Autumn

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In Autumn, a total of 36 epidemic events are known so far.

Locations and Spreading

  Date Summary  
Source
Translation
  T
1154 – 1154 A plague in the troops of George [Yuriy Dolgorukiy] and his sons marching from Rostov Rusia to "Rus’", against the prince of Kiev, Izyaslav Mstislavovich.   [6662] Toм жe лѣтѣ пoидe Гюpги cъ pocтoвци, и cъ cyдaльци, и cъ всѣми дѣтми своими в Pycь, и бысть мopъ въ вceмъ плъкy eгo, якo жe нe былъ николи жe. [1] 1154[2] That year George [Yuriy Dolgorukiy] went with the Rostovians, the Suzdalians, and all his children to Rus’, and there was a plague in his entire troops[3], such as had never happened [before]. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)
1284 Mortality among cattle and famine in northern Iceland in 1284   Fjárfellir og dóu margir menn af sulti á Íslandi og auðn margra bæja. [4] Death of cattle and many men died of hunger in Iceland, and many towns were laid waste. (Translation: Carina Damm)
1323, summer – 1323, autumn In the wake of a hot, black storm illnesses (amrāḍ) spread in Cairo in summer/autumn 723 AH (1323). For the period of a month, a number of people died. A similar storm had killed people in Damascus before, in Shaʿbān 723 AH (August 5 - September 2, 1323), and had made fruits wither and water run dry; Damascene wheat prices had subsequently gone up. In Cairo, the storm equally hampered grain crop growth, hence grain prices rose since little grain was available.  
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 [5] 		(Translation needed)
1348, May 31 – 1348, September
VN: 1000 + 300 + 2400 		In the beginning of Rabīʿ I, 749 H (the month began on May 31, 1348) news about the Black Death in Gaza reached Aleppo while the author stayed there. The daily death toll had reportedly amounted to more than 1,000. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa then traveled on to Ḥoms which had already been affected by the plague; ca. 300 people died on the day of his arrival. He went on to Damascus whose inhabitants had fasted for three days [July 22 to 24] and on Friday set out for the Mosque of the Footprints (Aqdām). God subsequently reduced the burden of plague lasting on them. The daily death toll in the city had amounted to 2,400. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa traveled on to ʿAjlūn, and then to Jerusalem where the plague wave had already come to an end.  
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 [6] 		In the first days of the month of Rabīʿ I in the year forty-nine news reached us in Aleppo that plague had broken out in Ghazza and that the number of dead there exceeded thousand a day. I went to Ḥims and found that the plague had already struck there; about three hundred persons died on the day of my arrival. I went to Damascus and arrived on a Thursday; the people had been fasting for three days. On Friday they went to the Mosque of the Footprints, as we have related in the first book. God alleviated their plague. The number of deaths among them had risen to two thousand four hundred a day. Then I went to ʿAjlūn, and then to Bait al-Muqaddas [Jerusalem], where I found the plague had ceased. [7]
1348, August – 1348, September The Black Death's death toll in Gaza   1348-08-00-Gaza.png [8] Then we went to Ghazza and found most of it deserted because of the numbers that had died during the plague. The qāḍī told me that only a quarter of the eighty notaries there were left and that the number of deaths had risen to eleven hundred a day. [9]
1348, August – 1348, September After the Black Death had ended in Jerusalem, the Friday preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn b. Jamāʿa hosted a banquet which the author was invited to: While the plague had lasted, ʿIzz al-Dīn had vowed to host a feast when the epidemic will have abated and he will not have prayed over a deceased person for one day. Most of the notables and dignitaries (ashyākh) Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Jerusalem had died during the plague.   1348-08-00-Jerusalem.png [10] Anecdote: The preacher ʿIzz al-Dīn gave a banquet one day and invited me among his guests. I asked him the reason for it. He told me that during the plague he had sworn he would give a banquet if the plague were to cease and a day were to pass during which he did not pray over a corpse. Then he said: 'Yesterday I did not pray over a corpse so I arranged the banquet as I had promised.' I found that some of the shaikhs I had met in al-Quds [Jerusalem] had departed to be with God Most High. May He have mercy on them! Only a few of them were left like ... [11]
1348, August 7 – 1348, September 27 On August 7, 1348 the number of plague deaths in Damascus and its surroundings reached almost 300. Around September 10 (in mid-Jumādā II 749 H), the number of deceased further increased; both elite and common people died; the exact death toll remained unknown. On August 18, the governor of Syria (nāʾib al-salṭana) ordered all dogs in the city to be killed. On September 27 [or, according to one manuscript: October 3], 42 deceased were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque alone; the mosque didn’t provide enough space for all the corpses, so some had to be placed outside the Sirr Gate.  
