Fever

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In Fever, a total of 33 epidemic events are known so far. It is an illness.

Events

  Date Summary  
Source
Translation
 T
1192, August While the temperature decrease in August, people get sick with fever.   Estas ferventissima in augusto mense subito tempore refriguit; unde febres acutae et quartanae passim in hominibus dominantur. [1] The weather which was hot abruptly changed in August. Then, people were affected by fever. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)

1217, March A letter mentions that a disease raged in Cairo, dated on March 17, 1217.  
לקד כאן קלובנא ועיוננא

מתטלעה אלי אללה סובחאנה ותעאלי
באלציאם וגירה ואלדעא אן יפרג' ען ישראל
מן אלדבר אלדי כאן ענדכם וכנא נדעו
אלי אללה אלא יעדמנא גאה סיידנא ולא
נט'רה לאן סיידנא אליום נר ישראל עלי
אלחקיקה ולא ארתפע שאננא גמיעא

אלא בסיידנא
[2]
A letter to Avraham Maimonides (d. 1237), the head of the Jews in Egypt (nagid), in Cairo, written by the teacher, cantor, and clerk Yehuda b. al-ʿAmmānī in Alexandria. Yehuda mentions that the Jewish community in Alexandria had been fasting and supplicating on behalf of the addressee's health and for God to lift the disease (Hebr. dever) that raged in Cairo and had afflicted Avraham, too. The letter is dated to the end of Adar 1528 Seleucid era (the month ended on March 17, 1217). (Translation: Undine Ott)

1285 Fever epidemic in Lucca   Eodem anno fuit epidemia de tertianis in qua multi sunt de dicta aegritudine mortui, et praecipue qui fuerunt in exercitu supradicto [3] (Translation needed)

1307, July – 1307, August Healing of fever illnesses in Bologna.   In quest' anno del mese di Luglio et Agosto [f. 192v] furono in Bologna grandi Infermita, e quelli che bevettero con divotione dell' Acqua del Pozzo di S. Pietro, che è di dietro il Sepolcro di San Stefano, sentirono gran giuvamenti e molti della febre furono liberati [4] In this year, in the month of July and August, there were great epidemics in Bologna, and those who drank with devotion of the water from the Well of St. Peter, which is behind the Sepulchre of St. Stephen, felt great joy and many were freed from the fever. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)

1307 Healing of fever patients in Bologna   Molti Infermi di diverse infirmità andon in s. Stefano a quello Pozo se fece san Petronio, e bevevano di quella aquacon divotione et tutti furono liberati dele lor infirmita [5] Many sick people of various diseases went to St. Stephen's to that fountain of St. Petronius, and drank of that water with devotion and all were freed of their sicknesses (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)

