1347

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In 1347, a total of 35 epidemic events are known so far.

Locations and Spreading

  Date Summary  
Source
Translation
 T
1345 – 1348 Origin of the Black Death and ravages in Venice   Anno Domini 1345, jnguiaria pestis, incipiens in partibus Tartarorum, et se, peccatis exigentibus, ad universum orbem contagiose extendens, adeo terribiliter desaevivit, quod penitus nulli loco perpercit; et si quando alicubi cessare videretur, transactis duobus, vel tribus annis, ad locum reverberatur eundem. [1] In the year of our Lord 1345, the pestilence, beginning in the regions of the Tartars, and spreading contagiously throughout the whole world, raged so terribly, driven by the demands of sin, that it spared no place entirely; and if it seemed to subside anywhere, after two or three years, it returned to the same place. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)

1346, April – 1347, April
VN: 1.000
In 747 H (April 24, 1346 to April 12, 1347), the Black Death spread in the Horde (bilād Uzbak), where many people died in villages as well as towns. Plague then arrived in Crimea where the maximum daily death toll amounted to ca. 1,000, as the author, Ibn al-Wardī, was told by a trustworthy merchant. Afterwards, plague spread to Asia Minor (Rūm) where it killed many people. An Aleppine merchant who had returned from Crimea reported to Ibn al-Wardī that the judge (qāḍī) of Crimea had said that they had counted the deceased and that the number had amounted to 85,000 known plague deaths. The plague reached Cyprus, too, and the death toll was enormously high there as well.   ' [2] (Translation needed)

1347 Price increase, famine deaths and rural exodus throughout Europe, but also in Bologna   In questo anno fuo la magiore charestia che se recordi mai huomo alcuno; e del mese de zenaro muntò el formento a soldi 40 la corbe, e del mese de marzo muntò a lire 3 la corbe, e del mese d' aprile muntò a lire 3 soldi x la corbe e stete così infino a recolto. Et trovandosse molto buono racolto de formento, onde per la festa de santo Pietro callò el dito formento in ii sabadi a soldi xx per la corbe, e valse a Fiorenza iii fiorin la corbe, e male se ne posseva avere per li dinari, e molte persone schiosaron per la presia alla chà dal merchado dove se vendeva el formento. Et fuo generale carestia e fame per tuta cristianitade. I contadini veneron a la citade, e per la fame chaschavano per le contrade: grande mortalitatde fuo. Et one domane venìa alle ghiexia grande [S. 564] molte fameie de poveri per avere lemosina, chè continuo ne davano hone domane; fra li quali poveri vedivi morire molti gioveni e puti che murivano de fame in braze alle madre loro, e una grande schiuma li vegnia a la bocha; e questo vidi io scritore in Santo Iacomo di frti Romitani, la quale cosa era una grandissima compassione a vedere [3] In this year it was the greatest store that any man has ever recorded; and in the month of January he collected fodder at 40 lire, and in the month of March he collected it at 3 lire, and in the month of April he collected it at 3 lire, and stayed like that until the end of the year. And he found a very good harvest of fodder, so that on the feast of Saint Peter he called for fodder on the second Saturday at 20 lire per crown, and it was worth 3 Florins per crown in Florentine, and it was hard to get enough for the money, and many people went to the market where the fodder was sold. And there was general famine and starvation throughout Christendom. The peasants came to the city, and because of hunger, they went out into the countryside: there was great mortality. And one Sunday many families of the poor came to the great guiexia [S. 564] to have lemosina, since they were continually giving them money on Sundays; among the poor you could see many young men and women dying of hunger in the arms of their mothers, and a great froth came to their mouths; and this I saw in Santo Jacomo of the Romitani friars, which was a great pity to see. (Translation: DeepL)

1347 Price increase in Bologna and intervention of the Signor, no more enforcement of debt claims   In Bologna cominciò una grande carestia, et nelle circostantie, et in Bologna valeva lire 3 di bolognini [S. 6r] la Corba il fromento che mai più ianzi er valuto tanto et La Corba della fava soldi 50. onde il Signore Tadeo a conservatione et bene della Città quanto per a fece bandire, che nell' una persona potesse essere voletto per aleva debito in qualung caso si fosse per inizio al mese d'Agosto prossimo, et fù di Marzo questa provissione et subito fecero condurre il detto Signore. Tadeo in Bologna circa corbe 100 M. di fromen%to e custolli molto caro, et lo diede per soldi 36 la Corba di che fu molto amato dal Populo di Bologna [...] In Bologna persevarò la carestia in tal modo, che del mese di Giugno valeva la corba del fromento soldi 70 de bolognini; per la quale cosa venne una mortalità grande del che morì molta gente, et morirono gli infrascritti notabili gentil huomini [...] [4] (Translation needed)

1347 Price increase, famine deaths and epidemic in Bologna and grain imports of the city   In questo millesimo et anno si fu in queste parte una grande carestia, et qui in Bologna valse la corba del formento lire tre de bolognini; et li nostri signori ne feno venire del formento oltra che cento millia corbe, che'l comparono molto charo et si el feno dare per soldi 36 la corba [...] In lo dicto millesimo si fu in Bologna una grande mortalità et grande fame, chè valse la corba del formento lire tre, soldi x la corba; et morireno in Bologna per la dicta morìa de multi boni homini, tra li quali ce morirono quisti, zoè (List of socially high ranking citizens, scholars and nobles) [5] In this thousandth and year there was a great famine in these parts, and here in Bologna the forage was worth three lire, three coins; and our lords made the forage come more than one hundred thousand coins, which seem very cheap, and they gave it for 36 coins [... ] In the said thousandth year there was in Bologna a great mortality and great hunger, which made the forage worth three lire, money x the corba; and many good men died in Bologna because of the said death, among whom these died, namely (List of socially high-ranking citizens, scholars and nobles). (Translation: DeepL)

1347 High mortality, famine and price increase in Bologna   In lo ditto imllesimo fo in Bononia una grande mortalega e de multi boni homini, e fame, che 'l ce valse la corbe del formento libre iii e soldi x. [6] In the aforementioned year there was a great death in Bologna of many good men, and hunger, which earned us forage in pounds 3 and soldi 10 (Translation: DeepL)

