiae and it started at the feast of Ascension and lasted until the feast of St Michael. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1380, May 3 – 1380, September 29 | Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from Ascension Day (May 3) to the day of St Michael (September 29) | Anno 1380. Viguit magna pestilencia Prage in Bohemia, & incepit ab Ascensione Domini, & duravit usque ad festum sancti Michaelis. [246] | Year 1380. A great pestilence ruled in Prague and [in the whole of] Bohemiae and it started at the feast of the ascension of the Lord and it lasted until the feast of St Michael. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1380, May 13 – 1380, September 28 | Great mortality in Bohemia which lasted from Pentecost (May 13) to the day of St Wenceslas (September 28). | Anno Domini 1380 incepit mortalitas magna in terra Bohemie circa festum Penthecostes et duravit usque ad festum sancti Wenczeslai. [247] | In the year of the Lord 1380 a great mortality came to Bohemiae around the feast of Pentecost and it lasted until the feast of St Wenceslas. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1380, July 13 – 1380, December | Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from the day of St Margarethe (July 13) until winter. | Anno Domini 1380. Pestilencia non modica in Boemia instaurata agesto s. Margarethe usque ad yemem perduravit. [248] | Year of the Lord 1380. A considerable plague was instated in Bohemia, lasting from the feast of Saint Margaret until winter. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1380, July 13 – 1381, November 1 | Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from the day of St Margaret (July, 13 1380) to the day of All Saints (November, 1 1381). | Anno Domini 1380 & 81. fuit pestilencia per totam terram Bohemie, incepit a festo S. Margarethe, & duravit usque festum Omnium Sanctorum. [249] | Years of the Lord 1380 and 1381. There was a plague through the whole land of Bohemia. It started at the feast of St Margaret and it lasted until the feast of All Saints. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1382 | In a charter from 20 April 1382 Semovit, Duke of Cieszyn and prior of the order of St John in Bohemia states that large parts of the inhabitants of the city of Manětín had been killed by a plague "not long ago" (1380/81?) while others had moved away. With this charter, he sells the town to its remaining inhabitants. | Semovitus, Dei gratia dux Teschinensis, prior Bohemiae ordinis Hospitalis sancti Joannis Hierosolimitani, notum fieri volumus omnibus in perpetuum praesentibus et futuris hominibus, harum seriem litterarum audituris, quod peste crudeli in genus humanum tempore non longe retroacto ex permissione divina immaniter saeviante maxima pars populi in civitate ordinis nostri Manetin corruit et ab hoc saeculo emigravit. [250] | Semovitus, by the grace of God Duke of Cieszyn, prior of Bohemia of the Order of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem, wish it to be known to all present and future people who shall hear the series of these letters, that in the past not long ago, with divine permission, through a cruel plague raging fiercely over the human race, a great part of the population in the city of our order, Manětín, fell and departed from this world. (Translation: Christian Oertel) (with the assistance of ChatGPT 3.5) |
| 1382 VN: 195 |
Memorial inscription on the south facade of Erfurts Peterskirche. | Anno d(omi)ni MCCCLXXXII orta est / pestilencia et facta est hic / magna fovea in qva sv(n)t sepvlte / tres sexagene et qvindecim hominum qui / aie requiescat in pace Amen. [251] | In the year of our Lord 1382, a pestilence arose, and here a great pit was dug in which were buried 195 people. May they rest in peace. Amen (Translation needed) |
| 1380? – 1382, April 20 | Duke Semovitus of Cieszyn (Teschen), prior of the knights of St John in Bohemia states in a charter of April 20th 1382 that recently a plague wave has more or less depopulated the town of Manětín (western Bohemia) and grants certain tax and inheritance advantages to the survivors. | Semovitus, Dei gratia dux Teschinensis, prior Bohemiae ordinis Hospitalis sancti Joannis Hierosolimitani, notum fieri volumus omnibus in perpetuum praesentibus et futuris hominibus, harum seriem litterarum audituris, quod peste crudeli in genus humanum tempore non longe retroacto ex permissione divina immaniter saeviante maxima pars populi in civitate ordinis nostri Manetin corruit et ab hoc seculo emigravit [...] [252] | Semovita, by the grace of God duke of Cieszyn, prior of the Bohemian order of St John. We wish it to be known to all present and future individuals who will hear the text of these writings that, not long ago, a cruel plague raged horribly by divine permission among the greatest part of the population of the city of our order, Manětín, and they departed from this world [...]. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1382, June – 1382, September VN: 3000 |
A mortality breaks out in the end of June in the city of Bilzen (?), killing half of the population. In August and September, the disease spreads across the country and affects the regions of Namur, Dinant, Huy, Tongeren, Liège, Maastricht, Aachen and Trier. It kills 3,000 people in Namur. | Illis diebus fuit tempus bene dispositum ad epidemia, quia pluviosum fuit et crudum. Nec fuit estas calida et sicca, sicut debet esse naturaliter, sed frigida, ventosa et humida. Unde post festum sancto Johannis Baptiste et circa augustum fuit magna mortalitas hominum in pluribus locis. Apud Blisiam tunc obierunt bene nongente persone, plusquam media pars totius ville. In fine augusti et principio septembris tunc apparuit quedam cometa in occidente post solis occasum cum parvo radio. Et postea invaluit mortalitas Dyonanti, Namurici, Hoii, Leodii, Tungris, Trajecti, Aquis, Treveris, et in finibus eorum ita magna, quod Namurici bene tria milia obierunt. [253] | At that time, the rainy and cool weather was favorable for an epidemic. The summer was not as hot and dry as it should be, but cold, windy and humid. Thus, after St John the Baptist Day, a mortality spread out in several places. In Bilzen 90 persons died, so to say half the population of the city. At the end of August and the beginning of September, a comet was seen towards west, after sunset, with small rays. Soon after, a great mortality affected the regions of Dinant, Namur, Huy, Liège, Tongeren, Aachen and Trier. With such violence that 3,000 people died in Namur. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1383, June – 1383, August | Plague strikes Magdeburg in summer, a great mortality arises. | In dem sulven jar des sommers was hir grot stervent . [254] | In the summer of the same year (1383), there was a lot of mortality here. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1383, June 24 – 1384, August | A mortality breaks out in Montpellier from June 1383 to August 1384. The members of the town council order the manufacturing of a gigantic candle, to burn day and night at the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. During the plague, the university has been lockdown from the 10th of May to the 8th of September 1384. | Item, per so que mortalitat granda, majorment dels enfans de XX ans o entorn et en aval, renhava et avia renhat de San Johan, l’an LXXXIII en sa en esta vila & caix pertot, los senhors cossols a XXX de mars feron mezurar tota la muralha de la vilanota de Monpeylier deforas costa la escama de las dogas, & la palyssada de part dedins, et las ymages de Nostra Dona de Taulas et de son filh,mortalitat et de l’autar de la gleya. Et fo trobat, cananLo torn de Montpellier de las palissadas IXc XXXV canas am fil, que la muralha que es foras la palissada a de lonc IXcXXXV canas mieg. Item, la muralha deLa muralha dedins la villa de torn Vc XXX canas la villa que es deffra la palissada a VcXXX canas mieg. Item, la clausura de la palissada a de lonc pertot VIIIc LXXXXIIII canas. Item, la dicha gleya a de roda tot entorn LXXX canas. Item, l’autar a de lonc am los dos caps IIa canas et II palms. Item, las doas ymages an de gros III palms. Item, la ymage de Nostra Dona a de lonc III palms e ters. Et d’aquest fil am d’autres feron far I rezench sus l’autar de Nostra Dona en aut de una roda que y era et y fon facha l’an LXXIIII per so que∙l dich rezench y Del rezem de Nostra Dona de Taulas creme nuech e jorn ad honor de Dieu et de la benezecta Verges Maria, que lur plassa far cessar aquesta mortalitat et la empedimia de bossas renhant, et deverdonar pas de cel en terra, et salvar los frutz de la terra. Et fo senhat lo II jorn d’abril per mossen Jacme de la Manhania, prior de Taulas. Et duret la dicha mortalitat entro mieg aost aquest an LXXXIIII, en lo qual temps moriron, part los enfans petitz e grans, mostz bos homes notables antixz et donas, specialmens joves, d’aquesta vilamortalitat. Et enayssi duret la dicha mortalitat et empedimia per l’espazi o entorn de XIIII meses, la qual cauza jamays non fo vista que mortalitatz dures tant longuament en aquest paÿs & per ayso vaquet lo studi del tot de Pantacosta entro Nostra Dona de setembre. [255] | (Translation needed) |
| 1383, August 7 | Letter of Coluccio Salutati criticising the panic over the plague in Florence | Responsum petit generatio, non dicam perversa et adultera, sed pusilanimis, formidolosa et, ut quod volo breviter attingam, profuga et incerta. Te nunc alloquor, meticulosissime Antoni, qui [p. 81] conceptu metu mortis, quam timere stultissimum est, puta Dei manum eludere et eius inevitabilem sententiam fugiens evitare. Quanto melius esset cogente ratione fateri quod Deus ubique est, quod ipse statuit nobis terminum, quem preterire non licet, et [p. 82] quod illa Dei providentia, cuncta disponens, ab eterno previdit et ante seculum ordinavit fixe atque immobiliter ubi, quomodo et quando cuique moriendum est, ut plane fatendum sit hanc fugam, qua nunc fervet patria nostra, non cautionem, sed insaniam esse; insanian, inquam, vanorum hominum, qui malunt fugiendo suam pusilanimitatem ostendere, quam divinam dispositionem cuncta regere confiteri; quique cum timeant videre sepelire mortuos, auderent se iactare paratos armatis congredi, quos pre ignavia primo conspectu vix possent inter gladios intueri. [...] [p. 83] Sed si vos magis hoc tempore timetis, ego vere non timeo; nam, licet frequentiora funera videam, non me magis scio quam alias esse mortalem, nec de morte sum certior nec minus de hora mortis incertus. Vos, qui trepido pectore quod fugi nequit effugitis, si clarioris intellectus lumen habetis, oppressisse huius infectionem veneni quos non videtis quosve diligitis presagite; ego vero quos efferri videor, mortuos sciam; quos expirasse nunciatum erit, defunctos credam; quos vivos aspexero, letus amplectar; quos vivere percepero, letabor aura frui; de quibus nil audiam, non minus vivos quam mortuos arbitrabor. Nunc, quod avide petitis, scitote me cum tota familia valere. Quod et de vobis, licet, ut creditis, salubriore celo fruamini, crebro audire desidero [256] | (Translation needed) |
| 1383, August 21 | Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Antonio di Ser Chello, in which he criticises the medical theories of the plague, such as that the air is the cause of the plague. He cites examples from Pisa and Viterbo. He also gives data on mortality. | Sed pestis, inquiunt, unicum remedium est de loco infecto ad salubriorem aerem se transferre, que dementia est ab aere non fugere venenoso? Leditur venenis, non alitur, humana natura; (p. 89) hoc medici consulunt, philosophi tenent et certior omni ratione experientia clare docet. Paucos enim ex fugientibus secundum numerum mori, multos vero ex remanentibus videmus extingui, ut cum ex fugientibus vix de centum unus expiret, de stantibus in patria pene quarta aut quinta pars, si recte computaveris, absumatur. Hec sunt fere que dicitis; hec in tanti erroris excusationem, imo iustificationem, si bene concipimus, allegatis. Sed de aere paucis expediam. Si venenosus est, cur non occidit omnes? Sed dices: aptior est unius quam alterius natura tales impressiones accipere. Fateor; venenum autem nullius homini complexioni dicitur convenire, ut saltem, licet non occidat, sensibilie tamen afferat nocumentum. Multos tamen hic videmus hoc tempore non solum non mori, sed nec quidem etiam leviter infirmari. An forsan aliquis hominum nactus est turdorum naturam, quibus napellus suavissimus cibus est, qui ceteros animantes extinguit? Sed esto, venenum sit; non est tamen, ut sensus admonent, adeo violentum quin de multis plurimos non relinquat. Hanc autem fugam, dices, medici consulunt. [...] (p. 90) hi demum, quibus quid et quantum credi debeat et de se patet et experientia quotidiana demonstrat, ne parum multa scire videantur, pestilentie, quam Dei iudicium constat esse, remedium fugam dicunt. Nam quid de philosophis asseram, quorium iudicium solet a physicis in his que medicinam respiciunt communiter reprobari, et qui, etsi pungentibus rationibus aliquid astruant, cogunt id quod affirmant credere potius quam ostendant? Vellem autem unus de medicorum aut philosophorum grege doceret cure in eadem vicinia, ex una domo tot educantur funera quot sint ibi viventes, ex contigua vero nec unius moriatur; cur in illa senes deficiant, in altera pueri; hec masculos, illa mulieres amittat; hec, si quid de complexionibus scire possumus, robustiores perdat, debilioribus reservatis; et denique, quod ante omnia interrogari debuit, quid aerem inficiat et corrumpabat? Et si venti, si paludes, si neglecat cadavera vel aliud quippiam, cur in eadem regione pestiferis his pariter obnoxia, non omnes urbes simul, sed nunc ista, nunc illa de vicinitatis ratione vexetur? Cur extra muros civitatis nostre, quod hoc tempore vidimus, usque in ianuas pestis illas sevierit et intra menia nullus penitus egrotaret? Cur Pisana civitatis inceperit intra menia laborare, cum extra portas ubquie salubriter viveretur? An muro separatur aer salutifer ab infecto? An forsan potest obiectu murorum mors (p. 91) imminens aut pestis veniens arceri? Sed vidi et ego, cum tempore felicis recordationis Urbani quinti curia romana Viterbii tenertur, pestem maximam solum inter curiales et forenses terribiliter debacchari; que quidem ad tria milia virorum absumpsit, cum interea nullus civis cuiuscunque foret etatis et sexus penitus egrotaret. [257] | (Translation needed) |
| 1383, September 2 | Letter from Coluccio Salutati; he writes that the Plague is almost gone and mortality is decreasing | Sed hic sedatur pestis, aer pulcerrimus et saluber effectus est; iam pauci infirmantur, et ex egrotantibus longe plures liberantur quam pereant. [258] | (Translation needed) |
