German
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In German, a total of 136 epidemic events are known so far.
Events
Date | Summary | T |
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1259 | Flagellants appear in Bohemia, go through the whole country and come into conflict with the established clergy. Many Bohemians (men and women) go with them. They are persecuted by the Roman Church. | Von gotes geburt her abe / czwelfhundirt gar / vnd dar nach nun vnd funfzcig iar; / Von den, di in der buz / gingin mit dez tufils gruz. / vnd der sel ein swer val / vndir einer neuwen tat / waz czu licht komen drat, / in dem vorgnantin iar / czu Behem quam fur war. / Do gingin blose leut / durch daz gancze lant wit, / di indecktin dy ruk / vf er cleins gluk / vnd slugin sich mit geisziln / den ruk voln kreiszil. / Si stracktin sich in daz kot, / vnd daz waz der sel tot. / Gotis dinst si smechtin, / di pristirschaf si echtin; / si sprachin: "Vnsir buzze ist der sel suzse / vnd beszir, wen vwir schrein." / Si hiszin laszin sin / gotis ampt vor nit, / und daz tetin dy lut. / Di bemisch herrin / sohin si von verrin / also durch daz lant gen. / Si sprachin zcu den: / "Wi turt er daz getun / an vnsir viszin iczun?" / Mit in gingin si bi nom / vnd slugin sich alsom. / Di frouwen in irn scharin / sach man alsam gebarin; / si tetin als di gouch / vnd geisiltin sich ouch. / Hettin si gewolt, / daz ez der sel frumen solt, / so soltin si ez bi tagin / czu buz intphangin habin / von den pristirn gelesin; / so wer ez der sel nucz gewesin. / Abir dy erstin nacktin / bosen vorsacz trachtin, / wan si slugin sich ser / vm den tufil Lucifer, / daz der gar vngenem / uf sinen stul widir quem. / Vnd do von in dysze mer / virnomen dy Romer, / si in aln czu stur / gabin ein buz mit dem fur / als andern keczern, / di si woltin mern. / Di keczir sint mit ganczir ger / des tufils diner, / vnd daz warn dy. / Dar vm offintin si / ir heilkeit misstetlich, / daz schied si von dem himilrich. [1] | After the birth of God in the twelfhundred and fifty ninth year; of those who went in penitence with the salute of the devil. Doing their souls no good choice by this new deed that came to light in the named year in Bohemia. Naked people went through the whole land. They covered their backs with beatings by whips. They layed down in excrement and that was the death for their souls. They reviled the devine service and the clergy and they said: "Our penitence is the food of the soul and it is better than your shouting." They demanded the devine service to stop and the people did so. The Bohemian lords saw them go through the land from far and said: "How come they do this without our knowledge?" But they went with them and beated themselves. The flock of the women behaved likewise: they did the same and joined them. If they had wanted to help their souls they should have received the order of penitence by day and from the priests. But those nakeds had a bad scheme from the beginning: They beated themselves hard in order to bring the devil Lucifer back on his throne. When the Romans came to know of them, they let them atone by fire as they did with other heretics. The heretics are with their whole desire servants of the devil and so they were. Therein they advertised their failed holiness and this seperated them from the kingdom of heaven. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
1336 VN: 80 |
A mortality in the small Thuringian city of Kranichfeld, but unclear if disease-induced | Noch gotis geburte tusent jar driehundirt jar in deme sechs unde drißigistime jare da vil daz volk von Cranchfelt, der was nun unde achzig, die storbin da tot. [2] | In the year of our Lord 1336, the people of Kranichfeld, less than 80, died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1349 VN: 2.400 |
The Black Death strikes Limburg, but also Mainz and Cologne. In Limburg, the disease killed 2.400 people. From the fear of the plague arose the flagellants movement. A long description of the flagellants movement and their behaviour and rituals follows this source passage. | Item da man schreip dusent druhundert unde in dem nune unde virzigesten jare da quam ein groß sterben in Dusche lande, daz ist genant daz große erste sterben. Und storben si an den drusen, unde wen daz aneging, der starp an dem dretten dage in der maße. Unde storben di lude in den großen steden zu Menze, zu Collen unde also meistlichen alle dage me dan hondert menschen oder in der maße, unde in den kleinen steden als Limpurg storben alle dage zwenzig oder vir unde zwenzig oder drißig, also in der wise. Daz werte in etzlichen stat oder lande me dan dru virtel jahres oder ein jar. Unde storben zu Limpurg me dan vier unde zwenzig hondert menschen, ußgenommen kinde. Item da daz folk den großen jamer von sterbende sach, daz uf ertrich was, da filen di lude gemeinlichen in einen großen ruwen ire sunde unde suchten penitentien unde daden daz mit eigen willen unde namen den babest unde di heilige kirchen nit zu hilfe unde zu rade, daz große dorheit was unde groß vursumenisse unde vurdampnisse ire selen. Unde vurhauften sich di menner in den steden unde in dem lande unde gingen mit den geiseln hondert zweihundert oder druhondert oder in der maße. Unde was ir leben also, daz igliche partie gingen drißig dage mit der geiseten von einer stat zu der andern unde furten cruze unde fanen als in der kirchen unde mit kerzen unde tortisen. Unde wo si qwamen vur eine stat, da gingen si in einer procession zwene unde zwene bit einander bit in di kirchen; unde hatten hude uf, darane stunden vorne roden cruze, unde iglicher furte sine geiseln vur ime hangen unde songen ire leisen […] [3] |
In the year 1349, a great mortality occurred in the German lands, which is called the great first dying. They died of glandular disease, and when it started, people typically died on the third day. People died in the large cities like Mainz, Cologne, and almost daily more than a hundred people or thereabouts, and in the small towns like Limburg, twenty or twenty-five or thirty people died daily, similarly. This lasted more than three quarters of a year or a year in some cities or regions. In Limburg, more than twenty-four hundred people died, children excluded.