1347 Massive price increase, many deaths and epidemics in Bologna   In questo anno 1347 fu la mazora charastia che se arechordasse mai homo lchuno che fuse vivo al prexento et fu generalmente per tuta la christianita. Et del mexo di zenaro munto el formento a ß 40 la chorbe e del mexo di marzo munto a ß 60 la chorbe e del mexo d' aprile munto a ß 70 la chorbe et stete quossi per persino al recholto. Vedendo tal quosa el nostro S[ignore] M[esser] Tadio di Pepoli di tanta charastia ne feze venire per Bologna circha 50 milia chorbe che chomparo per diversi luchi molto charo per tenire la tera abondante et fe valo dare a quili da Bologna per ß 40 la chorbe. E questo feva per fare abondanzia al suo populo di bologna et ne perisse assai per che [stavua per morir che lino] li veniva e queste per far abondanzia al suo populo di Bologna et esendo venuto el recholto fu uno bono recholto e formento unde per la festa di santo [petronio] chalo el dito formento in tri sabati [cueve] a ß 20 la chorbe e valse la chorbe a fiorenza tri fiorini e malo se ne poseva avere per i 60 [soi] dinari e molte persone se afochorno per la pressia a la cha drimenchato donde se vendeva el formento. e questa tal charistia et famre super tuta christianita i chontadini venivano a la citade e per la fame chadevano per la chontea morti et vedovassi tanti poveri andare cerchanodo limoxena et alchuna volta non atrovavano limoxena chadevano morti per la fame. Et in frian di ubaldi schivando questa partida di suxo una latra chronicha el scriptore che avea schripto quela chronica disse di avere veduto chon li ochi soi morire alchuni pote di fame in braza a le madre e quando erano morti aveano la schiuma a la bocha et era una ghrandisima schurita [7] (Translation needed)

1347 Epidemics in Bologna.   In questo anno 1347 fu in Bologna una ghrandisima mortalita et mori per Bologna per la dita moria di molti boni homini fra li quai li morti quisti zoe [...] et molti altri assai morino di questa moria ma quisti nominati furno deli principali di Bologna. [8] In this year 1347 there was in Bologna a great mortality and many good men died in Bologna, among whom these two died [...] and many others died as a result of this death, but those named were the principal ones of Bologna . (Translation: DeepL)

1347
VN: 4.000
Famine and epidemic in Bologna with more than 4'000 deaths, also deaths from the upper class (with names).   Fò in Bologna tanta fame, e mortalità, che ne morì più di 4000 persone pizoli e grandi, e assai poveri caschavano de fame per le strade, e molti assai vecchi morivano de fame, perche non posseano avere del Pane per li suoi dinari a benchè molti assai ricchi, è questi sono li capi de li homini che morino di fame, e li nomi soi sono scritti quie de sotta, e prima: Misser Jacomo di Butrigiani Donore di lege. Misser Rainiero Samaritani Chavaliero. El Salvatico Dalfino da Loiano. Misser Bertuzo Soprano Medico. Mattiuzo Bianchetto di Bianchitti. Misser Bornino di Pepoli. Misser Marchium degl' Azigreidi. Misser Lippo di Pepoli. misser Azo di Romagno Dottore. Misser Piero di Bonpieri Dottore. [9] There was so much hunger and death in Bologna, that more than 4000 people died, both young and old, and many poor people were starving in the streets, and many very old people were starving, because they could not get bread for their money, although many were very rich, and these are the heads of the people who died of hunger, and their names are written here underneath, and before: Misser Jacomo di Butrigiani Donore di lege. Misser Rainiero Samaritani Chavaliero. El Salvatico Dalfino da Loiano. Misser Bertuzo Soprano Medico. Mattiuzo Bianchetto di Bianchitti. Misser Bornino di Pepoli. Misser Marchium degl'Azigreidi. Misser Lippo di Pepoli. Misser Azo di Romagno Dottore. Misser Piero di Bonpieri Dottore. (Translation: DeepL)

1347 In the region of Catajo it rained worms, snakes and fire. The fire produced a smoke, which was very pestilential and deadly.   Fu raccontato e scritto pe' mercantati, che alle parti del Catajo piobbe grandissima quantità di vermi e di serpenti, il quali divoravano grandissima quantità di gente. Ancora in quelle Contrade piobbe fuoco dal Cielo a modo di neve, il quale bruciò i monti, la terra, e gli uomini. il qual fuoco favea un fumo tanto pestilenziale, che chi lo sentiva, morivane tra lo spazio di dodici ore. Ancora morivano coloro, i quali guardavano gli avvelenati da quel fuomo pestilenziale. [10] It has been reported and written in the mercantines, that in the parts of Catajo it rained a great number of worms and snakes, which devoured a great number of people. It rained down fire from heaven like snow, which burned the mountains, the earth and the people. This fire made such a pestilential smoke that those who smelt it died within twelve hours. Still died those, who watched the poisoned by that pestilential smoke. (Translation: DeepL)

1347 – 1348 Fire comes out of the earth or falls from heaven in Central Asia as a reason for the outbreak of the Black Death.   Avemmo da mercatanti genovesi, uomini degni di fede, che avieno avute novelle di que' paesi, che alquanto tempo inanzi a questa pistilenzia, nelle parti dell' Asia superiore, uscì della terra, overo cadde da cielo un fuoco grandissimo, il quale stendendosi verso il ponente arse e consumò grandissimo paese sanza alcun riparo. E alquanti dissono che del puzzo di questo fuoco si generò la materia corruttibile della generale pistolenzia: ma questo non possiamo acertare. Apresso sapemmo da uno venerabile frate minore di Firenze vescovo di ..... de Regno, uomo degno di fede, che s'era trovato in quelle parti dov'è la città del Lamech ne' tempi della mortalità, che tre dì e tre notti piovvono in quelle paese biscie con sangue ch' apuzzarono e coruppono tutte le contrade:sc e in [p. 15] quella tempesta fu abattuto parte tel tempio di Maometto, e alquanto della sua sepoltura. [11] We have had from Genoese merchants, men worthy of faith, who have had news of those countries, that some time before this pistilenzia, in the parts of Upper Asia, a great fire came out of the earth, or fell from the sky, which, spreading towards the west, burned and consumed a great country without any shelter. And some say that from the stench of this fire was generated the corruptible matter of the general conflagration: but this we cannot ascertain. Later we learned from a venerable friar minor of Florence, bishop of ..... of the Kingdom, a man worthy of faith, who had been in those parts where the city of Lamech is in the times of mortality, that three days and three nights it rained in that country snakes with blood that apuzzarono and covered all the countries; and in [p. 15] that storm was torn down part of the temple of Muhammad, and some of his burial place. (Translation: DeepL)