1323, July – 1324, February The city of Villa di Chiesa (today Iglesias) on Sardinia is under siege by the crown Prince Alfonso of Aragon. His army and he himself suffer from severe fevers.   ma da un altro lato messer lo infante e tutta la sua oste furono colti da tante malattie ch’e’vi perdettero una gran parte dei combattenti, e l’infante stesso se ne trovò malissimo, e fu in gran pericolo di morire, se non fossero state le sollecitudini di madonna l’infanta; per la qual cosa debbe dirsi debitore a Dio e a lei della ricuperata salute. Ma intanto nè medico, nè altro uomo potette persuadere a messer lo infante, quantunque malato, di staccarsi dall‘ assedio; all‘ incontro più volte colla febbre addosso vestiva gli arnesi di guerra e menava i suoi alla pugna. [6] But on the other side, the Lord crown prince and all his troops were attacked by lots of diseases that made them lose a great part of their fighters. And the crown prince himself felt very bad and was in danger of dying, if the crown princes had not been so insisting with him. That's why he was indebted to God and her that he regained his health. But neither a doctor nor another man could persuade the crown princes, still ill, to stay away from the siege; in full armour, but still suffering from fevers, he lead his men to attack (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1323, August – 1323, September Fever and headaches of most people in Florence and all over Italy, low mortality.   Nel detto anno MCCCXXIII, a l’uscità d’agosto e a l’entrar di settembre, fu uno vento a favognano, per lo quale amalorono di freddo con alquanti dì con febbre e dolore di testa la maggiore parte degli uomini e de le femmine in Firenze: e questa pestilenza fu generale per tutte le città d’Italia, ma poca gente ne morì; ma in Francia ne morirono assai. [7] In this year 1323, at the end of August and in early September, there was a Western wind. Because of this, most people in Florence, women and men alike, fell ill with a cold and some days of fever and headaches. And this disease was everywhere in Italy, but few people died of it. But in France, many more died. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1323, August – 1323, October A fever disease in Florence and all of Italy that causes few mortality, mainly among the elderly, and loss of appetite. It ends in mid-October 1323   Nel detto anno [1323] e del mese d’agosto e di settembre fu una infermità quasi generale di [p. 134] freddo, ed alquanti pigliava loro la febbre, e perdeano l’appetito, ed alquanti ne morieno, cioè vecchi e vecchie, e fu la detta malattia quasi in tutta Italia, e come venne mezzo ottobre restò. [8] In the aforementioned year [1323] in the month of August and September there was a general disease of cold, and many were hit with fever and lost their appetite. And some died, old men and women. And this disease was all over Italy, and it stopped mid of October. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1327, February Fever and cold all over Italy with low mortality; astrological explanation.   Nel detto anno e mese di febbraio fu per tutta Italia una generale corruzione di febbre mossa per freddo, onde i più de le genti ne sentirono, ma pochi ne morirono. Dissono gli astrologhi naturali che di ciò fu cagione l’aversione di Mars e di Saturno. [9] In the said year (1327) in the month of February there was a general corruption of fever caused by cold all over Italy, and most people felt it, but only few died. The astrologers said that the aversion of Mars and Saturn was the reason for this. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1348, March – 1348, September Arrival of the Black Death in Florence: a most detailed description of all its impacts and consequences   Negli anni del Signore MCCXLVIII fu nella città di Firenze e nel contado grandissima pistilenzia, e fu di tale furore e di tanta tempesta, che nella casa dove s'appigliava chiunque servìa niuno malato, tutti quelli che lo' serviano, moriano di quel medesimo male, e quasi niuno passava lo quarto giorno, e non valeva nè medico, nè medicina, o che non fossero ancora conosciute quelle malattie, o che li medici non avessero sopra quelle mai studiato, non parea che rimedio vi fosse. Fu di tanta paura che niuno non sapea che si fare; quando s'appigliava in alcuna casa, spesso avvenia che non vi rimanea persona che non morisse. E non bastava solo gli uomini e le femmine, ma ancora gli animali sensitivi, cani e gatte, polli, buoi, asini e pecore moriano di quella malattia e con quel segno, e quasi niuno, a cui venà lo segno, o pochi, veniano a guarigione. Lo segno era questo, che, o tra la coscia e'l corpo al modo (nodo?) d'anguinaia, o sotto lo ditello apparia un grossetto, e la febbre a un tratto, e quando sputava, sputava sangue mescolato colla saliva, e quegli che sputava sangue niuno campava. Fu questa cosa di tanto spavento, che veggendo appiccarla in una casa, ove cominciava, come detto è, non vi rimanea niuno; le genti spaventate abbondanavano la casa, e fuggivano in un' altra; e chi nella città, e chi si fuggia in villa. Medici non si trovavano, perocchè moriano come gli altri; quelli che si trovavano, voleano smisurato prezzo in mano innanzi che intrassero nella casa, ed entratovi, tocavono il polso col viso volo adrieto, e' da lungi volevono vedere l'urina con cose odorifere al naso. Lo figluolo abbandonava il padre, lo marito la moglie, la moglie il marito, l'uno fratello l'altro, l'una sirocchia l'altra. Tutta la città non avea a fare altro che a portare morti a sepellire; mollti ne morirono, che non ebbono all lor fine nè confessione ed altri sacramenti; e moltissimi morirono che non fu chi li vedesse, e molti ne morirono di fame, imperocchè come uno si ponea in sul letto malato, quelli di casa sbigottiti gli diceano: “Io vo per lo medico” e serravano pianamente l'uscio da via, e non vi tornavano più. Costui abbandonato dalle persone e poi da cibo, ed accompagnato dalla febbre si venia meno. Molti erano, che sollicitavano li loro che non li abbandonassero, quando venia alla sera; e' diceano all'ammalato: “Acciocchè la notte tu non abbi per ogni cosa a destare chi ti serve, e dura fatica lo dì e la notte, totti tu stesso de' confetti e del vino o acqua, eccola qui in sullo soglio della lettiera (p. 231) sopra 'l capo tuo, e po' torre della roba”. E quando s'addormentava l'ammalato, se n'andava via, e non tornava. Se per sua ventura si trovava la notte confortato di questo cibo la mattina vivo e forte da farsi a finestra, stava mezz'ora innanzichè persona vi valicasse, se non era la via molto maestra, e quando pure alcun passava, ed egli avesse un poco di voce che gli fosse udito, chiamando, quando gli era risposto, non era soccorso. Imperocchè niuno, o pochi voleano intrare in casa, dove alcuno fosse malato, ma ancora non voelano ricettare di quelli, che sani uscissero della casa del malato, e diceano: "Egli è affatappiato, non gli parlate" dicendo: "E' l'ha perocchè in casa sua è il Gavocciolo; e chiamavano quelle inflato gavocciolo. Moltissimi morieno senza esser veduti, che stavano in sullo letto tanto che puzzavano. E la vicinanza, se v'era, sentito lo puzzo, mettevono per borsa, e lo mandavano a seppellire. Le case rimaneano aperte, e non er ardito persona di tocare nulla, che parea che le cose rimanessero avvelenate, che chi le usava gli s'appicava il male.Fecesi a ogni chiesa, o alle più, fosse infon all'acqua, larghe e cupe, secondo lo popolo era grande; e quivi chi non era molto ricco, la notte morto, quegli, a cui toccava, se lo metteva sopra la spalla, o gittavalo in questa fossa, o pagava gran prezzo a chi lo facesse. La mattina se ne trovavano assai nella fossa, toglievasi della terra, e gettavasi laggiuso loro addosso; e poi veniano gli altri sopr'essi, e poi la terra addosso a suolo, a suolo, con poca terra, come si ministrasse lasagne a fornire formaggio. Li' beccamorti, che facevano gli servigi, erono prezzolati di sì gran prezzo, che molti n'arrichirono, e molti ne