April
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In April, a total of 65 epidemic events are known so far.
Locations and Spreading
Date | Summary | T |
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1259, April – 1259, May | Epidemic and high mortality in Italy. | Et eodem anno MCCLIX magna fuit mortalitas, et composui librum de tediis. [...] In supradicto millesimo habitabam in Burgo Sancti Donini et composui et scripsi alium librum Tediorum ad similitudinem Pateccli. Item eodem anno in Ytalia maxima fuit mortalitas mulierum et hominum, ita quod in vespertino offitio duos mortuos simul in ecclesia habebamus. Et inchoavit ista maledictio in ebdomada de Passione, ita quod in tota provincia Bononie fratres Minores offitium in Dominica Olivarum dicere non potuerunt, ita erant a quodam frigore lesi; et pluribus mensibus duravit infirmitas ista. Tunc obiit dominus Rubinus de Soragna, barbánus Uberti Pelavicini et frater Marchisopoli, quem in confessione audivi. Item in Burgo Sancti Donini ex illa pestilentia mortui sunt trecenti et eo amplius, et in Mediolano multa milia, et in Florentia similiter multa milia; nec pulsabant campanas, ne infirmos terrerent. [1] | And in the same year 1259, there was a great mortality, and I composed a book about weariness. [...] In the aforementioned year, I lived in San Donino and composed and wrote another book of weariness, similar to Gherardo Patecchio. Also in the same year, in Italy, there was a great mortality of men and women, so much so that during the evening office, we had two dead in the church at the same time. And this curse began in the week of Passion, so that in the whole province of Bologna, the Friars Minor could not perform the office on Palm Sunday, as they were affected by a certain chill; and this illness lasted for several months. Then, Master Rubinus of Soragna, the barber of Uberti Pelavicini, and Brother Marchisopoli, whom I heard in confession, died. Also in San Donino, more than three hundred died from that pestilence, and in Milan, many thousands, and similarly in Florence, many thousands; and the bells did not toll, lest they terrify the sick. (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1259, April | Mortality in Paris. Crops have been malevolent. | Anno sequenti, mense aprilis fuit mortalitas, maxima Parisius, et moriebantur homines quasi subito. [2] | The year after, in April, there was a great mortality, especially in Paris. People died very rapidly. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1282, January – 1282, July | Caterpillar plague in Reggio Emilia destroys fruit trees, flowers | Et eodem anno fuit tanta multitudo erucarum, quantam nullus meminit diebus nostris, et destruxerunt omnes arbores pomiferas, tam flores quam frondes; et sic apparebant arbores sicut in media hyeme apparere soluent, cum prius optime floruissent. Et postquam in arboribus pomiferis non inveniebant quid comederent, transibant ad cimas sive pullulationes salicum et illa similiter corrodebant; processu temporis cadebant de arboribus et moriebantur. [p. 559] Nec fuerunt iste eruce ortonales, sed aliud genus erucarum fuit. Et eodem anno, in istis VI mensibus fuit magna carestia bladi, scilicet frumenti, spelte, melice et fabe, et de omnibus leguminibus et rebus [3] | (Translation needed) |
1286 | Drought from March to May in Parma; epidemic among animals and humans; low grain price from July onwards. | Item eo anno fuit magna mortalitas hominum et bestiarum in civitate et episcopatu Parme, et maxime de bestiis menutis; et non pluvit quasi per totum mensem martij et usque ad medium maij, propter quod homines multum timebant; et eodem anno non fuit nix neque frigus aliquod in civitate vel episcopatu Parme. Et eo anno, scilicet post sanctum Petrum, starium furmenti valuit iiij solidos imperiales [4] | In that year, there was a great mortality of men and animals in the city and diocese of Parma, especially among small animals; and it did not rain for almost the entire month of March and until the middle of May, because of which the people were very afraid; and in the same year there was neither snow nor any cold in the city or diocese of Parma. And in that year, namely after the feast of Saint Peter, a bushel of wheat cost 4 imperial shillings. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
1328, February 18 – 1328, April | After lunar eclipse heavy storm for one month; high mortality and cattle plague in April, after that processions in Prague | Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per hebdomadas quatuor continuatus hanc eclipsim subsequitur; multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth, Bohemie regina, metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero Pragensi indicit et populo; quibus factis notabiliter cessavit quassacio et placatus factus est Dominus populo suo. Hac nece cessante gaudet populus velut ante. [5] | (Translation needed) |
1340, March – 1340, December VN: 15.000 |
Beginning of a severe epidemic that lasts into the winter and claims 15,000 lives (1/6 of the city), fewer deaths in the surrounding area, grain imported from there; Processions in Florence | Che incontanente cominciò grande mortalità, che quale si ponea malato, quasi nullo ne scampava; e morinne più che il sesto di cittadini pure de' migliori e più cari, maschi e femmine, che non rimase famiglia ch'alcuno non ne morisse, e dove due o ttre e più; e durò quella pestilenzia infino al verno vegnente. E più di XVm corpi tra maschi e femmine e fanciulli se ne sepellirono pure nella città, onde la città era tutta piena di pianto e di dolore, e non si intendea apena ad altro, ch'a sopellire morti. E però si fece ordine che come il morto fosse recato alla chiesa la gente si partisse; che prima stavan tanto che si facea l'asequio, e a tali la predicta con solenni uffici a' maggiorenti; e ordinossi che non