1347 – 1349 The Black Death with presumed origins in China or Ethiopia, spreading to Syria and Egypt. Discussion of its spread via Caffa and Constantinopel, Genoa and reaching the Iberian Peninsula.   Die Meinungen über die Herkunft dieses Ereignisses gehen auseinander. Der Gewährsmann erwähnte nach dem Zeugnis mancher christlichen Kaufleute, die nach Almeriah kamen, daß die Krankheit in dem Lande Hata entstanden sei; Hata heißt in der persischen Sprache China, wie ich es von einem Gewährsmann aus Samarkand gelernt habe. China ist die Grenze der bewohnten Erde nach Osten zu. Die Seuche ist in China verbreitet und von da aus ist sie nach dem persischen Irak, den türkischen Ländern gewandert. Andere erwähnten nach dem Bericht christlicher Reisenden, daß sie in Abessinien entstanden sei und von dort aus in die Nachbarländer bis nach Ägypten und Syrien vorgedrungen sei. Diese verschiedenen Berichte beweisen, daß die Katastrophe allgemein alle Länder und Zonen heimgesucht hat. Der Grund der Verschiedenheit der Berichte ist, daß, wenn sie in einem an der (p. 42) Grenze der Erde liegenden Lande erscheint, dessen Einwohner denken, daß die Krankheit dort entstanden sei; und von dort aus verbreitet sich diese Ansicht. Es ist uns auch von vielen Seiten berichtet worden, daß sie in der genuesischen Festung Kaffa gewesen sei, die unlängst durch ein Heer von mohammedanischen Türken und Romäern belagert wurde, dann in Pera, dann in dem großen Konstantinopel, auf den Inseln von Armania an der Küste des Mittelmeeres, in Genua, in Frankreich. Sie griff weiter über nach dem fruchtbaren Andalusien, überschwemmte die Gegenden von Aragon, Barcelona, Valencia u. a., verbreitete sich in dem größten Teil des Königreichs Kastilien bis Sevilla im äußersten Westen, erreichte auch die Inseln des Mittelmeeres Sizilien, Sardinien, Mallorca, Ibiza, sprang über nach der gegenüberliegenden Küste von Afrika und ging von da aus weiter nach Westen. [12] Opinions differ as to the origin of this event. According to the testimony of some Christian merchants who came to Almeriah, the author mentioned that the disease originated in the land of Hata; Hata means China in the Persian language, as I learnt from an author from Samarkand. China is the border of the inhabited earth to the east. The disease spread in China and from there it travelled to Persian Iraq and the Turkish countries. Others mentioned, according to the report of Christian travellers, that it originated in Abyssinia and from there spread to neighbouring countries as far as Egypt and Syria. These different reports prove that the catastrophe affected all countries and zones in general. The reason for the diversity of reports is that when it appears in a country lying on the (p. 42) frontier of the earth, its inhabitants think that the disease originated there; and from there this opinion spreads.

It has also been reported to us from many quarters that it was in the Genoese fortress of Kaffa, which was recently besieged by an army of Mohammedan Turks and Romæans, then in Pera, then in the great Constantinople, on the islands of Armania on the coast of the Mediterranean, in Genoa, in France. It spread further to fertile Andalusia, flooded the regions of Aragon, Barcelona, Valencia and others, spread through most of the kingdom of Castile as far as Seville in the far west, reached the Mediterranean islands of Sicily, Sardinia, Mallorca, Ibiza, jumped over to the opposite coast of Africa and from there continued westwards.. (Translation: Martin Bauch)


1347, May – 1347, November
VN: 4.000
Epidemic follows famine in Florence, 4000 dead (mainly women and children); particularly bad in Romagna, Provence, Bologna, Vignone, Pistoia and Prato. The mortality was foretold by astrologers.   Di grande mortalità che ffu in Firenze, ma più grande altrove, come diremo apresso
Nel detto anno e tempo, come sempre pare che segua dopo la carestia e fame, si cominciò in Firenze e nel contado infermeria, e apresso mortalità di genti, e spezialmente in femine e fanciulli, il più in poveri genti, e durò fino al novembre vegnente MCCCXLVII ma però non fu così grande, come fu la mortalità dell'anno MCCCXL come adietro facemmo menzione; ma albitrando al grosso, ch'altrimenti non si può sapere a punto in tanta città come Firenze, ma in di grosso si stimò che morissono in questo tempo più di IIIIm persone, tra uomini e più femmine e fanciulli; morirono bene de' XX l'uno; e fecesi comandamento per lo Comune che niuno morto si dovesse bandire, né sonare campane alle chiese, ove i morti si sotterravano, perchè lla gente non isbigotisse d'udire di tanti morti. E lla detta mortalità fu predetta dinanzi per maestri di strologia, dicendo che quando fu il sostizio vernale, cioè quando il sole entrò nel principio dell'Ariete del mese di marzo passato, l'ascendente che ffu nel detto sostizio fu il segno della Vergine, e 'l suo signore, cioè il pianeto di Mercurio, si trovò nel segno dell'Ariete nella ottava casa, ch'è casa che significa morte; e se non che il pianeto di Giove, ch'è fortunato e di vita, si ritrovò col detto Mercurio nella detta casa e segno, la mortalità sarebbe stata infinita, se fosse piaciuto a dDio. Ma nnoi dovemo credere e avere per certo che Idio promette le dette pestilenze e ll'altre a' popoli, cittadi e paesi [p. 486] per pulizione de'peccati e non solamente per corsi di stelle, ma tolera, siccome signore dell'universo e del corso del celesto, come gli piace; e quando vuole, fa accordare il corso delle stelle al suo giudicio; e questo basti in questa parte e d'intorno a Firenze del detto delli astrolagi. La detta mortalità fu maggiore in Pistoia e Prato e nelle nostre circustanze all'avenante della gente di Firenze, e maggiore in Bologna e in Romagna, e maggiore in Vignone e in Proenza ov'era la corte del papa, e per tutto il reame di Francia.
[13]
Of a great mortality which occurred in Florence, although it was greater elsewhere, as we will recount. In this year and season, as seemingly always after food shortages and famines, a sickness began in the city and countryside of Florence. Soon people began to die, especially women and children, and the most among the poor. It lasted until November 1347, but it was not as great as the mortality of 1340 that we described earlier. If we make a rough guess—it is impossible to do otherwise in a city as great as Florence—it seems that this time more than four thousand people died, men and more women and children. More than one in twenty died. It was ordered by the commune that no death be announced and no church bell be sounded during burials, lest people be terrified to hear of so many deaths. This mortality was foretold by master astrologers who stated that during the vernal solstice—that is when the sun entered the sign of Aries last March—the sign of Virgo was rising and Virgo’s ruler Mercury was in the eighth house of Aries, a house signifying death. And were it not for the fact that Jupiter, which brings fortune and life, accompanied Mercury in this house and sign, the mortality would have been endless—if this had pleased God. But we should believe and be certain that the Lord God promises the said pestilences and others to peoples, cities, and lands to cleanse their sins, and [that he does so] not only through the movement of the stars but sometimes—as Lord of the universe and celestial motion—according to his will. And when he wishes, he matches the movement of the stars to his judgment. Let this suffice regarding Florence, its surroundings, and the sayings of astrologers. This mortality was greater in Pistoia and Prato and in the surrounding territories nearer to Florence; it was greater in Bologna and in Romagna; it was greater at Avignon and in Provence, where the papal court was, and throughout the kingdom of France. [14]

1347
VN: 400
Fourth smallpox epidemic in Iceland in 1347   Bolna sótt hin fiorða vm allt land. sva mikil at engi var sva gamall at slika myndi. var sva til reiknat at nær .cccc. manna andaðiz i henni milli Hvitskeggs huams ok Bótz ár. sva ok vm Floann ok Aulfusit með sama móti. Gekk sóttin fyrir sunn an land þetta arit enn it siðarra fyrir norðan. for hon sva gersamliga yfir sveitirnar at hon tok naliga hvern yngra mann enn fertugan. ok marga ellri. ok iafnvel var bolan a bórnunum þeim er moðirin fæddi viðr andlát sitt. [15] Fourth smallpox pandemic in the entire country. So severe that no one was old enough to remember something comparable. It was thus counted that close to 400 men died between Hvítskeggshvammur and the Bót river. So [it happened] also around Flói and Ölfusá in the same manner. The plague went through the south of the country this year, while the last one went through the north. It [= the plague] swept unremittingly through the districts so that it took almost every younger man under forty. and many elder ones. and there were even buboes on the children who were born during their mother's death. (Translation: Carina Damm)

