1346

From EpiMedDat
Jump to navigation Jump to search

In 1346, a total of 12 epidemic events are known so far.

Locations and Spreading

  Date Summary  
Source
Translation
 T
1345 – 1348 Origin of the Black Death and ravages in Venice   Anno Domini 1345, jnguiaria pestis, incipiens in partibus Tartarorum, et se, peccatis exigentibus, ad universum orbem contagiose extendens, adeo terribiliter desaevivit, quod penitus nulli loco perpercit; et si quando alicubi cessare videretur, transactis duobus, vel tribus annis, ad locum reverberatur eundem. [1] In the year of our Lord 1345, the pestilence, beginning in the regions of the Tartars, and spreading contagiously throughout the whole world, raged so terribly, driven by the demands of sin, that it spared no place entirely; and if it seemed to subside anywhere, after two or three years, it returned to the same place. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5)

1346 Great epidemic and war in Saxony.   1346 [...] Isto anno fuit pestilencia magna et werra. [2] 1346 [...] In this year there was an epidemic and war. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1346 Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: In the Orient happened an unexplained plague, depopultating many regions. During the siege of Feodosia (Caffa) by the Tartars, their army was afflicted by the disease. The plague, which initially struck the Tartars, spread than also inside the city, because they ordered the plague-stricken corpses to be thrown over the walls of Caffa. The situation deteriorated, and people were expecting the impending judgement Day.   Anno domini MCCCXLVI. in partibus orientis, InfinitaTartarorum et Saracenorum genera, morbo inexplicabili, et morte subita corruerunt. Ipsarumque parcium latissime regiones, Infinite prouincie, regna magnifica, vrbes, Castra, et loca, plena hominurn multitudine copiosa, morbo pressa, et horrende rnortis morsibus, propriis Acollis denudata paruo tempore deffecerunt. Nan (!) locus dictus Thanna, in partibus orientis, uersus Acquilonem Constantinopolitana contrada (I) sub Tartarorum dominio constituta, ubi merchatores ytalici confluebant, cum propter quosdam excessus, superuenientibus Tartaris infinitis, modico temporis Interuollo (!) obsessa, et hostiliter debellata, deserta penitus remaneret. Accidit ut uiolenter christianj merchatores expulsi, Intra menia Terre Caffensis, quam ab olim illa Regione Januenses extruxerant, fugientes christiani sese pro suarum tutione personarum et rerum, Tartarorum formidantes potenciam, Armato Nauigio receptarent. Ha deus. Ecce subito, gentes Tartarorum profane, vndique confluentes, Caffensem urbem circurndantes, incluxos christicolas obsederunt, fere Triennio perdurantes.