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[12] 		On Thursday, the 10th of Jumada al-Awwal, after the noon prayer, the preacher performed a funeral prayer for sixteen deceased individuals all at once. This greatly alarmed and terrified the people, as death was striking many, and the death toll in the town and its surroundings reached nearly three hundred. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return. After the prayer, another funeral prayer was performed for fifteen deceased individuals at the Great Mosque of Damascus, and at the Mosque of Khalil, a prayer was performed for eleven souls. May Allah have mercy on them.

On Monday, the 21st of the same month, the deputy of the Sultanate ordered the killing of dogs in the town. These dogs had become numerous throughout the town, and there were reports of them attacking people and blocking their way during the night. The defilement of places by these dogs had become widespread, making it difficult to avoid. Many had compiled sections of the hadiths regarding their killing and the differences among the scholars on this issue. Umar, may Allah be pleased with him, used to command in his sermons to slaughter pigeons and kill dogs. Malik, in the narration of Ibn Wahb, stated that it is permissible to kill dogs in a town where they cause harm, provided the Imam permits it for the public interest. On Friday, the second of the month of Rajab, after the Friday prayer at the Umayyad Mosque, a funeral prayer was performed for someone absent, who was Judge Alauddin, the son of Judge Shubha. Then, a funeral prayer was performed for forty-one deceased individuals all at once. The interior of the mosque could not accommodate them, so some of the deceased were taken outside to the gate of Al-Sirr. The preacher and the naqeeb (head of a group) went out and prayed for all of them there. It was a significant and solemn moment, a great tragedy. Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)

1348, September
VN: 21.000 + 1080 		In September or October 1348, the Black Death had abated in Alexandria and Cairo. The maximum death toll in Alexandria had been 1,080, while it had been 21,000 in Cairo. Everyone from among the city elites Ibn Baṭṭūṭa had known in Cairo had died.   1348-09-00-Alexandria.png [13] Then I travelled to al-Maḥalla al-Kabīra, then to Naḥrarīya, then to Abyār, then to Damanhūr, and then to Alexandria. I found the plague had abated after the number of deaths had risen to a thousand and eighty a day. Then I went to Cairo and was told that during the plague the number of deaths there had risen to twenty-one thousand a day. I found that all the shaikhs I had known were dead. May God Most High have mercy upon them! [14]
1348, September – 1348, October A pilgrimage caravan left Cairo for Mecca in Rajab 749 H (September 26 to October 24, 1348). The Black Death accompanied it until it reached the Ayla pass (ʿAqaba).  
1348-09-00-Cairo.png
 [15] 		When I arrived in Cairo I found that the Grand Qāḍī ʿIzz al-Dīn, son of the Grand Qāḍī Badr al-Dīn, son of Jamāʿa, had set out for Mecca in a huge caravan called Rajabī, because it leaves in the month of Rajab. I was told that the plague was among them until they reached the pass of Aila where it ceased. [16]
1348, October 7
VN: 150 		On October 7, 1348 the number of people who had died of plague and were prayed for at the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus reached 150 or more; not included were inhabitants of the outskirts of the city and members of the protected religious minorities (ahl al-dhimma) whose bodies were not brought to the Umayyad Mosque. It was said that on many days, casualties in the outskirts of Damascus (ḥawāḍir al-balad) reached more than 1,000. On October 7, a dust storm reached Damascus; people prayed to God and ask for this to be the end of the plague; things only got worse afterwards, though. On Miʿrāj Night (October 21), not as many people as usual gathered in the Umayyad Mosque because so many people had died of plague and many more were occupied caring for the sick and the deceased. In the beginning of Shaʿbān 749 H (the month began on October 25), many people were infected with plague (fanāʾ), and often there would be a bad smell in the city.   1348-10-00-Damascus A.png

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[17] 		(Translation needed)
