Animal disease

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In Animal disease, a total of 37 epidemic events are known so far. It is an illness.

Events

  Date Summary  
Source
Translation
  T
1200 A cattle mortality breaks out in the Holy Roman Empire.   Inaudita mortalitas boum per totum imperium. [1] Unheard mortality of the cattle all across the Empire. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1204 High mortality and disease among cattles and pigs   Et fuit maxima mortalitas et pestilentia bovum et porcorum [2] And there was the greatest mortality and plague among cattle and pigs (Translation needed)
1205 A mortality among sheeps breaks out in the Holy Roman Empire.   Mortalitas ovium per totum imperium. [3] Mortality of sheeps all across the Empire. (Translation: Thomas Labbé)
1225 Disease in animals and humans in Bologna   Quest' anno fu grande mortalità de homeni, e bestie nell' città e contà de bologna [4] This year was great mortality of humans, and beasts in the city and contà de Bologna. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1225 Disease in animals and humans in Bologna   Tanta eodem tempore et in agro Bononiensi et urbe contagio pestilentiae fuit ut vix credibilia memoratu videantur quae de hominum pecorumque internectorum numero scriptores providere [5] (Translation needed)
1225 Cattle disease and (human?) epidemic in Bologna   1225. Fù oltre la peste d' Italia una [f. 12r] gran mortalità di Buovi [6] Besides the plague of Italy, there was a great mortality of Cattle. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1225 Great mortality of cattle.   Fuit maxima mortalitas in bobus et talis quod, ubi fuit, modici boves ibi remanserunt [7] There was a great mortality among cattle, such that where it occurred, only a few cattle remained. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1225 Animal disease and Epidemic in Trient   Ci fu una pestilenza di animali e una feroce mortalità di uomini. [8] There was a plague of animals and a fierce mortality of men. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1267 Great famine and severe plague with many deaths in people and animals in complete Austria   Anno Domini MCCLXVII. pestilencia et fames, ex nationes civitatum et villarum per Austriam surrexerunt, ita ut innumerus populus cum pecore pene omni in terris peste miserabiliter morerentur, que Deum vulgaris plebs affirmavit propter illivitas regis nupcias induxisse. [9] (Translation needed)
1267 Many diseases and plague among people and animals in Thuringia and the surrounding area   Similiter in Thuringia et in confinio eius multe egrotationes ac pestilencie hominum et pecudum irruerunt. [10] Similarly, in Thuringia and its neighboring regions, many illnesses and pestilences befell both humans and livestock (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1271 Plague in Austria and Hungary   Eiusdem tempore anni tam inaudita facta est pestilentia in Austria et Ungaria, ut ex tam vehementi pestilentie plaga in fossatis maximis simul et semel mortui homines tamquam peccora infoderentur. [11] (Translation needed)
1276 Epidemic among humans and animals in Reggio Emilia   et magna mortalitas hominum, & bestiarum facta est eo anno [12] (Translation needed)
1277 Severe plague among animals   Anno sequenti pestilencia pecorum est exorta, ita ut nobis secundum veram computacionem mille et ducente oves et plus quam centum vacce morerentur; unde in comparandis lacticiniis multa expendere oportebat. [13] (Translation needed)
1282, January – 1282, July Caterpillar plague in Reggio Emilia destroys fruit trees, flowers   Et eodem anno fuit tanta multitudo erucarum, quantam nullus meminit diebus nostris, et destruxerunt omnes arbores pomiferas, tam flores quam frondes; et sic apparebant arbores sicut in media hyeme apparere soluent, cum prius optime floruissent. Et postquam in arboribus pomiferis non inveniebant quid comederent, transibant ad cimas sive pullulationes salicum et illa similiter corrodebant; processu temporis cadebant de arboribus et moriebantur. [p. 559] Nec fuerunt iste eruce ortonales, sed aliud genus erucarum fuit. Et eodem anno, in istis VI mensibus fuit magna carestia bladi, scilicet frumenti, spelte, melice et fabe, et de omnibus leguminibus et rebus [14] (Translation needed)
1283 – 1284 Cattle death, in the following high mortality among humans in 1284   1283 - De mortalitate boum que fuit hoc anno. Quod sequenti anno fuit hominum mortalitas subsecut[a]. Item supraposito anno Domini MCCLXXXIII fuit maxima boum mortaliltas per totam Lombardiam, Romagnolam et Ytaliam, et sequenti anno subsecuta est mortalitas hominum. Nam apud Salinum in Burgundia in quodam loco fratrum Minorum habitabant XXII fratres, quos ibi vivos invenit quidam frater Gallicus qui habitabat in Grecia et ibat Parisius; eodem anno, cum reverteretur, invenit XI ex illis mortuos, id est medietatem numeri supradicti. Audivi ab ore ipsius hec eadem apud Regium. In aliis vero partibus mundi eodem anno mortui sunt similiter multi. Et breviter ista est regula generalis, ut, quotienscumque fuerit mortalitas boum, statim sequenti anno mortalitas hominum subsequatur. [15] (Translation needed)