morirono, chi ricco e chi con poco guadagno, ma gran prezzo avieno. Le serviziali, o o serviziali, che servieno li malati volieno da uno in tre fiorini per dì e le spese di cose fiorite. Le cose che mangiavano i malati, confetti e zucchero, smisuratamente valevano. Fu vendeuta di tre in otto fiorini la libbra di zucchero e al simile gli altri confetti. Li pollastri ed alti pollami a meraviglia carissimi, e l'uovo di prezzo di denari 12 in 24 l'uno; e beato chi ne trovava tre il dì con cercare tutta la città. La cera era miracolo; la libbra sarebba montata più di un fiorino, senonchè vi si puose freno alle grande burbanze, che sempre feciono gli Fiorentini, perocchè si diede ordine non si potesse portare più due doppieri. Le chiese non avieno più che una bara, com' è d'uso, non bastava. Li speziali e bechamorti avien prese bare, coltri e guanciali con grandissimo prezzo. Lo vestire di stamigna che si usava nei morti, che soleva costare una donna, gonella guarnacca e mantello e veli, fiorini tre, montò in pregio di fiorini trenta, e sarebbe ito in fiorini cento, se non che si levò di vestire della stamigna, e chi era ricco vestiva di panno, e chi non ricco in lenzoletto lo cucìa. Costava le panche, che si pongono i morti, uno sfolgoro, e ancora non bastava tutte le panche ch'erano il centesimo. Lo sonare delle campane non si potevano li preti contentare; di che si fece ordine tra per lo sbigottimento del sonare delle campane e per lo vender le panche e raffrenare le spese, che a niuno corpo si sonasse, nè si ponesse panche, nè si bandisse, perocchè l'udivano gli ammalati, sbigottivano li sani, nonchè i malati. Li preti e i frati andavano ai ricchi e in tanta moltitudine, ed erano sì pagati di tanto prezzo che tutti arrichieno. E però si fece ordine che non si potesse avere più che d'una regola e la chiesa del popolo, e per la regola sei frati e non più. Tutte le frutta nocive vietarono a entrare nella città, come susine acerbe, mandorle in erba, fave fresche, fichi ed ogni frutta [p. 232] non utile e non sana. Molte processioni ed orlique e la tavola di S. Maria Impruneta vennero andando per la città, gridando: "Misericordià", e facendo orazioni, e poi in sulla ringhiera dei Priori fermate. Vi si rendereno paci di gran questioni e di ferite e di morte d'uomini. Fu questa cosa di tanto sbigottimento e di tanta paura' che le genti si ragunavano in brigata a mangiare per pigliare qualche conforto; e dava l'uno la sera cena a dieci compagni, e l'altra sera davono ordine di mangiare con uno di quelli, e quando credevono cenare con quello, ed egli era senza cena, che quegli era malato, o quando era fatta la cena per dieci, vi se ne trovava meno due o tre. Chi si fuggìa in villa, chi nelle castella per mutare aria; ove non eralo portavono, se v'era lo crescevano. Niuna Arte si lavorava in Firenze: tutte le botteghe serrate, tutte le taverne chiuse, salvo speziali e chiese. Per la Terra andavi, che non trovavi persona; e molti buoni e ricchi uomini erano portati dalla casa a chiesa nella bara con quattro beccamortì et uno chiericuzzo che portava la croce, e poi volieno uno fiorino uno. Di questa mortalità arricchirono speziali, medici, pollaiuoli, beccamorti, trecche di malva, ortiche, marcorelle et altre erbe da impiastri per macerare malori. E fu più quelle che feciono queste trecche d'erbe, fu gran denaro. Lanaiuoli, e ritagliatori che si trovarono panni li vendeano ciò che chiedeono. Ristata la mortalità chi si trovò panni fatti d'ogni ragione n'aricchiì, o chi si trovò da poterne fare; ma molti se ne trovarono intignati' e guasti e perduti a' telai; e stame e lana in quantità perdute per la città e contado. Questa pistolenza cominciò di marzo, come detto è, e finì di settembre 1348. E le genti cominciavono a tornare e rivedersi le case e le masserizie. E fu tante le case pien di tutti li beni, che non avevono signore, ch'era un stupore, poi si cominciarono a vedere gli eredi dei beni. E tale che non aveva nulla si trovò ricco, che non pareva che fusse suo, ed a lui medesimo pareva gli si disdicesse. E cominciornon a sfogiare nei vestimenti e ne' cavagli e le donne e gli uomini [10] In the year of our lord 1348 there occurred in the city and contado of Florence a great pestilence, and such was its fury and violence that in whatever household it took hold, whosoever took care of the sick, all the carers died of the same illness, and almost nobody survived beyond the fourth day, neither doctors nor medicine proving of any avail, and there appeared to be no remedy, either because those illnesses were not yet recognised, or because doctors had never previously had cause to study them properly. Such was the fear that nobody knew what to do: when it caught hold in a household, it often happened that not a single person escaped death. And it wasn't just men and women: even sentient animals such as dogs and cats, hens, oxen, donkeys and sheep, died from that same disease and with those symptoms, and almost none who displayed those symptoms, or very few indeed, effected a recovery. Those symptoms were as follows: either between the thigh and the body, in the groin region, or under the armpit, there appeared a lump, and a sudden fever, and when the victim spat, he spat blood mixed with saliva, and none of those who spat blood survived. Such was the terror this caused that seeing it take hold in a household, as soon as it started, nobody remained: everybody abandoned the dwelling in fear, and fled to another; some fled into the city and others into the countryside. No doctors were to be found, because they were dying like everybody else; those who could be found wanted exorbitant fees cash-in-hand before entering the house, and having entered, they took the patient's pulse with their heads turned away, and assayed the urine samples from afar, with aromatic herbs held to their noses. Sons abandoned fathers, husbands wives, wives husbands, one brother the other, one sister the other. The city was reduced to bearing the dead to burial; many died who at their passing had neither confession nor last sacraments, and many died unseen, and many died of hunger, for when somebody took ill to his bed, the other occupants in panic told him: 'I'm going for the doctor'; and quietly locked the door from the outside and didn't come back. The victim, abandoned by both people and nourishment, yet kept constant company by fever, wasted away. Many were those who begged their families not to abandon them; when evening came, the relatives said to the patient: 'So that you don't have to wake up the people looking after you at night, asking for things, because this is going on day and night, you yourself can reach for cakes and wine or water, here they are on the shelf above your bed, you can get the stuff when you want'. And when the patient fell asleep, they went away and did not return. If, through good fortune the victim had been strengthened by that food, the next morning alive and still strong enough to get to the window, he would have to wait half an hour before anybody came past, if this was not a busy thoroughfare, and even when the odd person passed by, and the patient had enough voice to be heard a little, if he shouted, sometimes he would be answered and sometimes not, and even if he were to be answered, there was no help to be had. For not only none or very few wished to enter a house where there were any sick people, but they didn't even want to have contact with those who issued healthy from a sick person's house, saying: 'He's jinxed, don't speak to him', saying: 'He's got it because there's the "gavocciolo" [bubo] in his house'; and 'gavocciolo' was the name they gave to these swellings. Many died without being seen, remaining on their beds till they stank. And the neighbours, if any were left, having smelled the stench, did a whip round and sent him for burial. Houses remained open, nobody dared to touch anything, for it seemed that things remained poisoned, and whoever had anything to do with them caught the disease.