1349 The plague was transmitted to Halland in Denmark, where it erupted in the autumn of 1349 in the port of Halmstad. King Magnus IV calls upon the population of Linköping to visit the mass, go to confession, give alms to the poor and the Church, and fast to keep the great plague away   Kong Magnus af Sverige, Norge og Skåne oppfordrer alle beboere i bispedommet i Linköping til at gå i kirke, ofre til de fattige, faste hver fredag, skrifte og give en svensk penning til ære for Gud og jomfru Marie for at holde den “stoora plago“ borte, som “staar nw omkring alt Norge oc Halland oc naakas nu hiit.” [18] King Magnus of Sweden, Norway and Scania calls upon all residents of the diocese of Linköping to go to church, make offerings to the poor, fast every Friday, go to confession and give a Swedish penny in honour of God and the Virgin Mary to keep away the "great plague" that "is now around all of Norway and Halland and is now present here." (Translation: Carina Damm)
1349, October 3 Two men announce that Olaf Peterssön had received from Jon Vigleikssön 54 marks in current coins for 12 öresbol in the estate Faluvold that was bought for the altar of St Sebastian in St Halvard's church in Oslo   Ollum monnum þæim sæm þettæ bref sea edær hœyræ sendæ Þordæ Æiriks son ok Þrondæ Erlings son q. g. ok sinæ mit villium ydær kunnik gerra at mit varom j hia j Halfuards kirkiu garde j Oslo a laughærdaghen nestæ eftir Mikkials mœsso a œlluftæ arre ok xxtæ rikkis okkars vyrdulegs herræ Magnus med guds nad Noregs Sviæ ok Skane kungs ok hœyrdum aa at Olafuær Pettes son vidær kendis at Jon Viglæigs son hafde loket hanom fiorær mærkær ok fimtighiu markæ gan(g)s penighæ firir tolfauræ boll jærdær j Folluollum sæm ligher j Droghuness sonk a Raumæriki. sæm ærelegher menn siræ Gyrdæ Aslæ son korsbroder j Oslo ok Þrondær Kraka son hofdu kæyft till altærens hælghæ Sebastiani. firir þa penigæ sæm bymenn j Oslo hofdu hanom jattæ. ok till sansz vitnis burdæ þa setum mit okkor jnsigli firir þettæ bref er gort var aa dæghi ok arre sæm fyr seghir. [19] (Translation: Carina Damm)
1358, Autumn Few deaths from febrile illnesses in Florence, but these are entirely without an identifiable trigger   In questi tempi fu ne nostro paese in Valdelsa e in Valdarno, di sotto, e nel Chianti, quasi come l'anno dinanzi passato, generali infertà di terzane, e di quartane, e altre febri di lunga malatia, delle quali pochi morivano. Di ciò si maravigliarono le genti di Valdelsa e di Chianti, perché sono in buone arie e purificate, perché due anni l'uno apresso l'altro fossono maculati di simili infermitadi, no conoscendo alcuna singulare cagione di quello accidente [20] In these times, in Valdelsa and Valdarno, below, and in Chianti, almost as in the previous year, there were general illnesses of terzane and quartane, and other fevers of long illness, of which few died. The people of Valdelsa and Chianti were astonished by this, because they are in good spirits and purified, because two years ago, one after the other, they were plagued by similar infirmities, not knowing any singular reason for the accident. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)
1364, autumn Epidemic in Kostroma and Yaroslavl.   На тү же ѡсень [6872] моръ бы(с)[ть] на Костромѣ и въ Ӕрославлѣ.[21] In the autumn[1364] the epidemic was in Kostroma and Yaroslavl.[22]
1364, Autumn
VN: 20-100 per day 		A great plague (Black Death) in Nizhny Novgorod and Pereyaslavl (Zalessky).   B лѣтo 6872 быcть моръ великъ в Hoвѣгopoдѣ Hижнемъ, xpaкaxy людiе кpoвью, a инiи железою боляxy, и не долго боляxy, но два дни или три, a инiи единъ день поболѣвше, умирaxy, и толико множество бѣ мертвыxъ, яко не ycпѣвaxy живiи погребати иxъ. Toe же oceни мѣсяца Oктября 23 прествися князь Иванъ Иванoвичъ, братъ великого князя Дмитрея, и положенъ быcть въ apxaггелѣ на Mocквѣ. Toe же oceни и тоѣ и зимы быcть нa люди мopъ великъ въ Пepecлавли, на день умирашe человѣкъ 20 или 30, иногда же 60 или 70, a иногда и до ста и боле. Болеcтъ же бѣ сица: преже яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или под груди или межи крилъ, и тако paзболѣвъся человѣкъ начнет кровью xpaкaти, и огнь зажжетъ и потомъ потъ, таже дрожь, и полежавъ eдинъ день или два, a pѣтко того кои 3 дни, и тако умиpaxy. [23] In the year 1364 there was a great plague in Nizhny Novgorod, people were coughing/spitting blood, and others suffered from ulceration/swelling of the glands, and soon they fell ill, barely two or three days, and others, after being sick for one day, died. And there were so many dead that the living couldn't bury them. That autumn, in the month of October, on the 23rd [day], Prince Ivan Ivanovich, brother of Grand Duke Dmitry, died and was laid to rest with the Archangel in Moscow. That fall and winter there was a great plague among people in Pereyaslavl [Zalessky], 20 or 30 people died a day, sometimes 60 or 70, and up to a hundred or more. The disease was as follows: first, it was like being hit by bear spear behind the shoulder blade, under the breast, or between the collarbones. And when he gets sick, he starts spitting blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he gets chills. And after lying for one or two days, rarely for three days, they still die. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski) [24]