lbique hostium exercitu Infinito uallati, vix poterant respirare, licet Nauigio Alimenta ferrente illud talle subsidium intrinsecis spem modicam exhyberet. Et ecce Morbo Tartaros inuadente totus exercitus perturbatus longuebat et cottidie Infinita millia sunt extincta videbatur eis, sagittas euolare de celo , tangere et opprimere superbiam Tartarorum. qui statim signati corporibus In iuncturis , humore coagulato in Inguinibus, febre putrida subsequente, expirabant, omni conscilio et auxilio medicorum cessante. Quod Tartari, ex tanta clade et morbo pestifero fatigati, sic defficientes attoniti et vndique stupefacti, sine spe salutis mori conspicientes, cadavera, machinis eorum superposita, Intra Caffensem vrbem precipitari Jubebant, ut ipsorum fectore(!) intollerabili, omnino defficerent. Sic sic proiecta videbantur Cacurnina mortuorum, nec christiani latere, nec fugere, nec a tali precipicio liberari valebant, licet deffunctos, quos poterant marinis traderent fluctibus inmergendos. Moxque toto aere inffecto, et aqua uenenata, corrupta putredine, tantusque fetor Increbuit ut vix ex Millibus vnus, relicto exercitu fingere conaretur qui eciam uenenatus alijs ubique uenena preparans, solo aspectu, loca et homines, morbo Inffieret uniuersos. Nec aliquis sciebat, uel poterat viam lnuenire satutis. Sic undique Orientalibus, et meridiana plaga, et qui in Aquilone degebant, sagita percussis Asperima, que coporibus crepidinem Inducebat, morbo pressis pestiffero, fere onmes, defficiebant, et morte subita corruebant. Quanta, qualisque fuerit mortalitas generalis, Cathaijnj, lndi, Perses, Medi , Cardenses, Armeni, Tarsenses, Georgianj, Mesopotami, Nubiani, Ethijopes, Turchumani, Egiptij, Arabici, Saraceni, Greci et fere toto oriente corrupto, clamoribus, flectibus(!) et singultibus occupati, a supra dicto Millesimo usque ad Millesimo, CCCXLVIIII in amaritudine commorantes, extremum deij Judicium suspicantur.
[3]
In the year of Our Lord 1346, in the eastern regions, innumerable races of Tartars and Saracens perished due to an inexplicable plague and sudden death. Vast regions of these parts, countless provinces, magnificent kingdoms, cities, castles, and places filled with a dense population, were struck by the plague and succumbed to the horrific bites of death, being emptied of their inhabitants in a short time. For instance, a place called Thanna, in the eastern parts, towards the north near the territory of Constantinople under Tartar rule, where Italian merchants used to gather, was besieged and attacked by countless Tartars over a short period, and left completely desolate after an onslaught. It happened that the Christian merchants, violently expelled, fled to the fortified city of Caffa, which had been constructed long ago in that region by the Genoese, seeking protection for their lives and belongings. The Tartars, fearing the power of their enemy, surrounded the city and laid siege for nearly three years. Besieged by the massive Tartar army, the inhabitants barely managed to survive, despite some help brought by ships carrying supplies, which offered them only slight hope. Suddenly, the Tartars themselves were struck by disease, and their entire army began to weaken and was daily afflicted, with countless numbers dying. It seemed as if arrows were falling from the sky to strike and humble the pride of the Tartars. The infected showed signs in their joints and groins, with a thickened fluid, followed by a putrid fever, causing them to die despite all medical advice or aid. Exhausted by this disastrous plague, the Tartars, seeing no hope of recovery and stunned by the devastation, ordered the bodies of their dead to be catapulted into the city of Caffa to spread the intolerable stench and weaken the inhabitants. Thus, the Christians could neither hide nor escape nor free themselves from this danger, even though they threw the corpses they could into the sea to be carried away by the waves. The air was soon contaminated, the water poisoned, and the corruption spread so intensely that scarcely one in a thousand survived to flee, those who did often carrying the infection, spreading it wherever they went and infecting people and places simply by their presence. No one knew or could find a way to salvation. Thus, in the eastern regions, the southern lands, and the northern inhabitants, struck by the harshest arrows of disease that ate into the body, almost everyone succumbed and fell to sudden death. The scale and nature of the widespread mortality were such that the Cathayans, Indians, Persians, Medes, Kardians, Armenians, Tarsians, Georgians, Mesopotamians, Nubians, Ethiopians, Turcomans, Egyptians, Arabs, Saracens, Greeks, and nearly the entire East, overcome by cries, weeping, and sobs, suspected the final judgment, remaining in bitterness from the said year 1346 until 1349. (Translation: Martin Bauch)

1346
VN: 4.000
Epidemic in Bologna   Fu gran peste in Bologna, e morirno più di 4000 persone, fra quali morì Ms. Jacomo Bottivigari, Dottore di legge, Ms. Mraion da S. Marino Cavaliere, Salvadio Delfino, Bibozo Sava Medico. [4] There was a great plague in Bologna, and more than 4,000 people died, including Ms. Jacomo Bottivigari, Doctor of Law, Ms. Mraion da S. Marino Cavaliere, Salvadio Delfino, Bibozo Sava Medico. (Translation: DeepL)

1346 – 1350 The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested.   Della inaudita mortalità.
Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8)

Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese.
Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo.
Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio.
Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13)

Di detta matera.
Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro.
[5]
Of the outrageous mortality
It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...]


How long the plague lasted in each country
As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God.
In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others.