At every church, or at most of them, pits were dug, down to the water-table, as wide and deep as the parish was populous; and therein, whosoever was not very rich, having died during the night, would be shouldered by those whose duty it was, and would either be thrown into this pit, or they would pay big money for somebody else to do it for them. The next morning there would be very many in the pit. Earth would be taken and thrown down on them; and then others would come on top of them, and then earth on top again, in layers, with very little earth, like garnishing lasagne with cheese. The gravediggers who carried out these functions were so handsomely paid that many became rich and many died, some already rich and others having earned little, despite the high fees. The female and male sick-bay attendants demanded from one to three florins a day, plus sumptuous expenses. The foodstuffs suitable for the sick, cakes and sugar, reached outrageous prices. A pound of sugar was sold at between three and eight florins, and the same went for other confectionery. Chickens and other poultry were unbelievably expensive, and eggs were between 12 and 24 denari each: you were lucky to find three in a day, even searching through the whole city. Wax was unbelievable: a pound of wax rose to more than a florin, nevertheless an age-old arrogance of the Florentines was curbed, in that an order was given not to parade more than two large candles. The churches only had one bier apiece, as was the custom, and this was insufficient. Pharmacists and grave-diggers had obtained biers, hangings and laying-out pillows at great price. The shroud-cloth apparel which used to cost, for a woman, in terms of petticoat, outer garment, cloak and veils, three florins, rose in price to thirty florins, and would have risen to one hundred florins, except that they stopped using shroud-cloth, and whoever was rich was dressed with plain cloth, and those who weren't rich were sewn up in a sheet. The benches placed for the dead cost a ludicrous amount, and there weren't enough of them even if there had been a hundred times more. The priests couldn't get enough of ringing the bells: so an order was passed, what with the panic caused by the bells ringing and the sale of benches and the curbing of spending, that nobody should be allowed the death-knell, nor should benches be placed, nor should there be a public announcement by the crier, because the sick could hear them, and the healthy took fright as well as the sick. The priests and friars thronged to the rich, and were paid such great sums that they all enriched themselves. And so an ordinance was passed that only one rule (of religious houses) and the local church could be had, and from that rule a maximum of six friars. All harmful fruit, such as unripe plums, unripe almonds, fresh beans, figs and all other inessential unhealthy fruit, was forbidden from entering the city. Many processions and relics and the painting of Santa Maria Impruneta were paraded around the city, to cries of 'Mercy', and with prayers, coming to a halt at the rostrum of the Priori. There peace was made settling great disputes and questions of woundings and killings. Such was the panic this plague provoked that people met for meals as a brigata to cheer themselves up; one person would offer a dinner to ten friends, and the next evening it would be the turn of one of the others to offer the dinner, and sometimes they thought they were going to dine with him, and he had no dinner ready, because he was ill, and sometimes the dinner had been prepared for ten and two or three less turned up. Some fled to the country, and some to provincial towns, to get a change of air; where there was no plague they brought it, and where it already existed they added to it. No industry was busy in Florence; all the workshops were locked up, all the inns were closed, only chemists and churches were open. Wherever you went, you could find almost nobody; many rich good men were borne from their house to church in their coffin with just four undertakers and a lowly cleric carrying the cross, and even then they demanded a florin apiece. Those who especially profited from the plague were the chemists, the doctors, the poulterers, the undertakers, and the women who sold mallow, nettles, mercury plant and other poultice herbs for drawing abscesses. And those who made the most were these herb sellers. Woollen merchants and retailers when they came across cloth could sell it for whatever price they asked. Once the plague had finished, anybody who could get hold of whatsoever kind of cloth, or found the raw materials to make it, became rich; but many ended up moth-eaten, spoilt and useless for the looms, and thread and raw wool lost in the city and the contado. This plague began in March as has been said, and finished in September 1348. And people began to return to their homes and belongings. And such was the number of houses full of goods that had no owner, that it was amazing. Then the heirs to this wealth began to turn up. And someone who had previously had nothing suddenly found himself rich, and couldn't believe it was all his, and even felt himself it wasn't quite right. And both men and women began to show off with clothes and horses. [11]