1364, Autumn – 1365, Spring
VN: 20-100 per day 		A great plague (Black Death) in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia.   B лѣтo 6872. Быcть моръ великъ в Hoвѣгopoдѣ Hижнемъ, xpaкaxy людие кpoвью, a инии железою боляxy, и не долго боляxy, но два дни или три, a инии единъ день поболѣвше умирaxy. И толко множество бѣ мертвыx, яко не ycпевaxy живии погребати иxъ. Toe же oceни мѣсяца октября 23 прествися князь Иванъ Иванoвичъ, братъ великого князя Дмитрея, и положенъ быcть въ Apxaггелѣ на Mocквѣ. Toe же oceни и тоѣ же зимы быcть нa люди мopъ великъ в Пepecлавли, на день умираша человѣкъ 20 или 30, иногда же 60 или 70, a иногда и до ста и боле. Болеcтъ же бѣ сица: преже яко poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или под груди или меж крилъ, и тако paзболѣвъся человѣкъ начнет кровью xpaxaти и огнь зазжьжетъ и потомъ потъ, та же дрожь, и полежавъ eдинъ день или два, a pѣтко того кои 3 дни, и тако умиpaxy, a инии желѣзою умиpaxy. Желѣзa же не y всякого бываше въ единомъ мѣстѣ, но оному на шиe, a иному под скулою, a иному под пазухою, дрyгому за лопадкою, прочимъ же на стегнехъ. Быcть же cие не токмо въ единомъ гpaдѣ Пepecлавли, но и въ всѣхъ прeдѣлex eгo. Приидe же сия казнь, послана отъ бога на люди, снизy от Бездѣжа к Hoвyгopoдy Hижнемy и оттолѣ къ Koломнѣ, та же к Пepecлавлю, по томъ же на дpyгoe лѣто к Мocквѣ, та же и по всѣмъ градомъ и странaмъ быcть мopъ великъ и страшенъ, не ycпевaxy бо живии мepтвыx oпрятывати, вездѣ бo бѣ мepтвии въ градѣхъ и в сѣлex, въ домaxъ и церквеи. И бѣ туга и скорбь и плач неутѣшим, мало бo бѣ живых, но вce мepтвии. Погрѣбaxy же въ едину яму 5 и 6 мepтвыxъ, a индѣ 10 и боле, a дворы мнози пусты бышa, a въ иныхъ единъ ocтacя или двa, ли женескъ пол, ли мужескъ, или отpoчa мaлo. [25] There was a great plague in Nizhny Novgorod, people were coughing/spitting blood, and others suffered from ulceration/swelling of the glands, and soon they fell ill, barely two or three days, and others, after being sick for one day, died. And there were so many dead that the living couldn't bury them. That autumn, in the month of October, on the 23rd [day], Prince Ivan Ivanovich, brother of Grand Duke Dmitry, died and was laid to rest with the Archangel in Moscow. That fall and winter there was a great plague among people in Pereyaslavl (Zaleski), 20 or 30 people died a day, sometimes 60 or 70, and up to a hundred or more. The disease was as follows: first, it was like being hit by bear spear behind the shoulder blade, under the breast, or between the collarbones. And when he gets sick, he starts spitting blood and [as if] a burning fire, then he sweats, then he gets chills. And after lying for one or two days, rarely for three days, they still die, while others die because of swelling/blisters. The swelling/blisters [occurred] differently, for some it was on the neck, for another it was under the cheekbone, for another it was under the armpit, for another it was behind the shoulder blade, for another it was on the tendons. This was not only in the single town of Pereyaslavl, but also in all its estates. This punishment sent by God to men came from the lower side [from the south] from Bezdiezh[26] to Nizhnyi Novgorod, and from there to Kolomna and also to Pereyaslavl. Then in the second year there was a great and terrible plague in Moscow and in all the towns and regions. The living were unable to prepare the dead for burial, because there were dead everywhere, in towns and villages, in houses and in churches. And there was misery and pain and inconsolable weeping, for there were few living, because they were all dead. In one pit they buried 5 and 6 dead, and in another 10 or more, and many manors were empty, while in others one or two remained, either women or men, or few children. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)
