1400
In 1400, a total of 14 epidemic events are known so far.
Locations and Spreading
Date | Summary | T |
1397 – 1405 | A dying came to Strasbourg and surrounding area. After processions by the local clerics the mortality diminished. The plague arose and diminished for the next 8 years. | Ein sterbotte und ein crüzegang. Do men zalte 1397 jor, do kam aber ein sterbotte gein Strosburg und in das lant do umb: ein gefueger, doch werte er me denne zwei jor. aber in Westerich und in Swoben und in andern landen was er vil groesser denne zu Strosburg, und sturbent die lüte an der bülen, und sturbent junge lüte vester denne die alten. Und donoch in dem andern jore, also men zalte 1398 jor, an aller heilgen obent, do mahte die pfafheit zu Strosburg einen crüzegang, und ging ieder orden umb sin closter mit dem sacramente. also dotent ouch die stifte und weltlichen pfaffen umb ire kirchen, das got sollte dis sterben wenden. Donoch werte das sterben bescheidenliche, und ie so es ein jor oder ein halbes ufgehorte, do ving es denne wider ane, doch bescheidenliche, und das treip es wol 8 jor nohenander. [1] |
Mortality and a Pilgrimage In the year 1397, a plague came to Strasbourg and the surrounding lands. It lasted for more than two years. However, in Westrich, Swabia, and other lands, it was much worse than in Strasbourg, and people died from the plague, with young people dying more than the old. In the following year, 1398, on All Saints' Day, the clergy in Strasbourg organized a pilgrimage and each order went around their monastery with the sacrament. Similarly, the convents and secular clergy went around their churches to implore God to stop the plague. After that, the plague was modest, and ceased for a year or half a year, but then it returned, albeit less severely. It continued intermittently for about eight more years. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5) |
1400 | Gori (Gregorio) Dati fled from the plague in Antella. | Ma in detto tempo, l'anno del 1400, fuggi' la morìa all'Antella e murai la casa e puosi vigna, che vi spesi più di f. 500 [2] | However, in 1400, I took refuge from the plague in Antella and spent more than 500 florins on the house and in planting wines. [3] |
1400 | The wife of Bartolomeo, who already passed away in a previous plague, died in the mortality of 1400 in Florence. She left around 4 thousand gold florins to her children. | Passò di questa vita il detto Bartolomeo in Furlì a di ***: morì di pistolenza † in pochi dì; soppellissi al luogho de’ frati minori in Furlì, e di poi se ne fé rechare il chorpo suo in Firenze ed è seppellito in Santa Crocie in Firenze cholgli altri anticessori, onorevolemente chome s’usava pe·gli altri. Rimase la donna dopo lui, e vivette vedova cho’ suoi figliuoli in sino alla (p. 197) mortalità del 1400: in quella mortalità si morì e llasciò reda i figliuoli. Credo rimanesse loro di valente, chon quello della madre, fiorini 4000 d’oro. […] [4] | The aforementioned Bartolomeo died in Forlì on ***, he died of the plague within a few days; he was buried in the monastery of the Friars Minor in Forlì, and later his body was brought to Florence and buried with honour in Santa Croce together with his ancestors, as was usual. His wife survived him and lived with her children until mortality in 1400: in this mortality she died, leaving her children as heirs. It is assumed that they left around four thousand gold florins with their mother's fortune. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5);(Translation: DeepL) |
1400 | The lady Chatelana had three daughters, all of whom died. Two died in the plague in 1400, one in Florence and one in Quinto. Her five sons survived. | Ànne avuti [Chatelana figliuola di Stefano di Vanni Chastellani] per insino a oggi otto o nove figliuoli, ed èssi ischoncia circha di tre volte: la prima volta si schonciò, credo, dal dì la menò a due anni o circha, innuna fanciulla femina; e di poi ne fecie due femine a bene. La prima ebbe nome Bartolomea; e nacque chostei con uno infiato nel chapo, chosì dal lato, era a modo ch’una vescicha, cioè a ttochare: fessi medichare al maestro Franciescho Dal Ponte: e’ la forò in più luoghi, e gittò sangue e puza. E ‘nfine ella non poté reggiere e morissi in pochi dì: riposesi in Santa Crocie. E di poi