1355 In Florence dry and beautiful until mid-April, then much rain, from June very dry until mid-October. Then much precipitation with loss of a third of the seed grain. In summer, many infections and febrile diseases [rabies outbreak in Calabria?], total loss of the fruit harvest, many dead farm animals; good grain harvest; reason: A lunar eclipse on 16th of February.   Martedì notte alle ore IIII e mezzo, a dì XVI di febbraio MCCCLV, cominciò la scurazione della luna nel segno dell' Aquario, e all'ore V e mezzo fu tutta scurata, e bene dello spazio d'un altra ora si penò a liberare. E non sapiendo noi per astrologia di sua influenzia, considerammo li efetti di questo seguente anno, e vedemmo continovamente infino a mezzo aprile serenissimo cielo, e apresso continove acque oltre al modo usato e i rimanente d'aprile e tutto il mese di maggio, e apresso continovi secchi e stemperati caldi insino a mezzo ottobre. E in questi tempi estivali e autunnali furono generali infezzioni, e in molte parti malatie di febri e altri stemperamenti di corpi mortali umani, e singularmente malatie di ventre e di pondi co lungo duramento. Ancora avenne in questo anno un disusato accidente alli uomini, e cominciossi in Calavra a fFiume Freddo e scorse fino a Gaeta, e chiamavano questo accidente male arrabiato. L'affetto mostrava mancamento di celabro con cadimento di capogirli con diversi dibattimenti, e mordieno come cani e percotiensi pericolosamente, e assai se ne morivano, ma cchi era proveduto e atato guariva. E fu nel detto anno mortalità di bestie dimestiche grande. E in questo anno medesimo furono [p. 729] in Fiandra, e in Francia e in Italia molte grandi e diverse battaglie, e nuovi movimenti di guerre e di signorie, come leggendo si potrà trovare. E nel detto anno fu singolare buona e gra ricolta di pane, e più vino non si sperava, perché un freddo d'aprile l'uve già nate seccò e arse, e da ccapo molte ne rinacquono e condussonsi a bbene, cosa assai strana. E da mezzo ottobre a calen di gennaio furono acque continove con gravi diluvii, e perdessene il terzo della sementa, ma il gennaio vegnente fu sì bel tempo, che lla perduta sementa si raquistò. I frutti delli alberi dimestichi tutti si perderono in questo anno. Non aremmo stesa questa memoria se lla scurazione predetta non vi ci avesse indotto. [12] On Tuesday night at half past twelve o'clock, on the sixteenth day of February MCCCLV, the moon began to wax and wane in the sign of Aquarius, and at half past five o'clock it was all darkened, and within another hour it was free. And not knowing by astrology of its influence, we considered the effects of this following year, and saw continually until mid-April very clear skies, and thereafter continually counting waters beyond the usual manner and the remainder of April and the whole month of May, and thereafter dry and warm dry spells until mid-October. And in these summer and autumn times there were general infestations, and in many parts sicknesses of fever and other distempering of human bodies, and singularly sicknesses of the belly and abdomen with long duration. Again, in this year, an unfortunate accident happened to men, and it began in Calavra at Fiume Freddo and went as far as Gaeta, and they called this accident an angry disease. The affection showed a lack of celabrums with the fall of the head with various fights, and they bit like dogs and perished dangerously, and many died, but those who were provided and cured. And there was great mortality of domestic beasts in the said year. And in this same year there were [p. 729] in Flanders, and in France and Italy many great and diverse battles, and new movements of wars and lordships, as you will read. And in the said year there was a singularly good and abundant harvest of bread, and more wine was not hoped for, because one cold April the grapes that had already been born dried up and burned, and from the beginning many of them were reborn and were well, which is a very strange thing. And from the middle of October to the middle of January, there were heavy rains, and a third of the seed was lost, but the coming January was such good weather that the lost seed was regained. The fruits of the dimestique trees were all lost in this year. We would not have written this memoir if the aforementioned destruction had not induced us to do so. (Translation: DeepL)