andasse banditore per morti. In contado non fu sì grande la mortalita, ma pure ne morirono assai. Con essa pistolenza seguì la fame e il caro, agiunta a quello dell' anno passato; che con tutto lo scemo di morti valse lo staio del grano più di soldi XXX, e più sarebbe assai valuto, se non che 'l Comune ne fece provedenza di farne venire di pelago [...] [p. 227] Per questa mortalità, a dì XVIII di giugno, per consiglio del vescovo e di religiosi si fece in Firenze generale processione, ove furono quasi tutti i cittadini sani maschi e femmine col corpo di Cristo ch'è a Santo Ambruogio, e con esso s'andò per tutta la terra infino a ora di nona, con più di CL torchi accesi [6] | Suddenly there began a great mortality, so that almost no one who fell ill could escape it; and more than a sixth of the best and dearest citizens, male and female, died, so that there was no family that did not die, and where two or three or more; and the pestilence lasted until the coming winter. And more than fifteen male and female bodies and children were buried in the city, so that the city was filled with weeping and sorrow, and there was nothing else to do but mourn the dead. And so it was ordered that when the dead were brought to the church, the people should leave; they had been so long before the funeral was made, and then they were preached with solemn offices to the mayors; and it was ordered that no bannermen should go out for the dead. In the countryside the death toll was not so great, but there were many who died. The famine and dearth followed, added to that of the previous year, so that with all the death toll, the staio of grain was worth more than 30 money, and it would have been worth much more, if the Commune had not taken steps to bring in more money [...] [p... 227] Because of this mortality, on the eighteenth day of June, on the advice of the bishop and the religious, a general procession was held in Florence, where almost all the healthy male and female citizens were present with the body of Christ, which is in Santo Ambruogio, and with it it went throughout the whole city until the ninth hour, with more than 150 torchi lit (Translation: DeepL) |
1348, January – 1348, May | Severe outbreak of Black Death in Pisa. | e così si partiro quelle maledette galee e vennero a Pisa a dì ... di gienaio, e come furono a Pisa nella piazza de' pesci e a qualunque favellavan subitamente amalavano di morbo e subito cadevano morti, e così che favellava a quelli amalati o tochasse alcuna di le loro cose, così di subito amalavano e morivano, e così si sparse per tutta Pisa, per modo che vi fu tal dì che ne moriva 400, e ognuno er inpaurito che l'uno non volea aiutare l'altro, el padre abandonava el figliuolo, el figluolo abandonava el padre e la madre e' fratelli, e la moglie el marito, e così nissuno aiutava l'altro, e ogni persona si fugìa, per tal modo ne morì tanti che [p. 553] Pisa fi fu abandonare e non si trovava medici che volessero curare, e a pena e' pochi preti davano la confessione e sagramenti, e non si trovava chi li sopellisse se no' el padre portava el figluolo, el marito portava la moglie a la fossa senza preti o croce, e molti rimaneano, chè non v'era chi li portasse a la fossa. E Dio promise però, che nissuno rimanesse in sul letto, nè in casa morto, che non fusse portato a la fossa de qualcuno dicendo: "Aiutiamo costoro, chè saremo aiutati noi, e portialli a la fossa, chè saremo portati noi"; e così come per morti molti si metteano e molti ne moriva e molti canpavano e molti facevano per denaro e molti per l'amor di Dio. E quelli che fugiano di Pisa erano divietati e non poteano entrare in terra alcuna, e durò questa morìa. [7] | And so those accursed galleys departed and came to Pisa on the day ... of January, and as they were in Pisa in the square of the fish, and to whomever they spoke they immediately fell sick with the disease and immediately fell dead, and so that they spoke to those sick or touched any of their things, so they immediately fell sick and died, and so it spread throughout Pisa, so that there were some days when 400 died, and everyone was afraid that one did not want to help the other, the father abandoned the son, the son abandoned the father and the mother and the brothers, and the wife and her husband, and so no one helped the other, and each person fled, and so many died that [p. 553] Pisa was abandoned. 553] Pisa was abandoned and no doctors could be found who wanted to cure them, and it was a pity that few priests gave confession and sacraments, and there was no one to console them unless the father carried the child, and the husband carried his wife to the grave without priests or a cross, and many remained, because there was no one to carry them to the grave. And God promised, however, that no one would remain in bed, nor in the house dead, who was not brought to the grave of someone, saying: "Let us help these people, for we will be helped, and bring them to the grave, for we will be brought"; and in the same way many were put to death and many died, and many died for money and many for the love of God. And those who went out of Pisa were banned and could not enter any land, and this death lasted. (Translation: DeepL) |