When the people saw the great misery of the dying that was upon the earth, they generally fell into deep remorse for their sins and sought penance, doing so of their own will without seeking the aid and counsel of the Pope or the Holy Church. This was great folly, a great omission, and damnation of their souls. The men in the cities and the countryside banded together and went with the Flagellants in groups of one hundred, two hundred, or three hundred, or in similar numbers. Their way of life was such that each group went for thirty days with the Flagellants from one town to another, carrying crosses and banners as in church, with candles and torches. And when they came near a town, they would proceed in a procession, two by two, up to the church. They wore hats adorned with red crosses in the front, and each carried his scourge hanging before him, singing their chants [...] (Translation: Martin Bauch); second paragraph with (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
1356 – 1357 | The pestis secunda strikes Hesse and Central Germany, in combination with a bad harvest and dearth of foodstuffs. | Item in disem selben jare irhup sich groß jamer, unde qwam daz zweite groß sterben, also daz di lude an allen enden in Duschen landen stoben mit großen haufen an der selben suchte, als si sturben in dem ersten sterben. Unde war ez nit enqwam in disem jare, dar qwam ez in dem andern jare, unde ging alumb. Auch so galt daz korn unde di fruchte sin gelt, daz ez an manichem lande gar hertlichen unde komerlichen wart sten, unde sunderlichen in Hessen, in Westfalen unde dar umb unde anderswo. Item der win galt groß gelt, mit namen so galt ein qwart wines von Elsaßen zu Limpurg funf engelsen, daz ist war, unde der lantwin unde von Rine einen schilling pennige. [4] | In this same year (1356), great sorrow arose, and there came the second great dying, so that people everywhere in the German lands died in large numbers from the same sickness as they did in the first dying. And if it did not happen in this year, it happened in the next year and continued to roam. Also, the price of grain and other crops rose significantly, causing hardship and trouble in many lands, especially in Hessen, Westphalia, and surrounding areas. Moreover, the price of wine rose greatly, for example, a quarter of wine from Alsace cost five "English" in Limburg, that is true, and the local wine and that from the Rhine cost a shilling pennies. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1365 | The pestis tertia strikes Limburg and Central Germany, mortality is lower than in the previous plague waves, but the local count, Gerlach of Limburg, dies. | Item da man schreip dusent druhondert unde funf unde seszig jar als vur, da was daz große drette sterben. Unde was daz sterben meßlicher dan di ersten sterben, also daz si mit zehen oder zwelf menschen den dag storben in steden als Limpurg unde dem glich sint. Unde starp her Gerlach herre zu Limpurg. [5] | In the year 1365, there was the great third dying. This dying was more moderate than the first two, so that people died at a rate of ten or twelve per day in cities such as Limburg and similar places. And Lord Gerlach, the lord of Limburg, died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1365 | A minor plague strikes Limburg. | Item in eodem anno erat tercia pestilencia et minima. [6] | Also, in the same year (1365), there was a third and relatively minor pestilence. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1382 VN: 795 |
A plague in Erfurt results in a mass grave situated on the Petersberg | Anno 1382 Ist eine grosse pestilentz in Erffurd gewesen, do hatt man eine gruben auf S. Petersberg gemacht, do sindt 13 schock vnd 15 menschen begraben worden. [7] | In the year 1382, there was a great pestilence in Erfurt, where a pit was dug on St. Petersberg, and 795 people were buried there. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1383 VN: one third |
A more modest plague strikes Limburg. | Item in diser zit was daz drette sterben, in der maße als di erste sterben waren; dan daz meßlicher was. [8] | During this time, there was the third dying, occurring at a similar rate to the first dying, albeit somewhat more moderate. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1383 VN: 1300 |
A plague strikes Limburg. | Anno Domini millesimo tricentesimo 80. tercio pestilencia regnavit in Limpurg ita maxime, quod magis quam 1300 homines moriebantur. [9] | In the year of our Lord 1380, the third pestilence reigned in Limburg so greatly that more than 1300 people were dying. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1393 VN: 3.400 |
A mortality in Eisenach kills 3.400 people in half a year. | In deme selbin jare (1393) was also eyn großis sterbin das man beschrebin hatte XXXIIII hundert mensche yn eyme halbin jare. [10] | In the same year (1393) there was a great mortality, and 3.400 people died in half a year, as it has been written. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1395 | A severe plague strikes Limburg. | Item in den selben jaren da waren große sterben in Duschen landen. Unde der großen pestelencien han ich vir gesehen und irlebet. [11] | In those same year (1395), there were great dyings in the German lands. And I have seen and experienced four of these great pestilences. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1395, July 20 – 1395, September VN: 2100 |
Many people died in Gelnhausen in the summer of 1395. The dying started on the day of St Margaret (the Virgin, July 20th). | Anno 1395. großes Sterben zu Gelnhusen. In dem jare noch Crists geburte MoCCColxxxv jare in dem sommer zu Sancte Margarethen tage hub ein sterben an, hie czu Gelnhusen, und sturben mer dann XXIc mentschen.. davon wart die stad ser wußte. und die ußern gaßen, die deß males in guden buwen stunden, sint sieder verfalln und zu garthen gemacht. [12] | In the year 1395. Great death in Gelnhausen. In the year after the birth of Christ 1395 in the summer on the day of St Margaret there started a dying here in Gelnhausen and more than 2100 people died. By this the town was devastated and the outer streets, which were in good shape at the time, have expired since then and have been made gardens. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
1398 | A plague in Nordhausen, Mühlhausen, Eisleben, Sangershausen and other parts of Thuringia | Anno 1398 hatte die pestilentz zu Northausen, Mulhausen vnd daselbst herumb, auch zu Eißleben, Sangerhausen vnd an andern orten, sehr vmb sich gefressen. [13] | In the year 1398, the plague had spread extensively in Nordhausen, Mühlhausen, and the surrounding areas, as well as in Eisleben, Sangerhausen, and other places, causing great devastation. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1401, August – 1401, October | A mortality breaks out in Cologne from August to October. | In dem selven jar augusti, septembri, octobri stroven de lude sere in Colen an den brosen inde van boser hizen van inbinnen. [14] | In the same year (1401) in the month of August, September and October the people died in Cologne because of brosen and of bad heat (fever) from inside. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1403 | A comet seen in 1403 is interpreted as a sign for the epidemic striking Eisenach and probably also Thuringia in the following year | Nach Cristi gebort tußent CCCCII jare, da wart eyn stern gesehen mit eyme langen czagile, das ein vorczeichen was eyns großen sterbens, das denne quam in deme andern jare dar nach. [15] | In 1403 there was a star with a long tail, an omen for the great mortality that happened the following year (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1406 | A general mortality in Eisenach. | In deme selbin jare (1406) da wart eyn gemeyne sterbin. [16] | In the same year (1406) there was a general mortality. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1406, May 17 – 1406, December 25 | A plague in Thuringia, causing mortality, amongst the victims is Landgrave Balthasar of Thuringia, died at the Wartburg above Eisenach | Anno 1406 Ist ein grausames landtsterben gewesen, welches zeitlich im Sommer angefangen, vnd wol in winter hinein biß auf weinachten gewehret, da sind viel guter leute hohes vnd Nidriges standes gestorben. Vnd vnter denselbigen sonderlich landgraf Balthasar zu Duringen, welher gestorben ist zu Wartpurg in allem guten, acht tage vor Vrbani <17 May 1406>, lieg tzu Reinhardtsbrunn begraben. [17] | In the year 1406, there was a severe epidemic across the country, which began in the summer and lasted until around Christmas. During this time, many people of high and low social status perished. Among them was Landgrave Balthasar of Thuringia, who passed away at the Wartburg eight days prior to Urban's Day (17th of May), and was buried at [monastery of] Reinhardtsbrunn . (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1416 | Outbreak of plague in the Margraviate of Brandenburg and nearby territories, striking the young | In demselben jahre (1416) hat in der Marcke und in anderen umbliegenden landen die plage der pestilentz greulich grassiert, sonderlich unter den jungen leuten. [18] | In the same year (1416) in the Margraviate of Brandenburg and in other nearby lands the pestilential plague has raged horribly, particularly among younger people. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1426 – 1428 | A mortality breaks out all over the region of Constance for three years. | Anno 1426, was ain grosser sterbat in allen landen und der werot by drin jaren. [19] | In year 1426 was a great mortality, that persisted for three years. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1428, May 23 – 1428, December 25 | A plague strikes Limburg. | Anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo vicesimo octavo fuit magna pestilencia in Limpurg a festo penthecostes usque ad nativitatem Cristi. [20] | In the year of our Lord 1428, there was a great pestilence in Limburg from Pentecost until the Nativity of Christ. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1439, July – 1440, January 6 VN: 4.000 |
A plague in Thuringia and the Harz region, but also Constance causing mortality and description of symptoms | Anno 1439 war ein groß sterben vber alle welt, vnd fieng sich an in Duringen vnd am Hartz, vmb die Ernte, vnd wehret biß auf der heiligen drey Konige tage <6. Januar>, wen die pestilentzische gift ergrief, der lag drey tage vnd nacht nacheinander vnd schlief. Vnd wen er dan aufwachet, so begundte er als balt mit dem Tode zu ringen, biß die Seel ausgieng. Das nennet man das grosse sterben davon schir in allen historien findet. Stumpf schreibet das allein zu Costnitz in x monden bey 4000 menschen gestorben sindt. [21] | In the year 1439, there was a great mortality across the world, which began in Thuringia and the Harz region around harvest time, and lasted until the Feast of the Epiphany. Those who were affected by the poisonous plague would lie unconscious for three consecutive days and nights. When they woke up, they would immediately begin struggling with death until their soul departed. This event is known as the Great Death, which is extensively documented in historical records. Stumpf writes that in just ten months, around 4,000 people died solely in Constance. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1439, July 6 | A procession is organized in Constance against the plague. | Anno 1439 gutemtag vor Sant Margrethen tag (8 July) do tett die statt von Costenz ainen cruzgang für die pestilencii mit aller priesterschafft. [22] | In year 1439, on the monday before Margaret Day, a procession has been celebrated in Constance because of the pestilence, with all clerics of the city. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1451, Summer – 1453 | A plague breaks out in Basel and lasts two years. | Anno domini 51 was pestilency zu Basel, aber nit zu grosz. Aber dem der sine abegieng und schaden beschach, hatte sich zu clagen. Doch starb me mannesnamen denne frowennamen. [23] | In year 1451 was a pestilence in Basel, but not severe. In the beginning it injured people. Some of them died, both men and women. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1460 | A strong mortality in Franconia, Hesse and Thuringia and along the river Leine. | Ein heftig sterben im land Dorringen, Hessen, Franken und by der Leinen. [24] | A strong mortality in Thuringia, Hesse, Franconia and along the Leine river. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1460 | A plague in Lower Saxony kills mainly middle-aged men | Kein Wunder, daß Gott, über solchen Götzendienst aufs heftigste erzürnt, das Land bald darauf durch schweres Unheil heimsuchte. Kaum waren seit diesem abergläubischen Akt zwei Jahre verflossen als eine schreckliche und jeglicher Erinnerung unbewußte Pest Sachsen überfiel. Sie räumte nicht so sehr Frauen und Kinder aus der Welt als vielmehr Männer im besten Alter, die von der verheerenden Seuche ergriffen und fast alle hinweggerafft wurden. [25] | No wonder that God, furious at such idolatry, soon struck the land with a severe calamity. No more than two years had passed since this superstitious act when a terrible plague, unconscious of any memory, struck Saxony. It did not so much eliminate women and children as men in their prime, who were seized by the devastating plague and almost all of whom were swept away. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1461 | A great mortality around Maastricht, in the city of Beek | Item int jaer van LXI due was die groese sterft te Beick. [26] | In the year of (14)61 was the great mortality in Beek. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1462 | Great plague in Gdańsk | Denn Anno 1461. am Tage Creutzes Erhebung ist daselbst ein dermassen hefftiges Ungewitter entstanden / daß allein im Tieffe sechtzig Schiffe mit einssten Vergangen / und in der Stadt 37. kleine Thürmlein von der Kirchen abgeworffen sind worden / darauf im folgendem Jahre eine grosse Peste gefolget ist. [27] | In the year 1461, on the day of Creutz's uprising [September 14], such a violent storm arose there / that in the lows alone sixty ships were destroyed / and in the town 37 small towers were thrown down from the church / followed by a great plague in the following year. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1463 – 1464 VN: 28.000 |
A plague in Erfurt kills many inhabitants. High victim numbers for single parishes, mass graves are needed | Anno 1463 Ist zu Erffurd vnd allenthalben ein groß sterben gewesen, das man noch das grosse sterben, so auf nehest gewesen ist heist. Seind in S. Johans pfarr 8 schock menschen gestorben, vnd sind zu den Regulern auf einen tag 3 schock menschen gestorben vnd begraben worden auf dreymal iglich mal 60 menschen. Vnd hatt zwei iahr aneinander gestorben in die 28.000. [28] | In the year 1463, there was a great mortality in Erfurt and everywhere else, which is still referred to as the Great Death, as it was the latest event of that kind. In the parish of St. John, 480 people died, and among the Augustinan Canon's parish (Reglerkirche), 180 people died in one day and were buried in three shifts of 60 each time. Over the course of two years, a total of 28,000 people perished. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1463, Autumn – 1464, Spring | A great mortality all over Lower Saxony. | In dussem sulven jare (1463) do was eyn grot starve to Brunswick, Hanover, Hildessem, Megedeborch unde Halverstadt, de hoff an in dem harveste, und stod went in den vastelavende, und do starff vele volckes. [29] | In the same year (1463) there was a great mortality in Braunschweig, Hannover, Hildesheim, Magdeburg and Halberstadt, which started in Autumn and continued until Carnival, and many people died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1463, May | A procession because of ongoing plague in Göttingen and a plague all over Lower Saxony. | Anno domini 1463, feria 6. Ante Assensionem Domini, do ging men mit einer procession wulln und barfuß umb der pestilentz willn, so dar regerde in vilen stedten. […] Dan in diesem jare regirde auch eine grosse pestilentz in vilen enden und orten, also auch in Gottingen, das grosse hauffen absturben. Tho Brunswig, Hildesheim, Hannober, Magdeborch, Halberstadt starb es auch gleich so sehre. Dusser sterben find an in dem herbst und werete bis in den Fastelavent. [30] | In the year of our Lord 1463, on a Friday before Ascension, a procession of barefoot people was made because of the pestilence that ruled in many cities [...] And in this year, there ruled a pestilence in many place, also in Göttingen, that killed a lot of people. In Braunschweig, Hildesheim, Hannover, Magdeburg and Halberstadt people died in the same way. This mortality started in autumn and ended during Carnival. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1463, July 25 – 1464, January 6 VN: 9000 |
So great mortality everywhere that a family has to flee temporarily | Item 1463 zu s. Jacobs tag hůb es hie an zu sterben und starb bis zů s. Lucien tag, und maint man das bei 9000 menschen tod seient; es sturben in sant Ulrichs pfarr allain bei 3500 Menschen. Man was so vast ausgeflohen, das man maint, es wären bei 3000 menschen außgeflohen. Zu sant Michels tag was ich vier tag hie, da sturben wol 500 mentschen in den vier tagen. Ich floch mit weib und kinden hie aus an sant Hilarien abent bis gen Menchingen und belaib da bis zů sant Nicolaus tag [p. 198], do zoch ich gen Memingen bis and er hailigen dreier künig abent, do kam ich wider haim. [31] | (Translation needed) |