| 1384 | In this year raged a great plague in the Mediterranean, in lower Pomerania, in the regions of Sandomierz, Cracov, Bohemia, Silesia and Poland. | 107. De pestilentia hominum in diversis mundi partibus saeviente. Anno quoque eodem Romae, in tota fere Italia ac circa mare mediterraneum, in terris quae Meraniae noncupantur et in Pomorania inferiori ac in partibus Sandomiriae, Cracoviae, Bohemiae, Sleziae et Poloniae, per loca tamen diversa, magna pestilencia saeviebat, in qua multi praelati et canonici Poloni Romae et extra obierunt. [259] | About the plague among humans which raged in different parts of the world. In this year in Rome, in almost the whole of Italy and around the Mediterranean, in lands which the Meraniae (?) did not inhabit and in lower Pomerania and in the regions of Sandomierz, Cracov, Bohemia, Silesia and Poland, thus, in very different places, a great plague raged in which many Polish prelates in- and outside of Rome died. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1380 – 1386, February 24 | In 1386 (?) The convent of the Premonastensian monastery of Teplice, (northwestern Bohemia) grants benefits to the inhabitants of the town of Hroznětín (Lichtenstadt), who have been burdened by the plague as well as by taxes and other extractions. | abbas [...] totusque conventus monasterii Teplensis Premonstratensis ordinis Pragensis diocesis recognoscimus et notum facimus tenore praesentium universis, praesentibus et futuris, quod iudex et iurati totaque communitas pauperum et fidelium nostrorum Lucidae Civitatis, attoniti pestilencia hominum, quae proxime Domino permitente nimis invaluerat, tum propter frequentes exactiones et bernas regales, tum ut possessiones et bona desolata nostri monasterii melius citius locarentur et reformarentur [...] [260] | The abbot [...] and the whole convent of the Premonastensian monastery of Teplice, diocese of Prague, acknowledge and make it known to all, present and future, by the tenor of these presented [letters], that the judge, the sworn, and the entire community of the poor and faithful in our town of Hroznětín was struck by the plague of humans, which had recently, with the permission of the Lord, excessively prevailed. Both because of frequent exactions and royal taxes, and in order that the desolate possessions and goods of our monastery might be more quickly and effectively leased and restored [...]. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1387, March | A influenza-like epidemic breaks out around the middle of March in the bishoprics of Cologne and Liège and in the counties of Loon and Namur. Affected people cought a lot, experience hoarness, and some of them die. | Anno Domini M°CCCLXXXVII, circa medium marcii, venit quedam pestis super cunctum populum in episcopatu Leodiensi, Coloniensi, comitatu Losensi et Namureensi, tussis scilicet et raucitas, unde plures mortui sunt. Et pauci tamen citius sanabantur aliis eruentando per nares vel alio modo. [261] | In the year of the Lord 1387, a kind of plague affected everyone in the bishoprics of Liège and Cologne, and in the counties of Namur and Looz. It was characterized by coughing and hoarseness, and several people died. Some healed very quickly, others expectorated a lot through the nostrils or otherwise. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1388, March | Some people are affected by ulcers in Liège. | Anno Domini M°CCCLXXXVIII , in marcio et circa, habuerunt plures ulcera in corporibus suis sicut preterito anno habuerunt reumata. [262] | The year of the Lord 1388, in March several people had ulcers on their bodies, like others have had rheumatism last year. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1391, June – 1391, September | A procession is organized in Montpellier on the 17th of September against the mortality of bosse that affects the city since three months. | [...] Et fouc fach per las causas dessus dichas et per so que Nostre Senhor nos volgues ostar las pestilencias de las bossas et de febres et de mortz que avian renhat plus de III mes en aquesta villa et tot lo paÿs [...] [263] | And it has been held for the all the above mentioned reasons and for asking Our Lord to rescue us from the pestilence of bosse, from the fiver and the mortality that raged in the city and across the country since three months. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1395 VN: 2.000 |
A plague in the year 1395 caused the death of nearly 2.000 inhabitants of Głogów in Lower Silesia. | A(nno) d(omini) 1395 fuit magna pestilentia in Glogovia, quod pene 2000 hominum morte praeventi fuerunt. [264] | In the year of the Lord 1395 there was a great pestilence in Głogów, through which almost 2.000 humans were overtaken by death. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1391 – 1395 | A great mortality in Magdeburg, afflichting mostly children, is connected with a dearth and food scarcity caused by Danish-Swedisch war. Mortality had been prevalent since 1391. | In dussem sulven jare (1395) storven vele lude und bi namen untellike kinder. Dat stervent hadde gewart wol veir jar, dat de lude in dusser stad an underlat storven. In dissen veir jaren was strenge tid an korn, an spise, an heringe und an allerleie kopmescop; dat makede ein grot krich de dar was twischen den twey koningen Denemakren nd Sweden. [265] | In the same year (1395) many people died, especially countless children. The mortality had probably lasted four years, during which the people in this city died without ceasing. During these four years there was a great shortage of grain, food, herring and all kinds of goods. This was because of a great war between the two kings of Denmark and Sweden. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1395 | The year 1395 saw the first occurence of the plague in the monastery of Żagań. | Hujus anno primo pestilencia inter fratres alios magistrum Petrum de Legenicz, tunc prepositum hospitalis, columpnam religionis extinxit. [266] | In this year the first pestilence among the brother extinguished, among others, Master Petrus de Legenicz, the provost of the hospital, a column of religion. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1400, May 7 | Ironic letter from Coluccio Salutati to Padolfo Malatesta, in which he writes about Malatesta's letters concerning the escape of the population from Pesaro because of the plague | Vidi copiam littere, quam populo tuo Pensauri scribis, vellemque quod monitis tuis parentes cuncti civitatem relinquerent. Forte sunt pauci adeo lucis prodigi, quod epimediam non curantes libenter menia que tu fugis et fugienda persuades occupabunt; et morientes, ut putas, illa sibi, sed a te vigilantissime custodirent [267] | (Translation needed) |
| 1400, August 6 | Letter of Coluccio Salutati, in which he mentioned a severe plague in Pistoia and the whole Tuscany | Pestis crudelis Pistorium debacchatur, adeo quod michi gratissimum sit, quod ibi receptus non fueris, laudoque quod id quod patria tibi offert amplectaris. Nicolaus tuus vivit Pistorium, presentavit litteras et die sequenti peste correptus occobuit. [,,,] Arrigus et Philippus, graviter infirmati, Dei dono libertai sunt. Pestis hec in hac urbe et per totam Tusciam crudelissime nimis sevit. [268] | The cruel plague rages in Pistoia, so much so that I am greatly relieved that you have not been received there, and I commend you for embracing what your homeland offers you. Your Niccoló lives in Pistoia, he delivered the letters, and the following day, stricken by the plague, he died. [...] Arrigo and Filippo, severely ill, have by God's gift been freed. This plague is raging very cruelly in this city and throughout all of Tuscany (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1404, April – 1404, July | An epidemic with influenza-like symptoms breaks out in Flanders. While the weather is rather cold, people start to cough and to have headaches. Only very few die. During autumn the cattle get sick with the same symptoms. | Eodem anno mense aprili, circa initium mensis, ventus venit ab aquilone, cuncta virentia, pullulationes herbarum, arborum, omnesque virgulti fores urendo depasceret et velut solis ardor foenum aestivo sub tempore marcescere faceret, unde et eo anno cerasa, poma, pyra et huiusmodi fructus pauci et in magna caristia habiti sunt. Insuper et ex hujusmodi vento praecordia hominum et jumentorum tacta et algido rigore congelata, velut quodam fumo sulphureo usta constringebantur, ut omne fere hominum genus, cujuscunque sexus, aetatis seu conditionis fuerit, mox instante eodem mense aprili et sequentibus mayo et julio intollerabilem passiones tussis, cum raucitate pectoris et maximo capitis dolore irremediabiliter pateretur, hujusmodi intoxicativa materia praeconcepta, paucis exinde morientibus, etiam sequenti autumpno ipsa bruta animalia, praecipue vaccae, foetosae et hujusmodi, ut putatur, passionis materia raucefactis praecordis atque constrictis, ut nec cibum, nec potum capere possent, sed miserabiliter mugientes quamplurimae diversis in locis morientur. [269] | (Translation needed) |
| 1405 | Shortages, famine and pestilence in Odense | a: Anno domini mccccv..... Otthoniæ Petrus Ienson Marsvinus magnis afficit beneficiis sodales prædicatores. ♦ Executores testamenti constituuntur Robertus Richardi, proconsul et aduocatus, et Iohannes Clementis, consul.
b: In 1405 da stoor dyyrtiid, hunger og pest grasserede, gav Peder Marsviin Iensen noget gods til prædikebrøder. ♦ Originalen i Odense hospitals giemme. c: Noch et stk. item refued pergament bref, som er Peder Marsvins testamente. ♦ Dat. 1400. [270] |
In the year of our Lord 1405 ....., Peder Jensen Marsvin in Odense provided the preacher brothers (= Dominicans) with large benefactions. Robert Rikardsen, mayor and bailiff, and Jens Klementsen, aldermen, are appointed executors of the will.
1405, when there were great shortages, hunger and plague, Peder Marsvin Jensen gave some property to the preacher brothers. The original is in Odense Hospital‘s archives. Also a parchment letter, also torn, which is Peder Marsvin's will. Date 1400 (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1405, August 4 | Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Domenico Bandini in Arezzo, mentioning a fever illness there and the death of one of his children through illness | Sunt omnia, quanvis levia, vir insignis, frater optime et amice karissime, temporibus istis suspecta, ut quanvis febris quartane typus parum habeat cum pestilenti febre commertium, metuendum sit tamen, ne sub illius egritudinis commotione pestifera lues (p. 406) oprebat. [...] Ego vero valeo; valent et miei, preter Andream, qui, sicut Deo placuit, Petrum comitatus est. Sit nomen Domini benedictum. Philippus hodie nona die graviter egrotavit cum sigillis et signis; convalescit tamen et, licet febris adsit et ulcus suspectum ingravescat (p. 407), liberationem speramus. Vale et in morte Andree, precor, non commovearis, sed mecum teneas et secum et nobiscum Deum egisse non solum sicut oportet, sed misericorditer atque bene. [271] | (Translation needed) |
| 1409 | A mortality breaks out in Flanders and elsewhere. It began in Courtray. Thousands of people die. | Eo tempore mortalitas fuit in diversis locis in Flandria, praecipue in Curtraco, et postea per totam Flandriam invaluit, ita ut multa milia morientur, et subito sic quod in uno die sani videbantur, altero die intra sepulcra tenebantur. Et non solum fuit haec pestilentia in Flandria, verum in aliis circumquaque regionibus. [272] | In this time was a great mortality in Flanders. It spread especially in Courtray, and after all over Flanders. Thousands of people died si quickly, that who seemed to be healthy one day was in a grave the day after. This pestilence raged not only in Flanders, but also in neighbouring regions. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1409, October | Pope Alexander V retreats from Pisa around the end of October because of the raging plague there. | Alexander [Alexander quintus Papa ...] circa finem autem mensis Octobris, propter pestem epidimiae ex Pisis {Italia] recedens [...] in Pistorium [...] se contulit. [273] | Pope Alexander V retreats from Pisa around the end of October because of the raging plague there and is consecrated in Pistoia. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1413, June 24 | A great mortality starts in Bohemia after the feast of St John the Baptist (June 24). | Magna mortalitas post Johannis [fuit in Bohemia]. [274] | There was a great mortality [in Bohemia] after the feast of St. John. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1413 | A great cough was in Bohemia which made the people vulnerable for all sorts of diseases. | Et eodem anno venit tuffis maxima omnibus hominibus communiter in Boemia, per quam gravati multis infirmitatibus sunt oppresi. [275] | And in the same year (1413) a very great cough came to all men in all of Bohemia, through which many were heavily oppressed by various illnesses. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1413, June 24 – 1413, October 15 | A great plague raged in Silesia between the feast days of St John the baptist (June 24) and St Jadwiga (October 15). | Pestis maxima in Silesia. Anno domini 1413 fuit maxima pestis in Silesia, incepit circa festum s. Johannis baptiste et duravit ad festum sancte Hedvigis. [276] | Greates plague in Silesia. In the year of the Lord 1413 there was the greatest plague in Silesia. It started around the feast of St John the baptist and lastest until the feast of St Jadviga. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1413 VN: 400 |
Great pandemic in Östergötland and the rest of Sweden in 1413. 400 deaths between summer and Advent | Item, isto anno erat magna pestilencia in Osgocia ac eciam alibi per regnum Swecie. A festo autem Iohannis baptiste usque ad adventum Domini numerata sunt de opido Vazstena quasi quadringenta funera sepulta. [277] | Also this year, a large plague epidemic ravaged Östergötland and also in other places in the Kingdom of Sweden. From the feast of John the Baptist [24 June] until Advent, around four hundred funerals took place in the town of Vadstena. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1413 | A general plague hit the whole world. | Anno Domini 1413 fuit pestis generalis per totum orbem. [278] | In the year of the Lord 1413 there was a general plague in the whole world. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1413, June 24 – 1413, October 15 | A plague rages in the whole of Poland and in Silesia from arount the feast of St John the Baptist (June 24) until around the feast of St Jadwiga (October 15). | Epidimiae pestis, cum universum Poloniae Regnum Slesiticamque oram gravi morbo vexasset et plures mortalium absumpsisset, [...] circa festum Sanctae Hedvigis quievit, cum circa festum Sancti lohannis Baptistae incepisset. [279] | An epidemic plague haunted the whole of the kingdom of Poland and the region of Silesia as a severe desease and many mortals died [...] around the feast of St Jadviga it quitened, but it had started around the feast of St John the Baptist. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1414, September – 1414, October 6 | During the siege of the town of Brodnica, which is held by the Teutonic Knights, a desease (dysentry) if rife aomong the Polish troups, because, although they are well provided with meat, there is a serious shortage of bread. Many fall ill and some die. | Wladislaus Rex ad preces Nuntii apostolici absidionem Brodniczae solvit, vi morbi in exercitu grassante, commeatusque penuria admonitus, Constantiense Concolium indicitur. [...] Serpsit et aliud in castra sua ex mora diuturna in loco uno malum. Omnium siquidem victualium, carnis praecipue, exercitus suus regius habens abundantiam, panis egestate et penuria nimia angebatur: ex quo dysenteriae pestis coorta, plures mortales aut extenuavit, aut extinxit; a defectu quoque panis, brevi tempore interveniente, expeditio praefata, gamelica a Polonis eppelloctur, Pestilens quoque morbus, sanguinis profluvio concretus et a penuria panis concitatus, universa castra Regis pervaserat. [280] | (Translation needed) |
| 1415, July 1417 | A great mortality in Magdeburg and surrounding lands, killing also the father of the archbishop. | In diesem sulven jare [1415] was to Magdeborch ein grot stervent und in anderen landen; und do starf greve Gunter van Swarzborch, unses heren vader van Magdeborch, in sunte Allexius dage. [281] | In the same year 1415 there was a great mortality at Magdeburg and also elsewhere; Count Günther von Schwarzburg, father of our Lord the Archbishop of Magdeburg, died on St Alexius' Day. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1421 – 1422 | Great rainfall in south-central Sweden is succeeded by bad harvests, pestilence and drought in 1421 and 1422. | Eodem anno tanta fuit pluvie inundacio, quod in multis locis computruerunt segetes stantes in stipula; veneruntque simul pestilencia et sterilitas. Ipsa quoque pestilencia iam duraverat per annum integrum et necedum cessavit; que in multis terrarum finibus ita grassata fuerat, quod domus relinquerentur absque habitatore. [282] | In the same year (1421), such great amounts of rain fell that the corn in many places rotted away uncut; and at the same time came pestilence and drought. This plague epidemic had now lasted a whole year and had not yet ceased; in many countries it had ravaged so violently that houses were left uninhabited. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1422 | Pestilence in Sweden and in Germany in 1421 and 1422 | Item, valide grassabatur pestilencia in terra tam in Almannia quam hic in Suecia, et duraverat iam per duos annos. [283] | Furthermore, a pestilence was ravaging the earth violently, both in Germany and here in Sweden, and it had now lasted for two years. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1422, September 1 | King Władysław moves towards Toruń, but on the Saturday after the feast of St Giles (September 1) he drops his plan to attack it, because plague is rife there. | Sabbato post Sancti Aegidii, Wladislaus Rex contra Thorun volens procedere, [...] salubri consilio reductus est. Vigebat enim pestifera apud Thorunenses lues: propter quod nemini satis plecebat locum infectum adoriri, ne contagio quoque pestis ad exercitum regium penetraret. [284] | (Translation needed) |