1347 Smallpox in Iceland in 1347   Bolna sott for um allt landit ok andadiz fioldi mannz. [16] Smallpox swept through the entire country and many people died. (Translation: Carina Damm)

1347 Smallpox with high mortality in Iceland in 1347   Jtem bolna sott mickil vm allt Jsland. ok andadizst fiolde folks. [17] Then [there was] a great smallpox [plague] all around Iceland. And many people died. (Translation: Carina Damm)

1347 High mortality in Italy     Mortalitas magna per totum fere mundum   [18] (Translation needed)

1347 Spread of the Black Death across the Mediterranean into Italy and its major islands with processions emerging in Florence.   E stesesi la detta pistolenza infino in Turchia e grecia, avendo prima ricerco tutto Levante i Misopotania, Siria, Caldea, Suria, Ciptro, il Creti, i Rodi, e tutte l'isole dell'Arcipelago di Grecia, e poi si stese in Cicilia, e Sardigna, Corsica, ed Elba, e per simile modo tutte le marine e riviere di nostri mari; ed otto galee di Genovesi c'erano ite nel mare Maggiore, morendo la maggiore parte, non ne tornarono che quattro galee piene d'infermi, morendo al continuo; e quelli che giunsono a Genova, tutti quasi morirono, e corruppono sì l'aria dove (p. 487) arivavano, che chiunque si riparava co lloro poco apresso morivano. Ed era una maniera d'infermità, che non giacia l'uomo III dì, aparendo nell'anguinaia o sotto le ditella certi enfiati chiamati gavoccioli, e tali ghianducce, e tali gli chiamavano bozze, e sputando sangue. E al prete che confessava lo 'nfermo, o guardava, spess s'apiccava la detta pistilenza per modo ch'ogni infermo era abbandonato di confessione, sagramento, medicine e guardie. Per la quale sconsolazione il papa fece dicreto, perdonando colpa e pena a' preti che confessassono o dessono sagramento alli infermi, e lli vicitasse e guardasse. E durò questa pestilenzia fina a ... e rimasono disolate di genti molte province e cittadini. E per questa pistilenza, acciò che Iddio la cessasse e guardassene la nostra città di Firenze e d'intorno, si fece solenne processione in mezzo marzo MCCXLVII per tre dì. E tali son fatti i giudici di Dio per pulire i peccati de' viventi.. [19] This pestilence spread into Turkey and Greece, having first circled the Levant—Mesopotamia, Assyria, Chaldea, Syria, Cyprus, Crete, Rhodes, and all the islands of the archipelago of Greece—and then spread to Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and Elba and in like manner to all the shores and coasts of our seas. [When] eight Genoese galleys sailed into the Black Sea, the greater part of their crews died, and only four galleys returned, full of sick men who were dying one after another. Almost all those who reached Genoa died, and so corrupted the air where they landed, that whoever met with them died shortly afterward. This was the manner of the sickness: certain swellings appeared on the groin or below the armpits, swellings which some called gavoccioli and some ghianducce and some bozze, and which oozed blood. A man could not live for more than three days after they appeared. And this pestilence often attached itself to the priests who heard the confessions of the sick, or who looked after the sick, so that the sick were deprived of confession, sacrament, medicine, and watchers. This terrible problem led the pope to issue a decree, pardoning sin and penance to those priests who confessed or gave the sacrament to the sick, and who visited and watched over them. (p. 139) And this pestilence lasted until [. . .] and many provinces and cities were desolated. And in mid-March 1347, a solemn procession was held [every day] for three days, so that the Lord God might end this pestilence and Protect our city of Florence and its surroundings. ‘Thus do the judgments of God cleanse the sins of the living. Let us leave this matter, and speak somewhat of the deeds of the newly elected Emperor Charles of Bohemia. [20]

1347 Severe plague in Kuyavia and after that Jews were being burned all over Germany   Anno Domini 1347 fuit gravis pestilencia et tunc Iudei per totam Almaniam fuerunt cremati, quia dicebantur christianum populum intoxicasse, ut fuit compertum. [21] In the year of our Lord 1347, there was a great plague, and at that time, the Jews throughout Germany were burned because they were accused of poisoning the Christian people, as it was determined. (Translation: Thomas Wozniak)