About this subject
The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died. (Translation: ChatGPT-3.5); (Translation: DeepL)


1346 The first attack of the Black Death in the East, in Muslim countries and among the Tatars (Golden Horde), as well as other peoples living in these areas   Toгo жe лѣтa [6854] кaзнь быcть oт бoгa нa люди пoдo вocтoчнyю cтpaнoю, нa гopoд Opнaчь и нa Capaи и нa Xaзьтopoкaнь и нa Бeздeж и нa прочи грады въ cтpaнax ихъ, быcть моръ силенъ на Бecepмeны и нa Taтapoвe и нa Opъмeны и нa Oбeзы и нa Жиды и нa Фpязы и нa Чepкacы и нa вcѣx тaмo живущих, яко не бѣ кому их погребати. Яко же казни богъ египтяны, тако и сих казни. [6] In the same year (1346) the punishment from God was [sent] on the people of the eastern part, on Old Urgench[7] and Khaztorokan[8], and on Sarai[9], and on Bezdezh[10], and on other cities in their parts. There was a strong plague among the Muslims, and the Tartars, and the Armenians, and the Jews, and the Franks/ Latins, and the Abkhazians/Georgians, and among all those living there, so that there was no one to bury them. For as God punished the Egyptians, so also He punished tchem. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)[11].

1346 The first attack of the Black Death in the East, in Muslim countries and among the Tatars (Golden Horde), as well as other peoples living in these areas.   Toгo жe лѣтa [6854] кaзнь быcть oт Бoгa нa люди пoдъ вocтoчнyю cтpaнoю въ opдѣ и въ Opнaчи, и въ Capaи и въ Бeздeжѣ, и въ прочиxъ градѣxъ и cтpaнaxъ быcть моръ вeликъ на люди, на Бecepмeны и нa Taтapы, и нa Apмeны, и нa Oбeзы, и нa Жиды, и нa Фpязы, и нa Чepкacы, и нa прочaя чeлoвѣкы, тaмo живущaя въ ниxъ. Toль жe силенъ быcть моръ въ ниxъ, яко не бѣ мощно живымъ мepтвыxъ погрѣбати. [12] In the same year (1346)[13] the punishment from God was [sent] on the people of the eastern part, in the Horde, on Old Urgench[14], and on Sarai[15], and on Bezdezh[16], and and in other towns and districts the plague was great among the people. There was a strong plague among the Muslims, and among the Tartars, and among the Armenians, and among the Abkhazians/Georgians, and among the Jews, and among the Franks/Latins, and among the Circassians, and among other people living there. The plague was so strong that it was impossible for the living to bury the dead. (Translation: Dariusz Dabrowski)[17].

1346 Epidemic among the people of the East/Asia (Tatars, Armenians etc.).   [6854] Того же лѣта казнь бысть отъ Бога на люди подъ восточною страною на городъ Орначь, и на Хазторокань, и на Сарай, и на Бездежъ и на прочiи грады во странахъ ихъ; бысть моръ силенъ на Бесермены, и на Татары, и на Ормены, и на Обезы, и на Жиды, и на Фрязы, и на Черкасы, и на всѣхъ тамо живущихъ, яко не бѣ кому ихъ погребати; яко же преже казни Богъ Египтяны; тако и сихъказни. [18] In that year (1346) God sent an torment among the people of the East, On cities: Urgench[19], and on Sarai[20], and on Bezdezh[21], and That year God sent a punishment on the people of the east and on other cities and their lands[22] The epidemic was among Muslims[23], and the Tartars, and the Armenians, and the Georgians, and the Jews, and among the Franks[24], and the Circassians, and among the other people living there. And there was no one to bury them. As God had punished the Egyptians before, so He punished these too. (Translation: Adrian Jusupovic)

1346, April – 1347, April
VN: 1.000
In 747 H (April 24, 1346 to April 12, 1347), the Black Death spread in the Horde (bilād Uzbak), where many people died in villages as well as towns. Plague then arrived in Crimea where the maximum daily death toll amounted to ca. 1,000, as the author, Ibn al-Wardī, was told by a trustworthy merchant. Afterwards, plague spread to Asia Minor (Rūm) where it killed many people. An Aleppine merchant who had returned from Crimea reported to Ibn al-Wardī that the judge (qāḍī) of Crimea had said that they had counted the deceased and that the number had amounted to 85,000 known plague deaths. The plague reached Cyprus, too, and the death toll was enormously high there as well.   ' [25] (Translation needed)