| 1424, November 1 | After the feast of All Saints (1 November) a plague raged in the whole of Poland and in other kingdoms. | Item anno domini 1424 domino regi Wladislao Iagello natus est filius Wladislaus circa festum omnium sanctorum. Et tandem viguit pestis valida in toto regno Poloniae et in allis regnis. [285] | In the year of the Lord 1424 King Wladislaus Iagiello (Władysław III of Poland), son of Wladislaus (Władysław II of Poland), was born around the feast of All Saints. And after this, a strong plague ruled in the whole kingdom of Poland and in other kingdoms. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1425, June – 1426, March | After the feast day of the ascension of the Virgin Mary (August 15), King Władysław moves to Ruthenia in order to avoid the plague which is raging in the whole of the kingdom of Poland during summer, autum and winter and which has caused many casualties of both sexes and from all strata. | Ex Kalisch in Posnaniam et caetera Maioris Poloniae loca processit, et diem Assumptionis Sanctae Mariae in Przedborz tenuit. Abinde per Radoschicze, Chanezini, Kyelcze, Bodzanczin, Syenno, Solyecz in Lublinensem, post in Russiae terras descendit, fugiendo pestem, quae fere universum Regnum Poloniae pervaserat, et per tempus aestatis, autumni et hiemis saeviens, plures mortales utriusque sexus, variarum conditionum absumpserat. [286] | From Kalisz he proceeded to Poznań and other places in Greater Poland and on the day of the ascension of the holy Virgin Mary he stopped in Przedbórz. From there he moved via Radoschicze, Chanezini, Kyelcze, Bodzanczin, Syenno, and Solyeczdown down to Ljubliana and after that into Ruthenia fleeing the plague which had wildly penetrated the whole kingdom of Poland and which had, through summer, autumn and winter, consumed many mortals of both sexes and of various standings. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1425, November 11 | After a meeting they have attended on the feast day of St Martin (November 11) in Brześć (Poland) King Władysław and Queen Sophia move to Lithuania to where the plague had not yet spread. However, the plague breaks out there in the middle of the winter and they seek refuge in great forests. | Pestis in Polonia et Lithuania. Ex conventione Brestensi Wladislaus Rex cum consorte sua Sophia Regina in Lithuaniam divertit, et illic hiemis tempus in venationibus deduxit: nondum enim lues pestilentica in Regno Poloniae saeviens, Lithuanicam oram oervaserat, expost tamen serpendo, etiam in Lithuaniam grassata est coactusque Wladislaus Poloniae Rex et Alexander Withawdus, oppidis, castris et curiis derelictis, in silvarum et nemorum latebris hieme media commorari. Filius autem Wladislai Regis Wladislaus infans in Chanczini castrum delatus est, ubi per omne epidimiae tempus tenebatur. [287] | Plague in Poland and Lithuania. From the meeting in Brześć, King Władysław and his consort Queen Sophia moved to Lithuania in order to spend the time of the winter there hunting. The plague that raged in kingdom of Poland had yet evaded the region of Lithuania. Yet, afterwards it spread there after all and raged also in Lithuania. Acting together with [Grand-duke] Alexander they left the towns, castles and courts and stayed in the middle of the winter in hiding places in forests and woods. But the son of King Władysław, the infant Władysław, was sent to Chęciny castle where he stayed through the whole time of the epidemic. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1428, March 1 – 1428, December 25 VN: 30-40 |
A mortality strikes Magdeburg for 9 months, mainly lower social stratas are affected. There is a considerable number of apparent deaths among the victims of this disease. | In dem sulven jare was hir grot pestilence. De enstunt ersten in der vasten und warde wente to winachten, und storven doch nich tvele namhaftiger lude, doch worden grote burkulen to sunte Johannes gegraven, und mang den doden in den burkulen stonden ein deils wedder up des anderen und des dridden dages wol bi 30 edder 40 minschen . [288] | In the same year (1428) there was a great epidemic here. It first began during Lent and lasted until Christmas. Few notable people died, but large mass graves (literally: peasants' mounds) were dug near St Johannes. Some of the dead in these mass graves rose again the next or third day, totalling between 30 and 40 people. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1429, July 28 | A Lubeck priest dies from plague and his prebend is free | Henricus Gustrow scolaris capelle Bonifatii IX et Innocentii VII: de conf. vicar. ad alt. omn. SS. in par. eccl. b. Marie Lubic. quam resignaverat Mardocheo Sartoris qui pestilentia preventus in Urbe defunctus est [289] | Henricus Gustrow, scholar of the chapel of Boniface IX and Innocent VII, concerning the confirmation of the vicarage at the altar of All Saints in the parish church of St. Mary in Lübeck. This vicarage had been resigned by Mardocheo Sartoris, who, being prevented by the pestilence, passed away in the city. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1430, December | Although the plague is everywhere in the kingdom of Poland, many prelates and barons meet in Bardo on the feast of St Nicolas (December 6). | Et licet hieme illa pestis epidimiae fere universum Regnum Poloniae occupasset, ibant tamen per media funera in ipsam conventionem frequensque numerus Praelatorum et baronum in Wartham convenit in die sancti Nicolai. [290] | (Translation needed) |
| 1436, June 6 – 1436, October 13 | As plague hits the university of Vienna, lectures are suspended for several months. The peak of the outbreak claims the lives of 70 university members in August. One lecturer, Johannes Gössel, flees the city and reports the outbreak in a colophon to a commentary on the Sentences by Petrus Lombardus. | Explicit scribendo pariter et legendo in profesto sancti Nicolai scriptum huiusmodi et lectum in 3° libro Sententiarum anno Domini M°CCCC36, cuius libri prefati inchoavi leccionem feria secunda immediate post octavas. [p. 376] Pasce Anno 36. Attamen invalescente pestilentia anno predicto, videlicet 36, adeo quod de certo die una sepeliebantur 70 funera ante Assumptionis Beate Virginis, me tunc Wyenne constituo, pluribusque notabilibus suppositis universitatis pro tunc et paulo ante defunctis, videlicet professore Sacre pagine Magistro Petro Pirchenbart in collegio Ducis seniore regente ac lectore in theologia ; preterea Magistro Chünrado Herinbst similiter doctore, licet novo et non unius anni, in theologia, ordinis Predicatorum, sepulto in domo Predicatorum Wyenne. Ceterum Magister Urbanus de Mellico ecclesie sancti Stephani canonicus et in theologia doctore, peste violentante vita fungi desiit. Aliis omissis tam magistris, baccalariis quam scolaribus, viris moralissimis ac virtuosissimis, quorum felices cineres requiescant in summo. Postremo preceptis nature obtemperans debitumque eius persolvens Magister Johannes Strädlare de Langhüta baccalareus formatus in theologia ac collegiatus in Collegio Ducis epidimia tactus expiravit in loco prescripto, puta collegio. Duobus etiam scolaribus magistrorum ibidem paucis intervenientibus diebus [illegibile] ex post turbulentum mare presentis seculi exierunt. Quibus attentis universitas solemniter congregata indoctis et magistris conclusit ut decetero, videlicet a tempore paulo ante Assumptionis Marie, omnes actus scolastici, orationes pariter et consistoria universitatis penitus non fierent usque ad festum Cholomanni, aut si expediret et videretur per amplius huiusmodi actus suspenderentur. Quo concluso et habita plena universitatis vacatione, recessi post responsionem meam in aula statim ad partes nativas, die videlicet dominica immediate ante Assumptionis absentando me tredecem integris septimanis et die una. Postremo Wyennam redii feria tertia post Elizabeth inveniens tantum quatuor collegiatos presentes adhuc, cum quibus ego quintus. Toto enim tempore a suspensione lectionum et post recessum meum dumtaxat unus magistrorum collegio preerat, omnibus aliis absentibus, usque ad Cholomanni. In festo autem Katherine congregabatur universitas in suppositis ac doctoribus ac magistris, et pro tunc eligebantur primo omnes universitatis officiales et eadem die [illegibile] assignabantur lectiones in omnibus facultatibus. [291] | (Translation needed) (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
.
| 1437 | A plague occured in the city of Saeftinghe, in the Low Countries. | Pestilentia multos absorbuit hoc anno; nam genitoribus meis, patre videlicet et matre simul hoc morbo sublatis, me reliquerunt apud Saeftinghe vagientem in cunabilis parique morbo tabescentem, sed hinc Dominus assumpsit me. [292] | Lot of people died of a pestilence this year. My parents actually died sumultaneously, leaving me alone prone to death on my craddle. But God appeared to me. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1438 | In the year 1438 there was inflation and plague in Poland. | Anno domini 1438 fuit maxima caristia in regno videlicet Polonie [...] et statim post hoc pestis magna. [293] | In the year of the Lord 1438 there was a great inflation in the kingdom of Poland [...] and immediately after this a great plague. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1438 | In the year 1438 there was a general plague in Silesia. | Anno domini 1438 [...] fuit generalis pestis per Silesiam. [294] | In the year of the Lord 1438 [...], there was a general plague in Sileasia. |
| 1438, November 28 | A number of German priests flees the Roman curia because of a ravaging plague | Arnoldus Cuper Arnoldus (Arnaldus) Cuper (Cupere) (de Embrica) et Nicolaus Vighe cler. Colon. dioc., Johannes Dorenborch al. Muleken cler. Monast. dioc., Ruthgerus Kock cler. Colon. dioc., Borchardus Truytelaet cler. Hildesem. dioc., Engelbertus de Marcka cler. Leod. dioc., Mathias Veyt cler. Eistet. dioc., Albertus Gertener cler. Magunt. dioc., Petrus Doenen cler. Magunt. dioc., Adrianus Martini de Breda cler. Leod. dioc., famm. D[ominici de Capranica] s. Marie in via lata diac. card., qui propter pestem a R. cur. ultra term. se absentaverunt [295] | Arnoldus Cuper (de Embrica), and Nicolaus Vighe, clerics of the Diocese of Cologne; Johannes Dorenborch, also known as Muleken, cleric of the Diocese of Münster; Ruthgerus Kock, cleric of the Diocese of Cologne; Borchardus Truytelaet, cleric of the Diocese of Hildesheim; Engelbertus de Marcka, cleric of the Diocese of Liège; Mathias Veyt, cleric of the Diocese of Eichstätt; Albertus Gertener, cleric of the Diocese of Mainz; Petrus Doenen, cleric of the Diocese of Mainz; Adrianus Martini de Breda, cleric of the Diocese of Liège; familiares of Domenico de Capranica, cardinal of S. Maria in Via Lata, have been absent beyond the established term from the Roman Curia due to the plague. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1439 VN: 8000 |
A plague causes great mortality in Basel during a famine. The death toll is estimated to 8000 dead people, both adults and children. | Anno Domini 1439 fuit magna karistia in Basilea, et etiam cum hoc fuit magna pestilencia et in orribilibus obierunt in numero plus qum octo milia hominum cum pueris; et presertim in ecclesia majori inter canonicos dominus Kaspar thesaurius, dominus prepositus Turicensis, dominus Michahel de Reno prepositus in Sancto Ursicino, et bene viginti cappelanos. [296] | The year 1439 occured a great dearth in Basel. A pestilence broke out simultaneously and more than 8000 persons, adults and children, died dramatically. Among the canons of the cathedral died the treasurer master Kaspar, the prior master Turicensis, master Michael de Reno, prior of Sanctus Ursinus and 20 other canons. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1439 | Pestilence in Sweden in 1439 and in the Christian world | Item, pestilencia ingrassabatur per totam Sueciam et diversa loca Christianitas. [297] | Furthermore, the plague ravaged all of Sweden and various places in the Christian world. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1439, June 24 – 1439, August 24 | A horrible plague raged in Silesia starting around the feast day of St John the baptist (June 24) and lasting for two months. | Pestis horrenda. Eodem anno circa festum sancti Johannis baptiste exorta fuit valida et horrenda pestilentia in Silesia et aliis regionibus, que duravit ad duos menses. [298] | Horrible plague. In the same year (1439) around the feast of St John the baptist arose a strong and horrible plague in Silesia and other regions which lastest for two months. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1439, November 10 – 1439, December 27 | A plague pained the town of Łekno from the feast day of St Martin (November 11) to after christmas. | Item sub anno 1439 pestis urgebat in Lekna sicut ante festum sancti Martini usque post festum Nativitatis Domini. In qua peste terminum vite sue finiverunt: honorabilis dominus Michael plebanus medie partis in Lekna cum sororio suo Mathia de Poszlugowo rectore schole. [299] | Under the year 1439 a plague arose in Lekno shortly before the feast day of St Martin (November 11) until after the feast of the birth of the Lord (December 25). In this plague finshed their lives: the honourable Michael, priest in the middle part of Lekno together with his brother Matthias of Poszlugowo, the headmastesr of the school. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1450 | Jubilee year and grave pestilence in Rome | Anno Domini mcdl°. Fuit Rome annus iubileus et magna pestilencia. [300] | The year of our Lord 1450. In Rome there was jubilee year and a great pestilence. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1451 | In the year 1451 there was the greatest plague in virtually all lands of the earth. | A. 1451. Anno domini 1451 fuit maxima pestilencia quasi in omnibus terris. [301] | In the year of the Lord 1451 there was the greatest plague in virtually all lands of the earth. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1451, September 8 – 1452, March 21 | A "notable" plague occurred in Wrocław in 1451. starting around the feast of the birth of St. Mary the Virgin (September 8) and lasting throught the whole winter. | A. 1451. Pestis notabilis. Eodem anno 1451 fuit notabilis pestis Wratislavie et oppidis ac villis hinc inde, incepit circa festum nativitatis Marie et duravit quasi per totam hyemem leniter. [302] | Year 1451. Notable plague. In the same year 1451 there was a notable plague in Wrocław and the towns and villages from there onwards. It started around the feast of the birth of St. Mary the Virgin (September 8) and lasted in a milder way virtually through the whole of the winter. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1451, July 13 – 1451, September 29 VN: 40 |