1347 – 1348
VN: 2,700
Cold weather followed by famine. Then outbreak of the Black Death in parts of Lombardy, especially in rural areas, but also in Varese; plague spares Milan, Novara, Pavia, Cuneo and Vercelli. Source is notorious for confused, imprecise and contradictory chronology[22]   Dixeram supra quod tunc temporis nix erat magna et fuit verum; nam duravit super facie terre usque ad finem raensis martii vel quasi, propter quam campestria tantum fastidium frigoris et undacionis susceperunt quod biada, nive recedente, ut plurimum mortua aparebant. Ex qua multe terre habitatoribus private fuerunt, maxime in montanis partibus; deinde, fame cessante, cepit morbus prosiliens a partibus ul'tramarinis partes inferiores invadere; et primo Bononiam applicuit, videlicet anno MCCCXLIIII, in qua civitate infiniti perierunt, omni defensione et medela destituta. Due partes autem corporum dicebantur periisse. Invasitque pestilencia Januam ubi simili modo perierunt; invasit Parmam in qua multi defecerunt. Servavit Mediolanum, Papiam, Novariam, Cumas, Vercellas, set discurrando occupavit Lombardiam a dicto anno usque annum MCCCXLVII, ubi iterum super districtu Novarie vigebat; nam in dicto districtu Momum vacuavit, Bellanzagum similiter et in Burgomanerio ', ubi conversationem habebam, ubi dicti viri belligeri habitabant, perlerunt dieta clade in tribus mensibus prò completis centenaria xxvii virorum, computatis mulieribus et parvulis, nec in aliìs terris tunc insilivit novariensibus; in comitatu autem Mediolani in partibus Varixii, Anglerie, Gallarate et circumstanciis ut supra, sine numero perierunt. Cessavit itaque dieta pestilentìa moriendi, tamen in aliquibus locis discurrendo. [23] I mentioned above that at that time there was a great snowfall, and it was true; for it lasted on the surface of the earth until the end of March or nearly so. Because of this, the fields suffered so much from the cold and flooding that, when the snow melted, most of the crops appeared dead. As a result, many lands were deprived of their inhabitants, especially in the mountainous regions. Then, as the famine ceased, a disease began to spread from the overseas regions, invading the lower areas. It first struck Bologna in the year 1344 (sic!), where countless people perished, lacking any defense or remedy. It was said that two-thirds of the population died. The pestilence then invaded Genoa, where many similarly perished, and then Parma, where many died as well. Milan, Pavia, Novara, Como, and Vercelli were spared, but the disease spread throughout Lombardy from that year until 1347 (sic!), when it again raged in the district of Novara. In that district, it emptied Momeliano, Bellinzona, and Borgomanero, where I lived, and where the mentioned warriors lived. In three months, 2,700 men perished, including women and children, and the disease did not attack other lands in Novara at that time. However, in the surroundings of Milan, in the regions of Varese, Angera, Gallarate, and the surrounding areas, countless people perished. Thus, the aforementioned pestilence ceased in its deadliness, though it continued to spread in some places (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1347 – 1348 Fire comes out of the earth or falls from heaven in Middle East and beginning of the Black Death at the mouth of the Don and in Trabizond.   Ma infinita mortalità, e che più durò, fu in Turchia, e in quelli paesi d'oltremare, e tra' Tarteri. E avenne tra' detti Tarteri grande giudicio di Dio e maraviglia quasi incredibile, e ffu pure vera e chiara e certa, che tra 'l Turigi e 'l Cattai nel paese di Parca, e oggi di Casano signore di Tartari in India, si cominciò uno fuoco uscito di sotterra, overo che scendesse da cielo, che consumò uomini, e bestie, case, alberi, e lle pietre e lla terra, e vennesi stendendo più di XV giornate atorno con tanto molesto, che chi non si fuggì fu consumato, ogni criatura a abituro, istendendosi al continuo. E gli uomini e femine che scamparono del fuoco, di pistolenza morivano. E alla Tana, e Tribisonda, e per tutti que' paesi non rimase per la detta pestilenza de' cinque l'uno, e molte terre vi s'abbandarono tra per la pestilenzia, e tremuoti grandissimi, e folgori. E per le lettere di nostri cittadini degni di fede ch'erano in que' paesi, ci ebbe come a Sibastia piovvono grandissima quantità di vermini [p. 487] grandi uno sommesso con VIII gambe, tutti neri e conduti, e vivi e morti, che apuzzarono tutta la contrada, e spaventevoli a vedere, e cui pugnevano, atosicavano come veleno. E in Soldania, in una terra chiamata Alidia, non rimasono se non femmine, e quelle per rabbia manicaro l'una l'altra. E più maravigliosa cosa e quasi incredibile contaro avenne in Arcaccia, uomini e femmine e ogni animale vivo diventarono a modo di statue morte a modo di marmorito, e i signori d'intorno al paese pe' detti segni si propuosono di convertire alla fede cristiana; ma sentendo il ponente e paesi di Cristiani tribolati simile di pistolenze, si rimasono nella loro perfidia. E a porto Tarlucco, inn-una terra ch'ha nome Lucco inverminò il mare bene x miglia fra mare, uscendone e andando fra terra fino alla detta terra, per la quale amirazione assai se ne convertirono alla fede di Cristo. [24] But the mortality was much greater and much more severe in Turkey and in Outremer, and among the Tartars. And a great judgment of God occurred among these Tartars, a marvel almost unbelievable but which was true, clear, and certain. Between the Turigi and the Cattai in the land of Parca, presently ruled by Casano, lord of the Tartars in India, a fire began to burn forth from the ground, or indeed to fall from the sky. It consumed men, animals, houses, trees, and (p. 138) the stones, and the earth, spreading a distance of more than fifteen days’ travel all around, with such great harm that those who did not flee were consumed—every creature and every inhabitant—as it ceaselessly spread. The men and women who escaped this fire died of pestilence. At Tana and Trebizond, and in all those lands, not one person out of five survived and many cities were abandoned because of the pestilence and terrible earthquakes and lightning. We learn from letters sent by trustworthy citizens of our city who were in those lands that a very great quantity of little worms rained down on Sibastia. Each was one span in length, colored black with eight legs and a tail. They fell both alive and dead and were terrifying to behold, filling the city with their stench, and those whom they stung were poisoned as with venom. In Soldania, in a city called Alidia, only the females remained and these [worms], driven by rage, ate one another. [The letters] tell of an even more marvelous and almost unbelievable thing that occurred in Arcaccia: men and women and every living animal became like dead statues of marble. Nearby lords saw these signs and considered converting to the Christian faith, but when they heard that the West and the Christian lands were suffering from these same pestilences, they persisted in their wickedness. At Porto Talucco, in a city called Lucco, the sea was filled for ten miles with worms that crawled out of the water and across the land all the way up to the city. Many people were so astonished by this that they converted to the faith of Christ. [25]

1347, January Black Death in Piombino, but only a few deaths in Milan.   Il detto morbo s'atachò a Pionbino, inperochè vi venne cierti Genovesi di quelle maledette galee, e morivi e' 3 quarti de le persone in Pionbino; per tanto si fu per abandonare. Queste maledette galee de' Genovesi venivano e aveano aiutato a' Saraceni e al Turco a pigliare la città di Romania che era de' Cristiani che non féro i Turchi, e per questo si tenea che Dio avea mandato tanta mortalità a i detti Genovesi e a' Cristiani e in Turchia, e morì in Saracina e' tre quarti e così de' Cristiani. A Milano morì poca gente, inperochè morì 3 fameglie, le quali le case loro furo murate l'uscia e le finestre, chè nissuno v'entrasse. [26] The disease came to Piombino, because some Genoese from those cursed galleys came there, and three quarters of the people died in Piombino; therefore it was abandoned. These accursed galleys of the Genoese came and had helped the Saracens and the Turks to take the city of Romania, which belonged to the Christians, rather than the Turks, and for this reason it was believed that God had sent so much mortality to the said Genoese and the Christians and in Turkey, and three quarters died in Saracina and so of the Christians. In Milan few people died, for three families died, and their houses were walled up with doors and windows, so that no one could enter. (Translation: DeepL)

1347, February Famine and afterwards mortality in Avignon (fasting period until Whitsun).   Anno Domini MCCCXLVII in quadragesima et inter pascha et pentecosten circa Avionem propter gwerrarum rabiosam inundacionem circumquaque exortam fames exicialis et prevalida facta est, propter quam innumerabiles populi morte repentina extincti dicebantur. In tantum eciam mortalitas famem horrendam subsecuta seviebat, quod in plateis, vicis et in sterquiliniis prostrati miserabiliter iacuerunt. [27] In the year of our Lord 1347, during Lent and between Easter and Pentecost, near Avignon, due to the violent outbreak of war, a devastating famine arose everywhere, causing countless people to be struck down by sudden death. Such a terrible mortality ensued from the famine that people were said to be dying innumerable deaths. To such an extent did the deadly famine rage, that people miserably lay prostrate in the streets, alleys, and dung heaps. (Translation: DeepL)