1348, March – 1348, September | Arrival of the Black Death in Florence: a most detailed description of all its impacts and consequences | Negli anni del Signore MCCXLVIII fu nella città di Firenze e nel contado grandissima pistilenzia, e fu di tale furore e di tanta tempesta, che nella casa dove s'appigliava chiunque servìa niuno malato, tutti quelli che lo' serviano, moriano di quel medesimo male, e quasi niuno passava lo quarto giorno, e non valeva nè medico, nè medicina, o che non fossero ancora conosciute quelle malattie, o che li medici non avessero sopra quelle mai studiato, non parea che rimedio vi fosse. Fu di tanta paura che niuno non sapea che si fare; quando s'appigliava in alcuna casa, spesso avvenia che non vi rimanea persona che non morisse. E non bastava solo gli uomini e le femmine, ma ancora gli animali sensitivi, cani e gatte, polli, buoi, asini e pecore moriano di quella malattia e con quel segno, e quasi niuno, a cui venà lo segno, o pochi, veniano a guarigione. Lo segno era questo, che, o tra la coscia e'l corpo al modo (nodo?) d'anguinaia, o sotto lo ditello apparia un grossetto, e la febbre a un tratto, e quando sputava, sputava sangue mescolato colla saliva, e quegli che sputava sangue niuno campava. Fu questa cosa di tanto spavento, che veggendo appiccarla in una casa, ove cominciava, come detto è, non vi rimanea niuno; le genti spaventate abbondanavano la casa, e fuggivano in un' altra; e chi nella città, e chi si fuggia in villa. Medici non si trovavano, perocchè moriano come gli altri; quelli che si trovavano, voleano smisurato prezzo in mano innanzi che intrassero nella casa, ed entratovi, tocavono il polso col viso volo adrieto, e' da lungi volevono vedere l'urina con cose odorifere al naso. Lo figluolo abbandonava il padre, lo marito la moglie, la moglie il marito, l'uno fratello l'altro, l'una sirocchia l'altra. Tutta la città non avea a fare altro che a portare morti a sepellire; mollti ne morirono, che non ebbono all lor fine nè confessione ed altri sacramenti; e moltissimi morirono che non fu chi li vedesse, e molti ne morirono di fame, imperocchè come uno si ponea in sul letto malato, quelli di casa sbigottiti gli diceano: “Io vo per lo medico” e serravano pianamente l'uscio da via, e non vi tornavano più. Costui abbandonato dalle persone e poi da cibo, ed accompagnato dalla febbre si venia meno. Molti erano, che sollicitavano li loro che non li abbandonassero, quando venia alla sera; e' diceano all'ammalato: “Acciocchè la notte tu non abbi per ogni cosa a destare chi ti serve, e dura fatica lo dì e la notte, totti tu stesso de' confetti e del vino o acqua, eccola qui in sullo soglio della lettiera (p. 231) sopra 'l capo tuo, e po' torre della roba”. E quando s'addormentava l'ammalato, se n'andava via, e non tornava. Se per sua ventura si trovava la notte confortato di questo cibo la mattina vivo e forte da farsi a finestra, stava mezz'ora innanzichè persona vi valicasse, se non era la via molto maestra, e quando pure alcun passava, ed egli avesse un poco di voce che gli fosse udito, chiamando, quando gli era risposto, non era soccorso. Imperocchè niuno, o pochi voleano intrare in casa, dove alcuno fosse malato, ma ancora non voelano ricettare di quelli, che sani uscissero della casa del malato, e diceano: "Egli è affatappiato, non gli parlate" dicendo: "E' l'ha perocchè in casa sua è il Gavocciolo; e chiamavano quelle inflato gavocciolo. Moltissimi morieno senza esser veduti, che stavano in sullo letto tanto che puzzavano. E la vicinanza, se v'era, sentito lo puzzo, mettevono per borsa, e lo mandavano a seppellire. Le case rimaneano aperte, e non er ardito persona di tocare nulla, che parea che le cose rimanessero avvelenate, che chi le usava gli s'appicava il male.Fecesi a ogni chiesa, o alle più, fosse infon all'acqua, larghe e cupe, secondo lo popolo era grande; e quivi chi non era molto ricco, la notte morto, quegli, a cui toccava, se lo metteva sopra la spalla, o gittavalo in questa fossa, o pagava gran prezzo a chi lo facesse. La mattina se ne trovavano assai nella fossa, toglievasi della terra, e gettavasi laggiuso loro addosso; e poi veniano gli altri sopr'essi, e poi la terra addosso a suolo, a suolo, con poca terra, come si ministrasse lasagne a fornire formaggio. Li' beccamorti, che facevano gli servigi, erono prezzolati di sì gran prezzo, che molti n'arrichirono, e molti ne morirono, chi ricco e chi con poco guadagno, ma gran prezzo avieno. Le serviziali, o o serviziali, che servieno li malati volieno da uno in tre fiorini per dì e le spese di cose fiorite. Le cose che mangiavano i malati, confetti e zucchero, smisuratamente valevano. Fu vendeuta di tre in otto fiorini la libbra di zucchero e al simile gli altri confetti. Li pollastri ed alti pollami a meraviglia carissimi, e l'uovo di prezzo di denari 12 in 24 l'uno; e beato chi ne trovava tre il dì con cercare tutta la città. La cera era miracolo; la libbra sarebba montata più di un fiorino, senonchè vi si puose freno alle grande burbanze, che sempre feciono gli Fiorentini, perocchè si diede ordine non si potesse portare più due doppieri. Le chiese non avieno più che una bara, com' è d'uso, non bastava. Li speziali e bechamorti avien prese bare, coltri e guanciali con grandissimo prezzo. Lo vestire di stamigna che si usava nei morti, che soleva costare una donna, gonella guarnacca e mantello e veli, fiorini tre, montò in pregio di fiorini trenta, e sarebbe ito in fiorini cento, se non che si levò di vestire della stamigna, e chi era ricco vestiva di panno, e chi non ricco in lenzoletto lo cucìa. Costava le panche, che si pongono i morti, uno sfolgoro, e ancora non bastava tutte le panche ch'erano il centesimo. Lo sonare delle campane non si potevano li preti contentare; di che si fece ordine tra per lo sbigottimento del sonare delle campane e per lo vender le panche e raffrenare le spese, che a niuno corpo si sonasse, nè si ponesse panche, nè si bandisse, perocchè l'udivano gli ammalati, sbigottivano li sani, nonchè i malati. Li preti e i frati andavano ai ricchi e in tanta moltitudine, ed erano sì pagati di tanto prezzo che tutti arrichieno. E però si fece ordine che non si potesse avere più che d'una regola e la chiesa del popolo, e per la regola sei frati e non più. Tutte le frutta nocive vietarono a entrare nella città, come susine acerbe, mandorle in erba, fave fresche, fichi ed ogni frutta [p. 232] non utile e non sana. Molte processioni ed orlique e la tavola di S. Maria Impruneta vennero andando per la città, gridando: "Misericordià", e facendo orazioni, e poi in sulla ringhiera dei Priori fermate. Vi si rendereno paci di gran questioni e di ferite e di morte d'uomini. Fu questa cosa di tanto sbigottimento e di tanta paura' che le genti si ragunavano in brigata a mangiare per pigliare qualche conforto; e dava l'uno la sera cena a dieci compagni, e l'altra sera davono ordine di mangiare con uno di quelli, e quando credevono cenare con quello, ed egli era senza cena, che quegli era malato, o quando era fatta la cena per dieci, vi se ne trovava meno due o tre. Chi si fuggìa in villa, chi nelle castella per mutare aria; ove non eralo portavono, se v'era lo crescevano. Niuna Arte si lavorava in Firenze: tutte le botteghe serrate, tutte le taverne chiuse, salvo speziali e chiese. Per la Terra andavi, che non trovavi persona; e molti buoni e ricchi uomini erano portati dalla casa a chiesa nella bara con quattro beccamortì et uno chiericuzzo che portava la croce, e poi volieno uno fiorino uno. Di questa mortalità arricchirono speziali, medici, pollaiuoli, beccamorti, trecche di malva, ortiche, marcorelle et altre erbe da impiastri per macerare malori. E fu più quelle che feciono queste trecche d'erbe, fu gran denaro. Lanaiuoli, e ritagliatori che si trovarono panni li vendeano ciò che chiedeono. Ristata la mortalità chi si trovò panni fatti d'ogni ragione n'aricchiì, o chi si trovò da poterne fare; ma molti se ne trovarono intignati' e guasti e perduti a' telai; e stame e lana in quantità perdute per la città e contado. Questa pistolenza cominciò di marzo, come detto è, e finì di settembre 1348. E le genti cominciavono a tornare e rivedersi le case e le masserizie. E fu tante le case pien di tutti li beni, che non avevono signore, ch'era un stupore, poi si cominciarono a vedere gli eredi dei beni. E tale che non aveva nulla si trovò ricco, che non pareva che fusse suo, ed a lui medesimo pareva gli si disdicesse. E cominciornon a sfogiare nei vestimenti e ne' cavagli e le donne e gli uomini [8] | In the year of our lord 1348 there occurred in the city and contado of Florence a great pestilence, and such was its fury and violence that in whatever household it took hold, whosoever took care of the sick, all the carers died of the same illness, and almost nobody survived beyond the fourth day, neither doctors nor medicine proving of any avail, and there appeared to be no remedy, either because those illnesses were not yet recognised, or because doctors had never previously had cause to study them properly. Such was the fear that nobody knew what to do: when it caught hold in a household, it often happened that not a single person escaped death. And it wasn't just men and women: even sentient animals such as dogs and cats, hens, oxen, donkeys and sheep, died from that same disease and with those symptoms, and almost none who displayed those symptoms, or very few indeed, effected a recovery. Those symptoms were as follows: either between the thigh and the body, in the groin region, or under the armpit, there appeared a lump, and a sudden fever, and when the victim spat, he spat blood mixed with saliva, and none of those who spat blood survived. Such was the terror this caused that seeing it take hold in a household, as soon as it started, nobody remained: everybody abandoned the dwelling in fear, and fled to another; some fled into the city and others into the countryside. No doctors were to be found, because they were dying like everybody else; those who could be found wanted exorbitant fees cash-in-hand before entering the house, and having entered, they took the patient's pulse with their heads turned away, and assayed the urine samples from afar, with aromatic herbs held to their noses. Sons abandoned fathers, husbands wives, wives husbands, one brother the other, one sister the other. The city was reduced to bearing the dead to burial; many died who at their passing had neither confession nor last sacraments, and many died unseen, and many died of hunger, for when somebody took ill to his bed, the other occupants in panic told him: 'I'm going for the doctor'; and quietly locked the door from the outside and didn't come back. The victim, abandoned by both people and nourishment, yet kept constant company by fever, wasted away. Many were those who begged their families not to abandon them; when evening came, the relatives said to the patient: 'So that you don't have to wake up the people looking after you at night, asking for things, because this is going on day and night, you yourself can reach for cakes and wine or water, here they are on the shelf above your bed, you can get the stuff when you want'. And when the patient fell asleep, they went away and did not return. If, through good fortune the victim had been strengthened by that food, the next morning alive and still strong enough to get to the window, he would have to wait half an hour before anybody came past, if this was not a busy thoroughfare, and even when the odd person passed by, and the patient had enough voice to be heard a little, if he shouted, sometimes he would be answered and sometimes not, and even if he were to be answered, there was no help to be had. For not only none or very few wished to enter a house where there were any sick people, but they didn't even want to have contact with those who issued healthy from a sick person's house, saying: 'He's jinxed, don't speak to him', saying: 'He's got it because there's the "gavocciolo" [bubo] in his house'; and 'gavocciolo' was the name they gave to these swellings. Many died without being seen, remaining on their beds till they stank. And the neighbours, if any were left, having smelled the stench, did a whip round and sent him for burial. Houses remained open, nobody dared to touch anything, for it seemed that things remained poisoned, and whoever had anything to do with them caught the disease.