naque un’altra fanciulla ebbe nome Antonia, e nacque chol medesimo infiato; e questa non si medicò, ma ttenesi chaldo il chapo chon una berretta foderata d’andesia, e ‘nfine e’ gli asolvè lo ’nfiato e guarì bene. Visse chostei sette anni o circha, e di poi si morì di male pestilenziale † nel 1400, di luglio, nel palagio Ispini:riposesi il chorpo suo in Santa Trinita, nella / (c. 48v) sepoltura della famiglia degli Ispini, cioè nell’utima chapella si truova a man mancha ‘andare all’altare maggiore. E questo si fecie per nicistà, chonsiderato ch’egli era la mortalità grande e non si trovava apena chi volesse trarre i chorpi di chasa; e oltre a questo, nonn era in Firenze di noi se non monna Filippa, che chonvenia s’inbochasse nelle chose di bisongnio pe·lle mani d’altri. La terza fanciulla ebbe nel prencipio di quella mortalità, ed ebbe nome Filippa: questa vivette pochi mesi, e inn utimo morì nella detta mortalità prima che ll’Antonia, a Quinto dove era a balia, e ivi nella Chiesa di Quinto fu sepellita. Non abiamo a ffare di più femine memoria: ànne de’ maschi cinque, grazia di Dio vivi. […] [5] |
To this day she [Chatelana, Stefano di Vanni Chastellani's daughters] has had eight or nine children, and an accident has happened about three times: the first time, I think, was two years after she gave birth to them, with a little girl; then she gave birth to two more daughters in good health. The first was called Bartolomea; she was born with a swelling on her head, on one side that looked and felt like a blister. She had it treated by Master Francesco Dal Ponte: he pricked her in several places and blood and pus came out. In the end, she could not stand it and died within a few days: she was buried in Santa Croce. Then another girl was born, called Antonia, who was also born with the same swelling; this was not treated, but her head was kept warm with a lined cap, and in the end the swelling disappeared and she recovered. She lived for about seven years and then died of the plague in 1400, in July, in Palazzo Spini: her body was buried in Santa Trinita, in the Spini family tomb, in the last chapel on the left side of the main altar.
This was done out of necessity, as mortality was high and there was hardly anyone who wanted to take the bodies out of the house; besides, of us in Florence there was only Monna Filippa, who had to take care of the necessary things with the help of others. The third girl was born at the beginning of this mortality and was called Filippa: she lived only a few months and finally died before Antonia during the same plague, in Quinto, where she was with the nurse, and there in the church of Quinto she was buried. We don't need to remember the daughters any further: they have five sons who are alive thanks to God's grace. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5);(Translation: DeepL) |
1400 VN: 20.000 |
Great mortality in Florence with more than 20 thousand deaths. In summer the mortality came also to Volterra. The majority of the Florentines fled to Bologna and there arose a conspiracy against the government. | Fu in Firenze quest’anno mortalità: morì circha di ventimila boche dentro nella terra, o più. Era Morello podestà di Massa; e cho·llui si stette Alberto e due de’ suoi fanciulli e la donna ed io per insino a dì 7 di giungnio. E di poi andai a Volterra e stetti là 40 dì: vennevi la Chaterina. Di poi vi chominciò la mortalità e tornammo a Settimello, dove era suta grande e ristata ben d’u·mese; e ivi istemmo insino a Ongnisanti, sani, lodato Idi<o>. Morì a Morello due fanciulle, e a mme uno: Idio li benedica! […] In questa mortalità si fuggì pe·lla maggiore parte de’ fiorentini a Bolongnia, e ivi si criò un trattato, il quale venia chontro a molti grandi cittadini de·rregimento [6] |
There was mortality in Florence that year: about twenty thousand people died in the city, or more. Morello was podestà of Massa; and Alberto and two of his children and the wife and I stayed with him until June 7. Then I went to Volterra and stayed there for 40 days: Caterina came there. Then mortality set in and we returned to Settimello, where it was hard for a month; and there we stayed until All Saints' Day, healthy, praise be to God. Two of Morello's children died, and one of mine: God bless them! [...]