1285, Summer Severe plague among cattles.   Pestilentia pecudum solito maior per totam estatem duravit, ita ut in Augusta non decima pars vaccarum remaneret viva. [16] The plague of cattle lasted longer than usual throughout the entire summer, so that in the month of August not even a tenth part of the cows remained alive. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1285 Connection of epidemic deaths and animal disease   Et nota, ut etiam alibi me dixisse recordor, quod ista est regula generalis et firma, quia, quotienscumque boum precedit mortalitas, totiens sequenti anno hominum mortalitas subsequatur. Idem post famem que precedit accidere consuevit ut mortalitas hominum similiter subsequatur. [17] (Translation needed)
1285 Epidemics near Parma and Rome with many deaths.   De magna mortalitate hominum que in diversis partibus mundi fuit. Item, millesimo supraposito, in villa Pupilii, que est in episcopatu Parmensi, infra tres menses LXXX homines mortui sunt. Nam ista est regula generalis sive argumentum probatum, ut quotiens boum precedit mortalitas, totiens sequenti anno hominum mortalitas subsequatur. Et eodem millesimo in urbe Romana maxima fuit mortalitas et infirmitas, ita ut mitrati inter abbates et episcopos a Pascha usque ad Assumptionem beate Virginis sub papa Honorio quarto XXIIII morerentur. [18] About the great mortality of men which occurred in various parts of the world. Likewise, in the aforementioned year, in the village of Pupilii, which is in the diocese of Parma, within three months, eighty men died. For this is a general rule or proven argument, that as often as there is a mortality among cattle, so often in the following year there follows a mortality among men. And in the same year, there was a great mortality and sickness in the city of Rome, so that between Easter and the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, twenty-four mitred abbots and bishops died under Pope Honorius IV. (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1298 Plague among animals in Poland.   Generalis pestilencia animalium in tota Polonia. [19] A general plague among animals in all of Poland. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1300 Severe plague among animals, particularly among cattles.   Hoc anno maxima pestilentia animalium et maxime vaccarum per totum mundum suborta est. [20] This year, a great plague of animals, especially cows, broke out worldwide. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1302 Horse disease in southern Italy and Sicily   Eodem anno dominus Carolus circa majum transfretavit in Siciliam cum multitudine magna contra Fredericum praedictum, perdiditque majorem partem equorum suorum ex generali epidemia quae fuit in orbe [21] (Translation needed)
1310 Human and cattle plague   Pestilentia hominum et pecorum atque pecudum facta est magna. [22] There was a great pestilence of humans as well as of cattle. (Translation: Annabell Engel)
1311
VN: 10.000 		The army of the Roman-Germanic King Henry VII. is decimated by epidemics during the siege of Brescia   Multi quidem de exercitu mortui sunt ferro, alii vero epidemia crudelissima in omni parte praedicti exercitus continue vexati, absque nullo remedio mortui sunt quasi tertia pars eorum; equi eorum et iumenta a muschis occisa in magna quantitate. [...] Multa mala passus est Henricus, et gentes eius, expensis, ferro, peste, et epidemia; dicitur communiter, quod ibi mortui sunt plusquam decem millia viri bellatores [23] Many from this army were killed by fighting, but othery by a most cruel epidemic that hit everywhere in the aforementioned army. Without any remedy a third part of them died; and their horses and draft animals were killed by the mosquitos in large numbers [...] Henry had to suffer a lot of evil things: Expenses, war, plague and epidemics. Many people said that there died more than ten thousand fighters (Translation: Martin Bauch)
1316 High mortality of cattles caused by plague in many kingdoms   […] eodem anno per plure regna pecora bovina valde communiter ex pestilentia morerentur [24] [...] the same year (1316), throughout several kingdoms, cattle commonly died from pestilence. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1316 Great famine and animal plague in Würzburg.   magna fames erat et pestilentia grandis boum et pecorum. [25] There was a great famine and a great mortality of cattle and pigs . (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)
1321, August Great cattle mortality in Parma, surrounding areas and all of Lombardy.   Gran mortalità di bovi e bestie bovine ne l'episcopato di Parma masime al piano e per tutta Lombardia. [26] Great mortality of bovines and cattle in the episcopate of Parma maxime on the plain and throughout Lombardy. (Translation: DeepL)