At every church, or at most of them, pits were dug, down to the water-table, as wide and deep as the parish was populous; and therein, whosoever was not very rich, having died during the night, would be shouldered by those whose duty it was, and would either be thrown into this pit, or they would pay big money for somebody else to do it for them. The next morning there would be very many in the pit. Earth would be taken and thrown down on them; and then others would come on top of them, and then earth on top again, in layers, with very little earth, like garnishing lasagne with cheese. The gravediggers who carried out these functions were so handsomely paid that many became rich and many died, some already rich and others having earned little, despite the high fees. The female and male sick-bay attendants demanded from one to three florins a day, plus sumptuous expenses. The foodstuffs suitable for the sick, cakes and sugar, reached outrageous prices. A pound of sugar was sold at between three and eight florins, and the same went for other confectionery. Chickens and other poultry were unbelievably expensive, and eggs were between 12 and 24 denari each: you were lucky to find three in a day, even searching through the whole city. Wax was unbelievable: a pound of wax rose to more than a florin, nevertheless an age-old arrogance of the Florentines was curbed, in that an order was given not to parade more than two large candles. The churches only had one bier apiece, as was the custom, and this was insufficient. Pharmacists and grave-diggers had obtained biers, hangings and laying-out pillows at great price. The shroud-cloth apparel which used to cost, for a woman, in terms of petticoat, outer garment, cloak and veils, three florins, rose in price to thirty florins, and would have risen to one hundred florins, except that they stopped using shroud-cloth, and whoever was rich was dressed with plain cloth, and those who weren't rich were sewn up in a sheet. The benches placed for the dead cost a ludicrous amount, and there weren't enough of them even if there had been a hundred times more. The priests couldn't get enough of ringing the bells: so an order was passed, what with the panic caused by the bells ringing and the sale of benches and the curbing of spending, that nobody should be allowed the death-knell, nor should benches be placed, nor should there be a public announcement by the crier, because the sick could hear them, and the healthy took fright as well as the sick. The priests and friars thronged to the rich, and were paid such great sums that they all enriched themselves. And so an ordinance was passed that only one rule (of religious houses) and the local church could be had, and from that rule a maximum of six friars. All harmful fruit, such as unripe plums, unripe almonds, fresh beans, figs and all other inessential unhealthy fruit, was forbidden from entering the city. Many processions and relics and the painting of Santa Maria Impruneta were paraded around the city, to cries of 'Mercy', and with prayers, coming to a halt at the rostrum of the Priori. There peace was made settling great disputes and questions of woundings and killings. Such was the panic this plague provoked that people met for meals as a brigata to cheer themselves up; one person would offer a dinner to ten friends, and the next evening it would be the turn of one of the others to offer the dinner, and sometimes they thought they were going to dine with him, and he had no dinner ready, because he was ill, and sometimes the dinner had been prepared for ten and two or three less turned up. Some fled to the country, and some to provincial towns, to get a change of air; where there was no plague they brought it, and where it already existed they added to it. No industry was busy in Florence; all the workshops were locked up, all the inns were closed, only chemists and churches were open. Wherever you went, you could find almost nobody; many rich good men were borne from their house to church in their coffin with just four undertakers and a lowly cleric carrying the cross, and even then they demanded a florin apiece. Those who especially profited from the plague were the chemists, the doctors, the poulterers, the undertakers, and the women who sold mallow, nettles, mercury plant and other poultice herbs for drawing abscesses. And those who made the most were these herb sellers. Woollen merchants and retailers when they came across cloth could sell it for whatever price they asked. Once the plague had finished, anybody who could get hold of whatsoever kind of cloth, or found the raw materials to make it, became rich; but many ended up moth-eaten, spoilt and useless for the looms, and thread and raw wool lost in the city and the contado. This plague began in March as has been said, and finished in September 1348. And people began to return to their homes and belongings. And such was the number of houses full of goods that had no owner, that it was amazing. Then the heirs to this wealth began to turn up. And someone who had previously had nothing suddenly found himself rich, and couldn't believe it was all his, and even felt himself it wasn't quite right. And both men and women began to show off with clothes and horses. [9] |
1348, March – 1348, October VN: 96.000 |
96.000 casualties in Florence because of the Black Death | La quantità di morti che morirono per la mortalità degli anni di Cristo 1348. Ora fatto ordine in Firenze per lo vescovo e per gli Signori che si vedesse solennemente quanti ne moriva nella città di Firenze, ultimamente veduto in calendi ottobre che di quella pistilenzia non morìa più persone, si trovarono tra maschi e femine, piccoli e grandi, dal marzo infine all'ottobre v'era morti novantaseimila. [10] |
The quantity of people who died during the plague outbreak of the year of our lord 1348.