1364, Autumn – 1365 A great plague (Pestis secunda) in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia.   B лѣтa 6872[27]гнѣвомъ Божимъ зa yмноженie грѣxъ нaшиxъ,быcть моръ cилeнъ великъ нa люди въ Hoвѣгopoдѣ въ Hижнемъ, нa yѣздe и нa Capy, и нa Kиши, и пo cтpaнaмъ и пo вoлocтeмъ, oвiи xpaкaxy кpoвiю, a дpyзiи железою, и не долго боляxy, но два дни или три, или единъ день поболѣвше, тaкo умирaxy; нa всякъ жe дeнь мнoзи умирaxy, и толико множество иxъ, яко не пocпѣвaxy живiи мертвыx погребати. Toe же oceни мѣсяца Oктября въ 23 прествися князь Иванъ Иванoвичъ, братъ князя великaго Дмитрея Иванoвичa, и положенъ быcть въ цepкви cвятoгo apxaaггелѣ на Mocквѣ. Toe же oceни и тоe же зимы быcть мopъ великъ нa люди въ гpaдѣ Пepeяcлавли, мepли люди пo мнoгy на день, пo 20, пo 30 на день, иногда на день 60, 70 человѣкъ, a иногды 100, a тaкoвы дни были же пoбoлѣ cтa на день человѣкъ yмиpaлo; a болеcтъ былa тaкoвa: преже кaкъ poгатиною ударитъ за лопaтку или пpoтивy cepдцa подъ груди или пpoмежъ крилъ, и paзболится человѣкъ, и начнеть кровiю xpaкaти и огнь paзбьетъ, и по ceмъ потъ, потoмъ дрожь имeть, и тако въ бoлecти полежавъ, oвiи день eдинъ поболѣвше умиpaxy, a дpyзiи два дни; a инiи 3 дни, преже мopъ былъ кpoвию xpaчющe мepли, потoмъ железою paзбoлѣвшecя, ти тaкoжe два дни или 3 дни полежавшe умиpaxy; желѣзa же не eдинaкo, но иному на шee, a иному на стегнѣ, oвому подъ пазухою, oвому же подъ скулою, иному же за лопаткою. Не токмо же въ гpaдѣ Пepeяcлавлѣ былo ce, но и пo всѣмъ вoлocтeмъ Пepeяcлавлcкимъ былъ мopъ, и пo ceлoмъ и пo пoгocтoмъ; и пo мaнacтыpeмъ, a преже тoгo былъ мopъ въ Hoвѣгopoдѣ въ Hижнемъ, a пришoлъ съ Низy отъ Бездeжа[28] въ Hoвгopoдъ Hижнiи, и оттолѣ нa Koломнy, нa дpyгoe лѣтo въ Пepeяcлавлъ, a отъ Пepeяcлавля на дpyгoe лѣто нa Мocквy. Такo въ всѣxъ градѣxъ и странaxъ и въ всѣxъ пpeдѣлaxъ иxъ быль мopъ великыи страшныи. Увы мнѣ! Кaкo мoгy cкaзaти бѣдy тy гpoзнyю и тyгy страшнyю, бывшyю въ великiи мopъ, кaкo вeздѣ тyгa и пeчaлъ гopкaя, плaчь и pыдaнie, и кpикъ, и вoпль, cлeзы нeyтѣшимы; плaкaxycя живыи мepтвыxъ, пoнeжe yмнoжишacя мнoжecтвo мepтвыxъ, и въ градѣхъ мepтвия, и въ сeлexъ, и въ домѣxъ мpътвыя, и въ xpaмѣxъ в y церквеи мepтвыя, мнoгo жe мepтвыxъ, a мало живыхъ, тѣмъ не ycпѣвaxy живiи мepтвыx oпрятывати, нижe дoвoлни бяxy здpaви и дecятepымъ бoлeмъ нa пoтpeбy дa пocлyжитъ. Погрѣбaxy же oвoгдa двa, тpи въ eдинy мoгилy, oвoгдa же 5, 6, инoгдa дo дecяти, ecть же дpyгoици eгдa бoлѣ 10 въ eдинy мoгилy пoклaдaxy, a въ дворѣ индѣ eдинъ чeлoвѣкъ ocтacя, a индѣ мнoзи дворы пусты бѣшa. [29] In the year 1364, because of the wrath of God [caused by] the multiplication of our sins, there was a very severe plague in Nizhny Novgorod, in the region and in Sara, and in Kisha, and in the surrounding areas and estates, some spit blood, and others [appeared] ulcers, and did not they were sick for a long time, two or three days, or one, and then they died. Many people died every day, and there were so many of them that they were unable to bury the dead alive. This fall, in the month of October, on the 23rd, Prince Ivan Ivanovich, brother of Grand Duke Dmitry Ivanovich, died and was buried in the Church of the Holy Archangel in Moscow. That autumn and that winter there was a great plague among the people in the town of Pereyaslav, many people died a day, 20, 30 a day, sometimes 60, 70 people a day, sometimes 100, and there were days when over a hundred people died. died every day. And the disease was as follows: first, it was like being hit behind the shoulder blade or opposite the heart, under the breast or between the shoulder blades, and the person became sick and started spitting blood and a fire was kindled [in the body], and then he sweated, then he got chills, and so on in pain. lying there, these were sick for one day, and others died for two days, and others for three days. At first the plague was such that they died spitting blood, then they became sick with ulcers and lay in bed for two or three days and died. The ulcers were not the same, but in one it was on the neck, in another on the tendons, in this one under the armpit, in this one under the cheekbone, in another behind the shoulder blade. There was this plague not only in the town of Pereyaslavl, but also in all Pereyaslavl estates, in villages, in rural tax districts, and in monasteries. And before that there was a plague in Nizhny Novgorod, and it came from Niz, from Bezdezh to Nizhny Novgorod, and from there to Kolomna, and the next year to Pereyaslavl, and from Pereyaslavl for the second year to Moscow. So in all the cities and provinces and in all their districts there was a very terrible plague. Oh wretched me! How can I tell about this terrible poverty and terrible weakness that occurred during the great plague, when everywhere there is weakness and bitter sadness, weeping and sobbing, screaming and calling for help, inconsolable tears; the living mourned for the dead, for the dead were multiplied in multitude, dead in the towns, and in the villages, and in the houses, and in the farmsteads, and dead in the churches, and many dead, and few living. Therefore, they were unable to prepare the living dead for burial; they had to be able to stay healthy and serve ten sick people in need. Sometimes they buried two or three in one grave, sometimes 5 or 6, sometimes up to ten, and there were others where they buried more than 10 in one grave. And sometimes one man stayed in the manor, and in other places the manors were [completely] empty. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)[30]