In the Year 1451 a plague raged in Sochaczew (Central Poland) and other towns of the region starting at the feast of St Margarethe (July 13) and lasting until the feast of St Michael (September 29) and beyond. | Anno domini 1451 pestilencia in Sochaczew bene viguit et aliis eciam in partibus ita, ut una die quadraginta ponebatur in unam foveam. Cuius inicium a festo sancte Margarethe stans ad festum sancti Michaelis et ultra etc. [303] | In the year of the Lord 1451 a plague raged well in Sochaczew and elsewhere in those parts in such a way that on one day fourty [people] were buried in one grave. It started at the feast of St Margarethe (July 13) and lasted until the feast of St Michael (September 29) and beyond. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1452 | The plague reigned in Ratibor in 1452. | Anno MCCCCLII […] Et eodem anno regnabat pestis in districtu Rat. [304] | In the year 1452 [...] and in this year the plague reigned in the district of Ratibor. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1452, June 24 – 1453, March 21 | A "notable" plague occurred in Silesia, Poland and "in the mountains" in 1452, starting around the feast of St John the baptist (June 24) and lasting until the end of the year. | Pestis notabilis in Silesia. Eodem anno fuit notabilis pestis in Silesia, in Polonia et in montana. Incepit circa festum Joannis baptiste dure et continuavit leniter usque ad finem anni currentis. [305] | A "notable" plague in Silesia. In this year there was a notable plague in Silesia, in Poland and in the mountains. It started around the feast of St John the baptist (June 24) and continued in a milder way lasting until the end of current year. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1453 | A pestilence breaks out in the region, as a consequence of a dearth caused by war. | Messis tempore non invenit quod colligeret; hinc annona solito carior et, quae communiter sequi solet, pestilentia populum gravare coepit. [306] | At harvest time, not enough people came at the fields. Then prices have been higher than usual, and a pestilence broke out, as it is common in such conditions. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1453, October 8 | A commentary to a manuscript by Thomas Ebendorfer mentions that lectures at the university of Vienna are suspended, as plague reigned. | Revisus per Thomam de Haselpach tempore suspensionis lectionum ob sementem pestem. Anno etc. 1453, 8 Octobris [307] | Revised by Thomas of Haselpack as lectures were suspended because of the ravaging plague. In the year 1453 on 8 October. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1455 | Pestilence in Upper Sweden in 1455, concomitant to a severe famine | Item, fames in tantum invaluit in tota Swecia, quod multi fame moriebantur, et multi ex pestilencia, que tunc erat in superiori Swecia. [308] | Furthermore, the famine ravaged the whole of Sweden so violently that many died of starvation, and many of the plague, which was then spreading in Upper Sweden. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1457 | A mortality breaks out in France. | Per totam fere Franciam bladorum caristia fuit, quam sequebatur pestilentialis mortalitas. [309] | In almost all France wheat prices were high, and a mortality of pestilence followed. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1457, November 23 | 1457, November 23, Ladislaus, king of Bohemia and Hungary and duke of Austria died of the plague in Prague. | Anno Domini MCCCCLVII in die sancti Clementis domnus Ladislaus Bohemie et Hungarie rex et Austrie dux Prage de peste epidemie moritur et in ecclesia Pragensi in sepulcro proavi sui Karoli sepelitur. [310] | In the year of the Lord 1457 on the day of St Clement lord Ladislaus, king of Bohemia and Hungary and duke of Austria died of the plague in Prague and he was buried in the [cathedral] church of Prague in the grave of his progenitor Charles [Emperor Charles IV]. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1460 | In the year 1460 there was a great mortality in Silesia. | Anno 1460 fuit magna mortalitas in Silesia. [311] | In the year 1460 there was a great mortality in Silesia. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1461 – 1464 | A plague in Nuremberg and Erfurt and after that in many other places | incepit pestilentia in Nurenberga, anno sequenti in Erfordia et sic continenter per tres annos circumgyravit per multa loca. [312] | A pestilence started in Nuremberg, the next year it was in Erfurt and so it continued to spread for three years in many places. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1462 | A plague in Erfurt | (1461) incepit pestilentia in Nurenberga, anno sequenti in Erfordia et sic continenter per tres annos circumgyravit per multa loca. [313] | A pestilence started in Nuremberg, the next year it was in Erfurt and so it continued to spread for three years in many places. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1462 VN: 24 |
A plague in Erfurt kills 24 nuns. | Anno domini 1462 pestilentia magna fuit, ita ut Erfordiae in claustro novi operis a vigilia Laurentii usque ad vigiliam Mathei apostoli XXIV virgines morerentur, quarum animae sint in domino. [314] | In the year of our Lord 1462 there was a great pestilence, so that in Erfurt in the newly built monastery from the vigil of St. Laurence to the vigil of St. Matthew 24 nuns died, and their souls are with the Lord. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1462 VN: 14.000 |
A mortality in Ferrara kills 14.000 people | Eodem millesimo, fu una grandissima moria a Ferrara de sorte che morite circa persone 14000. [315] | In the same year (1462), there was a great mortality in Ferrare of a kind that killed 14.000 persons. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1463 | A plague is ravaging in the whole Holy Roman Empire, especially in the South | Pestis valida faevit per Bavariam, Austriam, Bohemiam, Sueviam & quasi per totam Germaniam multos mortales absumens. [316] | A strong pestilence ravaged in Bavaria, Austria, Bohemia and Swabia, and almost all over Germany it killed many people. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1463 VN: 18.000 + 4000 |
Great plague with 4000 deaths in Leipzig and 18 000 in Erfurt lasted half a year | 1463 pestilencia magna […] ubique terrarum, et in Lipczk ultra 4 milia hominum et 18 milia hominum in Herfordia obierunt, et pestis illa in uno loco ad medium annum duravit. [317] | In 1463, there was a great pestilence everywhere on the earth, and in Leipzig, over four thousand people died, and in Erfurt, eighteen thousand people died. And that plague endured in one place for half a year (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1463 VN: 9 |
A plague ravages in Görlitz and kills many people, including nine friars. | Item anno domini 1463 pestis ingwinaria vel epidemia multum atrociter grassata est in Gorlicz, in qua mortui sunt novem fratres. [318] | Likewise, in the year of our Lord 1463, a contagious plague or epidemic raged very fiercely in Görlitz, in which nine brothers died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1463 | A mortality strikes Magdeburg. | Im jar 1463 war hir grosse pestilentz. [319] | In the year 1463, there was a large epidemic here. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1463, July – 1463, summer | A plague breaks out in Basel. | Anno domini 63 post Margarete incepit pestilentia in minori Basilea primo modicum, post in magna civitate. [320] | The year 1463 began a pestilence in Basel after Margeret's Day (15 July). It broke out first, without being severe in Klein-Basel, then it spread in the city. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1463, November 11 | Plague in Zittau but only of short duration. | Anno domini etc. lxiii incepit pestilencia circa nos circa festum Martini et non diu perseuerauit, sed graciose nobiscum mansit [321] | In the year of our Lord etc. 1463, a pestilence began here around the feast of Martin, and it did not persist for long but graciously stayed with us (only for a short time). (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1464 | Very stormy and rainy year, the sun shone little in September as the moon was blue at night. There was severe fever, smallpox and seasickness | A dì 17 di dicembre, il lunedì, venne in Bologna gran neve. […] In somma quest’anno fu piovoso et tempestoso e nel tempo del raccolto vendevasi la corba del grano lire due, la spelta soldi 11, la fava soldi 20; fu dell’ uva assai. Il mese di settembre fu con molte maligne nebbie; il solo splendeva poco et era di color smorticcio, siccome è di notte la luna, che si mostrava azzura. Furono gran febbri, vaioli et mali di costa. [322] | (Translation needed) |
| 1464 | Plague in which mostly men died and many children | incepit pestilentia satis rara et insolita, quia viri fortes in ea moriebantur et pauce mulieres; de pueris vero valde raro aliqui obierunt. [323] | This plague began in a rather rare and unusual way, because strong men and few women died from it; but very few children. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
| 1464 | Severe plague the whole summer until autumn, everyone avoided contact with each other in Görlitz | in anno autem lxiiii jn estate incepit viceuersa grauiter, sic quod in duobus diebus plures quam trecente persone in morbo obierunt, aliquando de die 80, aliquando 60, et sic deinceps, et durauit grauiter per totam estatem vsque ad autumpnu, tamen adhuc semper per parum viguit. Pestilencia circumquaque viguit in villis et vbique, sic quod frumenta permanserunt jn agris. Fuit eciam in civitate, quod vna persona aliam refutauit propter pestilenciam, et tants timor fuit inter homines, vt vnus cum alio recusauit loqui; sic contigit nostris in Gorlicz, nolentes eos hospitare nec cibare nec eciam cum eis loqui. [324] | (Translation needed) |
| 1464 | In the year 1464 raged the greatest plague which resulted in the destruction of large parts of the city and in the killing of many Jews. | 1464 viguit maxima pestilencia et itidem magna pars civitatis Poznan exusta, ubi multi Iud[ei sunt interfecit]. [325] | In the year 1464 raged the greatest plague and likewise large parts of the city of Poznań were destroyed, when many Jews were killed. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1464 – 1464, October 28 VN: 5000 |
In this year a plague raged in Gdańsk which claimed 5000 lives before the feast of St Michael (September 29) and further 800 lives between St Michael and the feast of the saints Simon and Judas (October 28). | Eodem anno saeviebat mirum in modum pestis Gedani fueruntque sepulta 5000 hominum ante festum sancti Michaelis apud sanctam Gertrudem, a festo autem sancti Michaelis usque ad festum sanctorum Simonis et Iudae 800 homines. [326] | In this year a plague raged in a peculiar way in Gdansk and there were 5000 humans burried before the feast of St Michael near [the church of] St Gertud, but 800 [humans] from St Michael until the feast of the saints Simon and Judas. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1464 | Great plague in Salzburg | Item 1464 fuit hic pestilentia magna hominum. [327] | (Translation needed) |
| 1464, September 8 – 1464, November 11 | A "very notable" plague occurred from before the feast of nativitatis St Mariae (September 8) until the feast of St Martin (November 11). In Wrocław and its surroundings it lasted until the end of the year. | Pestis satis notabilis. Eodem anno fuit pestis notabilis, incepit ante festum nativitatis Marie et duravit satis exacte usque ad festum sancti Martini et quasi ad finem anui currentis in Wratislavia et aliis hinc inde locis. [328] | A veray notable plague. In the same year there was a notable plague which started before the feast of the birth of St Mary the Virgin and lasted quite exactly until the feast of St Marin and in Wrocław and the places from there onwards it lasted virtually until the end of the current year. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1464, autumn – 1466 VN: 7000 |
Severe pestilence breaks out in Stockholm in the autumn of 1464 and lasts for two years in Sweden. 7.000 people die only in Stockholm. | Item, in autumpno eciam istius anni incipiebat Stocholmis et in aliis locis regni gravissima pestilencia regnare. Et dicebatur communiter, quod in solo opido Stocholmensi moriebantur vii milia hominum sexus utriusque; et duravit hec pestilencia in regno continue fere per duos annos. [329] | Furthermore, in the autumn of that year (1464), a very severe pestilence began to ravage Stockholm and other parts of the country. It was generally stated that seven thousand people of both sexes died in the city of Stockholm alone. This pestilence remained uninterrupted in the country for almost two years. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1464 | Great plague in Toruń | Anno 1464 magna pestis. [330] | (Translation needed) |
| 1464, August VN: 57 + 68 + 45 + 100 |
Great plague came to Głogów from the west | a.d. 1464 erat magna pestilential in Glogovia et venit a regione occidental vel per Misnam. Et ante duos vel tres annos errant multi vermes, sic quod folia arborum cum fructibus corroderunt, quod ante longa tempora non erat auditum. Et mortui sunt in viglia Mathaei 57 homines, in die Mathaei 68, in die Burckhardi 45, et incipiebat pestis circa festum Assumptionis Mariae et durabat usque ad Adventum. Et frumenta erant in bono foro, et unus florenus (?) emebatur pro marca et 6 grossis, et una auca vel anser emebatur pro 6 denariis, et si quis voluisset 100 habere. Et non pulsabatur tam in civitate quam in summon a festo Assumptionis usque Martini in sabbato. [331] | (Translation needed) |
| 1464, August 15 | A great flood around the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary (August 15) caused the death of numerous animals whose corpsed rotted on the fields and infected the air. This led to a pestilence. | Anno [...] eodem circa festum assumptionis b. virginis 1464, magne et continue pluvie fuerunt plus quam per triduum sine cessatione [...]. Quas pluvias maxime inundancie aquarum subsecute sunt, [...] et [...] innumerabilia quasi peccora et alia animalia majora et minora [...] ex violentia et vehemencia aquarum subito veniencium in campis submersa sunt et ex cadaveribus eorum in campis jacentibus et putrefactis adeo aer corruptus et infectus, quod sevissima pestilencie plaga subsecuta fuit. [332] | In this same year around the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary 1464, a great and continuous rain came down without any decrease over the course of three days [...]. This rain attracted the greatest flood of water [...] and innumerable farm animals and other animals, large and small, [...] drowned on the fields through the violence and fierceness with which the water suddenly appeared and by their decomposing cadavers the air was corrupted and became infectious, which entailed a terrible pestilence. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1464, August 1 – 1464, August 26 | Cessation of university operations in Greifswald due to the plague | post octavas s. Jacobi apostoli [1.8.], ut actus scholastici omnes suspenderentur usque ad festum s. Bartholomei apostoli [24.8.] propter tempus horribile, quo cepit invalescere pestis epydemie in hoc loco. [333] | (Translation needed) |
| 1464, September 8 – 1464, November 11 | Plague in Wratislavia | Eodem anno [1464] fuit pestis notabilis, incepit ante festum nativitatis Marie et duravit satis exacte usque ad festum sancti Martini et quasi ad finem anni currentis in Wratislavia et aliis hinc inde locis. [334] | (Translation needed) |
| 1464, December | Plague in Naples | per diversa regni loca et maxime Terre laboris sicut Neapolis, Gayeta, Suexe, Venafri, Sore, Albeti, et per multa alia circumstantia castra et loca fuit magna pestis et pluvie et nives per totum autem mensem decembris [1464], et opus olivarum fuit fertile sed tardum ad maturandum [335] | (Translation needed) |
| 1465, July 13 | Outbreak of a plague in Kłodzko (Glatz) as a consequence some canons regular from St. Augstine's order died | Postea vero, circa festum sancte Margarethe [13.7.1465], notabilis desevit pestilencia, in qua quinque fratres fuerunt infecti, quorum quatuor iacebant supra magna stuba prefata in comodis. Et ad eorum curam gerendam admisse sunt mulieres honeste et virgins devote, ne fratres omnes inficerentur. Et mortui sunt tres ex eis, scilicet Johannes Hofmann presbiter et frater Erasmus Meysner dyaconus et Paulus de Cracovia, plus quam octogenarius, qui eciam obit in peste, tamen in infirmaria antique retro refectorium superior. [336] | (Translation needed) |