The bishop and the signoria in Florence having ordered a careful count of how many were dying of plague in the city of Florence, and seeing finally at the beginning of October that nobody was dying of that pestilence any more, it was discovered that putting together men and women, children and adults, from March to October, ninety-six thousand had died. [11] |
1348, April | News about the Black Death (wabāʾ) in other countries kept reaching Damascus in early 749 H (the year starts in April 1348): Terrible things were told about Crimea where a great number of people had reportedly died. Afterwards the plague, it was told, was transmitted to the lands of the Franks. The majority of the inhabitants of Cyprus were said to have died from the plague. | [12] | (Translation needed) |
1348, April 10 – 1348, May 10 | The Black Death in Gaza: Some ten thousand people died of plague in the course of one month in Gaza in the beginning of 749 H (April-May 1348) according to a report (muṭālaʿa) the gouvernor (nāʾib) of Gaza had sent to Damascus. | [13] | (Translation needed) |
1355 | In Florence dry and beautiful until mid-April, then much rain, from June very dry until mid-October. Then much precipitation with loss of a third of the seed grain. In summer, many infections and febrile diseases [rabies outbreak in Calabria?], total loss of the fruit harvest, many dead farm animals; good grain harvest; reason: A lunar eclipse on 16th of February. | Martedì notte alle ore IIII e mezzo, a dì XVI di febbraio MCCCLV, cominciò la scurazione della luna nel segno dell' Aquario, e all'ore V e mezzo fu tutta scurata, e bene dello spazio d'un altra ora si penò a liberare. E non sapiendo noi per astrologia di sua influenzia, considerammo li efetti di questo seguente anno, e vedemmo continovamente infino a mezzo aprile serenissimo cielo, e apresso continove acque oltre al modo usato e i rimanente d'aprile e tutto il mese di maggio, e apresso continovi secchi e stemperati caldi insino a mezzo ottobre. E in questi tempi estivali e autunnali furono generali infezzioni, e in molte parti malatie di febri e altri stemperamenti di corpi mortali umani, e singularmente malatie di ventre e di pondi co lungo duramento. Ancora avenne in questo anno un disusato accidente alli uomini, e cominciossi in Calavra a fFiume Freddo e scorse fino a Gaeta, e chiamavano questo accidente male arrabiato. L'affetto mostrava mancamento di celabro con cadimento di capogirli con diversi dibattimenti, e mordieno come cani e percotiensi pericolosamente, e assai se ne morivano, ma cchi era proveduto e atato guariva. E fu nel detto anno mortalità di bestie dimestiche grande. E in questo anno medesimo furono [p. 729] in Fiandra, e in Francia e in Italia molte grandi e diverse battaglie, e nuovi movimenti di guerre e di signorie, come leggendo si potrà trovare. E nel detto anno fu singolare buona e gra ricolta di pane, e più vino non si sperava, perché un freddo d'aprile l'uve già nate seccò e arse, e da ccapo molte ne rinacquono e condussonsi a bbene, cosa assai strana. E da mezzo ottobre a calen di gennaio furono acque continove con gravi diluvii, e perdessene il terzo della sementa, ma il gennaio vegnente fu sì bel tempo, che lla perduta sementa si raquistò. I frutti delli alberi dimestichi tutti si perderono in questo anno. Non aremmo stesa questa memoria se lla scurazione predetta non vi ci avesse indotto. [14] | On Tuesday night at half past twelve o'clock, on the sixteenth day of February MCCCLV, the moon began to wax and wane in the sign of Aquarius, and at half past five o'clock it was all darkened, and within another hour it was free. And not knowing by astrology of its influence, we considered the effects of this following year, and saw continually until mid-April very clear skies, and thereafter continually counting waters beyond the usual manner and the remainder of April and the whole month of May, and thereafter dry and warm dry spells until mid-October. And in these summer and autumn times there were general infestations, and in many parts sicknesses of fever and other distempering of human bodies, and singularly sicknesses of the belly and abdomen with long duration. Again, in this year, an unfortunate accident happened to men, and it began in Calavra at Fiume Freddo and went as far as Gaeta, and they called this accident an angry disease. The affection showed a lack of celabrums with the fall of the head with various fights, and they bit like dogs and perished dangerously, and many died, but those who were provided and cured. And there was great mortality of domestic beasts in the said year. And in this same year there were [p. 729] in Flanders, and in France and Italy many great and diverse battles, and new movements of wars and lordships, as you will read. And in the said year there was a singularly good and abundant harvest of bread, and more wine was not hoped for, because one cold April the grapes that had already been born dried up and burned, and from the beginning many of them were reborn and were well, which is a very strange thing. And from the middle of October to the middle of January, there were heavy rains, and a third of the seed was lost, but the coming January was such good weather that the lost seed was regained. The fruits of the dimestique trees were all lost in this year. We would not have written this memoir if the aforementioned destruction had not induced us to do so. (Translation: DeepL) |
1361, May – 1361, July VN: 500/day |