1347, May – 1347, September
VN: 10.000
Mortality in Bologna, Brescia, Milan and Florence, 10.000 deaths over several months   Dicto anno fuit magna mortalitas personarum maxime in civitate Bononiae, et [mortui sunt] de maioribus et melioribus personis ipsius civitatis ultra decem milia personarum et duravit dicta mortalitas a mense maii usque ad mensem septembris; et similiter fuit dicta mortalitas in civitate Mediolani, Brixiae et Florentiae. [28] In the same year, there was a great mortality of people, especially in the city of Bologna, and over ten thousand of the most prominent and best citizens of that city died. This mortality lasted from the month of May until the month of September. Similarly, there was said to be a great mortality in the cities of Milan, Brescia, and Florence (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1347, October Arrival of the Black Death in Messina, Sicily on board of Genoese ships.   Caput XXVII. De repentina mortalitate orta in Regno Sicilie & quo tempore duravit, & quid actum eo tempore extitit [...] Accidit ergo quod de mense Octobris anno dominice Incarnationis MCCCXLVII circa principium mensis Octobris prime Indictionis, duodecim galee Januensium divinam fugientes ulcionem, quam Dominus noster pro eorum iniquitatibus desuper eis transmisserat, applicuerunt in portum civitatis Messane, talem secum morbum ossibus infixum deferentes quod si quis cum aliquo ipsorum locutus fuisset , erat infermitate effectus letali, quam mortem nullatenus evadere poterat inmediate. Signa vero mortis Januensium & Messanensium cum eis participantium talia erant. Quod propter infectionem hanelitus inter eos mixti universaliter alloquentes , adeo unus alterum inficiebat , quod quafi totus dolore concussus videbatur, & quodammodo conquassatus; ex cujus doloris conquassatione, & hanelitus inficatione oriebatur quedam pustula circa femur , vel brachium ad modum lenticule : Que ita inficiebat & penetrabat corpus, quod violenter spuebant sanguinem: quo sputo spuendo per triduum, incessanter sine aliqua cura curabili vitam expirabant; & non tantum moriebantur quicumque eis conversabantur, ymmo quicumque de rebus eorum (p. 563) emert, tangeret, seu affectaret. Messanenses vero cognoscentes dictam eorum repentimam mortem eis incurrere, propter Januensium galearum adventum, eos de portu & civitate predicta cum festinantia maxima expulerunt. Remansitque dicta infirmitas in civitate predicta, es qua sequuat extitit immensa mortalitas. Et in tantum unus alium habebat exosum, quuod si filius de morbo predicto infirmabatur, pater sibi adherere penitus recusebat; & si ad eum ausus esset appropinquare, adeo infectus erat morbo predicto, quod mortem nullatenus evadere poterat, quin per triduum suum spiritum non exalaret. Et non tantum solus ipse de domo moriebantur, sed omnes familiares in eadem domo astantes, catuli, & animalia in dicta domo existentia patrem familias mortui sequebantur. Et intantum mortalitas ipsa Messanensibus invaluit, quod petebant multi Sacerdotibus confiteri sua peccata, & testamenta conficere, & Sacerdotes, Judices, & Notarii ad domos eorum accedere recusabant; & si aliqui ipsorum ad eorum hospitia ingrediebantur pro testamentis, & talbius conficiendis, mortem nullatenus repentinam poterant evitare. Fratres vero Ordinis minorum & Predicatorum & aliorum ordinum accedere volentes ad domos infirmorum predictorum, & confitentes eisdem de eorum peccatis, & dantes eis penitentiam juxta velle ... divinam justitiam, adeo letalis mors ipsos infecit, quod fere in eorum cellulis de eis aliqui remanserunt. Quid ultra? Cadavera stabant sola in hospitiis propriis, nullus Sacerdos, filius, sive pater, atque consanguineus ausus erat in eisdem intrare, sed tribuebant bastafiis non modicam pensionem pro cadaveribus in sepultura deferendis predictis. Hospitia defunctorum remanebant aperta, & patentia cum omnibus jocalibus, pecunia, & thesauris; adeo ut si quis ingredi vellet, aditus a nullo proibitus erat. Nam tanta subito pestilentia exorta est, ut ministri quoque primum non sufficerent, deinde non essent. Quapropter Messanenses hunc casum terribilem & monstruosum intuentes, migrare de civitate quam mori potius elegerunt; & non solum in urbem veniendi, sed etiam appropinquandi ad eam negabatur. In aeris & in vineis extra civitatem cum eorum familiis statuerunt mansiones. Aliqui vero & pro majori parte in civitatem Catanie perrexerunt, confitique quod beata Cataniensis Agatha virgo eosdem tali infirmitate liberaret. Inclita Regina Helisabeth Regina Sicilie, existens in civitate Catanie, don Fridericum filium suum, qui in civitate Messane tunc temporis aderat, ad se festinanter jussit venire; qui cum galeis Venetorum Cataniam festinanter . [29] Chapter XXVII: On the sudden mortality that arose in the Kingdom of Sicily, the duration of that time, and what happened during that time

Therefore, it happened that in the month of October in the year of our Lord's Incarnation 1347, around the beginning of October, twelve Genoese galleys, fleeing divine retribution which our Lord had sent upon them for their sins, docked at the port of the city of Messina. They brought with them a disease so deeply embedded in their bones that if anyone spoke with any of them, they were struck with a fatal illness from which they could not escape immediate death. The signs of death among the Genoese and those of Messina who interacted with them were such that, because of the infection from their breath, mingling with them universally, one infected another so that it seemed as if they were entirely shaken by pain, and in a way crushed by it; from this crushing pain and the infection from their breath, there arose pustules around the thigh or arm, like a lentil. These pustules infected and penetrated the body so violently that they coughed up blood; and with this coughing up of blood for three days, constantly without any cure, they expired; and not only did those who interacted with them die, but also anyone who bought, touched, or desired any of their belongings (page 563). The people of Messina, recognizing that this sudden death was befalling them because of the arrival of the Genoese galleys, expelled them from the port and the aforementioned city with the greatest haste. The aforementioned disease remained in the aforementioned city, resulting in immense mortality. To such an extent did one hate another, that if a son fell ill from the aforementioned disease, the father entirely refused to stay near him; and if he dared to approach him, he was so infected by the aforementioned disease that he could not escape death and would expire within three days. And not only did the individual in the house die, but all the family members present in the same house, including pets and animals in the house, followed the head of the dead family. The mortality increased so much among the people of Messina that many asked priests to confess their sins and make their wills, but priests, judges, and notaries refused to go to their houses; and if any of them entered their houses to make wills and other such documents, they could not avoid sudden death. Friars of the Order of Minors and Preachers and members of other orders, wishing to go to the houses of the aforementioned sick people, confessing their sins and giving them penance according to divine justice, were so lethally infected that almost none of them remained in their cells. What more? Corpses lay alone in their homes, no priest, son, father, or relative dared to enter them, but they paid considerable sums to others to bury the bodies. The houses of the deceased remained open and unguarded with all their jewels, money, and treasures; so that if anyone wished to enter, the entrance was prohibited by no one. Such a sudden pestilence arose that at first there were not enough servants, and eventually, there were none. Therefore, the people of Messina, seeing this terrible and monstrous event, chose to migrate from the city rather than die; and not only was it forbidden to come into the city, but also to approach it. They set up camps in the air and vineyards outside the city with their families. Some, and for the most part, went to the city of Catania, believing that blessed Agatha of Catania would free them from such an illness. The noble Queen Elisabetta, Queen of Sicily, residing in the city of Catania, hastily summoned her son Federico, who was then in the city of Messina, to come to her; and he hurried to Catania with Venetian galleys. (Translation: Martin Bauch), but consult also the translation in Horrox 1994, pp. 36-37.