1328, February 18 – 1328, April After lunar eclipse heavy storm for one month; high mortality and cattle plague in April, after that processions in Prague   Eodem anno in plenilunio mensis Marcii luna eclipsatur, ventus validissimus per hebdomadas quatuor continuatus hanc eclipsim subsequitur; multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. Porro Elizabeth, Bohemie regina, metu tante plage perterrita processiones cum reliquiis sanctorum universo clero Pragensi indicit et populo; quibus factis notabiliter cessavit quassacio et placatus factus est Dominus populo suo. Hac nece cessante gaudet populus velut ante. [27] (Translation needed)
1328, April In the month of April 1328 many humans died and there was a plague among domestic animals in many lands.   Multitudo hominum mense Aprili moritur, et in pluribus mundi partibus pestilencia pecorum oritur valde gravis. [28] Many people died in the month of April, and in many parts of the world raged a heavy plague among animals. (Translation: Christian Oertel)
1339 Severe famine and strange plague for humans and animals with many deaths   Tempore autem Ludovici de Bavaria et Benedicti papa XII, anno Domini MCCCXXXXVIII [recte: 1339] fames vel rabies per universum orbis circulum subito supervenit, et nullus locus vel patria fuit exempta quod talis rabiem famis non gustaret, taliter quod omnes secte pro rabie famis, ut possent vivere, suos antiquos ordines corruperunt. Sic etiam in multis locis, pro bladi superflua caritudine, data est licentia Christianis quod in quadragesima illius pessimi anni, quod libere carnibus uterentur. Nam in omni loco terrarum mensura frumenti, que XX vel XXX solidos valere solebat, in librarum numero supervenit, et tanta famis rabies supervenit in omni loco terrarum, quod multas radices ignotas causa rabiei pro commestione fodiebant, quas olym porci et animalia evitabant. Et hoc vidi et propter hoc testimonium perhibeo veritati. Canes quoque et equi, pro fame, et multa animalia perierunt, quoniam sui patrones pro se ipsis non habebant. Multi enim fame pro verecundia moriuntur, nam ante comedebant herbas et radices pro paupertate, quam ad sui vicini misericordiam pervenire; unde, pro cibo inconsueto, annichilatis eorum viribus, velud pecudes moriuntur. Quam famis rabiem Dei iustam sententiam possumus appellare. Tunc enim corda dumtaxat aliquorum non ad pietatem Christi sed pro avaritia magis in crudelitate manebant, parum curando de Dei amore ac pro sui caritate [29] (Translation needed)
1340
VN: 3000 		Mortality in Tuscany, particularly in Florence with more than 3.000 deaths a day. Also disease of the sheeps.   Tunc dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas pecudum et eciam hominum et in partibus Tusciae et Florentiae passi sunt diem extremum ultra tria milia personarum. [30] Then, in that year, there was a great mortality of livestock and also of humans, and in the regions of Tuscany and Florence, more than three thousand people passed away. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)
1348, March – 1348, September Arrival of the Black Death in Florence: a most detailed description of all its impacts and consequences   Negli anni del Signore MCCXLVIII fu nella città di Firenze e nel contado grandissima pistilenzia, e fu di tale furore e di tanta tempesta, che nella casa dove s'appigliava chiunque servìa niuno malato, tutti quelli che lo' serviano, moriano di quel medesimo male, e quasi niuno passava lo quarto giorno, e non valeva nè medico, nè medicina, o che non fossero ancora conosciute quelle malattie, o che li medici non avessero sopra quelle mai studiato, non parea che rimedio vi fosse. Fu di tanta paura che niuno non sapea che si fare; quando s'appigliava in alcuna casa, spesso avvenia che non vi rimanea persona che non morisse. E non bastava solo gli uomini e le femmine, ma ancora gli animali sensitivi, cani e gatte, polli, buoi, asini e pecore moriano di quella malattia e con quel segno, e quasi niuno, a cui venà lo segno, o pochi, veniano a guarigione. Lo segno era questo, che, o tra la coscia e'l corpo al modo (nodo?) d'anguinaia, o sotto lo ditello apparia un grossetto, e la febbre a un tratto, e quando sputava, sputava sangue mescolato colla saliva, e quegli che sputava sangue niuno campava. Fu questa cosa di tanto spavento, che veggendo appiccarla in una casa, ove cominciava, come detto è, non vi rimanea niuno; le genti spaventate abbondanavano la casa, e fuggivano in un' altra; e chi nella città, e chi si fuggia in villa. Medici non si trovavano, perocchè moriano come gli altri; quelli che si trovavano, voleano smisurato prezzo in mano innanzi che intrassero nella casa, ed entratovi, tocavono il polso col viso volo adrieto, e' da lungi volevono vedere l'urina con cose odorifere al naso. Lo figluolo abbandonava il padre, lo marito la moglie, la moglie il marito, l'uno fratello l'altro, l'una sirocchia l'altra. Tutta la città non avea a fare altro che a portare morti a sepellire; mollti ne morirono, che non ebbono all lor fine nè confessione ed altri sacramenti; e moltissimi morirono che non fu chi li vedesse, e molti ne morirono di fame, imperocchè come uno si ponea in sul letto malato, quelli di casa sbigottiti gli diceano: “Io vo per lo medico” e serravano pianamente l'uscio