A mortality breaks out in Montpellier from May to July. People of all social status die. Sometimes 500 persons die in the same day. | Item, aquel an meteys, fon grant mortalitat en crestiandat et duret a Montpelier per tot may et junh et julh en que moriron motz de bos homes et gran colp d’autra gent, tant que lo y ac mot de jorns que morian Vc personas en tre grans e paucas et riquas e pauras. [15] | In this year occured a great epidemic all across Christianhood. In Montpellier, it lasted from May to July, and many rich and poor people died, so that in some days 500 people died altogether. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1374, February – 1374, July | A mortality breaks out in Montpellier from February to July. The members of the town council order the manufacturing of a gigantic candle, to burn day and night at the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. This candle has been lighted on the 27th of April. | Item, l’an meteys, fo mortalitat en Montpellier et en diversas autras partz, la cal duret en Montpellier & entorn de Caremantran entro passada la festa de Sant Johan; perque los senhors cossols feron senchar am I fil lo mur de la vila, de la torre nova dessus lo Carme entro a la torre de la Babota, layssan lo mur de la vila que es "Quis quesivit hec de manibus vestris" devers la palissada ; am local fil feron atressi senchar tota la pallissada en que ac entorn XIXc canas per tot ; del cal fil am coton & cera feron far I rezench de cera del dich lonc & del gros del det, lo Montpellier a environ XIXc canes de torn.cal feron metre en Ia roda de fusta nova a l’autar de Nostra Dona de Taulas. Et aqui fo atuzat de lum novel senhat, e lo dich rezench fo senhat per cremar continuament al dich autar a honor de Dieu & de madona Sancta Maria, et per placar Nostre Senhor de la ira sieua, et per far cessar la dicha mortalitat, et que nos dones bona pas. local fo atuzat I digous que era XXVII jorns d’abril. [16] | (Translation needed) |
1383, June 24 – 1384, August | A mortality breaks out in Montpellier from June 1383 to August 1384. The members of the town council order the manufacturing of a gigantic candle, to burn day and night at the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables. During the plague, the university has been lockdown from the 10th of May to the 8th of September 1384. | Item, per so que mortalitat granda, majorment dels enfans de XX ans o entorn et en aval, renhava et avia renhat de San Johan, l’an LXXXIII en sa en esta vila & caix pertot, los senhors cossols a XXX de mars feron mezurar tota la muralha de la vilanota de Monpeylier deforas costa la escama de las dogas, & la palyssada de part dedins, et las ymages de Nostra Dona de Taulas et de son filh,mortalitat et de l’autar de la gleya. Et fo trobat, cananLo torn de Montpellier de las palissadas IXc XXXV canas am fil, que la muralha que es foras la palissada a de lonc IXcXXXV canas mieg. Item, la muralha deLa muralha dedins la villa de torn Vc XXX canas la villa que es deffra la palissada a VcXXX canas mieg. Item, la clausura de la palissada a de lonc pertot VIIIc LXXXXIIII canas. Item, la dicha gleya a de roda tot entorn LXXX canas. Item, l’autar a de lonc am los dos caps IIa canas et II palms. Item, las doas ymages an de gros III palms. Item, la ymage de Nostra Dona a de lonc III palms e ters. Et d’aquest fil am d’autres feron far I rezench sus l’autar de Nostra Dona en aut de una roda que y era et y fon facha l’an LXXIIII per so que∙l dich rezench y Del rezem de Nostra Dona de Taulas creme nuech e jorn ad honor de Dieu et de la benezecta Verges Maria, que lur plassa far cessar aquesta mortalitat et la empedimia de bossas renhant, et deverdonar pas de cel en terra, et salvar los frutz de la terra. Et fo senhat lo II jorn d’abril per mossen Jacme de la Manhania, prior de Taulas. Et duret la dicha mortalitat entro mieg aost aquest an LXXXIIII, en lo qual temps moriron, part los enfans petitz e grans, mostz bos homes notables antixz et donas, specialmens joves, d’aquesta vilamortalitat. Et enayssi duret la dicha mortalitat et empedimia per l’espazi o entorn de XIIII meses, la qual cauza jamays non fo vista que mortalitatz dures tant longuament en aquest paÿs & per ayso vaquet lo studi del tot de Pantacosta entro Nostra Dona de setembre. [17] | (Translation needed) |
1397, April – 1398, January | A mortality breaks out in Arles and all over the world. People dies of bosse and of carboncles. The disease kills adults, but mainly children and young people. | L'an M CCC IIIIxx XVII fon granda mortalitat per tot lo mont. Item, en Arles acomenset la Pasqua, que fon lo premier jorn d'abril, e duret tro l'an IIIIxx XVIII del mes de jonoier. Item, morien las gens de boses lo plus, alcuns de carboncles; et moriron y grans gens, plus enfans e gens joves, que autras gens. [18] | In the year 1397, there was a great mortality all over the world. In the city of Arles, it began at Easter Day which occurs the 1rst of April, and it lasted until the month a January in 1398. Most of the people died of bosses, and some of them of carboncles. Some adults died, but the victims were in vast majority children and young people. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1404, April – 1404, July | An epidemic with influenza-like symptoms breaks out in Flanders. While the weather is rather cold, people start to cough and to have headaches. Only very few die. During autumn the cattle get sick with the same symptoms. | Eodem anno mense aprili, circa initium mensis, ventus venit ab aquilone, cuncta virentia, pullulationes herbarum, arborum, omnesque virgulti fores urendo depasceret et velut solis ardor foenum aestivo sub tempore marcescere faceret, unde et eo anno cerasa, poma, pyra et huiusmodi fructus pauci et in magna caristia habiti sunt. Insuper et ex hujusmodi vento praecordia hominum et jumentorum tacta et algido rigore congelata, velut quodam fumo sulphureo usta constringebantur, ut omne fere hominum genus, cujuscunque sexus, aetatis seu conditionis fuerit, mox instante eodem mense aprili et sequentibus mayo et julio intollerabilem passiones tussis, cum raucitate pectoris et maximo capitis dolore irremediabiliter pateretur, hujusmodi intoxicativa materia praeconcepta, paucis exinde morientibus, etiam sequenti autumpno ipsa bruta animalia, praecipue vaccae, foetosae et hujusmodi, ut putatur, passionis materia raucefactis praecordis atque constrictis, ut nec cibum, nec potum capere possent, sed miserabiliter mugientes quamplurimae diversis in locis morientur. [19] | (Translation needed) |