1463, October 1 | Severe plague in Munich | Sambstag nach Michaelis [1463]. Item an dem tag alls die Pestilenz Laider, durch die geschiht Gottes vasst regieret und geregieret hette vost von Weinnechten bisher giengen auß iedem hauß ain Mensch die man besonder vnd die frauen sonder mit grosser andacht wainenden augen, vnd noch mit betriebten herzen und doch mit sonder grossen frolokhen zu dem wierdigen hailigthumb auf den Berg zu Andex. woll bey 5m. menschen die man hinauß mit processenvon den Pfarren und Clostern und wider herein mit grosser wirdigkait belaittet vnd mit grosser menig des Volkhs der statt des khain mensch gedenkht. Item desgleichen thete und hete man ain Process gehen unser lieben Frauen gehen Freißing in xiiii tagen darnach. [32] | (Translation needed) |
1464 | Great mortality in Augsburg, mainly young people | und was im [dem Sterben] niemant weder zu alt noch zu jung: es sturben man und frawen, die bei 60 jarn alt waren, aber es sturben dennocht mer jung dann alter. [33] | and nobody who died was neither to old nor to young, Men and women died, in the age of 60 year (or more), but mainly young people died. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1464 | Great mortality in Gdańsk and Lübeck | Item disz yor [1464] war in dantzke, lubke zc. grosse sterbung. [34] | Furthermore in ths year was a great mortality in Gdańsk and Lübeck. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1464 | Plague in all german territories with many deaths. | Item in dusseme jare [1464] unde in deme jare hiir bevoren was en grot unde en gemeyne pestilencie in allen Dudeschen landen, alzo dat in [p. 361] deme jare, alse men scref 63, se was boven uppe deme Ryne to Basel, Strasselborch, Spire, vordan in Doringhen, in Sassen, in Myssen unde in der Marke; mer in deme 64. jare by pinxsten quam se by de see, also to Luneborch, Hamborch, Lubeke, Wismer, Rostoke, Sund unde in de lant ummelank, unde darna by assumpcionis Marie, qwam se in Dennemarken, in Prussen unde in Liflant. In dusser pestelencien storven vele lude to Lubeke, vrouwen unde man, unde sunderliken junc volk, unde [p. 362] leghen gans kort, wente in dat gemen storven se in deme dorden dage. Unde also de ersten seden, so was id en zelfene pestelencie, wente alle arstedie, der me plecht to brukende teghen de suke, de halp gar wenynich, unde unwantlik arstedye, dede na wane der arsten to der pestelencien schedelik is, halp velen luden. Unde dusse pestilencie warde to Lubecke wente omnium sanctorum. [35] | (Translation needed) |
1464 VN: 20.000 |
Great plague in Hamburg | Anno 1464 do was to Hamborch grote pestilencie, vnd storuen in korter tidt xx dusent minschen, junk vnd olt. [36] [37] | In the year 1464 was a great pestilence in Hamburg, and in a short periode 20.000 young and old people died. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1464 VN: many thousend |
Great plague in Hamburg and in all other german territories | In demsuluen jare [1464] do wasz szo grote pestilencie unde dure tyt to Hamborch vnde ouer alle dudesche lande, dat dar vele dusent minschen storuen. [38] [39] | In the same year there was a great plague and dying time in Hamburg and many thousend people died there and in all other german territories. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1464 – 1464, October 10 | Plague in Thuringia and surroundings with many deaths in all age groups | Anno dni 1464 stund auff in dem lande zu Duringen und in allen umbliegenden landen pestilentie uberschwenglich gros zeitlichen im jhare, also das aus des massen viel volcks starb auff den schlossern, in den stedten, in clostern, in dorffern und in allem geistlichen und weldlichen wessen, alte leuthe, mittelmessige und manich junk volck, an mannen, frawen und jungfrawen udn gar viel kinder. Und gott der almechtige that seine gnade, also das die pestilentie zeytlich als umb Galli [16.10.] in Duringen lande auffhorte, aber in Sachssen, an der sehe und anders wohe, da es auff die zeyt nicht gestorben hette, hup es do an und uberging gemeiniglich alle deutzsche und welsche landt. [40] | In the year 1464 there was a great pestilence in the whole land of Thuringia and in all the surrounding countries, so that many of the people died in the castles, in the towns, in monasteries, in villages and in all spiritual and secular beings, old people, mediocre people and many young people, men, women and virgins and many children. And God Almighty showed his mercy when the plague ceased around St Gall's Day [16 October], but in Saxony it only began there and spread to all German and French lands. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1464, June 9 – 1464, September 29 VN: 6000 |
Great mortality with 6000 deaths in Stralsund | 1464 van des hilghen lichnames daghe an beth to Michaelis was eene grote stervinghe, so da tute deme Sunde storven wol 6 dusent mynschen junck unde olt, unde yd was en mene stervent aver de ghantze werlt. [41] | In the year 1464 from the Feast of Corpus Christi to the day of S. Michael was a great mortality, so that 6 thousend people died, young and old, and this happend in the whole world. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1464, June 9 – 1464, September 29 VN: 5000 |
Great mortality with 5k deaths in Stralsund | Anno 1464 um corporis Christi ungefährlick bis Michaelis war hir ein sehr grot stervend, und sturven in disser tidt hir thom Sunde bis 5000 minschen. [42] | There was a great mortalitas in the year 1464 from the Feast of Corpus Christi untill S. Michael, and in this time died around 5000 people. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1464, June 30 | Severe plague in Hamburg | so verstain wir nu, wie to Hamborgh groete sterffde sy, so datt yd zomale sorghlichen were in sulche groete pestilencie zu trecken etc., ind begeren dairomb urer eirsamkeit guden rait, wie wir uns in dem besten hirinne moegen halten. [43] | So now we understand how the great dying was in Hamburg, so that we were very anxious to get into this great pestilence and therefore, because of their honour, we asked for good advice on how best to behave. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1465, August | August was wet and cool and after that a great plague in Colmar, Rouffach, Guebwiller, Thann, Altkirch and Basel. | Der zitt [1465] was ein kalter fucht augt, dem nach volgte ein grosse pestilenz zu Colmar, Ruffach, Gebwiler, Tann, Altkyrch, Basell. […] ausz fuchtigkeitt des augst und manigfaltigkeitt der reyffen, die vor dem herbst und in dem herbst viellen, ward trefflicher seurrer wein in allen landen. [44] | In this time (1465) was also a cold moisture, and afterwards great plague in olmar, Ruffach, Gebwiler, Tann, Altkyrch, Basel, and other places. Due to the humidity in August and the good ripeness in autumn, it became an excellent sour wine in all countries. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1467 VN: 40 |
In autumn high mortality in Lichtensteig with 40 deaths | Item in dem jar 1467 was ain frü jahr und ward guter win. Ain demselbigen Jar ain herbst was der tod zu liechtenstäg; do sturbend by den fiertzig menschen. [45] | Furthermore in the year was an early spring, resulting in good vine. But in autumn of the same year was a mortality in Lichtensteig and 40 people died. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1467, June 15 – 1467, December 24 | Plague with a high mortality in Memmingen | 1467: Dieses Jahr regierte hier der Todt (so nenneten es die Alten) das ist die Pest. Hub an S. Veitstag an den 15. Junij. Es flohen die Reichen vnd viel Volcks hinauß vnd sturben doch einen Tag über 3 oder 4 Personen nicht. An S. Andreas Tag höret es aufff vnd kam man auf Weyhnachten wiederhum herein. [46] | This year death reigned here (as the ancients called it), that was the plague. It began on St Vitus' Day, 15 June. The rich and many people fled and more than 3 or 4 people died during the day. It stopped on St Andrew's Day and came back around Christmas. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak) |