| 1465, August 11 | Bishop Kettil of Linköping dies of the plague on 11 August 1465 in Stockholm | Item, eodem anno in octava assumpcionis beate Marie sepultus est Lincopie dominus Katillus episcopus Lincopensis. Qui modicum ante, videlicet in dominica proxima post Laurencii, obiit in castro Stocholmensi a pestilencia, que tunc temporis quasi per totum regnum gravissima regnavit. Qui episcopus tempore obitus sui quasi totum regnum tenuit, quod sibi subiugaverat, preter Finlandiam. [337] | Further, in the same year, on the octave of the Virgin Mary's Ascension Day, Lord Kettil, Bishop of Linköping, was buried in Linköping. He died at Stockholm Castle shortly before, on the Sunday immediately after the feast of St Laurence. He was a victim of the pestilence which raged violently over almost the whole kingdom at this time. At his death, this bishop ruled virtually the entire empire, which he had subjugated except for Finland. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1465, December 13 | Plague death of a laymen in the diocese of Turku in 1465 and penitential issued in Rome on 12 December 1465. Unsatisfied with the layman’s work, the Dominican friar Henricus Bella from the diocese of Turku had once assaulted the later plague victim who had been responsible for the maintenance of the organ bellows. After having received five blows with a stick on the back, the layman was struck down three days later with a pestilent abscess in his left armpit. Considering the absence of bruises after the blows and a plague wave in Southern Finland at that time, it was considered that the layman had died because of the inflamed abscess and not from the priest’s ill-treatment. | Tertio vero die sub assella sinistra dictus laicus apostemate pestilentiali fuit percussus. Cum pestis ibidem vigerit et super verberibus baculi huiusmodi nichil lesionis rubei sive lividi per examinem deputatum extitit eventum sed ex inflatione dicti apostematis ingressus est viam carnis universe. [338] | On the third day, the said layman was struck with a pestilential abscess under the left armpit. With the pestilence raging there, and upon the whippings of the staff, no red or bruised lesion of this kind was found, as was determined by the examination. Rather, from the inflation of the said abscess, it had entered the way of the flesh. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1467 | Severe plague in Głogów, that came from the east | A.d. 1467 fuit magna pestilentia Glogoviae, et ista pestis veniebat ab oriente in oppositum priori pesti, et licet in civitatibus magna fuit, tamen in villis major, sic quod aliqui agri absque seminatione manserunt. In ista pestilential cuilibet seorsum pulsabatur tam in civitate quam in summo. [339] | (Translation needed) |
| 1467 | The plague spread almost everywhere in Poland, stimulated by a warm winter | Epidimie peste regiones Polonie fere universe (ora tamen Pruthenica, Pomeranie, Russie et Masovie excepta) quam graviter vexate et fere per universum Polonie Regnum in vicis, urbibus atque villis, discursione mirabilis, dum nonnullas villa preteriret, ceteras inficeret, per nota et ignota capita late vis morbid pervagata est. Tractus enim celi infectior pestem longo durantem tempore, non quidem omnia pervadentem loca, sed hinc et hinc, et primum in urbes, deinde in vicos et rura se diffundentem causabat humiditate et inopia frugum. Singulis enim mensibus frequentes descendebant imbres, insuper et hiema calida et fere sine exemplo, cuius caliditas pestem vehemencius promovebat et usque in dies Quadregesimales produxerat, sub quibus propiciacione Divina quievit lues. [340] | (Translation needed) |
| 1467 | An severe plague spread almost everywhere in Poland and caused many deaths | Annus hic in omnes fere regiones Regno Polonie subiectas, sed in regionem precipue Maioris Polonie, Masovie, Russie et Podolie, sed et in partem Slesie pestiferum epidimie virus usque in Ianuarium mensem diffundens multos mortales extinxit et plures villas et opida in solitudinem redegit. Annone insuper caritas regiones Polonicas pervaserat, pervasura amplius, nisi plures homines pestilencia absumpsisset. Eam insuper multitude murium adiuvabat, qui sive ex hieme calida et sicca nullas nives et paucos imbres fundente sive ex constellacione celesti adeo ebuliverant, ut frugibus, que in horreis condebantur, demolitis, in agros decurrerent et hiemalia frumenta in superficie et radice delerent. [341] | (Translation needed) |
| 1467, October 16 – 1468, October 28 VN: 11.000 |
11 thousand people died of the plague in Augsburg | 1467: Caeterum a festo S. Galli praesentis anni usque ad diem sanctorum apostolorum Simonis et Judae sequentis anni undecim milia hominum per civitatem Augstburgensem peste periisse, in acta relatum est. [342] | (Translation needed) |
| 1468 | After a severe plague in Parma, the doctors were blamed for the deaths and were arrested. | Eodem anno in Lombardia in civitate Parma non parva sed horrida viguit pestis cui nunquam simile audisse, necaudire credo. Nulla caritas, nullus amor in Parmensibus erat, sed omnis inhumanitas & crudelitas in eis regnabat. […] Per urbes subiratores officialium libant, & si pauperum porcos reperiebant illos interficiebant & vendebant. Ex dictarum cranium procinarum comestione magno regnate calido, prout regnabat, mille hominess interfecti perierunt. Cum ergo regnat pestis tanquam mortem porcinis fugite carnes. Cessante epidemia medici, qui pestilentiatis [p. 183] medebantur ab officialibus detenti & incarcerate fuerunt illisque imputabant mille latrocinia & homicidia commissa & pecunias quas cum magno labore & periculo lucrati fuerant eis eripuerunt. [343] | (Translation needed) |
| 1474 | A Polish-Bohemian force fought against Wrozław in 1474, but they died of polluted air and of thirst. | Der Bresler Feinde waren alle Elemente entgegen und zuwider; die Luft wahr ihnen vergiftet, dass sie ohne Zahl dahin fielen; das Wasser verschwandt und gefror zu Grunde [...] das Erdreich war so fest gefroren, dass sie ihre Todten nicht begraben möchten. [344] | The enemies of Wrocław were opposed by all the elements; the air was poisoned so that they fell without number; the water disappeared and froze into the ground [...] the ground was frozen so solid that they could not bury their dead. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
| 1479 VN: 10 + 20 |
A plague ravages in Görlitz and Bautzen and kills many friars. | Item anno domini 1479 simili modo pestis ingwinaria in Görlitcz multos de terra rapuit et precipue de conventu Gorliczensi decem fratres sed de conventu Budissinensi viginti fratres. [345] | Likewise, in the year of our Lord 1479, a similar plague or epidemic in Görlitz seized many from the land, especially from the Görlitz convent, where ten brothers died, but from the Bautzen convent, twenty brothers. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1484 VN: 15.000 |
Pestilence in Sweden. Only in Stockholm, 15.000 people fall victim to the plague. | Item, eodem tempore viguit pestilencia in Suecia et maxime Holmis, ita quod famabatur, ut xv milia obierunt hominum ex sola civitate Stokholmensi. [346] | Furthermore, at the same time, a plague epidemic was raging in Sweden and especially in Stockholm; and it was so severe that it was rumoured that 15,000 people died in the city of Stockholm alone. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1484, July 25 – 1484, September 29 | A mortality strikes Magdeburg and the surroundings, higher social strata and young women particularly affected. | Im selben jar (1484) war auch hir gros sterben, war ein landtsterben, und fing an umb Jacobi und werhete bis auf Michaelis. In diesem sterben storben viel vornehmer leut und sonderlich viel jungfrawen. Andere schreiben, dis sterben hab angefangen umb pfingsten und gewerhet bis Martini. [347] | In the same year (1484) there was a great dying here, and throughout the country. It began around St James' Day and ended on St Michael's Day. Many noble people and especially many young women died as a result of this plague. Others wrote that the deaths began around Pentecost and lasted until St Martin's Day. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1484, August 6 – 1484, 12 VN: 332 |
In 1484 a great plague raged in Głogów, in Lower Silesia from the feast of St Sixtus (August 6) to the advent of the Lord (December). | A(nno) d(omini) 1484 exorta est pestis magna in Glogovia, qualis non fuit per multos annos nec habetur in memoria hominum, et incepit circa festum Sixti et duravit usque ad adventum domini; et in ista peste mortui sunt homines parvi et magni, in summo sepulti sunt 332, qui obierunt in summo, in arena, in piscatia, in strata lapidea, sed in civitate mortui sunt sine numero, qui sepulti sunt apud s. Joannem, Nicolaum, cruciferos et apud monachos et alibi. [348] | (Translation needed) |
| 1485, June 11 | Franciscus, Bishop of Anagni, grants Magnus Johansson, a priest of the Diocese of Turku, permission to change a made vow to another pious act. Magnus was maddened by the plague and severe pain when, at the suggestion of his friends and without reason, he made a vow to enter a monastery if he recovered. He recovered but did not remember the promise his friends told him about. | Magnus Iohannis presbyter Aboensis diocesis exponit, quod, cum quadam pestifera infirmitate et ex vehementi dolore demens fuisset, sugestione quorundam amicorum circumstantium et non iudicio rationis vovit, ut, si ab hac infirmitate liberaretur, aliquam ex religionibus approbatis ingrediretur. Deinde bene convaluit et voti inmemor nisi ex relatione dictorum amicorum nec eundem ratum neque gratum habuit. Petit, <quatenus> votum huiusmodi in alia pietatis opera mutari mandare dignemini de gratia speciali. Fiat de speciali et expresso. Franciscus episcopus Ananiensis regens. [349] | Magnus Ioannis, a priest of the diocese of Åbo, explains that, having been demented by a certain pestilential infirmity and from intense pain, he vowed at the suggestion of some friends around him, and not by judgment of reason, that if he were freed from this infirmity, he would enter one of the approved religions. After that he recovered well, and did not remember his vow except from the report of the said friends, and he had neither approved nor endorsed this. He asks that, in so far as a vow of this kind be changed into other works of piety, he should not deign to command a special grace. Let it be special and pronounced. Francis the reigning bishop of Anagni. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1486, August 5 | The Swedish laymen Magnus “Pigerii” (perhaps Birgersson), the servant of the knight Åke from the diocese of Strängnäs, dies of the plague in 1486 in Åkerö. Earlier, Magnus had been attacking Nicolaus Finvidi, a cleric from the diocese of Linköping in Kalmar who, in order to defend himself, had thrown a stone at Magnus. Even though Magnus confirmed on his deathbed Nicolaus’ innocence, Magnus’ relatives obtained that Nicolaus was summoned to appear in court. This penitential issued in Rome in 1486 by regent Julianus, bishop of Bertinoro, refers the case to the local bishop and authorizes him to declare Nicolaus innocent. | Et deinde post aliquot septimanas, antequam ex peste epidemica ibidem tactus nature sue debitum persolvisset, denuo in ultimis suis similiter inquisitus dictum exponentem illius mortis causam minime fuisse neque esse dixit et excusavit. [350] | And then after some weeks, before he had paid his debt by nature, touched there by an epidemic pestilence, again, in his last words, he [= Magnus] was similarly investigated and said that there was no reason for that death, and he apologized. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1489, April – 1489, May | While the weather in May is cold and wet, people are affected by severe cough. | Aprilis et Mayus fuerunt pluviosi et aquatici; fuit Mayus frigidus et regnavit tussis in gentibus. [351] | April and May have been rainy and wet; May have been cold and people coughed a lot. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1493, Summer | While the summer weather has been outstandingly dry and hot, a lot of people suffer from a disability called glene, that kills men, women and children. | Viguit infirmitas, quam glene vocamus, mirabiliter, ita quod multi homines, mulieres et pueri ex infirmitate illa, tam in villa Lugduni quam per patriam obierunt. [352] | A disability spread wonderfully, that is called 'glene'. So that a lot of men, women and children died from this disease in Lyon and elsewhere in the region. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1494, June | A plague breaks out in Lyon. | Pestis letalis, que dicitur epidimia, in dicta villa Lugduni, in mense Junii, incepit vigere, adeo quod rex, regina et ceteri principes villam exierunt. Rex, regina, domini duces Aurelianis, Borbonii et ducissa Borbonii iverunt apud Viennam et a Vienna ad Valenciam Dalphinam. [353] | A deadly plague, named epidemia, broke out in the city of Lyon in June, so that the King, the Queen and other prominent persons fled away from the city. The King with the Queen and the Duke and the Duchess of Bourbon went to Vienne, and then from Vienne went to Valence. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1494, August | A plague affects the city and the surrounding region. Processions are organized to prevent massive death. | Illis diebus (beginning of August), quia pestis vigebat in certi locis Leodii et circumquaque, et populus timens eam, sicut communi proverbio, ut post guerras et famem communiter sequitur mortalitas, quas idem populus , proh dolor, dolorose expertus, tanquam in navicula fluctuanti navigans, ne in fluctibus undarum procelle pestis demergatur, ad Doinum Creatorem omnium ejusque Matrem omnium criminum ablutricem, omnesque sanctos, tanquam a Dominus pro nobis intercessores, pro corde converus est, ejusque interventu misse speciales in omnibus ecclesiis parochialibus sut celebrate, quique diebus continuis, atque processiones cum delatione Venerabilis Sacramenti, sanctorum sanctarumque imaginum ac aliarum raliquiarum, subsequente popula utriusque sexus devotissime ardentes candelas in manibus gestante, illis diebus quibus fiebant, totam per civitatem processiones, et hoc paulo post, videlicet vicesima tertia septembris. [354] | (Translation needed) |
| 1495 | Letter of the brother Torsten Johansson of Vadstena monastery to an unnamed “frater amantissime paterque et domine religiose” reporting about plague deaths in Vadstena | [Source needed] [355] | The Russians have invaded Finland. Karelia and a large part of Uusimaa have been ravaged. The plague has claimed victims in Vadstena monastery, and a fire has ravaged a study room at the beginning of the winter with severe losses of printing equipment, books, etc. as a result (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1495, September 11 | The lay brother Henrik Magnusson dies of the plague in Vadstena Abbey | Item, xi die mensis Septembris, que erat feria sexta infra octavas nativitatis Marie virginis, obiit frater Henricus Magni laicus, anno a professione sua xvi. Obiit ex pestilentia. [356] | Furthermore, on 11 September, the Friday of the octave of the Virgin Mary's nativity [8 September], the lay brother Henrik Magnusson died in the sixteenth year after his consecration. He died of the plague. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1495, September 12 | The nun Sister Birgitta dies of the plague in Vadstena Abbey | Item, xii die mensis Septembris obiit soror Birgitta filia Iohannis Vinther consulis Sudhercopensis, ex pestilentia, anno sue professionis secundo [357] | Furthermore, on 12 September, Sister Birgitta, daughter of the councillor Hans Vinter from Söderköping, died of the plague in the second year after her inauguration. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1495, September 25 | The Sister Margareta Ottadottir dies of the plague in Vadstena Abbey | Item, in xxv die mensis Septembris obiit soror Margareta Ottadottir focariaetiam ex pestilentia, anno sue professionis, seu receptionis, xlvii. [358] | Furthermore, on 25 September, the cook, Sister Margareta Ottesdotter, also died of the plague, in the forty-seventh year after her inauguration or admission. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1495, October | Severe plague in almost all of Sweden | Item, isto anno viguit quasi per totam Sueciam magna pestilentia. [359] | Furthermore, that year a severe pestilence ravaged almost all of Sweden. (Translation: Carina Damm) |
| 1496 VN: 3.000 |