da via, e non vi tornavano più. Costui abbandonato dalle persone e poi da cibo, ed accompagnato dalla febbre si venia meno. Molti erano, che sollicitavano li loro che non li abbandonassero, quando venia alla sera; e' diceano all'ammalato: “Acciocchè la notte tu non abbi per ogni cosa a destare chi ti serve, e dura fatica lo dì e la notte, totti tu stesso de' confetti e del vino o acqua, eccola qui in sullo soglio della lettiera (p. 231) sopra 'l capo tuo, e po' torre della roba”. E quando s'addormentava l'ammalato, se n'andava via, e non tornava. Se per sua ventura si trovava la notte confortato di questo cibo la mattina vivo e forte da farsi a finestra, stava mezz'ora innanzichè persona vi valicasse, se non era la via molto maestra, e quando pure alcun passava, ed egli avesse un poco di voce che gli fosse udito, chiamando, quando gli era risposto, non era soccorso. Imperocchè niuno, o pochi voleano intrare in casa, dove alcuno fosse malato, ma ancora non voelano ricettare di quelli, che sani uscissero della casa del malato, e diceano: "Egli è affatappiato, non gli parlate" dicendo: "E' l'ha perocchè in casa sua è il Gavocciolo; e chiamavano quelle inflato gavocciolo. Moltissimi morieno senza esser veduti, che stavano in sullo letto tanto che puzzavano. E la vicinanza, se v'era, sentito lo puzzo, mettevono per borsa, e lo mandavano a seppellire. Le case rimaneano aperte, e non er ardito persona di tocare nulla, che parea che le cose rimanessero avvelenate, che chi le usava gli s'appicava il male.Fecesi a ogni chiesa, o alle più, fosse infon all'acqua, larghe e cupe, secondo lo popolo era grande; e quivi chi non era molto ricco, la notte morto, quegli, a cui toccava, se lo metteva sopra la spalla, o gittavalo in questa fossa, o pagava gran prezzo a chi lo facesse. La mattina se ne trovavano assai nella fossa, toglievasi della terra, e gettavasi laggiuso loro addosso; e poi veniano gli altri sopr'essi, e poi la terra addosso a suolo, a suolo, con poca terra, come si ministrasse lasagne a fornire formaggio. Li' beccamorti, che facevano gli servigi, erono prezzolati di sì gran prezzo, che molti n'arrichirono, e molti ne morirono, chi ricco e chi con poco guadagno, ma gran prezzo avieno. Le serviziali, o o serviziali, che servieno li malati volieno da uno in tre fiorini per dì e le spese di cose fiorite. Le cose che mangiavano i malati, confetti e zucchero, smisuratamente valevano. Fu vendeuta di tre in otto fiorini la libbra di zucchero e al simile gli altri confetti. Li pollastri ed alti pollami a meraviglia carissimi, e l'uovo di prezzo di denari 12 in 24 l'uno; e beato chi ne trovava tre il dì con cercare tutta la città. La cera era miracolo; la libbra sarebba montata più di un fiorino, senonchè vi si puose freno alle grande burbanze, che sempre feciono gli Fiorentini, perocchè si diede ordine non si potesse portare più due doppieri. Le chiese non avieno più che una bara, com' è d'uso, non bastava. Li speziali e bechamorti avien prese bare, coltri e guanciali con grandissimo prezzo. Lo vestire di stamigna che si usava nei morti, che soleva costare una donna, gonella guarnacca e mantello e veli, fiorini tre, montò in pregio di fiorini trenta, e sarebbe ito in fiorini cento, se non che si levò di vestire della stamigna, e chi era ricco vestiva di panno, e chi non ricco in lenzoletto lo cucìa. Costava le panche, che si pongono i morti, uno sfolgoro, e ancora non bastava tutte le panche ch'erano il centesimo. Lo sonare delle campane non si potevano li preti contentare; di che si fece ordine tra per lo sbigottimento del sonare delle campane e per lo vender le panche e raffrenare le spese, che a niuno corpo si sonasse, nè si ponesse panche, nè si bandisse, perocchè l'udivano gli ammalati, sbigottivano li sani, nonchè i malati. Li preti e i frati andavano ai ricchi e in tanta moltitudine, ed erano sì pagati di tanto prezzo che tutti arrichieno. E però si fece ordine che non si potesse avere più che d'una regola e la chiesa del popolo, e per la regola sei frati e non più. Tutte le frutta nocive vietarono a entrare nella città, come susine acerbe, mandorle in erba, fave fresche, fichi ed ogni frutta [p. 232] non utile e non sana. Molte processioni ed orlique e la tavola di S. Maria Impruneta vennero andando per la città, gridando: "Misericordià", e facendo orazioni, e poi in sulla ringhiera dei Priori fermate. Vi si rendereno paci di gran questioni e di ferite e di morte d'uomini. Fu questa cosa di tanto sbigottimento e di tanta paura' che le genti si ragunavano in brigata a mangiare per pigliare qualche conforto; e dava l'uno la sera cena a dieci compagni, e l'altra sera davono ordine di mangiare con uno di quelli, e quando credevono cenare con quello, ed egli era senza cena, che quegli era malato, o quando era fatta la cena per dieci, vi se ne trovava meno due o tre. Chi si fuggìa in villa, chi nelle castella per mutare aria; ove non eralo portavono, se v'era lo crescevano. Niuna Arte si lavorava in Firenze: tutte le botteghe serrate, tutte le taverne chiuse, salvo speziali e chiese. Per la Terra andavi, che non