1365, Autumn Epidemic in Rostov.   На тү же ѡсень [6873] моръ бы(с)[ть] в Ростовѣ. [31] In the autumn (1365) the epidemic was in Rostov. (Translation: Adrian Jusupovic)
1365, October A Muslim woman who had been taken prisoner by the Franks who had seized Alexandria in October 1365 reportedly related that after the Franks had withdrawn from the city [around October 12], an epidemic (wabāʾ) broke out among its inhabitants. The disease was caused by an odor that altered the air and by the smell emanating from the bodies of those who had been killed during the conquest and whose corpses had been lying around for too long. The maximum daily death toll exceeded 100. The woman, then, began to work as a washer of female corpses in order to earn a living.  
1365-10-12-Alexandria.png
 [32] 		(Translation needed)
1380, July 13 – 1380, September Pestilence in Bohemia which lasted from the day of St Margareth (July 13) until autumn.   Item léta božieho 1380 počel se mor v Čechách o svaté panně Markrethě a byl po všie České zemi až do podzimi. [33] In the year of the Lord 1380, the plague began in Bohemia on the feast of the Holy Virgin Margaret, and was all over Bohemia until autumn. (Translation: Christian Oertel)
1390, autumn Great plague in Novgorod the Great in autumn   Тои же осени бысть моръ силенъ велми в Новѣгородѣ; все лучися приити на ны по грѣхомъ нашим, велие множество крестиянъ умре по всим улицамъ; сице же знамение на людех: при смерти явится железа; пребывъ три дни, умре. Тогда же поставиша церковь святого Афанасиа въ единъ день, и свяща ю архиепископъ новгородчкыи владыка Иоанъ съ игумены и с попы и с крилосом святыя Софѣя; божьею же милостью и святыя Софѣя, стояниемъ и владычнимъ благословениемъ и преста моръ. [34] The same autumn there was a great plague in Novgorod; all this came upon us because of our sins; a great number of Christians died in all the streets. And this was the symptom in people : a swelling would appear, and having lived three days [the man] would die. Then they erected a church to St. Afanasi in a single day, and Vladyka loan, Vladyka of Novgorod, consecrated it, with all the Igumens and priests and with the choir of St. Sophia; so by God's mercy and the intercession of St. Sophia, and by the blessing of the Vladyka, the plague ceased. [35]
1402 Great plague in Iceland in 1402   Jtem kom ut Hual einar Heriolfs son med flat skip er hann atti sialfur. kom þar ut j suo micil brada sott. at menn lagv daudir innan þriggia natta. Þar til er heitid uar þrimur lofmessvm med sæmeligv bæna halldi oc lios bruna. Jtem var lofad þurfostv fyrir kyndil messo. enn vatnfasta fyrir iol æuenliga. feingv sidan flestir skriptab mal adur enn lietust. Geck sotten um haustid fyrir sunnan land. med suo mickille ogn ad aleyddi bæi vida. enn folkid uar ecki sialfbiarga þat eptir lifde i morgum stodum. Sera Ali Svarthofda son deydi fyrst af kenne monnum um haustid. oc þar (!) brodir Grimur kirkiu prestur j Skalholti. sidan hver eptir annan heima presta. Sera Hoskulldur radsmadur a iola daginn sialfvann. Aleyddi þa þegar stadinn at lærdvm monnum oc leikvm. fyrir utan byskupinn sialfann oc ij leikmenn. [36] Then Hval-Einar Herjólfsson sailed out with the ship he had himself. A sudden and severe disease broke out there, so that people lay dead within three nights until three masses were sung with the appropriate prayers and burning candles. Likewise, fasting without water was vowed at Candlemas and fasting with water always before Christmas. Then, most could make their confessions before they died. In autumn, the plague raged in the south of the country with so much terror that villages died out almost entirely. And people were not able to safe themselves in many places. The first priest to die in the autumn was Father Áli Svarthöfðason, followed by Brother Grímur, parish priest in Skálholt, and then one resident priest after the other, the counsellor, Father Höskuldur, exactly on Christmas Day. Thus the episcopate (Skálholtsstaður) was emptied of learned men and lay people, save for the bishop himself and two lay people. (Translation: Carina Damm)
1421, September 8 Throat disease in Novgorod.   [6929] Тое же оцени, сентября 8, поча быти болѣзнь коркотная. [37] That autumn, September 8 (1421), the korkota disease began. (Translation: Adrian Jusupovic)[38]