1358, Autumn Few deaths from febrile illnesses in Florence, but these are entirely without an identifiable trigger   In questi tempi fu ne nostro paese in Valdelsa e in Valdarno, di sotto, e nel Chianti, quasi come l'anno dinanzi passato, generali infertà di terzane, e di quartane, e altre febri di lunga malatia, delle quali pochi morivano. Di ciò si maravigliarono le genti di Valdelsa e di Chianti, perché sono in buone arie e purificate, perché due anni l'uno apresso l'altro fossono maculati di simili infermitadi, no conoscendo alcuna singulare cagione di quello accidente [13] In these times, in Valdelsa and Valdarno, below, and in Chianti, almost as in the previous year, there were general illnesses of terzane and quartane, and other fevers of long illness, of which few died. The people of Valdelsa and Chianti were astonished by this, because they are in good spirits and purified, because two years ago, one after the other, they were plagued by similar infirmities, not knowing any singular reason for the accident. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)

1365, February – 1365, March A lunar eclipse on 8th of February (actually 6th) predicts cold and wind; almost all people fall ill with fever and cough, affects wide regions like Apulia, Bologna, Marche, Tuscia and Lombardy   Ancora, adì 8 de febraro, la nocte vegnando, la luna divenne tucta sanguinea per assai volte, et ancho si mostrò schura, zoè negra; et durò per spazio d'uno quarto d'una ora o più. Et per questo accidente, a quisti dì, si fu uno fiero et forte tempo, cum grandi venti et grande zelo: et si fu una sì fiera pestilenza de fredo nelle persone de' christiani, cum grande febre et tosse et male assai; et si n'è stadi de morti alchuna parte per questa malatia, et si se pò dire che non rimase nessuno, generalmente, che non sentisse la malatia. Et questo fu per tucte le parte, zoè in la Puglia et in la Marcha, in Thoscana, in Romagna, in Lombardia, et generalmente per tucto; et questo comminzò de febraro et durò di fine al mese marzo, che fu chossì grande et forte tempo et grande malatia [14] Again, on 8 February, when the night was coming, the moon became completely bloody for many times, and it also became dark, that is, black; and it lasted for a quarter of an hour or more. And for this reason, on this day, there was a fierce and strong weather, with great winds and great zeal: and there was such a fierce plague of cold in the people of the Christians, with great fever and coughing and much evil; and there were many deaths from this disease, and it can be said that there was no one left, in general, who did not feel the sickness. [...] (Translation needed) (Translation: DeepL)

1401, August – 1401, October A mortality breaks out in Cologne from August to October.   In dem selven jar augusti, septembri, octobri stroven de lude sere in Colen an den brosen inde van boser hizen van inbinnen. [15] In the same year (1401) in the month of August, September and October the people died in Cologne because of brosen and of bad heat (fever) from inside. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)

1405, August 4 Letter from Coluccio Salutati to Domenico Bandini in Arezzo, mentioning a fever illness there and the death of one of his children through illness   Sunt omnia, quanvis levia, vir insignis, frater optime et amice karissime, temporibus istis suspecta, ut quanvis febris quartane typus parum habeat cum pestilenti febre commertium, metuendum sit tamen, ne sub illius egritudinis commotione pestifera lues (p. 406) oprebat. [...] Ego vero valeo; valent et miei, preter Andream, qui, sicut Deo placuit, Petrum comitatus est. Sit nomen Domini benedictum. Philippus hodie nona die graviter egrotavit cum sigillis et signis; convalescit tamen et, licet febris adsit et ulcus suspectum ingravescat (p. 407), liberationem speramus. Vale et in morte Andree, precor, non commovearis, sed mecum teneas et secum et nobiscum Deum egisse non solum sicut oportet, sed misericorditer atque bene. [16] (Translation needed)