trovavi persona; e molti buoni e ricchi uomini erano portati dalla casa a chiesa nella bara con quattro beccamortì et uno chiericuzzo che portava la croce, e poi volieno uno fiorino uno. Di questa mortalità arricchirono speziali, medici, pollaiuoli, beccamorti, trecche di malva, ortiche, marcorelle et altre erbe da impiastri per macerare malori. E fu più quelle che feciono queste trecche d'erbe, fu gran denaro. Lanaiuoli, e ritagliatori che si trovarono panni li vendeano ciò che chiedeono. Ristata la mortalità chi si trovò panni fatti d'ogni ragione n'aricchiì, o chi si trovò da poterne fare; ma molti se ne trovarono intignati' e guasti e perduti a' telai; e stame e lana in quantità perdute per la città e contado. Questa pistolenza cominciò di marzo, come detto è, e finì di settembre 1348. E le genti cominciavono a tornare e rivedersi le case e le masserizie. E fu tante le case pien di tutti li beni, che non avevono signore, ch'era un stupore, poi si cominciarono a vedere gli eredi dei beni. E tale che non aveva nulla si trovò ricco, che non pareva che fusse suo, ed a lui medesimo pareva gli si disdicesse. E cominciornon a sfogiare nei vestimenti e ne' cavagli e le donne e gli uomini [31] In the year of our lord 1348 there occurred in the city and contado of Florence a great pestilence, and such was its fury and violence that in whatever household it took hold, whosoever took care of the sick, all the carers died of the same illness, and almost nobody survived beyond the fourth day, neither doctors nor medicine proving of any avail, and there appeared to be no remedy, either because those illnesses were not yet recognised, or because doctors had never previously had cause to study them properly. Such was the fear that nobody knew what to do: when it caught hold in a household, it often happened that not a single person escaped death. And it wasn't just men and women: even sentient animals such as dogs and cats, hens, oxen, donkeys and sheep, died from that same disease and with those symptoms, and almost none who displayed those symptoms, or very few indeed, effected a recovery. Those symptoms were as follows: either between the thigh and the body, in the groin region, or under the armpit, there appeared a lump, and a sudden fever, and when the victim spat, he spat blood mixed with saliva, and none of those who spat blood survived. Such was the terror this caused that seeing it take hold in a household, as soon as it started, nobody remained: everybody abandoned the dwelling in fear, and fled to another; some fled into the city and others into the countryside. No doctors were to be found, because they were dying like everybody else; those who could be found wanted exorbitant fees cash-in-hand before entering the house, and having entered, they took the patient's pulse with their heads turned away, and assayed the urine samples from afar, with aromatic herbs held to their noses. Sons abandoned fathers, husbands wives, wives husbands, one brother the other, one sister the other. The city was reduced to bearing the dead to burial; many died who at their passing had neither confession nor last sacraments, and many died unseen, and many died of hunger, for when somebody took ill to his bed, the other occupants in panic told him: 'I'm going for the doctor'; and quietly locked the door from the outside and didn't come back. The victim, abandoned by both people and nourishment, yet kept constant company by fever, wasted away. Many were those who begged their families not to abandon them; when evening came, the relatives said to the patient: 'So that you don't have to wake up the people looking after you at night, asking for things, because this is going on day and night, you yourself can reach for cakes and wine or water, here they are on the shelf above your bed, you can get the stuff when you want'. And when the patient fell asleep, they went away and did not return. If, through good fortune the victim had been strengthened by that food, the next morning alive and still strong enough to get to the window, he would have to wait half an hour before anybody came past, if this was not a busy thoroughfare, and even when the odd person passed by, and the patient had enough voice to be heard a little, if he shouted, sometimes he would be answered and sometimes not, and even if he were to be answered, there was no help to be had. For not only none or very few wished to enter a house where there were any sick people, but they didn't even want to have contact with those who issued healthy from a sick person's house, saying: 'He's jinxed, don't speak to him', saying: 'He's got it because there's the "gavocciolo" [bubo] in his house'; and 'gavocciolo' was the name they gave to these swellings. Many died without being seen, remaining on their beds till they stank. And the neighbours, if any were left, having smelled the stench, did a whip round and sent him for burial. Houses remained open, nobody dared to touch anything, for it seemed that things remained poisoned, and whoever had anything to do with them caught the disease.