During this mortality the greater part of the Florentines fled to Bologna, and there arose a conspiracy directed against many great citizens of the government. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5);(Translation: DeepL) |
1400, Summer | Great mortality in Florence and in almost entire Italy. One third of the living people died in the region of Florence and many fled, especially to Bologna and Arezzo | Morìa del 1400 Fu in questa state in Firenze, e ancora quasi per tutta Italia una grandissima morìa; e tiensi, e così si fece conto, che nella nostra città di Firenze e nel suo contado, morisse sottosopra il terzo di quelli ch'erano vivi; fuggirono i cittadini il forte a Bologna e a Arezzo e in altri luoghi. [7] |
Dying in 1400 In this summer (1400) was in Florence and in almost entire Italy a great death; it is assumed and so it is estimated, that in the city Florence and surroundings died approximately one third of the living; the citizens fled strongly to Bologna, Arezzo and other places. (Translation: Moritz Uebelhack) |
1400 VN: 30.000 |
The plague raged in Florence from the beginning of the year, but mainly in summer. 30 thousand people died and many fled, especially to Bologna. | Pestis signa quaedam ab initio huius anni terrere homines incoeperant, quae mox per aestatem plurimum desaevivit cum incredibili strage cuiusque sexus atque aetatis. Unicum eius mali remedium in fuga repertum est. Fugerunt itaque cives populariter, Bononiam plurimi demigrantes; et tamen in vacua desertaque urbe supra triginta hominum millia pestis absumpsit. [8] | Certain signs of the plague had begun to terrify people from the beginning of this year, and it was soon raging throughout the summer, with unbelievable slaughter of persons of every age and both sexes. The only remedy for this evil was flight. Citizens fled in a body, most going to Bologna, yet even in the empty and deserted city the plague consumed more than 30,000 people. [9] |
1400 | Buonaccorso Pitti left his family in Sorbigliano, where they searched for safety from the plague which was raging in Florence. Pitti went to Bologna and got his family to join him. They rented a palace and they stayed there for four months. In Bologna a conspiracy arose against the government. | [72] […] Il perché diliberai tornarmi indietro e volentieri, perché malvolentieri, con gran dispiacere, avevo lasciati i miei fratelli e nostre famiglie a Sorbigliano, per cagione della mortalità che era a Firenze. Tornai a Bologna, e scrissi a' miei fratellli che ne venissono con tutte le nostre famiglie a Bologna, e mandai loro cavalli e mulattieri. Vennono in Bologna, e stati circa d'otto dì, tolsi a fitto il palagio e giardino de'Bianchi, di fuori di Bologna circa 2 miglia, e quivi temmo tutti noi fratelli e nostre famiglie, eccetto Piero e sua famiglia, che si rimasono a Montughi. Per la grazia di Dio ci salvammo tutti, eccetto che d'uno figliuolo che mi nacque là, il quale si morì. Trovammoci tra di noi e nostre famiglie e di nostri parenti, che là tornarono con noi a nostre spese, continovo circa 25 persone. Stemmo là circa quatro mesi, e trovammoci avere spesi, riposti a Firenze, fiorini 480 nuovi. E nel detto anno essendo molti Fiorentini fuggiti a Bologna, gl'usciti di Firenze sommossono molti giovani a trattare contro il nostro reggimento; e funne capo Salvestro di messer Rosso de'Ricci. Scopersesi il trattato a Firenze, perché lo rivelò Salvestro di messer Filippo Cavicciuoli; e fu preso Samminiato d'Ugucciozo de'Ricci e fugli tagliata la testa e a uno de'Davizi, e dato bando a molti e a molti perdonato, e chetossi la città. [10] | I resolved to turn back and was not sorry to do so, for it was with the greatest reluctance that I had left my brothers and their families in Sorbigliano, where they had taken refuge from the plague then raging in Florence.