1463, Autumn – 1464, Spring A great mortality all over Lower Saxony.   In dussem sulven jare (1463) do was eyn grot starve to Brunswick, Hanover, Hildessem, Megedeborch unde Halverstadt, de hoff an in dem harveste, und stod went in den vastelavende, und do starff vele volckes. [39] In the same year (1463) there was a great mortality in Braunschweig, Hannover, Hildesheim, Magdeburg and Halberstadt, which started in Autumn and continued until Carnival, and many people died. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1464 Severe plague the whole summer until autumn, everyone avoided contact with each other in Görlitz   in anno autem lxiiii jn estate incepit viceuersa grauiter, sic quod in duobus diebus plures quam trecente persone in morbo obierunt, aliquando de die 80, aliquando 60, et sic deinceps, et durauit grauiter per totam estatem vsque ad autumpnu, tamen adhuc semper per parum viguit. Pestilencia circumquaque viguit in villis et vbique, sic quod frumenta permanserunt jn agris. Fuit eciam in civitate, quod vna persona aliam refutauit propter pestilenciam, et tants timor fuit inter homines, vt vnus cum alio recusauit loqui; sic contigit nostris in Gorlicz, nolentes eos hospitare nec cibare nec eciam cum eis loqui. [40] (Translation needed)
1464, autumn – 1466
VN: 7000 		Severe pestilence breaks out in Stockholm in the autumn of 1464 and lasts for two years in Sweden. 7.000 people die only in Stockholm.   Item, in autumpno eciam istius anni incipiebat Stocholmis et in aliis locis regni gravissima pestilencia regnare. Et dicebatur communiter, quod in solo opido Stocholmensi moriebantur vii milia hominum sexus utriusque; et duravit hec pestilencia in regno continue fere per duos annos. [41] Furthermore, in the autumn of that year (1464), a very severe pestilence began to ravage Stockholm and other parts of the country. It was generally stated that seven thousand people of both sexes died in the city of Stockholm alone. This pestilence remained uninterrupted in the country for almost two years. (Translation: Carina Damm)
1465 People suffered from fever and chest pain in autumn, but warmer weather in November and December eased their symptoms   Nota che in questo anno morino alquanti homini de mala fama, zoè che prestavano a usura, et faceano honestamente li mal contracti, chè prestavano da 25 insino in 40 per cento, facendo depositarie de datii cum littere de cambio et altri mal contracti coperti. Molto febre, varoli, mal de coste fu in l’otonno; le somente bone; novenbre et desenbre bom tempo, che ‘l fece utile assai alla povera gente, et molto più alli dazieri delle porte. [42] (Translation needed)
1467
VN: 40 		In autumn high mortality in Lichtensteig with 40 deaths   Item in dem jar 1467 was ain frü jahr und ward guter win. Ain demselbigen Jar ain herbst was der tod zu liechtenstäg; do sturbend by den fiertzig menschen. [43] Furthermore in the year was an early spring, resulting in good vine. But in autumn of the same year was a mortality in Lichtensteig and 40 people died. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1540, June 1 – 1540, November 30 A minor mortality in Erfurt.   Auch war in diesem iahr (1540) ein sterben an der pestilentz in Erffurd im Sommer vnd Herbst vber, aber nicht fast sehr. [44] Also, in this year (1540), there was a dying from the pestilence in Erfurt during the summer and autumn, but not very severe. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1541, June 1 – 1540, November 30 A minor mortality in Erfurt.   Auch hatt es in diesem iahr (1541) abermal an der pestilentz in Erffurdt den Sommer vnd herbst vber gestorben. Aber eintzelen. [45] Also, in this year (1541), there was again a dying from the pestilence in Erfurt during the summer and autumn, but it was sporadic. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

References

  1. ↑ Лeтoпиceц Пepecлaвля Cyздaльcкoгo (Лeтoпиceц Pyccкиx Цapeй) in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Apxeoгpaфичecкий Цeнтp, 1995, p. 85.
  2. ↑ The expedition took place some time before November 13, 1154, because Izyasłav Mstislavovich died then.
  3. ↑ The Laurentian Chronicle and the Moscow Chronicle of the end of the 15th Century report that the plague affected horses belonging to George's and his sons warriors.
  4. ↑ Lárentíus saga biskups. In: Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir: Árna saga biskups. In: Biskupa sögur III (= Íslenzk fornrit, 17). Reykjavík 1998, p. 230
  5. ↑ • Al-Maqrīzī, Taqī al-Dīn Aḥmad b. ʿAlī: Al-Sulūk li-maʿrifat duwal al-mulūk. 8, Beirut 1997 , vol. 3, p. 66.