At every church, or at most of them, pits were dug, down to the water-table, as wide and deep as the parish was populous; and therein, whosoever was not very rich, having died during the night, would be shouldered by those whose duty it was, and would either be thrown into this pit, or they would pay big money for somebody else to do it for them. The next morning there would be very many in the pit. Earth would be taken and thrown down on them; and then others would come on top of them, and then earth on top again, in layers, with very little earth, like garnishing lasagne with cheese. The gravediggers who carried out these functions were so handsomely paid that many became rich and many died, some already rich and others having earned little, despite the high fees. The female and male sick-bay attendants demanded from one to three florins a day, plus sumptuous expenses. The foodstuffs suitable for the sick, cakes and sugar, reached outrageous prices. A pound of sugar was sold at between three and eight florins, and the same went for other confectionery. Chickens and other poultry were unbelievably expensive, and eggs were between 12 and 24 denari each: you were lucky to find three in a day, even searching through the whole city. Wax was unbelievable: a pound of wax rose to more than a florin, nevertheless an age-old arrogance of the Florentines was curbed, in that an order was given not to parade more than two large candles. The churches only had one bier apiece, as was the custom, and this was insufficient. Pharmacists and grave-diggers had obtained biers, hangings and laying-out pillows at great price. The shroud-cloth apparel which used to cost, for a woman, in terms of petticoat, outer garment, cloak and veils, three florins, rose in price to thirty florins, and would have risen to one hundred florins, except that they stopped using shroud-cloth, and whoever was rich was dressed with plain cloth, and those who weren't rich were sewn up in a sheet. The benches placed for the dead cost a ludicrous amount, and there weren't enough of them even if there had been a hundred times more. The priests couldn't get enough of ringing the bells: so an order was passed, what with the panic caused by the bells ringing and the sale of benches and the curbing of spending, that nobody should be allowed the death-knell, nor should benches be placed, nor should there be a public announcement by the crier, because the sick could hear them, and the healthy took fright as well as the sick. The priests and friars thronged to the rich, and were paid such great sums that they all enriched themselves. And so an ordinance was passed that only one rule (of religious houses) and the local church could be had, and from that rule a maximum of six friars. All harmful fruit, such as unripe plums, unripe almonds, fresh beans, figs and all other inessential unhealthy fruit, was forbidden from entering the city. Many processions and relics and the painting of Santa Maria Impruneta were paraded around the city, to cries of 'Mercy', and with prayers, coming to a halt at the rostrum of the Priori. There peace was made settling great disputes and questions of woundings and killings. Such was the panic this plague provoked that people met for meals as a brigata to cheer themselves up; one person would offer a dinner to ten friends, and the next evening it would be the turn of one of the others to offer the dinner, and sometimes they thought they were going to dine with him, and he had no dinner ready, because he was ill, and sometimes the dinner had been prepared for ten and two or three less turned up. Some fled to the country, and some to provincial towns, to get a change of air; where there was no plague they brought it, and where it already existed they added to it. No industry was busy in Florence; all the workshops were locked up, all the inns were closed, only chemists and churches were open. Wherever you went, you could find almost nobody; many rich good men were borne from their house to church in their coffin with just four undertakers and a lowly cleric carrying the cross, and even then they demanded a florin apiece. Those who especially profited from the plague were the chemists, the doctors, the poulterers, the undertakers, and the women who sold mallow, nettles, mercury plant and other poultice herbs for drawing abscesses. And those who made the most were these herb sellers. Woollen merchants and retailers when they came across cloth could sell it for whatever price they asked. Once the plague had finished, anybody who could get hold of whatsoever kind of cloth, or found the raw materials to make it, became rich; but many ended up moth-eaten, spoilt and useless for the looms, and thread and raw wool lost in the city and the contado. This plague began in March as has been said, and finished in September 1348. And people began to return to their homes and belongings. And such was the number of houses full of goods that had no owner, that it was amazing. Then the heirs to this wealth began to turn up. And someone who had previously had nothing suddenly found himself rich, and couldn't believe it was all his, and even felt himself it wasn't quite right. And both men and women began to show off with clothes and horses. [32]