1347, November – 1347, December Genoese galleys spread the Black Death in Genoa and Sicily.   Le galee de' Genovesi tornaro d'oltremare e da la città di Romania a dì ... di november e tornaro con molta infermità e corutione d'aria la quale era oltremare, in perrochè in quel paese d'oltremare morì in questo tenpo grande moltitudine di gente di morbo e pestilentia. Essendo gionte a Gienova le dette galee tenero per la Cicilia e lassorovi grande infermità e mortalità, che l'uno non potea socorare l'altro; e così gionti a Gienova di fatto v'attacoro il detto morbo e per questo tutti quelle navili furono tutti cacciati di Genova. [30] The galleys of the Genoese returned from overseas and from the city of Romania on dì ... of November, and returned with much infirmity and corruption of the air which was overseas, for in that overseas country a great multitude of people died of disease and pestilence at that time. When they reached Gienova, the said galleys sailed to Cicilia, and there they left great infirmity and mortality, so that the one could not support the other; and so when they reached Gienova, they attacked the said disease there, and for this reason all those galleys were expelled from Genoa. (Translation: DeepL)

1347, November – 1348 Arrival of the Black Death in Genoa and spread across Italy; but Parma and Milan remain almost untouched   Nelle parti oltra mora per più sei mesi fu grandissima pestilenza, la quale dalle galee de' Genovesi fu portata in Italia; e furono a Genova ricevute del mese di Novembre le prefate galee, sulle quali, prima che arivassero a Genova, era morta di questa mala influenza la maggior parte di coloro, che vi erano sopra: il rimanente morì quasi subito che furono in Porto e patria loro, questa infermità si allargò nella Citta, & infiniti ne morivano il giorno, & in breve per ogni Città di Lombardia, di Toscana, della Marca, della Puglia, e per ogni terra d'Italia si estese. E fu grandissima due anni continui, per la quale molte Città d'Italia furono distrutte; e sole Parma, e Milano pochissimo ne senterono; ma si sparse oltra monti, in Provenza, in Francia, in Aragona, in Spagna, in Anglia, in Alemagna, in Boemia, in Ungheria. [31] In the parts beyond the sea, for more than six months, there was a great pestilence, which was brought to Italy by the Genoese galleys; and in November, the aforementioned galleys were received in Genoa, on which, before they arrived in Genoa, the majority of those on board had died from this bad influence: the rest died almost immediately upon reaching their port and homeland. This disease spread in the city, and countless people died each day, and soon it extended to every city in Lombardy, Tuscany, the Marches, Apulia, and throughout all of Italy. It was exceedingly severe for two continuous years, during which many cities in Italy were destroyed; only Parma and Milan felt it very little; but it spread beyond the mountains, into Provence, France, Aragon, Spain, England, Germany, Bohemia, and Hungary (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1347, November – 1348 Societal consequences of the Black Death across Italy   anzi tutto il Mondo sì Cristiani, com Infedeli ne furono infetti, e furono da servi, da' Medici, da' Notari, da' Preti, e Frati, abbandonati gl' Infermi, tal che non erano serviti nè curati, nè potevano testare, nè confessi o contriti assoluti morire i miseri Apestati. La cagione di ciò era, che subito che s'apressavano a gl'Infermi, cadevano in cotale disavventurata peste, e morivano per lo più di subito, tanto che molti insepolti restavano, e l'uno, e l'altro abbandonato laiciava, nè conoscevasi che Padre avesse Figluoli, nè Moglie Marito, nè Amico compagno, e quantunque molti ricchi morissero, non erano allora pronti gli heredi a cercare i posessi dell facultadi; anzi senza prezzo era tutta la richezza tenuta; nè più si conosceva gli avari avere l'oro più che la vita caro. Cosa horribile a vedere, che gli huomini abbandonando gli huomini, gli odi, le invidie, le lascive, le facoltà, l'amore terreno, tutti volti in timore d'horrida e spaventevole morte. [32] The whole world, both Christians and infidels, were infected, and the sick were abandoned by servants, doctors, notaries, priests, and friars, so that they were neither served nor cared for, nor could they make a will, nor die confessed or absolved, the miserable plague victims. The reason for this was that as soon as they approached the sick, they fell into such unfortunate pestilence and died almost immediately, so that many remained unburied, and one and the other abandoned each other, and it was not known that a father had children, nor a wife a husband, nor a friend a companion. And although many rich people died, the heirs were not then ready to seek their possessions; rather, all wealth was held without value, and it was no longer known that the avaricious held gold dearer than life. It was horrible to see that humans, abandoning humans, hatreds, envies, lusts, possessions, and earthly love, all turned to fear of a horrible and frightening death (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1347, December 25 – 1348, November 1
VN: 280.000
Great mortality in the south of France, especially in Avignon.   Quo eciam tempore maxima mortalitas viguit in Grecia in Thurchia ac Lompardia Tussia ac in provincia Waschonia et in Francia, quod ville et civitates alique dicebantur incolis destitute. Nam in civitate Avenionensi a festo nativitatis domini [25.12.1347] usque ad festum omnium sanctorum [01.11.1348] cclxxx milia hominum decesserunt, inter quos sex cardinales duces fuerunt transeuntium de hoc mundo ad patrem. [33] During this time, there was also enormous mortality in Greece, Turkey, Lombardy, Tuscany and the province of Vashonia [Gascony] as well as in France, so that houses and cities were named that were without inhabitants. For in the city of Avignon, 280,000 people died from the Feast of the Nativity of the Lord [25 December 1347] to the Feast of All Saints [1 November 1348], including six cardinals who passed from this world to the Father. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)(Translation: DeepL)