I went to Bologna and from there dispatched horses and muleteers with letters to my brothers telling them to join me with our families. They came and, about a week after their arrival, I rented the Bianchi family palace and gardens about a mile outside Bologna and installed my brothers and their families there, with the exception of Piero who stayed with his family in Montughi. By God's grace we were all safe and sound but for a son who was born to me there and died. Between ourselves, our immediate families and other relatives who came for visits, there were never less than twenty-five people staying in the house. We spent about four months there and our expenses by the time we got back to Florence amounted to 480 florins. That year, while many citizens were away in Bologna for fear of the plague, the political exiles seized the opportunity to foment a conspiracy against our governmental among some young men captained by Salvestro di Messer Rosso de'Ricci. The plotters were betrayed by Salvestro di Messer Filippo (p. 65) Cavicciuli. Samminiato d'Ugucciozo de' Ricci and a member of the Davizi family were sent to the block. Many were exiled; many more were pardoned and calm returned to the city. [11] |
1400 | Great mortality in Florence and the only remedy was the migration. Many of them went to Bologna. | Iam millesimus quadringentesimus erat annus et pestis signa quaedam terrere inceperant, quae paulo post Florentiae desaeviit cum incredibili strage cuiusque sexus atque aetatis. Unicum eius mali remedium in fuga repertum est. Fugerunt itaque cives populariter, Bononiam plurimi demigrantes; et tamen in vacua desertaque urbe supra triginta hominum millia pestis absumpsit. [12] | We were now in the year 1400. The plague had begun to manifest itself with frightening effect and before long it was raging in Florence and inflicting appalling mortality on people of both sexes and all ages. The only way of escaping this evil was found to be in flight. So the townspeople fled from the city in droves and many of them went to Bologna. [13] |
1400, April – 1400, September VN: 200 per day |
A terrible plague came to Florence and many people died; in June there were more than 200 corpses a day. The citizens fled to the countryside and Bologna and Arezzo after the feast of Johan Baptist (24 June), but many people died there too. In other cities such as Rome, Naples, Pisa or Lucca, the mortality rate was just as high. In Florence, they had to reorganise because so many people had left. | Capitolo IV. — Come grande mortalità fu in Firenze e altrove questo anno. In questo anno fu in Firenze grande mortalità e cominciò del mese d'aprile, come che prima s'era veduti segnali pestilenziosi assai; però che quelli che morivano, tutti aveano aposteme velenose e pestilenziose, e grande paura n'aveano i cittadini. Poi seguitò di maggiore malizia, però che ne moriano per di cento, tutti d'aposteme; e poi di giugno seguitò maggiore però che erano per di nella città dugento corpi e' più; e poi di luglio molto maggiore, e durò insino a settembre troppo grande nella città; e ancora nel contado di Firenze fu maggiore che nella città, però che in molti popoli morirono la metà delle persone che v'erano e in alquanti molti più che la metà; e molti cittadini ch'erano fuggiti in contado morirono; e fu questo grande numero; e molte castella rimasono mezzo vòte e molte famiglie disfece. E come fu fatta la festa di santo Giovanni, grande numero di buoni cittadini si fuggirono fuori della città e andaronne colle loro famiglie nel contado di Firenze in più ville e castella; e ancora n'andarono assai a Bologna, e molti ve ne moriro nondimeno; e chi andò ad Arezzo e anche assai ve ne morí; e cosí dove n'andarono ne morí in ogni luogo che fu in tutte le terre di Toscana. Era ancora la detta mortalità nel detto tempo grandissima a Roma, che fu tal di che volle settecento o ottocento corpi morti; ma la maggior parte romei ; e ancora fu la detta mortalità in molte terre d'Italia in questo tempo, dove grande e dove minore, però che allora n'era dove a Pisa, a Lucca, a Perugia e a Napoli e in tutto il paese; e ancora era in Lombardia dove grande e dove grandissima in molte città la detta mortalità. Li Fiorentini, veggendo la città vòta di buoni e ricchi cittadini, diliberarono di soldare insino in secento provigianati a guardia de la città e infino in settecento e cinquanta lance di soldati tra per di fuori e per dentro, e cosí feciono ; e aveano allora al soldo mille trecento soldati di fanti. E cosi perché li cittadini s'erano partiti, fu ordinata la città e 'l contado e distretto loro. [14] |