1467, August | Although the harvest promised to be rich in the land of Prussia, there was hardly anyone who could bring it in when the harvest was supposed to start in August. A great plague had infested the land so that all places were to large parts or completely deserted. | Das erste jar do nu der libe fride nach vilen und langen jaren wider ins lant Preussen kommen was, lis got gar ein fruchtbar kornreich jar werden, desgleichen lange zceit keins war gewesen, das es jederman davor hielt, diser milde und reiche herbest wurde fast allen kommer der vorgangenen durfftigkeit zcum mehrer teil auffheben und wegknemen. [...] Da man nu augusten adir erndten solt, sihe, da kompt eine erschreckliche mortliche pestilentz, die sich ins gantze lant die qwyr und die lenge, ausbreittet und durchwütet schlosse, stette, flecke, dorffer, ecker und awen, dermassen das hernachmals der viele, etliche zcum grossen teyll, etliche gantz und gar ausgestorben, verfallen vorwustet und vorwildert sein, bis auff den heuttigen tag, wie das im gantzen lande augenschenlich zcu besehen ist; also da das volck an allen enden mit grossen hauffen hingefallen was, bleib das libe getreide, daran got sein lust het sehen mugen, hin und her im felde stehen, und was niemant, der erndtet, und einfuret. [47] | The first year, when after many and long years peace had come back to the land of Prussia, God let it become a fruitful corn year, such as had not been for a long time, so that everytbody thought, this mild and rich harvest was going to take away almost all the grief of the previous drought. [...] Now, when the harvest should start in August, there comes a terrible mortal pestilence, which spreads throughout the whole country, spreading and ransacking castles, towns, villages, fields and floodplains, so that afterwards many of them were - some to a great extent, some completely - extinct, forfeited and overgrown up tp the present day, as can be seen in the whole country. Thus, since the people at all ends fell to build great heaps, the good grain, in which God would have seen his pleasure, remained standing back and forth in the field, and there was no one to harvest and bring it in. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
1468, September 21 | Outbreak of plague in Frankfurt with people fleeing to Gelnhausen. | Anno 1468 umb sanct Mathaei tag ist ein groß sterben alhier gewesen, daß der merer teil geschlechter und burger nacher Gelnhausen geflohn seid. [48] | In the year 1468, on Saint Matthew's Day, there was a great dying here, so much so that the majority of families and citizens fled to Gelnhausen. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1472 | An unspecific epidemic in Thuringia and all over Germany in the context of the drought years 1471-1473 | Anno 1472 hat man zween grosse schreckliche Cometen in Germania gesehen, Darnach sind erfolget drey sehr durre iahr vnd vnfruchtbare, pestilentz vnd sehr viel blutvergiessens. Vnd schreiben die Historien schreiber, das von wegen grosser hitze vnd durre, die wälde sich entzundet, die wasser vertrocknet, das man auch in Vngern durch die Tonaw hatt waten konnen. [49] | In the year 1472, two great and terrifying comets were seen in Germany. Following this, there were three very dry and infertile years, marked by pestilence and a great deal of bloodshed. Historians write that due to the intense heat and drought, forests caught fire, waters dried up, and it was even possible to wade through the river Danube in Hungary. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1473, July – 1473, August | Procession because of mortality, drought and peace in Frankfurt. | Anno 1473 9 augusti was eine procession vor den schnellen todt, auch vor ein regen wegen durrer hitzigen zit. niemands lebendiges in diesen landen gedacht eine solche ubermesige heise zit, und regnet nicht, also daß die truben an den stöcken fast alle verwelket und verdorben; auch vor einem gemeinen frieden, wann der herzog von Burgund Niemägen und andere stätte gewann. und (p. 219) weret das sterben per menses julium und augustum, und starb viel volks, doch mer männer den frawen. [50] | In the year 1473, on August 9th, there was a procession against sudden death, as well as for rain during a dry and hot period. No one living in these lands remembered such an excessively hot time, with no rain, causing the grapes on the stalks to wither and spoil almost entirely. Also, for a common peace, when the Duke of Burgundy conquered Nijmegen and other places. And there was dying for months, July and August, and many people died, mostly men than women. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1474, June 24 – 1475, February 22 | A drought in 1474 was followed by a great inflation and hunger as well as by a terrible pestilence which lasted from the feast of St John (June 24) 1474 until Shrove Tuesday (February 22) 1475. | A. 1474 ist ein so heisser und dürrer Sommer gewesen, dass sich die Wälder entzündet, die Saat verdorrte im Felde, davon entstunde erstlich eine grosse Theurung, und Hungers-Noth; darzu kam eine erschrockliche Pestilentz, diese währete von Yohanne an, biss auf Fast-nacht, da seynd die Leuthe plötzlich auf denen Gassen niedergefallen, und gestorben. [51] | In 1474 there was such a hot and dry summer that the forests were set on fire, the seeds withered in the fields, and from this arose first of all a great drought and famine; then came a terrible pestilence, which lasted from the feast of St John until Shrove Tuesday, when the people suddenly fell down in the streets and died. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
1475 | Locusts destroyed many crops in Bohemia, Silesia, Moravia and Lusatia and caused a mortal disease among the pigs. | A. 1475 haben die Heuschrecken in Böhmen, Schlesien und Mähren, auch Laussnitz alle Garten-Früchte aufgefressen, und liessen einen grässlichen Gestanck hinter sich, erregten auch unter denen Schweinen, so selbe frassen, eine Seuche daran sie sturben. [52] | In 1475, the locusts in Bohemia, Silesia and Moravia as well as in Lusatia ate up all the garden crops, leaving behind them a terrible stink, and also caused an epidemic among the pigs that ate them, from which they died. (Translation: Christian Oertel) |
1482, August 10 – 1483, February VN: 1000 |
Plague in Frankfurt and 1000 people dead. | Anno eodem (1482) umb Laurentii hubs an zu sterben, werd biß fasten strenglich. Storben uber tausent menschen. [53] | In the same year (1482), mortality started to rise around St. Lawrence's and continued with force until Lent. More than a 1000 people died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1482 | Plague in Frankfurt and a procession. | Anno 1482 war ein proceßion contra pestem uf decollationis Johannis, darin waren 101 schuler von unser lieben Frawen schul, von der Leonhardsschul 81, von der Pharschulen 126, Barfüsermünch 22, Prediger 35, Carmeliter 30, alle weltliche pfaffen und der ganz rat. [54] | In the year 1482, there was a procession on 29 August, there were 101 pupils of the school of Our Lady, 81 from the St. Leonhard's school, 126 from the parish's school, 22 Franciscan monks, 25 Dominicans, 30 Carmelites and all the secular clergy and the whole city council. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1482, September 17 | Death of Duke Wilhelm of Saxony in Weimar from plague. | Anno Eodem (1482) Ist Hertzog Wilhelm, […] zu Weimar an der pestilentz gestorben, am tage Lamperti. [55] | In the same year (1482), Duke Wilhelm (of Saxony), [...], died of the plague in Weimar on the feast day of St. Lambert. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1483, June 20 | Great mortality and famine in Thuringia's neighbouring countries and the citizens of Erfurt fear they might be affected in the future and organize a procession to prevent this. | Als man schreib noch Christi gebort vnser hern Tusent vierhundert vnnd drye vnnd achczigk, An deme fritage vor sant Johans tage baptisten, Do hatte der erßame vnnd wiße rath zu Erffort bestalt zu gehene eyne lobeliche erliche processien vmme dye stadt Erffort Vmme sunderlicher bethe willen eyns iglichen menschen, zu bethen vnnd zu loben den almechtigen ewigen got, das her de jn woner der erlichen stadt Erffort vnnd ouch andere frome luthe behute wolde vor dem gremmigen tode, ader hunger, ader pestilencien, vnnd dye fruchte uff deme feld. Sunderlichen jn disser zit ist groß sterben gewest jn fele landen vmme heer, ane jn Erffort vnnd jm lande zu Doringen alleyne. Also besorgte sich dye stad Erffort, eß mochte ouch zu on kome. [56] | In the year of our Lord 1483, on the Friday before St. John's day, the honourable council of Erfurt decided to organize a procession around the city for extraordinary praying of all people. The Lord Almighty should be petitioned and blessed so he would protect the honest inhabitants of Erfurt and other just people from the grim reaper, or famine, or pestilence, and save the crops in the fields. In this time, there was a great mortality in all neighbouring countries, but not in Thuringie and Erfurt itself. So the city of Erfurt worried, they might be next. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1490 | Misdated arrival of syphilis to Europe in 1490 predating the presumed arrival to Europe in 1493 in the context of the Columbian Exchange; the new disease is interpreted as an apolcalyptic sign. | Anno eodem (1490) Ist eine neuwe kranckheit die Frantzosen, von ettlichen aber die Hispanische seuche genant, aufKomen, vnd wie man sagt, sie ist aus den newgefundenen Inseln in occidente in Europam gebracht. Ist eins von den grossen zeichen vor dem Jungsten tage. [57] | IIn the same year (1490), a new illness has arisen called the French (diseasee), by some called the Spanish sickness, and as it is said, it has been brought from the newly discovered islands in the west to Europe. It is one of the great signs before the Last Judgment. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1507 | A year of good harvests is also characterized by epidemic mortality. | Anno 1507 Regiert ein pestilentzisch sterben an vielen orten, vdn war gleich wol ein solches wolfeiles iahr, das der acker mehr kostet zu ehren vnd bawen, den man gelds aus verkauffung der fruchte losen kunt. [58] | In the year 1507, a pestilential death reigned in many places, and yet it was such a year of bountiful harvests that the cost of cultivating and planting the fields exceeded the money that could be gained from selling the crops. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1517, September 29 VN: 16 per day |
A mortality in Erfurt leads to the creation of mass graves. A drunk beggar unvoluntarly spends a night in the massgrave of the Canons Regular's church (Reglerkirche). | Vmb Michaelis hub sichs an, vnd ward ein groß sterben. Es storben die leute an der Pestilentz, das man zu den Regelern 16 Cörper auf einen Tag auf ein mal einlegte, da hatte man ein viereckicht loch gemacht auf den Regelern kirchof, das legte man (p. 230) des nachts mit bretern zu, das war ein bettler Hieß Schuch, der war auf einen tag vol, vnd fellet durch die dielen auf die todten, liegt die nacht drinnen. Des morgens da er erwacht, greift er vmb sich, hebt an zu wimmerleichen, da wollten die leute nicht ander wehnen, es were ein todter wieder lebendig worden, vnd gieng niemand hinbey, biß das es 9 schlug des morgents, da sie darnach dazu komen, da war es der grund schalck Schuch der bettler. [59] | Around Michaelmas 1517, it began, and a great dying occurred. People died of the plague so much so that 16 bodies were placed each day in the mass graves of the Reglerkirche. They had made a square hole in the graveyard of the church, and at night they covered it with planks. There was a beggar named Schuch, who was drunk one day and fell through the boards onto the dead, spending the night there. When he woke up in the morning, he grabbed around him, started to whimper, and people would believe a dead had turned alive. Nobody came close until 9 o'clock in the morning, and when they came to see, it was indeed the notorious beggar Schuch. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1519 | A mortality in Leipzig makes the university move temporarily to Meissen. Chronological caveat: The mentioned rector of this university, Petrus Mosellanus, was in office 1520-1523. | Anno Eodem (1519) Hat man die hohe schuel von Leiptzig ein zeitlang gen Meissen transferiren musse, von wegen eines pestilentzischen sterbens, vnd ist geschehen zur zeit D. Petri Mosellani. [60] | In the same year (1519), the university of Leipzig had to be temporarily transferred to Meißen due to a pestilential mortality, and this occurred during the time of Petrus Mosellanus (as rector). (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1529, September | An unknown epidemic, the sweating sickness or sudor anglicus follows a humid summer. Detailed description of symptoms and progression of the disease including countermeasures and victim numbers. | In diesem iahr (1529) ist ein sehr feuchter sommer gewesen, darauf ein hitzige pestilentz aus der feulung gefolget, die zuvorn in Deutschland vnerhort gewesen, hat man die Schweisssucht oder Engelendisch seuche genant, wie hernach folget. Es entstundt aus veschuldeter sundt vnd billichem zorn gottes, ein vnerhorte, neuw, erschreckliche plag vnd kranckheit, welche man die Engelendische sucht vnd kranckheit nennet, daran viel tausend menschen storben. Die menschen mit dieser plage behaftet, lagen etwa 24 stunde, ettliche minder wenig daruber so daran storben. Wer 24 stunde vberlebt, der kam gemeiniglich auf, die Kranckheit druckt den menschen gleich in einen tiefen schlaf. So man ihm dan nicht wehrete, mit rutteln, hin vnd her legen etc. auf das er nicht entschlief, so starb er dahin. Darumb wer genesen wolt, dem muste der schlaf in allwege gewehret werden. [61] | In this year (1529), there was a very humid summer, followed by a fierce pestilence arising from the mists, which had never before been seen in Germany. It was called the sweating sickness or English disease, as follows. Arising from deserved sin and justifiable anger of God, there arose an unprecedented, new, terrifying plague and sickness, which is called the English sickness and disease, in which many thousands of people died. Those afflicted with this plague lay for about 24 hours, some less, some more, and those who died did so during that time. Whoever survived beyond 24 hours generally recovered; the sickness pressed people into a deep sleep. If they were not prevented from falling asleep, by shaking, turning them over, etc., so that they did not fall into a slumber, they died. Therefore, those who wanted to recover had to be prevented from sleeping at all costs. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1530, July 1 | A strange incident of stones thrown by an unknown person in the quarter of the weavers is followed by a plague in Erfurt. | Auf Johannis Baptistae hatts angefangen mit steinen zu werffen in der webergassen bey S. Andreas gantzer viii tage, vnd hat grosse steine geworffen bey zweien und dreyen pfunden vnd kleiner vber die heusser her am hellen tage, vnd hatt viel fenster ausgeworffen vnder den Tuchmachern, vnd hatt kein mensch kunt wissen wer es that oder gethan hatte. Der Rath zu Erffurd vnd die gemeine hat tapfer tag vnd nacht gewacht, es hatt nichts geholfen. Es hatt vnder die wechter geworffen, vnd man hatt die steine frey sehen niederfallen. Aber nicht gesehen, wo sie herkommen sindt. Darauf ist ein gross pestilentz gefolget. [62] | On St. John the Baptist's Day (1530), it began with throwing stones in the Webergasse near St. Andreas Church for a full eight days, and large stones were thrown, some weighing two or three pounds or smaller, over the houses in broad daylight. Many windows were broken among the weavers, and no one knew who did it or had done it. The council of Erfurt and the community bravely kept watch day and night, but it was of no use. Stones were thrown among the guards, and people could see the stones falling freely. However, they could not see where they came from. After that, a great pestilence followed. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1540, June 1 – 1540, November 30 | A minor mortality in Erfurt. | Auch war in diesem iahr (1540) ein sterben an der pestilentz in Erffurd im Sommer vnd Herbst vber, aber nicht fast sehr. [63] | Also, in this year (1540), there was a dying from the pestilence in Erfurt during the summer and autumn, but not very severe. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1541, June 1 – 1540, November 30 | A minor mortality in Erfurt. | Auch hatt es in diesem iahr (1541) abermal an der pestilentz in Erffurdt den Sommer vnd herbst vber gestorben. Aber eintzelen. [64] | Also, in this year (1541), there was again a dying from the pestilence in Erfurt during the summer and autumn, but it was sporadic. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1542, June 4 – 1542, December 13 VN: 4000 |
A plague in Erfurt leads to major mortality. | Nach Trinitatis hats zu Erffurd angefangen zu sterben vnd an der pestilentz sehr gestorben, vnd hat gewehret bis auf Luciae virginis vnd man hatt ihr zu den predigern 13 auf ein mal begraben, vnd zu S. Johans 10 auf ein mal, das ist das meiste gewest zu Erffurdt, vnd sindt vber die 4000 gestorben. [65] | After Trinity Sunday (1542), the dying from the pestilence began in Erfurt and it was a severe mortality, lasting until St. Lucy's Day. Thirteen were buried at once at the Predigerkirche (OP), and ten at once at St. Johann's. That was the most at Erfurt, and over 4000 died. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1543 VN: 3000 |