References

  1. Raphaynus de Caresinis: Chronica AA. 1343-1388 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS²)). Zanichelli, Bologna 1992 , p. 5
  2. Anonymus: Annales Vetero-Cellenses. (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores (MGH SS)). Hahn, Hannover 1859, pp. 41-47 , p. 45
  3. Gabrielle de Mussi: Historia de Morbo. In: Document zur Geschichte des Schwarzen Todes (= Archiv für die gesammte Medicin). 1842, pp. 45–57 , pp. 48–49
  4. Anonymus: Diario estratto dallo studio dell’ Alidosio. Biblioteca Universitaria, pp. BU 621 , pp. 47r
  5. Matteo Villani: Cronica.Con la continuazione di Filippo Villani (= Biblioteca di scrittori italiani). Parma 1995 , Vol. 1, pp. 5-14.
  6. Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, т. XXV, Mocвa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 175.
  7. Konye-Urgench=Urganj=Old Urgench, a city in modern Turkmenistan.
  8. Xaзьтopoкaнь (Khajtarkhan) - Хаджитархан, a city in the Golden Horde, located in the Volga Delta.
  9. Capaи – the capital of the Golden Horde.
  10. Бeздeж - Бельджамен (Beljamen), a trading center in the Volga region of the Golden Horde
  11. The locations of all towns appearing in this text are given below: Вaдим Л. Егоров, Историческая география Золотой Орды в XIII—XIV вв., Mocвкa: Hayкa, 1985.
  12. Симеоновская летопись, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XVIII, Mocквa: Знак, 2007, p. 95.
  13. The presented message is very similar to that recorded in: Московский лeтoпиcный свод конца XV века, in: Полное Cобрание Pусских Летописей, vol. XXV, Mocквa: Языки Cлaвянcкoй Kyльтypы, 2004, p. 175.
  14. Konye-Urgench=Urganj=Old Urgench, a city in modern Turkmenistan.
  15. Capaи – the capital of the Golden Horde.
  16. Бeздeж - Бельджамен (Beljamen), a trading center in the Volga region of the Golden Horde.
  17. The locations of all towns appearing in this text are given below: Вaдим Л. Егоров, Историческая география Золотой Орды в XIII—XIV вв., Mocвкa: Hayкa, 1985.
  18. Letopis’ po Voskresenskomu spisku in Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopiseĭ, vol. 7, Moscow 2001: Iazyk Russkoĭ Kul’tury, p. 210.
  19. Urgench, a city in modern Uzbekistan
  20. The capital of the Golden Horde.
  21. Trading centre in the Volga region of the Golden Horde
  22. Ambiguous wording used in the original text: странахъ. The word can mean either a land, a district or simply a nation (in the sense of ethnos).
  23. In the original text the following words were used Бесермены (besermeny). Put simply, they were Muslim merchants.
  24. Ambiguous wording used in the original text: Фрязы. The word can mean either Franks, Latins or even Italians. Cf. M. Fasmer, Etimologicheskiĭ Slovar’ Russkogo Iazyka, vol. 4, Moscow 1973: Progres, p. 208.
  25. Ibn al-Wardī, Zayn al-Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b. al-Muẓaffar: Tatimmat al-Mukhtaṣar fī akhbār al-bashar. 2 vols.. Beirut , vol. 2, p. 489
  Change the template Change the category 14th Century MapTimeline  

1300 1301 1302 1303 1304 1305 1306 1307 1308 1309 1310 1311 1312 1313 1314 1315 1316 1317 1318 1319 1320 1321 1322 1323 1324 1325 1326 1327 1328 1329 1330 1331 1332 1333 1334 1335 1336 1337 1338 1339 1340 1341 1342 1343 1344 1345 1346 1347 1348 1349 1350 1351 1352 1353 1354 1355 1356 1357 1358 1359 1360 1361 1362 1363 1364 1365 1366 1367 1368 1369 1370 1371 1372 1373 1374 1375 1376 1377 1378 1379 1380 1381 1382 1383 1384 1385 1386 1387 1388 1389 1390 1391 1392 1393 1394 1395 1396 1397 1398 1399

 Icon CiteThisPage 64.png   Suggested citation
  "1346", in: EpiMedDat, ed. Martin Bauch, Thomas Wozniak et al., URL: http://epimeddat.net/index.php?title=1346. Last Change: 17.10.2023, Version: 17.02.2025.   All contents of EpiMedDat are licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
This is an EpiMedDat page, and outside EpiMedDat it is a mirrored or cloned page or similar. Please note that the page may then be outdated (17.02.2025) and no longer relate to the content. The original page is or was located at http://epimeddat.net/wiki/1346

Change the Template