Chapter IV - On the great mortality in Florence and elsewhere this year. This year there (1400)was a great mortality in Florence, which began in the month of April, although numerous plague-like signs were already visible beforehand. For the deceased all had poisonous and pestilential boils, and the citizens were greatly afraid of them. Then a greater malice followed, for a hundred people died every day, all from boils. And then in June it increased so that there were two hundred or more corpses a day in the city. And then in July it was even worse and continued on a very large scale in the city until September. It was also worse in the countryside around Florence than in the city, because in many villages half the population died and in some even more than half; many citizens who had fled to the countryside also died. It was a large number, and many places were left half empty, and many families were destroyed. After the feast of St John had been celebrated, many good citizens fled the city and went with their families to various villages and castles on the countryside surrounding Florence. Many also went to Bologna, and many died there anyway; some went to Arezzo, and many died there too. Wherever they went, people died everywhere in all areas of Tuscany. At that time, mortality was also very high in Rome, and there were days when there were seven hundred or eight hundred deaths, but most of them were Romans. Mortality was also high in many other Italian cities at this time, sometimes more, sometimes less, for example in Pisa, Lucca, Perugia and Naples, as well as throughout the country. In Lombardy, too, mortality was high to very high in many cities. The Florentines, seeing that the city was emptied of good and rich citizens, decided to pay up to six hundred guards for the defence of the city and up to seven hundred and fifty lances of soldiers both inside and outside, and so they did.They had a thousand and three hundred foot soldiers in their pay at the time. So the city and its environs and district were organised because the citizens had left. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5);(Translation: DeepL) |
1400, May 7 | Ironic letter from Coluccio Salutati to Padolfo Malatesta, in which he writes about Malatesta's letters concerning the escape of the population from Pesaro because of the plague | Vidi copiam littere, quam populo tuo Pensauri scribis, vellemque quod monitis tuis parentes cuncti civitatem relinquerent. Forte sunt pauci adeo lucis prodigi, quod epimediam non curantes libenter menia que tu fugis et fugienda persuades occupabunt; et morientes, ut putas, illa sibi, sed a te vigilantissime custodirent [15] | (Translation needed) |
1400, July 3 – 1400, August 28 | Great mortality in Florence, thus Salviati remained in Arezzo with his men. Many people fled from Florence. Salviati himself was ill and some members of his family died. | Partimi [Salviati] della detta Terra di Montepulciano adì 3. di Luglio 1400. Et perchè in Firenze era grandissima mortalità, et dicevasi, che ad Arezzo l'aria v'era sana, et eravi fugiti assai Fiorentini, per questa cagione non tornai a Firenze, ma rimasi in Arezzo con tutta la brigata mia, che io haveva condotta meco, et tutti ne gli condussi sani, et di buona voglia; ma giunto che io fui, parve, che io fussi maladetto con ogni avversità, et d'infermità, et di morte, che mentre che io vi fui, mai non si ristette, et più, che non che quegli, che io menai, ma essendo venuta di Firenze ad Arezzo quella mia venerabile madre Mona Contessa per aiutarmi, sentendo la mia famiglia inferma, piacque al nostro Signore Dio, che ella morisse, et chiamolla a se, a la cui anima Cristo benedetto habbia fatto ver perdono. […] et ancora vi morì un mio fanciullo, che hebbe nome Andrea, d'età di 9. anni, che Dio l'habbi benedetto, e fu seppellito in S. Francesco; et di tutta l'altra mia famiglia non vi fu niuno, che havesse (p. 184) difetto, salvo che io, lodato Dio. Spesivi tra spese della casa, et per l'infirmità, et per i mortorii grandissimo denaio. Stettivi da' dì 4. di Luglio infino a' dì 28. d'Agosto, et quel dì mi partì di là come abbandonato, e disperato, et tornai in Firenze col resto della mia famiglia, tra' quali ne menai dua mia figliuoli maschi, cioè Alamanno, et Bernardo infermi per modo, che mai non credetti si conducessero vivi; pure per grazia di Dio vi si condussero, e guarirono, et in questo tempo, che io stetti ad Arezzo, mi morirono quì in Firenze 2. mie fanciulle, che una have nome Lisa, che era d'età d'anni 7 1/2, e l'altra Margherita, d'età d'anni 5. in circa, et furono seppellite nella Badia di Firenze; che Dio l'habbia benedette, et ricevute. [16] | I [Salviati] left the aforementioned town of Montepulciano on July 3, 1400. Since there was a great mortality in Florence and it