1414, March
VN: 100.000
An epidemic of influenza (?) breaks out for three weeks in Paris, affecting 100 000 persons. People loose appetite, have heavy fever and cannot stop coughing and shaking. Constant cough injures testicules by men, and makes women prematurely abort. However nobody dies. When people get better, they loose a lot of blood. Sick people need six weeks to recover   Si advint par le plaisir de Dieu qu'un mauvais air corrompu chut sur le monde, qui plus de cent mille personnes à Paris mit en tel état qi'is perdirent le boire et le manger, le repousser, et avoient très fortes fièvre deux ou trois fois le jour, et espécialement toutes fois qu'ils mangeaient, et leur semblaient toutes choses quelconques amères et très mauvaises et puantes; toujours tremblaient où qu'ils fussent. Et avec ce, qui pis était, on perdait tout le pouvoir de son corps, qu'on osait toucher à quoi de nulle part que ce fût, tant étaient grevés ceux qui de ce mal étaient atteints; et dura bien sans cesser trois semaines ou plus, et commença à bon escient à l'entrée du mois de mars dudit an, et le nommait-on le tac ou le horion. Et ceux qui point n'en avaient ou qui en étaient guéris, disaient par ébatement: "En as-tu? Par moi foi, tu as chanté: ' Votre c.n. a la toux, commère'". Car avec tout le mal devant dit, on avait la toux si fort et le rhume à l'enrouure, qu'on ne chantait qui rien fût de hautes messes à Paris. Mais sur tous les maux la toux était si cruelle à tous, jour et nuit, qu'aucuns hommes par force de tousser furent rompus par les génitoires toute leur vie, et aucune femmes qui étaient grosses, qui n'étaient pas à terme, eurent leurs enfants sans compagnie de personne, par force de tousser, qu'il convenait mourir à grand martyre et mère et enfant. Et quand se venait sur la guérison, ils jetaient grande foison de sang bête par la bouche et par le nez et par dessous, qui moult les ébahissait, et néanmoins personne n'en mourait; mais à peine en pouvait personne être guéri, car depuis que l'appétit de manger fut aux personnes revenu, si fut-il plus de six semaines après, avant qu'on fût nettement guéri; ni physicien nul ne savait dire quel mal c'était [17] If by the pleasure of God an evil and corrupt air fell upon the world, which more than a hundred thousand people in Paris put in such a state that they lost their drink and their food, pushed it back, and had very high fever two or three times a day, and especially all the time they ate, and seemed to them all things bitter and very bad and stinking; always trembled wherever they were. And with that which was worse, they lost all the power of their bodies, that they dared to touch anything from anywhere, so much was the burden on those who were afflicted with this evil; and it lasted well without ceasing for three weeks or more, and began in good time at the beginning of March of the said year, and was called the tac or horion. And those who did not have it or who were healed of it, said in amazement, "Have you any? By my faith, you have sung: 'Your n.c. has a cough, you gossip'". For, with all the evil before them, they coughed so loudly and had a cold so badly that they sang nothing of the high masses in Paris. But of all evils the cough was so cruel to all, day and night, that no man by force of coughing was broken by the genitories all his life, and no woman who was fat, who was not at term, had her children without company of anyone, by force of coughing, that it was convenient to die a great martyrdom and mother and child. And when it came to healing, they threw out a great abundance of silly blood through their mouth and nose and underneath, which moved them, and yet no one died from it; but scarcely could anyone be healed, for since the appetite for food had returned to the people, if it was more than six weeks later, before they were clearly healed; neither physicist nor any one knew how to tell what evil it was. (Translation: DeepL)

1421, August A mortality breaks out in Paris in August. Poeple get headaches and heavy fever. Children and women were most at risk   Item, en ce temps, était très grande mortalité, et tous mouraient de chaleur qui au chef les prenait et puis la fièvre et mouraient sans rien ou peu empirer de leur chair, et toutes femmes et les plus jeunes gens. [18] In this time was a great mortality. People, mostly women and young ones, died because of headache and of fever, but their bodies were not injured. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)

1438, June 18 A procession is organized in the city against the dearth and the mortality. People get fever.   Après, en mois de junne le XVIIIe jour, fut fait à Saint-Lambert une especiale messe et procession par le clergie et par les lais generalement, bien devotement, por trois cause: la premier por le chir temps de bleis generalement [...]. La seconde fut por le mortaliteit, car plusieurs moroient par fivres contagieux, etc. Et la tirche cause por la division d'entre le pape, le concile de Ferare, d'unne part, et d'auttre de conciel de Baselle. [19] On June 18, a procession was celebrated in Saint-Lambert with all the clergy and laymen, very devoutly. We did it for three reasons. The first, because of the high prices [...] The second, because of the mortality. Indeed, several people died of fever, etc. And the third, because of the divisions of the papacy and between the councils of Ferrara and of Basel. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)

1438, August 17 A cleric's handmaid commit suicide, because she was infected by the disease that spread in the city since Easter. Other people did the same.   Et le XVIIe jour d'awost, à XI heure par nuit, le danhelle mesire Henri Staden, canonne de Saint-Pire, vestis de Saint-Severin, soy kopat la gorge piteusement ; elle estoit en la chaude fivre del chaude maladie qui régnoit généralement par tous paiis. Et commencha ladite maladie à regnier entour Paske, et soy achirent pluseurs por la grande resdeur de ladite maladie en celle année. [20] On August 17, at 11 h. in the night, the handmaid of Henri Staden, canon of St-Pierre, painfully cut her throat. She was affected by the fever given by the disease that raged in the city since Easter. Many other did the same thing because of the severity of this disease. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)

1461, August A disease breaks out in Arras and the surroundings, in August. This is a non-lethal fever, but people recovers with difficulty.   Et regna depuis aoust ou environ, une manière de caulde maladie et de fièvres en plusieurs lieux et presque partout; mais il n'en mouroit guères, nonobstant qu'on se remesist sus à grande peine [21] Since August, a kind of "hot disease" with fever spread out in several location and almost anywhere. Though nobody died, people get difficulties to recover. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)

1462, February A flu-like epidemic in Bologna kills mainly the elderly   Del mese di febbraro per il gran freddo si scuoprono strane infirmitá et regnano molte febbri et catarri, di che molti vecchi moiono nella città che nel territorio. [22] In the month of February because of the severe cold one saw strange diseases and fevers and colds ravaged, which killed many elderly people in the city and the countryside. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1464 Very stormy and rainy year, the sun shone little in September as the moon was blue at night. There was severe fever, smallpox and seasickness   A dì 17 di dicembre, il lunedì, venne in Bologna gran neve. […] In somma quest’anno fu piovoso et tempestoso e nel tempo del raccolto vendevasi la corba del grano lire due, la spelta soldi 11, la fava soldi 20; fu dell’ uva assai. Il mese di settembre fu con molte maligne nebbie; il solo splendeva poco et era di color smorticcio, siccome è di notte la luna, che si mostrava azzura. Furono gran febbri, vaioli et mali di costa. [23] (Translation needed)