1355 In Florence dry and beautiful until mid-April, then much rain, from June very dry until mid-October. Then much precipitation with loss of a third of the seed grain. In summer, many infections and febrile diseases [rabies outbreak in Calabria?], total loss of the fruit harvest, many dead farm animals; good grain harvest; reason: A lunar eclipse on 16th of February.   Martedì notte alle ore IIII e mezzo, a dì XVI di febbraio MCCCLV, cominciò la scurazione della luna nel segno dell' Aquario, e all'ore V e mezzo fu tutta scurata, e bene dello spazio d'un altra ora si penò a liberare. E non sapiendo noi per astrologia di sua influenzia, considerammo li efetti di questo seguente anno, e vedemmo continovamente infino a mezzo aprile serenissimo cielo, e apresso continove acque oltre al modo usato e i rimanente d'aprile e tutto il mese di maggio, e apresso continovi secchi e stemperati caldi insino a mezzo ottobre. E in questi tempi estivali e autunnali furono generali infezzioni, e in molte parti malatie di febri e altri stemperamenti di corpi mortali umani, e singularmente malatie di ventre e di pondi co lungo duramento. Ancora avenne in questo anno un disusato accidente alli uomini, e cominciossi in Calavra a fFiume Freddo e scorse fino a Gaeta, e chiamavano questo accidente male arrabiato. L'affetto mostrava mancamento di celabro con cadimento di capogirli con diversi dibattimenti, e mordieno come cani e percotiensi pericolosamente, e assai se ne morivano, ma cchi era proveduto e atato guariva. E fu nel detto anno mortalità di bestie dimestiche grande. E in questo anno medesimo furono [p. 729] in Fiandra, e in Francia e in Italia molte grandi e diverse battaglie, e nuovi movimenti di guerre e di signorie, come leggendo si potrà trovare. E nel detto anno fu singolare buona e gra ricolta di pane, e più vino non si sperava, perché un freddo d'aprile l'uve già nate seccò e arse, e da ccapo molte ne rinacquono e condussonsi a bbene, cosa assai strana. E da mezzo ottobre a calen di gennaio furono acque continove con gravi diluvii, e perdessene il terzo della sementa, ma il gennaio vegnente fu sì bel tempo, che lla perduta sementa si raquistò. I frutti delli alberi dimestichi tutti si perderono in questo anno. Non aremmo stesa questa memoria se lla scurazione predetta non vi ci avesse indotto. [33] On Tuesday night at half past twelve o'clock, on the sixteenth day of February MCCCLV, the moon began to wax and wane in the sign of Aquarius, and at half past five o'clock it was all darkened, and within another hour it was free. And not knowing by astrology of its influence, we considered the effects of this following year, and saw continually until mid-April very clear skies, and thereafter continually counting waters beyond the usual manner and the remainder of April and the whole month of May, and thereafter dry and warm dry spells until mid-October. And in these summer and autumn times there were general infestations, and in many parts sicknesses of fever and other distempering of human bodies, and singularly sicknesses of the belly and abdomen with long duration. Again, in this year, an unfortunate accident happened to men, and it began in Calavra at Fiume Freddo and went as far as Gaeta, and they called this accident an angry disease. The affection showed a lack of celabrums with the fall of the head with various fights, and they bit like dogs and perished dangerously, and many died, but those who were provided and cured. And there was great mortality of domestic beasts in the said year. And in this same year there were [p. 729] in Flanders, and in France and Italy many great and diverse battles, and new movements of wars and lordships, as you will read. And in the said year there was a singularly good and abundant harvest of bread, and more wine was not hoped for, because one cold April the grapes that had already been born dried up and burned, and from the beginning many of them were reborn and were well, which is a very strange thing. And from the middle of October to the middle of January, there were heavy rains, and a third of the seed was lost, but the coming January was such good weather that the lost seed was regained. The fruits of the dimestique trees were all lost in this year. We would not have written this memoir if the aforementioned destruction had not induced us to do so. (Translation: DeepL)
1358, Autumn Few deaths from febrile illnesses in Florence, but these are entirely without an identifiable trigger   In questi tempi fu ne nostro paese in Valdelsa e in Valdarno, di sotto, e nel Chianti, quasi come l'anno dinanzi passato, generali infertà di terzane, e di quartane, e altre febri di lunga malatia, delle quali pochi morivano. Di ciò si maravigliarono le genti di Valdelsa e di Chianti, perché sono in buone arie e purificate, perché due anni l'uno apresso l'altro fossono maculati di simili infermitadi, no conoscendo alcuna singulare cagione di quello accidente [34] In these times, in Valdelsa and Valdarno, below, and in Chianti, almost as in the previous year, there were general illnesses of terzane and quartane, and other fevers of long illness, of which few died. The people of Valdelsa and Chianti were astonished by this, because they are in good spirits and purified, because two years ago, one after the other, they were plagued by similar infirmities, not knowing any singular reason for the accident. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)
1404, April – 1404, July An epidemic with influenza-like symptoms breaks out in Flanders. While the weather is rather cold, people start to cough and to have headaches. Only very few die. During autumn the cattle get sick with the same symptoms.   Eodem anno mense aprili, circa initium mensis, ventus venit ab aquilone, cuncta virentia, pullulationes herbarum, arborum, omnesque virgulti fores urendo depasceret et velut solis ardor foenum aestivo sub tempore marcescere faceret, unde et eo anno cerasa, poma, pyra et huiusmodi fructus pauci et in magna caristia habiti sunt. Insuper et ex hujusmodi vento praecordia hominum et jumentorum tacta et algido rigore congelata, velut quodam fumo sulphureo usta constringebantur, ut omne fere hominum genus, cujuscunque sexus, aetatis seu conditionis fuerit, mox instante eodem mense aprili et sequentibus mayo et julio intollerabilem passiones tussis, cum raucitate pectoris et maximo capitis dolore irremediabiliter pateretur, hujusmodi intoxicativa materia praeconcepta, paucis exinde morientibus, etiam sequenti autumpno ipsa bruta animalia, praecipue vaccae, foetosae et hujusmodi, ut putatur, passionis materia raucefactis praecordis atque constrictis, ut nec cibum, nec potum capere possent, sed miserabiliter mugientes quamplurimae diversis in locis morientur. [35] (Translation needed)