A plague in Naumburg and Jena with major mortality | Auch ist in diesem iahr (1543) zu Naumburg groß sterben gewesen, vnd sind zur Naumburg 3000 Menschen daselbst begraben worden, vnd zu Jehna 1600. [66] | Also, in this year (1543), there was a great dying in Naumburg, and 3000 people were buried there, and 1600 in Jena. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1552, September – 1552, October 17 | An plague ravages in Erfurt. The mentioned Lutheran theologian Andreas Osiander died of the same disease in Königsberg. | Auch regierte in diesem iahr (1552) die Pestilentz abermal in Erffurdt. Andreas Osiander, der ein lesterlich bekentnis contra verbum Incarnatum hatt lassen ausgehen ist greuwlich dahin gestorben ohn bekentniß, ohn zeichen der bekehrung sine verbis. [67] | Also, in this year (1552), the pestilence again prevailed in Erfurt. Andreas Osiander, who had issued a scandalous confession against the Incarnate Word, died terribly without confession, without any sign of conversion, wordlessly. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1563 – 1564 | An plague ravages in Germany and all across Europe, but presumably also in Erfurt and surrounding Thuringia. The mentioned Lutheran theologian Andreas Osiander died of the same disease in Königsberg. | Anno 1563 wie auch im folgenden 1564. regiert ein grausame pestilentz schir durch gantz Europa furnemlich in Deutschlandt, das an manchem ort gantze Flecken vnd dörffer biß auf iij vj oder viij persohnen ausgestorben, vnd aus manchem Flecken so viel hingenohmen, das man nicht vermeinet hette, das so viel volcks vnd leute vberal darin gewesen were. [68] | In the year 1563, as well as in the following 1564, a cruel pestilence ravaged throughout Europe, especially in Germany, causing entire hamlets and villages to be wiped out to the extent of three, four, or even eight persons. In many places, so many were taken away that it was not believed that so many people had been there at all.. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1564, August 24 – 1565, January 2 VN: 4000 |
A plague in Erfurt kills a larger number of people, 4000 inhabitants, including prominent clerics. | Nach Bartholomaei hatt zu Erffurdt die Pestilentz angefangen. Vnd ist in demselbigen sterben der pfarher zu S. Thomas, der pfarher im grossen Spittal, vnd der Caplan zu kaufmans kirchen, vnd der Caplan zu den Barfussern, Auch der pfarher zu den Regelern gestorben Vnd die pestilentz hatt gewehret biß nach dem newen iahr, da hatt sie aufgehöret. Vnd sind zu den Regelern 12 schock, zu den Barfussern 600, zu Kaufmanskirchen 550, zu S. Johans 440 gestorben, das man meinet, ihrer sindt in die 4000 das mal an der Pestilentz gestorben. [69] | After Bartholomew's Day (1564), the pestilence began in Erfurt. During the same mortality, the parish priest of St. Thomas, the priest at the Great Hospital, the chaplain at Kaufmannskirche, and the chaplain at the Franciscan's Church also died. Additionally, the priest at the Reglerkirche died. The pestilence lasted until after the New Year, when it ceased. At the Reglerkirche, 720 persons died; at the Franciscans' Church 600; at Kaufmannkirche, 550; and at St. Johann's, 440. It was estimated that around 4000 people died from the pestilence during that time. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1566 | A minor mortality in Erfurt. | Auch ist in diesem iahr (1566) ein sterben an der Pestilentz gwesen doch (Gott lob) nicht sehr. [70] | Also, in this year (1566), there was a dying from the pestilence, but not very severe (thank God). (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1577 | A mortality in Eisenach and the surroundings of Erfurt. | In diesem iahr (1577) ist ein groß sterben an vielen orten an der Pestilentz gewesen, vnd sonderlich zu Eysenach vnd in ettlichen Erffurdischen dorffern hat es auch zimlich rumort. [71] | In this year (1577), there was a great dying from the pestilence in many places, especially in Eisenach and in several villages near Erfurt, where it caused quite a stir. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1578 VN: 2500 |
A plague in Erfurt kills 2500 people. | In diesem iahr (1578) hat die pestilentz alhier zu Erffurd auch zimlich grassiert vnd sind in die 25 hundert persohnen in Erffurd gestorben. [72] | In this year (1578), the pestilence also raged fairly strongly here in Erfurt, and around 2500 people died in Erfurt. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1578 | A plague in Jena forces the local university to relocate temporarily to Saalfeld. | In disem iahr (1578) hat man die hohe Schull von Jehna ein zeitlang gen Salveld von wegen eines pestilentzischen sterbens transferiren mussen. [73] | In this year (1578), the university of Jena had to be temporarily transferred to Saalfeld due to a pestilential dying. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1583 VN: 20.000 + |
A plague in Erfurt, Prague, Magdeburg, Goslar, Arnstadt and Königsee in Thuringia kills high numbers of people. | Diß iahr (1583) hatt die pestilentz an vielen orten vnd landen gar heftig sehr regieret, sonderlich zu Praga in der Stadt da in die 20000 menschen gestorben sindt. Desgleichen zu Magdeburg, Goslar, zu Arnstad fast in die 2000, zu königssee in die 1000. Desgleichen allhier zu Erffurdt 1767 menschen gestorben, aber nicht alle an der pestilentz. [74] | In this year (1583), the pestilence raged very fiercely in many places and lands, particularly in Prague, where around 20,000 people died in the city. Likewise, in Magdeburg, Goslar, and Arnstadt, nearly 2000 died, and in Königsee, around 1000. Similarly, here in Erfurt, 1767 people died, although not all from the pestilence. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
References
- ↑ Di tutsch kronik von Behem lant, ed. Vlastimil Brom, Brno 2009, pp. 504-508
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronici Saxonici continuatio Erfordensis 1899 (= MGH Scriptores rerum germanicarum). Hahn, Hannover 1899, pp. 447-485 , p. 482
- ↑ • Tilemann Elen von Wolfhagen: Die Limburger Chronik des Tilemann Elhen von Wolfhagen. (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Deutsche Chroniken (MGH. Dt. Chron.)). Hahn'sche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1883 , p. 31.
- ↑ • Tilemann Elen von Wolfhagen: Die Limburger Chronik des Tilemann Elhen von Wolfhagen. (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Deutsche Chroniken (MGH. Dt. Chron.)). Hahn'sche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1883 , p. 46.
- ↑ • Tilemann Elen von Wolfhagen: Die Limburger Chronik des Tilemann Elhen von Wolfhagen. (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Deutsche Chroniken (MGH. Dt. Chron.)). Hahn'sche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1883 , p. 54.
- ↑ • Tilemann Elen von Wolfhagen: Die Limburger Chronik des Tilemann Elhen von Wolfhagen. (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Deutsche Chroniken (MGH. Dt. Chron.)). Hahn'sche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1883 , Limburger Annalen, p. 112.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 127.
- ↑ • Tilemann Elen von Wolfhagen: Die Limburger Chronik des Tilemann Elhen von Wolfhagen. (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Deutsche Chroniken (MGH. Dt. Chron.)). Hahn'sche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1883 , p. 76.
- ↑ • Tilemann Elen von Wolfhagen: Die Limburger Chronik des Tilemann Elhen von Wolfhagen. (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Deutsche Chroniken (MGH. Dt. Chron.)). Hahn'sche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1883 , Limburger Annalen, p. 112.
- ↑ • Johannes Rothe: Thüringische Landeschronik und Eisenacher Chronik (= Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters). Akademie Verlag, Berlin 2007 , p. 133.
- ↑ • Tilemann Elen von Wolfhagen: Die Limburger Chronik des Tilemann Elhen von Wolfhagen. (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Deutsche Chroniken (MGH. Dt. Chron.)). Hahn'sche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1883 , p. 90.
- ↑ Stadtbuch der Stadt Gelnhausen (1361–1503), HStA Marburg, Bestand S, Nr. 323, fol. 37r.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 129
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cölner Jahrbücher des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts. In: Die Chroniken der niederrheinischen Städte. Cöln (= Die Chroniken der Deutschen Städte vom 14. bis ins 16. Jahrhundert. 2). Leipzig 1876, pp. 71–124 , p. 91.