1465 People suffered from fever and chest pain in autumn, but warmer weather in November and December eased their symptoms   Nota che in questo anno morino alquanti homini de mala fama, zoè che prestavano a usura, et faceano honestamente li mal contracti, chè prestavano da 25 insino in 40 per cento, facendo depositarie de datii cum littere de cambio et altri mal contracti coperti. Molto febre, varoli, mal de coste fu in l’otonno; le somente bone; novenbre et desenbre bom tempo, che ‘l fece utile assai alla povera gente, et molto più alli dazieri delle porte. [24] (Translation needed)

1468, September – 1468, December Many people, including Bishop Cascant, died of a fever in Valencia.   En lo mes de setembre, fins en lo mes de deembre, en Valencia, e dos legues en torn, foren tantes febres que mes heren los malalts que no los sans. En moriren de les dites febres, entre los quals moriren los segu[e]nts: Mori lo bisbe Cascant […] e molta altra gent que moriren de les febres dintre sis messes. [25] In the month of September, until the month of December, in Valencia, and two leagues in turn, there were so many fevers that hurt the sick more than the healthy. They died of the said fevers, among which the following died: Bishop Cascant died [...] and many other people who died of fevers within six masses. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)

1472, December Mortality in Metz.   Item en ycelle année, il fist ung yver pluvioux et ne gellit presque point ; et molroit on ung poc de la pest et des aprison. [26] In this year (1472), the winter has been very wet and with almost no frost. And few people died of the pest and of fever. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)

References

  1. Anonymus: Chronica regia Coloniensis. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH SS rer. Germ.). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1880 , p. 155.
  2. Anonymus: Princeton Geniza Project (PGP). , T-S 16.305, lines 24-31 verso, ed. by Miriam Frenkel, The Compassionate and Benevolent. The Leading Elite in the Jewish Community of Alexandria in the Middle Ages‎ (in Hebrew), Jerusalem 2006 PGP
  3. Ptolemaeus Lucensis: Annales Ptolemaeus Lucensis. In: Cronache dei Secoli XIII e XIV (= Documenti di storia italiana. 1). Florence 1876, pp. 35–104 , p. 94
  4. Anonymus: Diario dell cose più notabili seguite in Bologna cominciando dall’ anno 305 insino à tutto l’anno 1586. Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna , pp. BU 581, n. 10 , p. 192r-v.
  5. Anonymus: Memorie della Città di Bologna. Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna, pp. BU 582, t. 1 , p. 73v
  6. Template:Crónica di Raimonodo Muntaner 1844, p. 609
  7. Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 2, pp. 406-407.
  8. Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , pp. 133-134
  9. Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 2, p. 596.
  10. Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , pp. 230-232
  11. Translation according to Jonathan Usher Decameron Web
  12. Matteo Villani: Cronica.Con la continuazione di Filippo Villani (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Parma 1995 , Vol. 1, pp. 728-729
  13. Matteo Villani: Cronica.Con la continuazione di Filippo Villani (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Parma 1995 , vol. 2, p. 273
  14. Anonymus: Cronaca A (1351-1409). In: Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 3). Città di Castello 1938 , p. 211
  15. Anonymus: Cölner Jahrbücher des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts. In: Die Chroniken der niederrheinischen Städte. Cöln (= Die Chroniken der Deutschen Städte vom 14. bis ins 16. Jahrhundert. 2). Leipzig 1876, pp. 71–124 , p. 91.
  16. Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 3, pp. 405–407
  17. Anonymus: Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris de 1405 à 1449. Libraire Générale Française, Paris , Sp. 74-75
  18. Anonymus: Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris de 1405 à 1449. Libraire Générale Française, Paris , p. 171
  19. Jean de Stavelot: Chronique de Jean de Stavelot. Hayez, Brussels , p. 392
  20. Jean de Stavelot: Chronique de Jean de Stavelot. Hayez, Brussels , p. 394
  21. Jacques du Clerc: Les mémoires de Jacques du Clerc (= Choix de chroniques et mémoires sur l'histoire de France). Paris 1838, pp. 1–318 , p. 188
  22. R.P.M. Cherubino Ghirardacci: Della historia di Bologna. Parte terza, del R.P.M. Cherubino Ghirardacci bolognese, dell'Ordine eremitano di S. Agostino (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1915–16 , p. 178
  23. R.P.M. Cherubino Ghirardacci: Della historia di Bologna. Parte terza, del R.P.M. Cherubino Ghirardacci bolognese, dell'Ordine eremitano di S. Agostino (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1915–16 , p. 187
  24. Cronaca A [-1350]. In: Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 4). N. Zanichelli, Città di Castello 1924 , p. 341
  25. Alfons el Magnanim: Dietari del capella d’Alfons V el Magnanim (= Textos Medievales). Saragossa 1991 , p. 271.
  26. Jean Aubrion: Journal de Jean Aubrion, bourgeois de Metz, avec sa continuation par Pierre Aubrion (1465–1512). F. Blanc, Metz , p. 17.
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