was said that the air in Arezzo was healthy and many Florentines had fled there, I did not return to Florence, but stayed in Arezzo with all the followers I had with me. I brought them all there in good health and good spirits. But as soon as I arrived, it seemed as if I was cursed by every misfortune, illness and death, because they did not stop while I was there. And not only for those I had brought with me, but also for my venerable mother, Mona Contessa, who had come to Arezzo from Florence to help me, as my family was ill. It pleased our Lord God that she died and called her to Himself; may Christ have mercy on her soul. [...] Moreover, my child, named Andrea, died there at the age of 9, may God bless him. He was buried in St. Francesco. The rest of my family remained unharmed, apart from me, praise be to God. I spent a great deal of money, both on household expenses and on the illness and burial. I stayed there from July 4 to August 28, and on that day I left Arezzo in despair and hopelessness and returned to Florence with the rest of my family. Among them were two of my sons, Alamanno and Bernardo, who were so ill that I didn't think I could bring them home alive. But by the grace of God, they survived and recovered. During my time in Arezzo, two of my daughters died in Florence, Lisa, aged 7 1/2, and Margherita, about 5 years old. They were buried in the Abbey of Florence; may God bless and receive them. |
1400, August 6 | Letter of Coluccio Salutati, in which he mentioned a severe plague in Pistoia and the whole Tuscany | Pestis crudelis Pistorium debacchatur, adeo quod michi gratissimum sit, quod ibi receptus non fueris, laudoque quod id quod patria tibi offert amplectaris. Nicolaus tuus vivit Pistorium, presentavit litteras et die sequenti peste correptus occobuit. [,,,] Arrigus et Philippus, graviter infirmati, Dei dono libertai sunt. Pestis hec in hac urbe et per totam Tusciam crudelissime nimis sevit. [17] | The cruel plague rages in Pistoia, so much so that I am greatly relieved that you have not been received there, and I commend you for embracing what your homeland offers you. Your Niccoló lives in Pistoia, he delivered the letters, and the following day, stricken by the plague, he died. [...] Arrigo and Filippo, severely ill, have by God's gift been freed. This plague is raging very cruelly in this city and throughout all of Tuscany (Translation: Martin Bauch) |
1400, October | The depraved Lord of Cortona Guccio da Casale came to Florence because of his vow to nurse the sick. He made this so that God would safe him from the plague. But after few days he died of the plague. | Memoria, che del mese d'Ottobre 1400. essendo venuto allora in Firenze il Signore, che era allora di Cortona, che avea nome Guccio da Casale per cagione di suo boto a governare infermi di sua mano in S. Maria nuova, et dovevaci stare, secondo il boto, a questo servigio dì 30. essendo per addietro stato il più dissoluto huomo del mondo, e questo boto seguiva a ciò che Dio il salvassi della pestilenza, che allora cominciava a Cortona, et in Firenze era già quasi finita, et intervenendo che come piacque a Dio essendoci stato pochi dì a fare il detto servigio, si morì di pestilenza, et rimanendo Signori di Cortona doppo la morte di detto Ghuccio Francesco et Luigi da Casale fuoi Conforti, et a' quali apparteneva più la Signoria che a Ghuccio, et mostrando i detti Francesco, et Luigi dolore della morte di Ghuccio, ordinarono di farlo portare a Cortona, et di fargli molto grande honore; [18] | A reminder that in the month of October 1400, the man who was then Lord of Cortona came to Florence. His name was Guccio da Casale, and he had come because of his vow to nurse the sick himself in Santa Maria Nuova. According to his vow, he was to perform this service for 30 days. He had previously been the most depraved man in the world, and he had made this vow so that God would save him from the plague, which had begun in Cortona at the time, while it was almost over in Florence. It happened, as it pleased God, that after a few days of this service he died of the plague. After the death of the said Guccio, Francesco and Luigi da Casale, his relatives, became lords of Cortona, who were more entitled to rule than Guccio. The aforementioned Francesco and Luigi were saddened by Guccio's death and decided to transfer him to Cortona and pay him great honour. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5);(Translation: DeepL) |
References
- ↑ • Jacobus Twinger von Königshofen: Chronik des Jacob Twinger von Königshofen, Die Chroniken der oberrheinischen Städte (= Die Chroniken der deutschen Städte vom 14. bis in's 16. Jahrhundert). Leipzig 1870-1871, pp. 153-918 , p. 773.