Plague in Zittau during summertime kills 3.000 people | Anno salutis 1496 pestifera hic viguit mortalitas et quasi tria milia hominum, ut fama erat, perierunt, et hoc tempore estivali. [360] | In the year of salvation 1496, a deadly plague prevailed here, and as the rumor had it, almost three thousand people perished, and this during the summer season (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1496, November 26 | A friar priest dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague | 1496 tempore pestis obiit fr. Silvester Beheme Sacerdos. [361] | In the year 1496 the friar Silvester Beheme died during a time of plague. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1496, December 14 | A friar dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague | 1496 tempore pestis obiit fr. Jeronimus molitoris sacerdos. Eodem die obiit fidelis famulus monasterii qui ambo sepulti sunt in uno sepulcro in cimiterio fratrum et nomen dicti famuli fuit paulus tagelöner. Requiescant ambo in pace Jhesu cristi Amen. [362] | In the year 1496, during the time of the plague, Brother Hieronymus Müller, a priest, died. On the same day, the faithful servant of the monastery also died, and both were buried in a single grave in the cemetery of the brothers. The name of the said servant was Paulus Tagelöner. May both rest in peace. Amen. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1497, September | An epidemic breaks out in Lyon and in Sain-Bel. | Epidimia, illo anno, viguit in villa Lugduni et pluribus locis patrie Lugdunensis et maxime in villa Sancti-Belli. [363] | An epidemic affected this year the city of Lyon and its surrounding area, especially the city of Saint-Bel. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1497, February 17 | A Franciscan priest from Görlitz dies during an outbreak of plague | 1497 tempore pestis obiit fr. Baltazar Börger Sacerdos hic sepultur. [364] | In 1497 during an outbreak of plague died frater Baltazar Börger, a priest, and was buried here. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1500, February | An mortality of pigs breaks out in the Lyonnais and in the Forez. | In mense Februarii, illo anno, fuit magna pestillencia porcorum in pluribus tam patrie Forensis quam Lugdunensis locis. [365] | In February of that year (1500), a great pestilence affected pigs in several places of the Lyonnais and of the Forez. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
| 1508 VN: 4000 |
A plague hits in Görlitz kills friars, priests and more than 4000 common people | Anno domini 1508 decem fratres in illo conventu obierunt in peste et unus famulus et decem seculares sacerdotes et ex communi populo utriusque sexus ultra quatuor milia hominum per estatem. [366] | In the year of our Lord 1508, ten brothers in that convent died in the plague, as well as one servant, ten secular priests, and from the common people of both sexes, more than four thousand individuals during the summer. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1508, June 26 | A deacon and Franciscan friar dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague. | Anno domini 1508 obiit fr. Michael Grod dyaconus tempore pestis hic sepultus. [367] | In the year of our Lord 1508 during an outbreak of plague died frater Michael Grod, a deacon, and was buried here. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1508, August 2 | A sevrvant of the friar's convent in Görlitz dies during an outbreak of plague. | 1508 obijt famulus conventus fidelis Jorge scholtze in peste. [368] | In the year 1508, the servant Jörg Schultze died in the plague. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1508, August 9 | A priest and a lay brother die in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague. | 1508 obijt devotus religiosusque pater ac frater Johannes sculteti senior et conventus discretus in peste [...] 1508 obiit fr. Caspar laicus in peste. [369] | In the year 1508, the devout and religious father and brother Johannes Sculteti, the elder, and the discreet convent, died in the plague [...] In 1508, Brother Caspar, a layman, died in the plague.. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1508, September 5 – 1508, September 6 | Two more people die in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague. | 1508 obijt fr. nicolaus pistoris predic. et confes. in peste. Sequenti die obiit utilis frater Cristoferus laicus etiam in peste. [370] | In the year 1508 the friar Nikolaus Becker, a preacher and confessor, died from plague. The next day, the lay brother Christopher died from plague. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1508, September 13 | A Franciscan deacon diese in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague. | 1508 obijt fr. Jeronimus Jungenickel dyaconus in peste. [371] | In the year 1508 the friar Nikolaus Becker, a deacon, died from plague. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1508, September 6 – 1508, September 26 | A priest dies in Görlitz during an outbreak of plague. | 1508 obijt fr. raphael zelis sacerdos in peste. [372] | In the year 1508 the friar Raphael zelis, a priest, died from plague. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1508, September 28 | A novice of the friars in Görlitz dies from plague | 1508 obijt fr. Martinus piliatoris novicius in poest. [373] | In the year 1508 the friar Martin piliatoris, a novice, died from plague. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
| 1516 | A mortality strikes Magdeburg. | Im jar 1516 war hir pestilentz. [374] | In the year 1516, there was an epidemic here. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
References
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , p. 177
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , p. 184
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronica regia Coloniensis. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH SS rer. Germ.). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1880 , p. 143
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronica regia Coloniensis. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH SS rer. Germ.). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1880 , p. 155.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , p. 198
- ↑ • Reinerus monachus coenobii S. Iacobi: Reineri Annales. In: Gustav Heinrich Pertz (Ed.): Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores. 16). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1859, pp. 651–680 | , p. 655
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 35
- ↑ • Reinerus monachus coenobii S. Iacobi: Reineri Annales. In: Gustav Heinrich Pertz (Ed.): Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores. 16). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1859, pp. 651–680 | , p. 657
- ↑ Template:Achille Bocchi, XIII, p. 2
- ↑ • Matteo Griffoni: Memoriale Historicum de rebus Bononiensium (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Città di Castello 1902 , p. 8.
- ↑ • Matteo Griffoni: Memoriale Historicum de rebus Bononiensium (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Città di Castello 1902 , p. 9
- ↑ Annales Ryenses In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 171
- ↑ • Giovanni Mussi: Chronicon Placentinum ab a. CCXXII usque ad a. MCCCCII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milano 1730, pp. 447–634 , p. 462
- ↑ • Anonymus: Ex brevi chronico ecclesiae S. Dionysii, ad cyclos paschales. In: Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France. 23, Paris 1876, pp. 143–146 , p. 143.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Ex brevi chronico ecclesiae S. Dionysii, ad cyclos paschales. In: Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France. 23, Paris 1876, pp. 143–146 , p. 144
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Parmense. Ab Anno MXXXVIII usque ad Annum MCCCXXXVIII. (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1902 , p. 17.
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 456–457
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 464
- ↑ • Albertus Miliolus: Liber de temporibus et aetatibus et cronica imperatorum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1903, pp. 336–668 , p. 520
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 486
- ↑ • Riccobaldo da Ferrara: Historia imperatorum romano-germanicorum a Carolo Magno usque ad Annum MCCXCVIII. producta (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milan 1726, pp. cols. 107–144 , Sp. 133
- ↑ Johannis Neplachonis, Chronicon, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. III, Praha 1882, p. 445-484, 474.
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , pp. 539–540, 548
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Sancti Rudperti Salisburgensis. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1851, pp. 760–810 , p. 795.
- ↑ Annales Sancti Rudberti Salisburgenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 758-810, 795, l. 8f.
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , pp. 674–675.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Notae Constantienses (= Receuil des historiens des Gaules et de la France). H. Welter, Paris 1894, pp. 543–546 , p. 543
- ↑ Heinrici de Heimburg annales, ed. G. H. Pertz (MGH SS, 17), Hannover 1861, pp. 712-718, p. 714
- ↑ • Anonymus: E chronico Sancti Stephani Cadomensis. In: Contenant la troisième livraison des monuments des règnes de Saint Louis, de Philippe le Hardi, de Philippe le Bel, de Louis X, de Philippe V et de Charles IV, depuis MCCXXVI, jusqu'en MCCCXXVIII (= Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Paris 1894, pp. 491–492 , p. 492
- ↑ • Iohannes Victoriensis: Liber certarum historiarum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi (SS rer. Germ.)). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1909, pp. 1–387 , p. 170
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronica minor auctore Minorita Erphordensi. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi (SS rer. Germ.)). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1899, pp. 524–704 , p. 675, l. 8
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Marchiae Tarvisinae et Lombardiae, aa. 1207–1270 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Bibliotece Estense, Città di Castello 1914–1916 , p. 61
- ↑ • Anonymus: Historia annorum 1264–1279. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1851, pp. 649–654 , p. 651, l. 52
- ↑ • Iohannes de Mailliaca: Chronica universalis Mettensis. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1879, pp. 502–503 , p. 523.
- ↑ • Obertus Stanconus, Iacubus Aurie et al.: Annales. A. 1270–1279. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hannover 1863, pp. 267–288 , pp. 283–284
- ↑ • Sagacino Levalossi and Pietro della Gazata: Chronicon Regiense. Ab Anno MCCLXXII usqu ad MCCCLXXXVIII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milan 1731, pp. 5–98 , p. 8
- ↑ • Giovanni Mussi: Chronicon Placentinum ab a. CCXXII usque ad a. MCCCCII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milano 1730, pp. 447–634 , p. 480
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 727.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Parmense. Ab Anno MXXXVIII usque ad Annum MCCCXXXVIII. (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1902 , p. 33
- ↑ • Anonymus: Gesta praepositorum Stederburgensium continuata. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1880, pp. 720–735 , p. 728, l. 42
- ↑ • Sagacino Levalossi and Pietro della Gazata: Chronicon Regiense. Ab Anno MCCLXXII usqu ad MCCCLXXXVIII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milan 1731, pp. 5–98 , p. 8
- ↑ • Albertus Miliolus: Liber de temporibus et aetatibus et cronica imperatorum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1903, pp. 336–668 , p. 551
- ↑ • Anonymus: E chronico Sancti Stephani Cadomensis. In: Contenant la troisième livraison des monuments des règnes de Saint Louis, de Philippe le Hardi, de Philippe le Bel, de Louis X, de Philippe V et de Charles IV, depuis MCCXXVI, jusqu'en MCCCXXVIII (= Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Paris 1894, pp. 491–492 , p. 492.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon imperatorum et pontificum Bavaricum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1879, pp. 220–225 , p. 224, l. 53,
- ↑ Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 281
- ↑ Template:Jaffe 1861, Sp. 209
- ↑ Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 17f.
- ↑ Continuatio Vindobonensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 698-722, 712, l. 24-26
- ↑ • Albertus Miliolus: Liber de temporibus et aetatibus et cronica imperatorum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1903, pp. 336–668 , pp. 558-559
- ↑ • Albertus Miliolus: Liber de temporibus et aetatibus et cronica imperatorum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1903, pp. 336–668 , p. 562
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 754
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Polonorum IV. a. 899-1327. 1378. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1866, pp. 613–656 , p. 648, l. 28.
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 781
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Sancti Rudperti Salisburgensis. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1852, pp. 8–11 , p. 10, l. 18.
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 862
- ↑ • Ptolemaeus Lucensis: Annales Ptolemaeus Lucensis. In: Cronache dei Secoli XIII e XIV (= Documenti di storia italiana. 1). Florence 1876, pp. 35–104 , p. 94
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 849
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , pp. 287-288
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 861.
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 839.
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 894.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Parmense. Ab Anno MXXXVIII usque ad Annum MCCCXXXVIII. (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1902 , p. 51.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronica di Bologna. Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna, ISBN (Signatur)BU 3670 , pp. 149–150.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Vindobonenses. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1851, pp. 699–722 , p. 716, l. 40
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Caesenatenses (= Fonti per la storia dell'Italia Medievale. Antiquitates). Istituto Storico Italiano, Roma 2003 , p. 51
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Polonorum I. a. 965-1325. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1866, pp. 614–656 , p. 652, l. 31.
- ↑ Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 282
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Ensdorfenses. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1852, pp. 4–8 , p. 6, l. 45.
- ↑ • Ptolemaeus Lucensis: Annales Ptolemaeus Lucensis. In: Cronache dei Secoli XIII e XIV (= Documenti di storia italiana. 1). Florence 1876, pp. 35–104 , p. 103
- ↑ Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: ‘‘Danmarks middelalderlige annaler‘‘. København 1980, p. 282
- ↑ Rocznik Malopolsk, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, p. 171
- ↑ Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 282
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Aulae Regia 1301-1339. In: Die Königsaaler Geschichts-Quellen mit den Zusätzen und der Fortsetzung des Domherrn Franz von Prag (= Fontes Rerum Austriacarum). Vienna 1875, pp. 29–535 , p. 289.
- ↑ Annales Essenbecenses. In: Erik Kroman: Danmarks middelalderlige annaler. København 1980, p. 323
- ↑ • Christian Gold: Annales Matseenses. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1851, pp. 823–837, (Continuatio monachorum Sancti Petri) 837-843 , p. 825, l. 7f.
- ↑ • Giovanni Mussi: Chronicon Placentinum ab a. CCXXII usque ad a. MCCCCII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milano 1730, pp. 447–634 , p. 488
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca A [-1350]. In: Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). 1938 , p. 325
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronaca Villola(-1350). In: Corpus Chronicorum Bonoiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). Città di Castello 1938 , p. 324
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Parmense. Ab Anno MXXXVIII usque ad Annum MCCCXXXVIII. (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1902 , p. 125
- ↑ • Anonymus: Gesta Trevirorum. 2, Trier 1838 , p. 235.
- ↑ • Sagacino Levalossi and Pietro della Gazata: Chronicon Regiense. Ab Anno MCCLXXII usqu ad MCCCLXXXVIII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milan 1731, pp. 5–98 , p. 24
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Bohemiae brevissimi. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1861, pp. 719–721 , p. 720, l. 40.
- ↑ • Guglielmo Ventura: Memoriale Gvilielmi Ventvrae civis Astensis de gestis civium Astensium et plurium aliorum. In: Monumenta Historiae Patriae, Scriptores. 3, Tipografia Regia, Turin 1848, pp. cols. 701–816 , Sp. 773
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 472
- ↑ Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aulae Regiae, ed. Dobner 1784, p. 348f.