1407, April 24 | A sermon is delivered in Montpellier against the mortality that affects the region. The next day, a procession is organized. | Item, dimergue a XXIIII jorns del mes d’abril, de licencia dels senhors generals que ereaan en lo paÿs, de mossenher lo governador et dels autres officiers de nostre senhor lo rey, et de mossen lo vicari de mossenher de Magalona, et a requesta dels senhors cossols sus lo fag de la empedimia et granda mortalitat que era en esta vila, fonc dich I sollempne sermo el plan del cossolat per maystre Johan Cabassol, maystre en la sancta teulogia, de l’orde de frayres menors, apelat lo poble, en presencia del dig mossenher lo vicari, de mossenher lo bayle, los autres curials, los ditz senhors cossols et de tot lo poble aqui ajustat ; et mosenher lo vicari aqui adordenet et fes publicar en lo sermo per lo maystre que, d’aqui en avan, en totas las glyeyas de Montpeylier et dels relegious et relegyosas et autras, la primieyra messa que se dira lo mati sia la messa de la empedimia que comessa "« Recordare »", la quala adordenet papa Clemens VI ; et donet al capela que la dis et a cascun de totz aquelos que la auzon devotamen IIIc jorns de endulgencia et de veray perdon. Procession: Item, l’endeman que fonc lo dilhus et la festa de mossen Sant Marc, euvangelista, se fes en la dicha vila una honorabla, sancta et devota procession general. [20] |
Sunday April 24, with the authorization of the lords who were in our region, of the governor and of the other officers of our lord the king, of the bishop's vicar of Maguelone, and at the request of the consulate, because of the epidemic and of the great mortality which raged in our city, a solemn sermon was pronounced on the place of the consulate by Master Joan Cabassòl, master in holy theology, of the order of the Franciscans brothers. It has been delivered in the presence of the vicar, of the baillif and of other curials, as well as of the members of the consulate and of all the population gathered there. The vicar ordered in his sermon that henceforth, in all the churches of Montpellier, the first mass to be said in the morning would be the mass of the epidemic, that which begins with "Recordare", and which was ordered by Pope Clement VI. He granted the priest who say it and each of those who listen to it devoutly 300 days of indulgence and true forgiveness. The next day, on Monday, which was Saint Marc Evangelist Day, we made in our city a worthy, holy and devout general procession. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1482, April | A mortality breaks out in Metz in April. People first loose their senses, then recover after 3-4 days, then die. | Item, en la dite année, on mois d'apvril, ons commensont fort à mourir de chaulde maladie. Et devenoient les gens vairs; et ne savoient qu'ilz disoient, de force de la dite maladie; et au chiefz de III ou IIII jours, revenoient à leurs entendement; et tantost après, les plusieurs mouroient. [21] | In this year, in April, people began to die of a "hot" disease. They first became green (?) and lost their reason. They recovered after 3 or 4 days, but soon after they died. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
1489, April – 1489, May | While the weather in May is cold and wet, people are affected by severe cough. | Aprilis et Mayus fuerunt pluviosi et aquatici; fuit Mayus frigidus et regnavit tussis in gentibus. [22] | April and May have been rainy and wet; May have been cold and people coughed a lot. (Translation: Thomas Labbé) |
References
- ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , pp. 674–675.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Notae Constantienses (= Receuil des historiens des Gaules et de la France). H. Welter, Paris 1894, pp. 543–546 , p. 543
- ↑ • Albertus Miliolus: Liber de temporibus et aetatibus et cronica imperatorum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1903, pp. 336–668 , pp. 558-559
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Parmense. Ab Anno MXXXVIII usque ad Annum MCCCXXXVIII. (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1902 , p. 51.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Aulae Regiae. In: Petra Žitavského kronika zbraslavská (= Fontes rerum Bohemicarum). Prag 1884, pp. 1–337 , p. 288, lib. 2, cap. 20.
- ↑ • Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 3, pp. 226–227
- ↑ • Agnolo di Tura del Grasso: Cronache senese attribuita ad Agnolo di Tura del Grasso detta la Cronica Maggiore. In: Cronache senesi (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, pp. 253–564 p. 553
- ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , pp. 230-232
- ↑ Translation according to Jonathan Usher Decameron Web
- ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , p. 232
- ↑ Translation according to Jonathan Usher Decameron Web
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), pp. 502-503.
- ↑ • Ibn Kathīr, ʿImād al-Dīn Ismāʿīl b. ʿUmar: Al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya fī l-tārīkh. 21 vols.. Giza , vol. 18 (1998), p. 503.
- ↑ • Matteo Villani: Cronica.Con la continuazione di Filippo Villani (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Parma 1995 , Vol. 1, pp. 728-729
- ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1361.html (20 April 2020).
- ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1374.html (last access [20 April 2020]).
- ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1384.html (20 April 2020).
- ↑ • Garoscus de Ulmoisca Veteri and Bertrand Boysset: Die Chronik des Garoscus de Ulmoisca Veteri und Bertrand Boysset (1365-1415). In: Archiv für Literatur und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters. 7, Freiburg in Breisgau 1900, pp. 311–420 , p. 352
- ↑ • Jean Brandon: Chronique de Jean Brandon avec les additions d'Adrien de But. In: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la dominiation des ducs de Bourgogne. 1, Brussels 1870, pp. 1-166 , p. 90
- ↑ • Anonymus: Équipe projet Thalamus, Édition critique numérique du manuscrit AA9 des Archives municipales de Montpellier dit Le Petit Thalamus. , http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1407.html (20 April 2020).
- ↑ • Jean Aubrion: Journal de Jean Aubrion, bourgeois de Metz, avec sa continuation par Pierre Aubrion (1465–1512). F. Blanc, Metz , p. 18
- ↑ • Benoît Mailliard: Chronique de Benoît Mailliard, grand prieur de l'abbaye de Savigny en Lyonnois (1460-1506). Louis Perrin, Lyon 1883 , p. 153
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