  6. ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), pp. 319-320.
  7. ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], p. 918
  8. ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), p. 322
  9. ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 919
  10. ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), pp. 320-321
  11. ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 918-919
  12. ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 504-506.
  13. ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), p. 323
  14. ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 [London 1994], pp. 919-920
  15. ↑ • Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Lawātī al-Ṭanjī: Tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār. 5 vols.. Paris , vol. 4 (1858), p. 324.
  16. ↑ Translation: H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, A.D. 1325-1354. 5 vols., 1958-2000, vol. 4 (London 1994), p. 920
  17. ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 507-508.
  18. ↑ Diplomatarium Danicum, 1st–3rd series, 3, 3, no. 217, p. 170
  19. ↑ DN II, no. 348. In: Chr. C. A. Lange, C. R. Unger: Diplomatarium Norvegicum. Vol. 4. Christiania 1851, p. 278
  20. ↑ • Matteo Villani: Cronica.Con la continuazione di Filippo Villani (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Parma 1995 , vol. 2, p. 273
  21. ↑ Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 533
  22. ↑ Translation: Adrian Jusupović
  23. ↑ Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 95.
  24. ↑ Similar information was recorded in: Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 182.
  25. ↑ Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 182.
  26. ↑ Бeздeж - Бельджамен (Beljamen), a trading center in the Volga region of the Golden Horde. See: Вaдим Л. Егоров, Историческая география Золотой Орды в XIII—XIV вв., Mocвкa: Hayкa, 1985.
  27. ↑ We are dealing here with the second, slightly changed variant of the story about the Pestis Secunda in Vladimir-Suzdalian Rusia. It provides additional information, including on the spread of the disease
  28. ↑ Бeздeж - Бельджамен (Beljamen), a trading center in the Volga region of the Golden Horde. See: Вaдим Л. Егоров, Историческая география Золотой Орды в XIII—XIV вв., Mocвкa: Hayкa, 1985.
  29. ↑ Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 102–103.
  30. ↑ Similar information regarding these events, but written in different words, is given by: Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 182.
  31. ↑ Suzdal’skаia lеtоpis’ in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. I, Moscow 2001: Iazyki Slaviankoĭ Kul’tury, col. 533.
  32. ↑ • al-Nuwayrī, Muḥammad b. Qāsim al-Iskandarānī: Kitāb al-Ilmām bi-l-iʿlām fīmā jarat bihī l-aḥkām wa-l-umūr al-maqḍiyyah fī waqʿat al-Iskandariyya. 7 vols.. Hyderabad , vol. 4 (1970), p. 295.
  33. ↑ Kronika Bartoška z Drahonic, ed. J. Emler (Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. V, 1893), p. 589-628, p. 628.
  34. ↑ Новгородская первая летопись младшего изводa, т. III, Mocквa: Языки Pyccкoй Kyльтypы, 2000, p. 383-384.
  35. ↑ The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471 translated from the Russian by Robert Michell and Nevill Forbes […] with an Introduction by C. Raymond Beazley. London: Gray’s inn., W.C., 1914 (= Camden Third Series, Vol. XXV), p. 164.
  36. ↑ Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania 1888, p. 286
  37. ↑ Prodolzhenie letopisi po Voskresenskomu spisku in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 8, Moscow 2001: Iazyk Russkoĭ Kul’tury, p. 91
  38. ↑ In source ‘болѣзнь коркотная’, which means ‘korkota disease’. Korkota is a disease of the throat (sore throat, cough). See: Slovar’ Russkikh Narodnykh Govorov, Vol. 14, Leningrad 1978: Nauka, p. 334.
  39. ↑ • Konrad Bote: Chronecken der Sassen (bis 1501). In: Scriptores Rerum Brunsvicensium Illustrationi Inservientes. 3, Hannover 1711, pp. 277–423 , p. 410.
  40. ↑ • Johannes von Guben: Jahrbuecher des Zittauischen Stadtschreibers Johannes von Guben und einiger seiner Amtsnachfolger. In: Scriptores rerum Lusaticarum: Neue Folge. 1, Görlitz 1839, pp. 1-112 , p. 82.
  41. ↑ Claes Gejrot: Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar. Stockholm 1996, p. 330.
  42. ↑ • Cronaca A [-1350]. In: Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 4). N. Zanichelli, Città di Castello 1924 , p. 341
  43. ↑ • Heinrich Forer: Heinrich Forer's Chronik. In: Kleine Toggenburger Chroniken. 1, St. Gallen 1874, pp. 42–68 , p. 59
  44. ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 288.
  45. ↑ • Johannes Wellendorf: Die Erfurter Chronik des Johannes Wellendorf (um 1590). Böhlau, Köln; Wien 2015 , p. 289.
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