- ↑ Franciscus Pragensis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler 1884, p. 347-456, p. 383
- ↑ Johannis Neplachonis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. III , Praha 1882 , p. 445-484, 477
- ↑ • Anonymus Leobiensis: Chronik (= Scriptores rerum Austriacarum veteres ac genuini). Leipzig 1721, pp. 755–968 , pp. 917–18.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Caesenatenses (= Fonti per la storia dell'Italia Medievale. Antiquitates). Istituto Storico Italiano, Roma 2003 , p. 108
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon VVirziburgense. anno 1340. conscriptum et usque ad Laurentium de Bibra continuatum, ex Codice MS. Monasterii S. Stephani VVirceburgensis. In: Commentarii de rebus Franciae orientalis et episcopatus VVirceburgensis. 1, Würzburg 1729, pp. 816–825 , p. 821.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Caesenates. Ab Anno MCLXII. usque ad Annum MCCCLXII. In: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (Muratori)). Milan 1729, pp. 1089–1186 , p. 1138
- ↑ Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 247f.
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 474
- ↑ • Anonymus: Diario estratto dallo studio dell’ Alidosio. Biblioteca Universitaria, pp. BU 621 , p. 35r
- ↑ Anonymous, Annalen des Klosters Colbatz, in: Pommersches Urkundenbuch 1, 2, ed. Prümers (1877), pp. 467-492, p.486f.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Parmense. Ab Anno MXXXVIII usque ad Annum MCCCXXXVIII. (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1902 , Sp. 164.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Gesta abbatum Trudonensium. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1852, pp. 213–448 , p. 416
- ↑ • Guglielmo Ventura: Memoriale Gvilielmi Ventvrae civis Astensis de gestis civium Astensium et plurium aliorum. In: Monumenta Historiae Patriae, Scriptores. 3, Tipografia Regia, Turin 1848, pp. cols. 701–816 , Sp. 816
- ↑ see Alberto da Bezzano, MGH SS rer. Germ. 3, p. 92
- ↑ see DBI
- ↑ • August Bielowski: Catalogus episcoporum wladislaviensium. In: Monumenta Poloniae historica: Pomniki dziejowe Polski. Kraków 1884, pp. 24–30 , p. 27
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Aulae Regiae. In: Petra Žitavského kronika zbraslavská (= Fontes rerum Bohemicarum). Prag 1884, pp. 1–337 , p. 288, lib. 2, cap. 20.
- ↑ Franciscus Pragensis, Chronica, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler 1884, p. 347-456, p. 401
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 481
- ↑ Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 288
- ↑ Rocznik Malopolsk, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, p. 189
- ↑ Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 321.
- ↑ Annales Matseenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 823-837, 828f.
- ↑ Ludolf of Sagan, Catalogus abbtum Saganensium, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 173-528, 167.
- ↑ • Marco Battagli: Marcha di Marco Battagli da Rimini [AA. 1212-1354] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1912 , p. 49
- ↑ • Johannes von Winterthur: Chronik / Johannes von Winterthur. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Nova series). Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, Berlin 1924 , p. 173
- ↑ • Sagacino Levalossi and Pietro della Gazata: Chronicon Regiense. Ab Anno MCCLXXII usqu ad MCCCLXXXVIII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milan 1731, pp. 5–98 , p. 129
- ↑ • Johannes von Winterthur: Chronik / Johannes von Winterthur. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Nova series). Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, Berlin 1924 , p. 173.
- ↑ • Giovanni da Bazzano: Chronicon Mutinense [AA. 1188-1363] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Bologna 1917 , p. 119.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Estense cum additamentis usque ad annum 1478 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1908 , p. 111
- ↑ • Iohannes Victoriensis: Liber certarum historiarum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi (SS rer. Germ.)). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1909, pp. 1–387 , p. 229.
- ↑ • Raphaynus de Caresinis: Chronica AA. 1343-1388 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1992 , p. 5
- ↑ • Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp. 48–49
- ↑ • Patrizio: Cronica Patricii Ravennatis. In: Forlì e i suoi vescovi. Appunti e documentazione per una storia della chiesa di Forlì (= Studia Ravennatensia). Forlì 1985, pp. 1143–1175 , p. 1172
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Cuiavienses. In: Monumenta Poloniae historica = Pomniki dziejowe Polski. 5, Lwów 1888, pp. 885–889 , p. 889
- ↑ • Johannes von Winterthur: Chronik / Johannes von Winterthur. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Nova series). Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, Berlin 1924 , p. 270.
- ↑ • Giovanni da Bazzano: Chronicon Mutinense [AA. 1188-1363] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Bologna 1917 , p. 135
- ↑ • Nicolai Acciaioli and Matteo Palmieri: Vita Nicolai Acciaioli / Matteo Palmieri (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1918 , pp. 11-12
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 516
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 516
- ↑ • Matteo Griffoni: Memoriale Historicum de rebus Bononiensium (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Città di Castello 1902 , p. 56
- ↑ Francis of Prague, Chronicon Francisci Pragensi, ed. Jana Zachová, Prague 1997, p. 204f.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Estense cum additamentis usque ad annum 1478 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1908 , p. 160
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronici Saxonici continuatio Erfordensis 1899 (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 447-485 , p. 485
- ↑ • Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp. 45–46
- ↑ • Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp. 50–51
- ↑ • Sagacino Levalossi and Pietro della Gazata: Chronicon Regiense. Ab Anno MCCLXXII usqu ad MCCCLXXXVIII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milan 1731, pp. 5–98 , p. 66
- ↑ • Giuseppe Mazzatini: Annales Forolivienses ab origine urbis usque ad annum MCCCCLXXIII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903–09 , pp. 66–67
- ↑ • Guillelmus de Cortusiis: Chronica de novitatibus Padue et Lombardie (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Bologna , pp. 120–121
- ↑ • Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp. 49–50
- ↑ • Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp, 53–54.
- ↑ • Bonamenta Aliprandi: "Aliprandina" o "Cronica di Mantua". In: Breve Chronicon Monasterii mantuani sancti Andree ord. Bened. di Antonio Nerli (AA. 800–1431). Segue in appendice o Cronica di Mantua (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1908, pp. 21–183 , p. 133.
- ↑ • Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp. 51–52
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Le Familiari [Libri XVI-XX] (= Familiarium Rerum Libri). Nino Aragno Editore, Torino 2008 , pp. 2212–2214
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Buch 13-24. Bücher der Vertraulichkeiten (= Familiaria). De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston 2009 , pp. 157–158 [transl. from German to English]
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Estense cum additamentis usque ad annum 1478 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1908 , p. 162
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Estense cum additamentis usque ad annum 1478 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1908 , p. 161
- ↑ • Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp. 52–53
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 252
- ↑ • Dominico de Gravina: Chronicon de rebus in Apulia gestis. (AA. 133–1350) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , p. 49
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Estense cum additamentis usque ad annum 1478 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1908 , p. 162
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , p. 394
- ↑ • Anonymus: Juliani canonici Civitatenses chronica (aa. 1252–1364) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1906 , p. 57
- ↑ Kalendarium Zwetlense, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 689-698, 692, l. 18-25
- ↑ • Raphaynus de Caresinis: Chronica AA. 1343-1388 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1992 , p. 5
- ↑ • Alberto Sorbelli: Cronica gestorum ac factorum memorabilium civitatis Bononiensis / Gerolamo Albertucci de' Borselli (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1912 , p. 43
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Le Familiari [Libri VI-X] (= Familiarium Rerum Libri). Nino Aragno Editore, Torino 2007 , pp. 980–982
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Buch 1-12. Bücher der Vertraulichkeiten (= Familiaria). De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston 2005 , p. 377 [transl. from German to English]
- ↑ • Guillelmus de Cortusiis: Chronica de novitatibus Padue et Lombardie (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Bologna , p. 121
- ↑ C. A. Christensen, K. Friis Johansen: Danmarks Riges Breve. 3rd series, volume 3, 1348-1352. København 1963, p. 15
- ↑ • Bernardino Azzurini: Liber Rubeus sive Collectanea historica de rebus faventinorum. In: Chronica Breviora aliaque monumenta faventina (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1907, pp. 3–282 , p. 129
- ↑ C. A. Christensen, K. Friis Johansen: Danmarks Riges Breve. 3rd series, volume 3, 1348-1352. København 1963, p. 109
- ↑ • Anonymus: Discorso historico con molti accidenti occorsi in Orvieto et in altre parti principiando dal 1342 fino al 1368. In: Annales Urbevetani, Cronica potestatum (1194–1332) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1922–24 , p. 25, note 2
- ↑ • Ermanno Orlando: Registro XXIV (1347-1349). (= Venezia – Senato. Deliberazioni miste). Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Venezia 2007, ISBN 9788888143750 , pp. 325-327
- ↑ • Ermanno Orlando: Registro XXIV (1347-1349). (= Venezia – Senato. Deliberazioni miste). Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Venezia 2007, ISBN 9788888143750 , pp. 332-333
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Le Familiari. Libri XX-XXIV (= Le Familiari). G. G. Sansoni Editore, Firenze 1942 , p. 237
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Buch 13-24. Bücher der Vertraulichkeiten (= Familiaria). De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston 2009 , p. 670 [transl. from German to English]
- ↑ Monumenta Vaticana, vol. 1 (ed. Klicman), Prague 1903, no 1015, p. 571.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Discorso historico con molti accidenti occorsi in Orvieto et in altre parti principiando dal 1342 fino al 1368. In: Annales Urbevetani, Cronica potestatum (1194–1332) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1922–24 , p. 25, note 2
- ↑ Kalendarium Zwetlense, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 689-698, 692, l. 26-40
- ↑ Continuatio Zwetlensis quarta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 684-689, 685
- ↑ Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis quinta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 735-742, 736
- ↑ Annales Matseenses, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 823-837, 829f.
- ↑ Notae Cracovienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 5, p. 905
- ↑ Chronica Sialandie. In: Ellen Jørgensen: Annales Danici medii ævi. København 1920, p. 175
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 257
- ↑ Spominki Wladislawskie, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, p. 945
- ↑ Chronica Oliviensis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica tom. VI, pp. 310-350, p. 347
- ↑ Tryggve Lundén:Den Heliga Birgitta, Himmelska uppenbarelser. Vol. 3., ch. 113. Malmö 1958, p. 182
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Le Familiari [Libri VI-X] (= Familiarium Rerum Libri). Nino Aragno Editore, Torino 2007 , p. 1140
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Buch 1-12. Bücher der Vertraulichkeiten (= Familiaria). De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston 2005 , p. 438 [transl. from German to English]
- ↑ Continuatio Novimontensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 669-677, 676
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Le Familiari [Libri VI-X] (= Familiarium Rerum Libri). Nino Aragno Editore, Torino 2007 , pp. 1124-1134
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Buch 1-12. Bücher der Vertraulichkeiten (= Familiaria). De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston 2005 , pp. 432–434 [transl. from German to English]
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Le Familiari [Libri VI-X] (= Familiarium Rerum Libri). Nino Aragno Editore, Torino 2007 , p. 1366
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Buch 1-12. Bücher der Vertraulichkeiten (= Familiaria). De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston 2005 , p. 523 [transl. from German to English]
- ↑ • Anonymus: Discorso historico con molti accidenti occorsi in Orvieto et in altre parti principiando dal 1342 fino al 1368. In: Annales Urbevetani, Cronica potestatum (1194–1332) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1922–24 , p. 25, note 2
- ↑ Miroslav Flodr (ed.), Pamětní kniha města Brna z let 1343-1376 (1379), Brno 2005, p. 120, no 232.
- ↑ Chronica Archiepiscoporvm Lvndensivm. In: M. Cl. Gertz: Scriptores minores historiæ Danicæ medii ævi Vol. 2. København 1922, p. 117
- ↑ Annales Scanici Sialandie. In: Ellen Jørgensen: Annales Danici medii ævi. København 1920, p. 189
- ↑ DI 36, Stadt Hannover, Nr. 6† (Sabine Wehking), in: www.inschriften.net, urn:nbn:de:0238-di036g006k0000602.
- ↑ Francis of Prague, Chronicon Francisci Pragensi, ed. Jana Zachová, Prague 1997, p. 212.
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 520
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 300
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 326
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 338
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 348
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 352
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 32
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 393
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 218-219.
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 2-4
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , pp. 381-382
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , (Continuatio II A) pp. 396-397
- ↑ Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VIII, p. 95, no. 129
- ↑ Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VIII, p. 97f., no. 133
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon S. Petri Erfordensis moderna (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 150-398 , p. 384
- ↑ Diplomatarium Suecanum, S 5491, p. 861
- ↑ Annales Wratislawienses maiores, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica III, p. 690.
- ↑ Miroslav Flodr (ed.), Pamětní kniha města Brna z let 1343-1376 (1379), Brno 2005, p. 745, no 2258.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Moguntinum. In: Chronicon Moguntinum (= MGH SSrG. 2). S. Hirzel, Leipzig 1882, pp. 1-90 , p. 5-6
- ↑ • Johannes Kungstein: Mainzer Chronik 1346 bis 1406 – Chronicon Moguntinum. Festgabe für Anton Issel (= Lebendiges Rheinland-Pfalz). Mainz 2009 , p. 31
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 3, 223
- ↑ • Heinricus de Diessenhofen: Heinricus de Diessenhofen und andere Geschichtsquellen Deutschlands im späteren Mittelalter (= Fontes rerum Germanicarum – Geschichtsquellen Deutschlands). Stuttgart 1868, pp. 16–126 , p. 112
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Zwifaltenses. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1852, pp. 51–64 , p. 62
- ↑ Continuatio Zwetlensis quarta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 684-689, 688
- ↑ Litera indulgencia contra pestem..., in: Libiri erectionum, vol. I, ed. Borový (1873), pp. 11-13, 12
- ↑ Annales Sandivogii, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, pp. 872-880, 880
- ↑ Annales Miechoviensis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, p. 880-896, 886
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 301f.
- ↑ Göte Paulsson: Annales Suecici Medii Aevi: Svensk Medeltidsannalistik. Lund, 1974, p. 286
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Le Familiari. Libri XX-XXIV (= Le Familiari). G. G. Sansoni Editore, Firenze 1942 , pp. 132–133
- ↑ • Francesco Petrarca: Buch 13-24. Bücher der Vertraulichkeiten (= Familiaria). De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston 2009 , pp. 547–548 [transl. from German to English]
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 527
- ↑ • Richard Lescot: Chronique de Richard Lescot, religieux de Saint-Denis (1328-1344), suivie de la continuation de cette chronique (1344-1364). Renouard, Paris 1896 , p. 150
- ↑ • Giovanni da Bazzano: Chronicon Mutinense [AA. 1188-1363] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Bologna 1917 , pp. 176-179
- ↑ • Alberto Sorbelli: Cronica gestorum ac factorum memorabilium civitatis Bononiensis / Gerolamo Albertucci de' Borselli (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1912 , p. 50
- ↑ • Matteo Griffoni: Memoriale Historicum de rebus Bononiensium (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Città di Castello 1902 , p. 66
- ↑ • Richard Lescot: Chronique de Richard Lescot, religieux de Saint-Denis (1328-1344), suivie de la continuation de cette chronique (1344-1364). Renouard, Paris 1896 , p. 152
- ↑ Statutum synodale Arnesti AEpi..., in: Libiri erectionum, vol. I, ed. Borovy (1873), pp. 39f.