1348, March 12
VN: 200.000
The Black Death arrives in Europe, with a detailed description of symptoms and precise numbers for Avignon, but also Venice, Marseille, Italy, Provence, Hungary, France, Germany and Scotland are mentioned   Anno Domini MCCCXLVII. pestilencia et mors universalis humani generis tanta invaluit, qualis umquam audita vel scripta reperitur. Nam primo in partibus ultramarinis inter paganos incepit, et tam gravis, ut dicebatur, quod ad ducenta milia ville, civitates absque hominibus remanerent; demum serpentino modo gradiebatur ex ista parte maris. Nam Veneciis, in tota Ytalia et Provincia, (p. 76), maxime in civitatibus iuxta mare sitis homines sine numero moriebantur; et Avinione, ubi tunc erat curia Romana, primis diebus proximis tribus post dominicam medie quadragesime mille et quadringenti computati homines sepulti fuerunt. Imo dicebatur, quod in civitate Marsyliensi ex hac pestilencia tot homines moriebantur, quod locus quasi inhabitabilis remansit. Postea transivit ad Alpes, ad Ungariam, per totam Alamaniam, per Franciam, in qua vix tercia pars hominum viva remansit, item per Scociam. Et semper in una provincia per unum annum vel circa duravit, transiens ultra; et sic paucis regnis exceptis quasi omnia mundi regna quassavit. Et ceciderunt homines ex ulceribus seu glandinibus exortis sub assellis vel iuxta genitalia - et pro maiori parte iuvenes moriebantur - vel per excrecionem materie sanguinee, et hic dolor in sex vel octo diebus homines suffocavit. Hec loca apud medicos emunctoria nuncupantur, quia superfluitas vel sudor subtilis hiis locis faciliter emittitur per naturam. Duravit autem hec pestilencia per quinque vel sex annos vel circa. [34] In the year of our Lord 1347, a universal pestilence and mortality of mankind surged with such intensity as has ever been heard or recorded. For it first began in distant lands among the pagans, and was so severe, it was said, that up to two hundred thousand villages and cities were left without inhabitants. Eventually, it advanced in a serpentine manner from that side of the sea. Indeed, in Venice, throughout Italy and Provence, especially in cities near the sea, people were dying in countless numbers; and in Avignon, where the Roman court was then located, within the first three days after mid-Lent Sunday, fourteen hundred people were buried. Moreover, it was said that in the city of Marseilles, so many people died from this pestilence that the place remained almost uninhabitable. Afterwards, it crossed the Alps, reached Hungary, passed through all of Germany, through France, where scarcely a third of the people remained alive, as well as through Scotland. And it always lasted in one province for about a year or so, before moving on; and thus, except for a few kingdoms, it shook almost all the kingdoms of the world. And people fell victim to ulcers or swellings that appeared under their armpits or near their genitals - and mostly young people were dying - or through the excretion of bloody matter, and this pain suffocated people within six or eight days. These areas are called snuffers or scissors (?) by physicians because excess or subtle sweat is easily emitted from these places by nature. However, this pestilence lasted for about five or six years. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

References

  1. Raphaynus de Caresinis: Chronica AA. 1343-1388 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1992 , p. 5
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  3. Anonymus: Cronaca B (-1350). In: Corpus Chronicorum Bonoiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). Città di Castello 1938c , pp. 563-564
  4. Anonymus: Diario di cose seguite in Bologna (1345-1380). Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna 1345-1380, ISBN (Signatur)BU 433 , p. 5v–6r
  5. Anonymus: Cronaca A [-1350]. In: Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). 1938 , p. 565
  6. Anonymus: Cronaca A [-1350]. In: Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium. Testo delle Croniche (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 2). 1938 , p. 567
  7. Friano Ubaldini: Cronica. Volume I (-1378). Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna , pp. 430/I , p. 278r
  8. Friano Ubaldini: Cronica. Volume I (-1378). Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna , pp. 430/I , p. 279r.
  9. Lodovico Ostesani: Cronica, o sia Memoriale delle cose di Bologna dall' Anno 1359 al 1424. Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna 1359–1424, ISBN (Signatur)BU 1843, pp. 5–98 , p. 52
  10. Niccolò da Ferrara: Polyhistoria fratris Bartholomaei Ferrarienses (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milan 1738 , p. 806.
  11. Matteo Villani: Cronica.Con la continuazione di Filippo Villani (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Parma 1995 , vol. 1, pp. 14–15.
  12. Dinānah, Taha: Die Schrift von Abī Ǧaʿfar Aḥmed ibn ʿAlī ibn Moḥammed ibn ʿAlī ibn Ḫātimah aus Almeriah über die Pest. (= Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin). 1927, pp. 27-81 , pp. 41-42
  13. Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 3, pp. 485–486.
  14. Giovanni Villani: The final book of Giovanni Villani's New chronicle (= Research in Medieval and Early Modern Culture). Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo 2016, ISBN 9781580442268 , pp. 137.
  15. Skálholtsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 213
  16. Annálarbrot frá Skálholti. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 223
  17. Lögmannsannáll. In: Gustav Storm: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Kristiania, 1888, p. 274-75
  18. Patrizio: Cronica Patricii Ravennatis. In: Forlì e i suoi vescovi. Appunti e documentazione per una storia della chiesa di Forlì (= Studia Ravennatensia). Forlì 1985, pp. 1143–1175 , p. 1172
  19. Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 3, pp. 487–488
  20. Giovanni Villani: The final book of Giovanni Villani's New chronicle (= Research in Medieval and Early Modern Culture). Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo 2016, ISBN 9781580442268 , pp. 138-139.
  21. Anonymus: Annales Cuiavienses. In: Monumenta Poloniae historica = Pomniki dziejowe Polski. 5, Lwów 1888, pp. 885–889 , p. 889
  22. https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/pietro-azario_(Dizionario-Biografico), that is why we corrected the dating of famine and plague approximately to 1347-48/
  23. Pietro Azario: Liber gestorum in Lombardia. (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1926-39 , p. 53.
  24. Giovanni Villani: Nuova Cronica (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Fondazione Pietro Bembo, Parma 1990 , vol. 3, pp. 486–487
  25. Giovanni Villani: The final book of Giovanni Villani's New chronicle (= Research in Medieval and Early Modern Culture). Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo 2016, ISBN 9781580442268 , pp. 137-138.
  26. Agnolo di Tura del Grasso: Cronache senese attribuita ad Agnolo di Tura del Grasso detta la Cronica Maggiore. In: Cronache senesi (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, pp. 253–564 , p. 553.
  27. Johannes von Winterthur: Chronik / Johannes von Winterthur. In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (= MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Nova series). Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, Berlin 1924 , p. 270.
  28. Giovanni da Bazzano: Chronicon Mutinense [AA. 1188-1363] (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Bologna 1917 , p. 135
  29. Michele da Piazza: Historia Sicula ab anno MCCCXXXVII ad annum MCCCLXI. (= Bibliotheca Scriptorum Qui Res In Sicilia Gestas Sub Aragonum Imperio Retulere). Ex Regio Typographeo, Palermo 1791, pp. 511-780 , pp. 562-563
  30. Agnolo di Tura del Grasso: Cronache senese attribuita ad Agnolo di Tura del Grasso detta la Cronica Maggiore. In: Cronache senesi (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²). 1). Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, pp. 253–564 , p. 553.
  31. Giovanni di Cornazano: Chronica extracta et abbreviata (Istoria di Parma) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milano 1728, pp. 729-754 , col. 746
  32. Giovanni di Cornazano: Chronica extracta et abbreviata (Istoria di Parma) (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores). Milano 1728, pp. 729-754 , col. 746
  33. Heinricus de Diessenhofen: Heinricus de Diessenhofen und andere Geschichtsquellen Deutschlands im späteren Mittelalter (= Fontes rerum Germanicarum – Geschichtsquellen Deutschlands). Stuttgart 1868, pp. 16–126 , p. 65.
  34. Heinrich Taube von Selbach: Chronica imperatorum et paparum. In: Die Chronik Heinrichs Taube von Selbach mit den von ihm verfassten Biographien Eichstätter Bischöfe (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores rerum Germanicarum N.S.,). Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, Berlin 1922, pp. 1-120 , pp. 75-76.
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