References

  1. ↑ • Reinerus monachus coenobii S. Iacobi: Reineri Annales. In: Gustav Heinrich Pertz (Ed.): Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores. 16). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1859, pp. 651–680 | , p. 655
  2. ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 35
  3. ↑ • Reinerus monachus coenobii S. Iacobi: Reineri Annales. In: Gustav Heinrich Pertz (Ed.): Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores. 16). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1859, pp. 651–680 | , p. 657
  4. ↑ • Giacomo del Poggio: Istoria di Bologna. Bibliotece Estense, Modena –1506, ISBN (Signatur)α. H. 3. 1. (Ital. 398) , p. 31
  5. ↑ Template:Achille Bocchi, XIII, p. 2
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  8. ↑ • Giangrisostomo Tovazzi: Malographia Tridentina. Cronaca dei fatti calamitosi avvenuti nel Trentino e regioni adiacenti dai primi anni d.C. al 1803. Lions Club Trento, Trent 1986 , p. 36
  9. ↑ • Iohannes Victoriensis: Liber certarum historiarum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi (SS rer. Germ.)). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1909, pp. 1–387 , p. 170
  10. ↑ • Anonymus: Chronica minor auctore Minorita Erphordensi. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi (SS rer. Germ.)). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1899, pp. 524–704 , p. 675, l. 8
  11. ↑ • Anonymus: Historia annorum 1264–1279. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1851, pp. 649–654 , p. 651, l. 52
  12. ↑ • Sagacino Levalossi and Pietro della Gazata: Chronicon Regiense. Ab Anno MCCLXXII usqu ad MCCCLXXXVIII (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milan 1731, pp. 5–98 , p. 8
  13. ↑ • Anonymus: Gesta praepositorum Stederburgensium continuata. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1880, pp. 720–735 , p. 728, l. 42
  14. ↑ • Albertus Miliolus: Liber de temporibus et aetatibus et cronica imperatorum. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1903, pp. 336–668 , pp. 558-559
  15. ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 754
  16. ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Sancti Rudperti Salisburgensis. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1852, pp. 8–11 , p. 10, l. 18.
  17. ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 862
  18. ↑ • Salimbene De Adam: Cronica / Salimbene de Adam (= Scrittori d'Italia). Bari 1966 , p. 849
  19. ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Polonorum I. a. 965-1325. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1866, pp. 614–656 , p. 652, l. 31.
  20. ↑ • Anonymus: Annales Ensdorfenses. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1852, pp. 4–8 , p. 6, l. 45.
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  22. ↑ • Christian Gold: Annales Matseenses. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores). Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 1851, pp. 823–837, (Continuatio monachorum Sancti Petri) 837-843 , p. 825, l. 7f.
  23. ↑ • Guglielmo Ventura: Memoriale Gvilielmi Ventvrae civis Astensis de gestis civium Astensium et plurium aliorum. In: Monumenta Historiae Patriae, Scriptores. 3, Tipografia Regia, Turin 1848, pp. cols. 701–816 , Sp. 780
  24. ↑ • Anonymus Leobiensis: Chronik (= Scriptores rerum Austriacarum veteres ac genuini). Leipzig 1721, pp. 755–968 , pp. 917–18.
  25. ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon VVirziburgense. anno 1340. conscriptum et usque ad Laurentium de Bibra continuatum, ex Codice MS. Monasterii S. Stephani VVirceburgensis. In: Commentarii de rebus Franciae orientalis et episcopatus VVirceburgensis. 1, Würzburg 1729, pp. 816–825 , p. 821.
  26. ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Parmense. Ab Anno MXXXVIII usque ad Annum MCCCXXXVIII. (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1902 , Sp. 164.
  27. ↑ • Anonymus: Chronicon Aulae Regiae. In: Petra Žitavského kronika zbraslavská (= Fontes rerum Bohemicarum). Prag 1884, pp. 1–337 , p. 288, lib. 2, cap. 20.
  28. ↑ Peter of Zittau, Chronicon Aula regiae (Kronika Zbraslavská), in: Emler (ed.), Fontes rerum Bohemicarum IV, Prague 1884, pp. 1-337, 288
  29. ↑ • Marco Battagli: Marcha di Marco Battagli da Rimini [AA. 1212-1354] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Citta di Castello 1912 , p. 49
  30. ↑ • Giovanni da Bazzano: Chronicon Mutinense [AA. 1188-1363] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Bologna 1917 , p. 119.
  31. ↑ • Coppo Stefani: Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). S. Lapi, Città di Castello 1903 , pp. 230-232
  32. ↑ Translation according to Jonathan Usher Decameron Web
  33. ↑ • Matteo Villani: Cronica.Con la continuazione di Filippo Villani (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Parma 1995 , Vol. 1, pp. 728-729
  34. ↑ • Matteo Villani: Cronica.Con la continuazione di Filippo Villani (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Parma 1995 , vol. 2, p. 273
  35. ↑ • Jean Brandon: Chronique de Jean Brandon avec les additions d'Adrien de But. In: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la dominiation des ducs de Bourgogne. 1, Brussels 1870, pp. 1-166 , p. 90
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