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 9, Warszawa 1978, p. 322
- ↑ • Patrizio: Cronica Patricii Ravennatis. In: Forlì e i suoi vescovi. Appunti e documentazione per una storia della chiesa di Forlì (= Studia Ravennatensia). Forlì 1985, pp. 1143–1175 , p. 1172
- ↑ • Richard Lescot: Chronique de Richard Lescot, religieux de Saint-Denis (1328-1344), suivie de la continuation de cette chronique (1344-1364). Renouard, Paris 1896 , p. 156
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Variorum. Erfurt von 1365 bis 1525. In: Anzeiger für Kunde des deutschen Mittelalters. 3, Nürnberg 1834, pp. cols. 231 , col. 231.
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 535
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 539f.
- ↑ Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis quinta, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 735-742, 736
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 542
- ↑ Beneš Krabice of Weitmil, Cronica ecclesie Pragensis, in: Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. Emler (1884), pp. 457-548, 545
- ↑ Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 40
- ↑ Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 2, p. 619-756, 652
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 10, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 30.
- ↑ Annales Wratislawienses maiores, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 688-690, 690
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Budkowa et al., vol. 10, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 31
- ↑ • Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 1, pp. 170-171
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 267-268
- ↑ Annales Miechovienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, pp. 880-896, 886
- ↑ Annales Bohemiae Brevissimi, ed. G.H. Pertz (MGH SS, 17) p. 719-721, p. 721
- ↑ Benessius Minorita, ed. G.Dobner (MBH IV, 1779) p. 23-78, p. 63.
- ↑ Anonymous, Chronicon Bohemiae Lipsiense, ed. J. Emler (Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. VII, s.a.) p. 5-8, p. 5.
- ↑ Anonymous, Chronicon Bohemicum Pragense, ed. J. Emler (Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. VII, s.a.) p. 10-13, p. 11.
- ↑ Second continuator of the Pulkava chronicle, ed. G.Dobner (MBH IV, 1779) p. 131-137, p. 133.
- ↑ Codex Iuris Municipalis, vol. IV/1, p. 175f., no. 122
- ↑ Doreen Molders, p. 624-625.
- ↑ Codex iuris municipalis regni Bohemiae, vol. 4, 1 (1954), p. 175f.
- ↑ • Anonymus: La chronique liégeoise de 1402. Kiessling et Cie, Brussels , p. 394
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 288.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1384.html (20 April 2020).
- ↑ • Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 2, pp. 80–83.
- ↑ • Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 2, pp. 88–91
- ↑ • Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 2 p. 99
- ↑ Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 2, p. 619-756, 751f.
- ↑ Codex iuris municipalis regni Bohemiae, vol. 4, 1 (1954), p. 191f.
- ↑ • Anonymus: La chronique liégeoise de 1402. Kiessling et Cie, Brussels , p. 404
- ↑ • Anonymus: La chronique liégeoise de 1402. Kiessling et Cie, Brussels , p. 405.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1391.html (20 April 2020).
- ↑ Annales Glogovienses, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 17.
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , p. 294
- ↑ Ludolf of Sagan, Catalogus abbtum Saganensium, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 173-528, 232.
- ↑ • Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 3, p. 392
- ↑ • Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 3, p. 408
- ↑ • Jean Brandon: Chronique de Jean Brandon avec les additions d'Adrien de But. In: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la dominiation des ducs de Bourgogne. 1, Brussels 1870, pp. 1-166 , p. 90
- ↑ SRD. I 319, rep. nr. 4732
- ↑ • Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 3, pp. 405–407
- ↑ • Jean Brandon: Chronique de Jean Brandon avec les additions d'Adrien de But. In: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la dominiation des ducs de Bourgogne. 1, Brussels 1870, pp. 1-166 , p. 133
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Garbacik et al., vol. 10, 2, Warszawa 1982, p. 55
- ↑ München, BSB, Clm 26666, fol. 134v (zit. F. Graus, Autour de la peste noire au XIVe siècle en Bohême, in: Annales ESC, xviii (1963), p. 724.
- ↑ Benessius Minorita, ed. G.Dobner (MBH IV, 1779) p. 23-78, p. 67.
- ↑ Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 44.
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 140
- ↑ Annales Wratislawienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 680-688, 685.
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 24f.
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 39f.
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , p. 343
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 174
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 176
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 189
- ↑ Notae Casimirienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 242-243, 242
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 221
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 225
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , pp. 378-379
- ↑ RG Online, RG IV 04552, URL: Repertorium Germanicum Online
- ↑ Iohanis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, ed. Gaweda, vol. 11, 1, Warszawa 1985, p. 335
- ↑ • Monica Brînzei: A student's notes on the plague in Codex Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, 4497 (= Chôra 20/2022). , pp. 367-377 , pp. 375-376.
- ↑ • Adrien de But: Chronique d'Adrien de But complétée avec les additions du même auteur. In: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la dominiation des ducs de Bourgogne. 1, Brussels 1870, pp. 211–710 , p. 254
- ↑ Notae monachi Sanctae Crucis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 412-414, 413
- ↑ Annales Wratislawienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 680-688, 686
- ↑ RG Online, RG V 00478, URL: Repertorium Germanicum Online
- ↑ • Erhard von Appenwiler: Die Chronik Erhards von Appenwiler (1439-1471). In: Basler Chroniken. 4, S. Hirzel, Leipzig 1890, pp. 221–355 , pp. 251-252
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 224
- ↑ Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 53
- ↑ Notae Leknenses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, p. 255
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 262
- ↑ Notae monachi Sanctae Crucis, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 412-414, 412
- ↑ Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 62
- ↑ Notae Plocenses et Sochaczevienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol III., pp. 118-124, 121
- ↑ Anonymous, Ratiborer Chronik, (ed. Weltzel), in: Zeitschrift des Vereins für Geschichte und Alterthum Schlesiens, vol 4 (1862), pp. 114-126, p. 118
- ↑ Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 63
- ↑ • Adrien de But: Chronique d'Adrien de But complétée avec les additions du même auteur. In: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la dominiation des ducs de Bourgogne. 1, Brussels 1870, pp. 211–710 , p. 347
- ↑ • Monica Brînzei: A student's notes on the plague in Codex Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, 4497 (= Chôra 20/2022). , pp. 367-377 , p. 375.
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 286
- ↑ • Adrien de But: Chronique d'Adrien de But complétée avec les additions du même auteur. In: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la dominiation des ducs de Bourgogne. 1, Brussels 1870, pp. 211–710 , p. 360
- ↑ Calendarium Cracoviense, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. II, pp. 906-941, 937f.
- ↑ Annales Wratislavienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. III, pp. 680-688, 686
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronica S. Aegidii. In: Scriptores Rerum Brunsvicensium Illustrationi Inservientes. 3, Hannover 1711, pp. 558–600 , p. 597
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronica S. Aegidii. In: Scriptores Rerum Brunsvicensium Illustrationi Inservientes. 3, Hannover 1711, pp. 558–600 , p. 597
- ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Variorum. Erfurt von 1365 bis 1525. In: Anzeiger für Kunde des deutschen Mittelalters. 3, Nürnberg 1834, pp. cols. 231 , col. 231.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Diario ferrarese dall'anno 1409 sino al 1502 di autori incerti (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1928–33 , p. 45
- ↑ • Johannes Staindel: Presbyteri Pataviensis Chronicon Generale ab O.C. ad A.C. MDVIII. In: Rerum boicarum scriptores. 1, 1764, pp. 420-542 , p. 538
- ↑ • Cronica brevis (lipsiensem dixeris) de quibusdam novissimis temporibus actis in partibus Missne et Thuringie. In: Scriptores rerum Germanicarum praecipue Saxonicarum. 3, Auguste Desrez, Leipzig 1730, pp. 55–64 , sp. 61
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 296.
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , p. 405.
- ↑ • Erhard von Appenwiler: Die Chronik Erhards von Appenwiler (1439-1471). In: Basler Chroniken. 4, S. Hirzel, Leipzig 1890, pp. 221–355 , p. 344.
- ↑ • Johannes von Guben: Jahrbuecher des Zittauischen Stadtschreibers Johannes von Guben und einiger seiner Amtsnachfolger. In: Scriptores rerum Lusaticarum: Neue Folge. 1, Görlitz 1839, pp. 1-112 , p. 82
- ↑ • R.P.M. Cherubino Ghirardacci: Della historia di Bologna. Parte terza, del R.P.M. Cherubino Ghirardacci bolognese, dell'Ordine eremitano di S. Agostino (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1915–16 , p. 187
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronica S. Aegidii. In: Scriptores Rerum Brunsvicensium Illustrationi Inservientes. 3, Hannover 1711, pp. 558–600 , p. 597.
- ↑ • Johannes von Guben: Jahrbuecher des Zittauischen Stadtschreibers Johannes von Guben und einiger seiner Amtsnachfolger. In: Scriptores rerum Lusaticarum: Neue Folge. 1, Görlitz 1839, pp. 1-112 , p. 82.
- ↑ Annales Posnantenses II, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. V, pp. 882-884, 884.
- ↑ Annales Olivienses, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. VI, pp. 360-382, p. 367
- ↑ • Chronicon Salisburgense. In: Scriptores rerum austriacarum veteres ac genuini. 2, Leipzig 1725, pp. 427–46 , p. 431.
- ↑ Sequuntur gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi, in: Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. 12, ed. Wachter, p. 37-86, 81
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 330.
- ↑ • Annales Thorunenses (941–1540). In: Scriptores rerum Prussicarum. Die Geschichtsquellen der preussischen Vorzeit bis zum Untergang der Ordensherrschaft. 3, Leipzig 1866, pp. 57–316 , p. 399.
- ↑ • Caspar Borgeni: Annales Glogovienses bis z. J. 1493. Nebst urkundlichen Beilagen (= Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum oder Sammlung schlesischer Geschichtschreiber). Breslau 1877, pp. 1–66 , p. 22.
- ↑ Chronicon abbatum Beate Marie Virgnis in Arena, in: Script. rer. Siles., ed. Stenzel (1839), pp. 156-286, 249.
- ↑ • Aeltere Universitäts-Matrikeln. II. Universität Greifswald (= Publicationen aus den k. preußischen Staatsarchiven. 1). S. Hirzel, Leipzig 1893 , p. 27.
- ↑ • Sigmund Rosicz: Gesta diversa transactis temporibus facta in Silesia et alibi (1237–1470). In: Scriptores rerum silesiacarum. 12, Max, Breslau 1883, pp. 37–86 , p. 81.
- ↑ • Angelo de Tummulillis: Notabilia temporum di Angelo de Tummulillis da Sant'Elia (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia; Scrittori. Secolo XV). Istituto storico italiano, Rome 1890 , p. 123
- ↑ • Michael Czacheritz: Cronica monasterii canonicorum regularium (s. Augustini) in Glacz. Universitas Wratislaviensis. Inst. Studiorum Silesiacorum et Bohemicorum, Wrocław 2003 , p. 178
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 334
- ↑ Sara Risberg, Kirsi Salonen, and Riksarkivet. Auctoritate Papae: The Church Province of Uppsala and the Apostolic Penitentiary 1410-1526. Acta Pontificum Suecica 2. Stockholm 2008, p. 116.
- ↑ • Caspar Borgeni: Annales Glogovienses bis z. J. 1493. Nebst urkundlichen Beilagen (= Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum oder Sammlung schlesischer Geschichtschreiber). Breslau 1877, pp. 1–66 , p. 22.
- ↑ • Ioannis Dlugossii: Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae. Lib. 12, 1462–1480. Polska Akademia Umiejętności, Kraków 2005 , p. 176.
- ↑ • Ioannis Dlugossii: Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae. Lib. 12, 1462–1480. Polska Akademia Umiejętności, Kraków 2005 , p. 205.
- ↑ • Achill Pirmin Gassar: Annales Augstburgenses. In: Scriptores rerum germanicarum, praecipue saxonicarum. 1, Leipzig 1728, pp. sp. 1317–1954 , sp. 1664.
- ↑ Template:Heinrich Meibom, pp. 182–183.
- ↑ Pol ###, II, p. 106.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 296.
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 362.
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , p. 417.
- ↑ Annales Glogovienses, in: Script. rer. Siles., vol 10, ed. Markgraf (1877), p. 46.
- ↑ Sara Risberg, Kirsi Salonen, and Riksarkivet. Auctoritate Papae: The Church Province of Uppsala and the Apostolic Penitentiary 1410-1526. Acta Pontificum Suecica 2. Stockholm 2008, p. 290
- ↑ Sara Risberg, Kirsi Salonen, and Riksarkivet. Auctoritate Papae: The Church Province of Uppsala and the Apostolic Penitentiary 1410-1526. Acta Pontificum Suecica 2. Stockholm 2008, p. 293
- ↑ • Benoît Mailliard: Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, grand prieur de l'abbaye de Savigny en Lyonnois (1460-1506). Louis Perrin, Lyon 1883 , p. 153
- ↑ • Benoît Mailliard: Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, grand prieur de l'abbaye de Savigny en Lyonnois (1460-1506). Louis Perrin, Lyon 1883 , p. 167
- ↑ • Benoît Mailliard: Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, grand prieur de l'abbaye de Savigny en Lyonnois (1460-1506). Louis Perrin, Lyon 1883 , p. 171.
- ↑ • Jean de Horne: Chronique du règne de Jean de Horne. In: Chroniques liégeoises (= Académie royale de Belgique. Commission royale d'histoire, (Series I in-4°)). Brussels 1913, pp. 344-569 , pp. 490-491
- ↑ Medeltida avskrifter: avskr. papp. Odat. nr 133, RA 0102
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 388
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 388
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 391
- ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 390
- ↑ • Johannes von Guben: Jahrbuecher des Zittauischen Stadtschreibers Johannes von Guben und einiger seiner Amtsnachfolger. In: Scriptores rerum Lusaticarum: Neue Folge. 1, Görlitz 1839, pp. 1-112 , p. 103
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 292.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, pp. 292-293
- ↑ • Benoît Mailliard: Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, grand prieur de l'abbaye de Savigny en Lyonnois (1460-1506). Louis Perrin, Lyon 1883 , p. 183.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 269.
- ↑ • Benoît Mailliard: Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, grand prieur de l'abbaye de Savigny en Lyonnois (1460-1506). Louis Perrin, Lyon 1883 , p. 194.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 297.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 281.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 284.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 284.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 285.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 287.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 288.
- ↑ Template:Kalendarium Necrologium FOM 1839, p. 288.
- ↑ • Heinrich von Lammespringe: Die Magdeburger Schöppenchronik (= Chroniken der Deutschen Städte). Hirzel, Leipzig 1869 , p. 421
| |||
 |
|
| This is an EpiMedDat page, and outside EpiMedDat it is a mirrored or cloned page or similar. Please note that the page may then be outdated (10.07.2025) and no longer relate to the content. The original page is or was located at http://epimeddat.net/wiki/Latin |
|