- ↑ • Goro (Gregorio) Dati: Il libro segreto di Gregorio Dati (= Scelta di curiosità letterarie inedite o rare dal secolo XIII al XVII). Bologna 1869 , p. 115.
- ↑ • Goro (Gregorio) Dati: Two memoirs of Renaissance Florence. The diaries of Buonaccorso Pitti and Gregorio Dati. New York/Evanston/London 1967, pp. 107-141 , p. 139.
- ↑ • Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi. Nuova edizione e introduzione storica (= Biblioteca di storia). Florenz 2019 , pp. 196-197
- ↑ • Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi. Nuova edizione e introduzione storica (= Biblioteca di storia). Florenz 2019 , p. 204
- ↑ • Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli: Ricordi. Nuova edizione e introduzione storica (= Biblioteca di storia). Florenz 2019 , p. 250
- ↑ • Filippo di Cino Rinuccini: Ricordi storici di Filippo di Cino Rinuccini dal 1282 al 1460 colla continuazione di Alamanno e Neri suoi figli fino al 1506. Florenz 1840 , p. XLIV
- ↑ • Leonardo Bruni: History of the Florentine people (= The I Tatti Renaissance Library). Cambridge (Mass.) 2001-2007 , Vol. 3, p. 256.
- ↑ • Leonardo Bruni: History of the Florentine people (= The I Tatti Renaissance Library). Cambridge (Mass.) 2001-2007 , Vol. 3, p. 257.
- ↑ • Buonaccorso Pitti: Mercanti scrittori. Ricordi nella Firenze tra Medioevo e Rinascimento. Milan 1986 , p. 43.
- ↑ • Buonaccorso Pitti: Two memoirs of Renaissance Florence. The diaries of Buonaccorso Pitti and Gregorio Dati. New York/Evanston/London 1967, pp. 19-106 , p. 64-65.
- ↑ • Leonardo Bruni: History of the Florentine people (= The I Tatti Renaissance Library). Cambridge (Mass.) 2001-2007 , Vol. 3, p. 322.
- ↑ • Leonardo Bruni: History of the Florentine people (= The I Tatti Renaissance Library). Cambridge (Mass.) 2001-2007 , Vol. 3, p. 323.
- ↑ • Anonymus: Cronica volgare di Anonimo Fiorentino dall’anno 1385 al 1409 già attribuita a Piero di Giovanni Minerbetti (= RIS). Città di Castello 1915 , p. 250.
- ↑ • Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 3, p. 392
- ↑ • Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chroniche fiorentine di ser Naddo da Montecatini e del Cavaliere Iacopo Salviati (= Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani). Florence 1784, pp. 175-361 , pp. 183-184.
- ↑ • Coluccio Salutati: Epistolario (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia). Forzani, Rome 1891-1905 , vol. 3, p. 408
- ↑ • Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati: Chroniche fiorentine di ser Naddo da Montecatini e del Cavaliere Iacopo Salviati (= Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani). Florence 1784, pp. 175-361 , p. 191
|
This is an EpiMedDat page, and outside EpiMedDat it is a mirrored or cloned page or similar. Please note that the page may then be outdated (12.11.2024) and no longer relate to the content. The original page is or was located at http://epimeddat.net/wiki/1400 |