- ↑ • Johannes Rothe: Thüringische Landeschronik und Eisenacher Chronik (= Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters). Akademie Verlag, Berlin 2007 , p. 90
- ↑ • Johannes Rothe: Thüringische Landeschronik und Eisenacher Chronik (= Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters). Akademie Verlag, Berlin 2007 , p. 134.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 130.
- ↑ • Engelbert Wusterwitz: Die Aufzeichnungen des Engelbert Wusterwitz (= Einzelveröffentlichtungen der Historischen Kommission zu Berlin. 2). Colloquium Verlag, Berlin 1973 , p. 158
- ↑ • Anonymus: Kostanzer Chronik von 307 bis 1466. In: Quellensammlung der Badischen Landesgeschichte. 1, Karlsruhe 1848, pp. 309–349 , p. 329
- ↑ • Tilemann Elen von Wolfhagen: Die Limburger Chronik des Tilemann Elhen von Wolfhagen. (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Deutsche Chroniken (MGH. Dt. Chron.)). Hahn'sche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1883 , Limburger Annalen, p. 114
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 134
- ↑ • Anonymus: Kostanzer Chronik von 307 bis 1466. In: Quellensammlung der Badischen Landesgeschichte. 1, Karlsruhe 1848, pp. 309–349 , p. 341
- ↑ • Erhard von Appenwiler: Die Chronik Erhards von Appenwiler (1439-1471). In: Basler Chroniken. 4, S. Hirzel, Leipzig 1890, pp. 221–355 , p. 308.
- ↑ • Franziskus Lubecus: Göttinger Annalen: von den Anfängen bis zum Jahr 1588. Göttingen , p. 186.
- ↑ • Heinrich Meiboms: Chronicon Riddagshusense. Heinrich Meiboms Chronik des Klosters Riddagshusen 1145-1629 (= Braunschweiger Werkstücke). Braunschweig 1983 , p. 55
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronijck der Landen van Overmaas en der anngrenzende gewesten door eenen inwoner van Beek bij Maastricht. In: Publications de la Société Historique et Archéologique dans le Limbourg. 7, J.J. Romen, Roermond 1870, pp. 11–218 , p. 19
- ↑ • G. R. Curicken: DER STADT DANTZIG Historische Beschreibung WORINNEN Von dero Uhrsprung/Situation, Regierungs=Art/ geführten Kriegen/ Religions- und Kirchen=Wesen ausführlich gehandelt wird. Jansson, Amsterdam and Gdansk 1688 , p. 16. November 1465.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 134.
- ↑ • Konrad Bote: Chronecken der Sassen (bis 1501). In: Scriptores Rerum Brunsvicensium Illustrationi Inservientes. 3, Hannover 1711, pp. 277–423 , p. 410.
- ↑ • Franziskus Lubecus: Göttinger Annalen: von den Anfängen bis zum Jahr 1588. Göttingen , p. 191
- ↑ • Hector Mülich: Chronik des Hector Mülich 1348–1487. In: Die Chroniken der schwäbischen Städte: Augsburg (= Chroniken der deutschen Städte. 3). Hirzel, Leipzig 1866 , pp. 197–198
- ↑ • Hans Kirchmeier: Münchener Annalen (1453–1483). In: Beyträge zur vaterländischen Historie, Geographie, Statistik und Landwirthschaft. 5, München 1794, pp. 190–201 , p. 195.
- ↑ • Burkhard Zink: Chronik. In: Die Chroniken der schwäbischen Städte. Augsburg (= Die Chroniken der deutschen Städte vom 14. bis in's 16. Jahrhundert. 2). Leipzig 1866, pp. 1–330 , p. 293
- ↑ • Caspar Weinreich: Danziger Chronik. 1855 , p. 2
- ↑ • Lübecker Ratschronik (1401-1469). In: Die Chroniken der niedersächsischen Städte. Lübeck (= Die Chroniken der deutschen Städte vom 14. bis in's 16. Jahrhundert. 4). Leipzig 1910, pp. 357–442 , pp. 360–362.
- ↑ • Bern Gyseke: Bern Gyseke’s Chronik von 810–154. In: Hamburgische Chroniken in niedersächsischer Sprache. 1861, pp. 1–192 , p. 40.
- ↑ • Hamburger Chronik von 799–1559. In: Hamburgische Chroniken in niedersächsischer Sprache. 1861, pp. pp. 377–478 , p. 409.
- ↑ • Ein kort Uttoch der Wendeschen Chronicon von 801-1535. In: Hamburgische Chroniken in niedersächsischer Sprache. 1861, pp. pp. 229–299 , p. 257.
- ↑ • Hamburger Chronik von 799–1559. In: Hamburgische Chroniken in niedersächsischer Sprache. 1861, pp. pp. 377–478 , p. 410.
- ↑ • Hartung Cammermeister: Chronik (= Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen und angrenzender Gebiete). Halle 1896 , p. 208.
- ↑ • Zwei Stralsundische Chroniken des 15. Jahrhunderts. Stralsund 1893 , p. 38
- ↑ • Johann Berckmann: Johann Berckmann's Stralsundische Chronik und die noch vorhandenen Auszüge aus alten verloren gegangenen Stralsundischen Chroniken (= Stralsundische Chroniken). Stralsund 1833, pp. 159–224 , p. 210
- ↑ • Hanserecesse Abt. 2. 5, Leipzig 1888 , p. 422, n. 564.
- ↑ • Maternus Berler: Chronik. In: Code historique et diplomatique de la ville de Strasbourg. 1, 1/2, Silbermann, Strasbourg 1843, pp. 71–130 , p. 73.
- ↑ • Heinrich Forer: Heinrich Forer's Chronik. In: Kleine Toggenburger Chroniken. 1, St. Gallen 1874, pp. 42–68 , p. 59
- ↑ • Geschichte der Stadt Memmingen. Vom Anfang der Stadt bis zum Tod Maximilians Josephs I., Königs von Bayern. Johannes Rehm, Memmingen 1826, ISBN 3753669717 , p. 33.
- ↑ Pole, in: ###, p. 192.
- ↑ • Bernhard Rorbach: Liber gestorum (= Quellen zur Frankfurter Geschichte). Carl Jügel, Frankfurt 1884, pp. 181-223 , p. 188.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 137.
- ↑ • Bernhard Rorbach: Liber gestorum (= Quellen zur Frankfurter Geschichte). Carl Jügel, Frankfurt 1884, pp. 181-223 , p. 218-219.
- ↑ Daniel Gomolcke, Beschreibung derer grossen Theuerungen etc. (Breslau 1737), p. 9.
- ↑ Daniel Gomolcke, Fortsetzung der Wasser-Historie in Ober- und Nieder-Schlesien (Breslau 1736), p. 46.
- ↑ • Johann Heise: Aufzeichnungen des Johann Heise (= Quellen zur Frankfurter Geschichte). Carl Jügel, Frankfurt 1884, pp. 224-236 , p. 226.
- ↑ • Johann Heise: Aufzeichnungen des Johann Heise (= Quellen zur Frankfurter Geschichte). Carl Jügel, Frankfurt 1884, pp. 224-236 , p. 225.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 142.
- ↑ • Konrad Stolle: Thüringisch-Erfurtische Chronik (= Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart). Literarischer Verein / Rodopi, Stuttgart/Amsterdam 1854/1968 , p. 191
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 144.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 150.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , pp. 229-230.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 235.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 261.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 268.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 288.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 289.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 289.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 291.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 317.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 348.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 350.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 362.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 416.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 419.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 419.
- ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 450.
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